Architecture as a social tool

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DECLARATION I hereby declare that this written submission entitled: “ARCHITECTURE AS A SOCIAL TOOL ” represents my ideas in my own words and has not been taken from the work of others (as from books, articles, essays, dissertations, other media and online); and where others’ ideas or words have been included, I have adequately cited and referenced the original sources. Direct quotations from books, journal articles, internet sources, other texts, or any other source whatsoever are acknowledged and the source cited are identified in the dissertation references. No material other than that cited and listed has been used. I have read and know the meaning of plagiarism* and I understand that plagiarism, collusion, and copying are grave and serious offences in the university and accept the consequences should I engage in plagiarism, collusion or copying. I also declare that I have adhered to all principles of academic honesty and integrity and have not misrepresented or fabricated or falsified any idea/data/fact source in my submission. This work, or any part of it, has not been previously submitted by me or any other person for assessment on this or any other course of study.

Signature of the Student: Name of the Student: Kartik Rajesh Uchil Exam Roll No: Date: 29-11-2016

Place: Academy of architecture, Mumbai

*The following defines plagiarism: “Plagiarism” occurs when a student misrepresents, as his/her own work, the work, written or otherwise, of any other person (including another student) or of any institution. Examples of forms of plagiarism include: • the verbatim (word for word) copying of another’s work without appropriate and correctly presented acknowledgement; • the close paraphrasing of another’s work by simply changing a few words or altering the order of presentation, without appropriate and correctly presented acknowledgement; • unacknowledged quotation of phrases from another’s work; • the deliberate and detailed presentation of another’s concept as one’s own. • “Another’s work” covers all material, including, for example, written work, diagrams, designs, charts, photographs, musical compositions and pictures, from all sources, including, for example, journals, books, dissertations and essays and online resources.














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Glossary Regeneration. n.: 1. The act or process of regenerating or the state of being regenerated. 2. Spiritual or moral revival or rebirth. Recreational. ad.: Relating to or denoting activity done for enjoyment when one is not working. Global nomad. n.: Is a term applied to people who are living a mobile and international lifestyle. Global nomads aim to live location-independently, seeking detachment from particular geographical locations and the idea of territorial belonging. Engagement. n.: an arrangement to meet or be present at a specified time and place. Engaged, Engaging. v.: to occupy the attention or efforts of (a person or persons) Youth. n.: A period of transition from the dependence of childhood to adulthood’s independence and awareness of our interdependence as members of a community. Youth is a more fluid category than a fixed age-group. The UN, for statistical consistency across regions, defines ‘youth’, as those persons between the ages of 15 and 24 years. Social. ad.: Relating to activities in which you meet and spend time with other people and that happen during the time when you are not working.

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How travelling has changed me Learning to accept differences: In Japan, I learnt not to judge people of eating meats that I don t’. We were a group of two international students on a 14 -day backpacking trip. I t was summer, a Japanese summer, which often means non-stop rain and gloomy weather in the coastal city of Takyama. On this trip, I learnt a few things: why people in the west crave the sun (after seven days of constant rain), and that there is another ver sion of the famous dish, fondue. In this version if you dip different meats into boiling water, broth or even hot oil (instead of cheese) and then, once its cooked you eat the pieces with a dipping sauce. It’s a community dish; four people share one large soup bowl.

There were people from Holland, China, United Kingdom, Greece, Italy and of course, India and Japan. The meats were pierced on to the ends of the long skewers and everyone dipped theirs into the bowl and ate and chatted merrily. Horsemeat was one of the meats on offer, its quite common in Japan.In Japanese cuisine, raw horse meat is called sakura. Sakura means cherry blossom, niku means meat) because of its pink color. It can be served raw as sashimi in thin slices dipped in soy sauce, often with ginger and onions added. I like to be a little adventurous on my travels, so I went ahead and tried a piece of it, but my Chinese colleague refused. “You don’t eat horsemeat? ” The Dutch man asked. He looked surprised as he added: “It’s quite delicious” “I love horses”, the Chinese guy replied, “I have a pet horse, I can’t eat one!” “I don’t understand you western people ”, the Chinese said as an afterthought. “You judge us for eating dogs, because they are cute pets, but you are eating my cute pet without a problem.”

Every laughed, but a little awkwardly, now that they were made aware of their double standards. I was stunned by the simplicity with which the Chinese man underlined the truth. This was summer 2015, and I have a crisp memory of the scene. Fr om that day on, I have always tried and understood unfamiliar behavior of others and if I don t, ’I still accept it as different, rather than being quick to judge and criticize. With one sentence, my Chinese friend had made me a better person.

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It is true that traveling is the best form of education you can get. In Italy, I fell in love with the language and aim to start learning it. Looking at other people how they live, eat, dress and behave can also make you introspect and think about how you can live better, how you can spend your time on this amazing little planet more effectively. Right from the beginning of my research for this paper, I decided to make some time to leave my home-city in pursuit of new experiences and people at least once every month till the final date of submission. The figure above, is my journey, which starts off during my professional practice training in Bangalore.

During the course of this study, I visited 45 different cities, each with a unique character and culture of its own. I most definitely consider this as one of the most enriching periods of my life, as the pepole I met on course taught me plentiful.

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Figure 1: Personal travel-loops in the past 12 months

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The piece below is an extract from my North - east India backpacking diary.

Day 15: An Assamese joy-ride I believe the best way to explore life in a new environment is to live like the people there. The true essence of a city is felt when you eat like them, live under a roof like theirs and most importantly, commute like the majority of the public in the village, town or a city. There’s plenty to learn from the socio - economic status that exists. The way people communicate, the way they hustle, the transactions, the mid j-ourney snacks, the patience, the humility or the hostility, the journey, the roads, the comparative observable progress in the surroundings, the conversations, the weather, the sense of cleanliness, the coarseness of road rage lingo, there’s plenty to observe and gain by the ethics of public transport. I’ve had a great deal of moving around the past half-month. From cattle-ferries, to sticky share cabs to grinding bus trips. We’ ve done it all. It’s spectacular how the character of the place transcends onto the mode of commuting, after all we ’re nomads aren’t we? My last day in Guwahati was the culmination of this enthralling journey. What started off with an overpriced private car on Day 1, ended with an overwhelmingly drastic drop in my expenditure on my travelling. Starting off on a share cab to the kamakhya temple, I -re realized that public transport in India makes you pay in Time if you can’ t afford a pricier, faster, lonelier alternative. Although that’s certainly a negative trait, as an optimistic traveler, it’s quite truly a luxury. The time you spend wading through the tissues of the city from the outskirts to the core is when you really observe and absorb. The markets and the streets put up a cacophonous show which is indeed a treat for the voracious and hungry senses of the traveler. Hanging out of a bus humoursly way past its safe and allowable capacity with the breeze hitting your face on one side and the armpit of a co traveler on the other, isn’t an unmissable experience but one you could check off you nope-list. A bucket list of nopes. Getting off the wheels in search of solace for my grumbling tummy, I walked my way towards the edge between the Brahmaputra and the traffic. On foot, the journey slows

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down tenfold. A slow motion panoramic version of what you could observe sticking your head out of one side of the bus. Walking is really when you breath the city in. Take in all the twisted walk paths that will cramp your muscles later, breathe in a flavor ful tea essence from a nearby vendor and then proceed to be attacked by a pungent whisk of paan and an open sewage. Oh, what a delight! Hopping onto the ‘cruise ship’ which could easily have been called a slightly oversized boat, turned out to be a serene blend of the beautifully sunlit landscape which dimmed as the sun sunk into the horizon, and the joyous weekday party crowd on board jiving to a few Hindi classics and subsequently trashy electronic noise after a few sips of some partyliquids. While I spent the whole wonder-hour thinking how perfectly round the golden glow of our star is. No matter which place I’ve been traveling to in my adult life, Google maps comes second to asking around for directions. A quick inquiry and I was squished up in an evening land ferry again. The conductor constantly yelled out the name of the destination at 5 minute bus stop intervals to attract more cattle into the already overflowing bus. You look around and there’s a story in every character you see amongst you. Be it t he ghastly wound you can’t avoid noticing on a young man ’s arm, or the swanky white Punjabi sporting a freshly inked neck. The poor old lady with a casted arm and solemn expression, or the moderately attractive air hostess you found amongst the tired mass. It’s a pot-pouri of stories! I had to switch back to a smaller mode of commute from the last bus stop to get to my bed. I struck a conversation with a co - traveler and this time it was purely actions and laughter and no language as I helped him accommodate a box of mangoes between my legs. Talk about convenience? He later proceeded to sleep peacefully on my arm only to be woken up by the sound of our driver being smacked across the face by the policeman when he broke a law which I couldn’t completely comprehend. Humorous as it was, I managed to hold back the giggle. A rather adventurous day in a cityscape which intimidated me at first, but taught me plentiful.

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12 Author’s own image


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The aim of the thesis Once upon a time, there was... A country born with the gift of writing An author that wanted to tell a story A book that wanted to be read A tourist that did not speak Portuguese And a bookshop that did not know how to remain in the same place. All of them joined together and wrote a new story.

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SILENCE AND MOVEMENT

The world is filled with noise, make room for some silence. We frighten ourselves to wake f rom a peaceful slumber with jarring alarm tones. We force ourselves to survive amongst individuals ready to stamp their way through in a cruel monetary society. We live in fear of the future. Muscles around your eyes tense up at the thought of tasks that burden you. Tasks those aren’t your own.

The first spout of ice cold-water bulleting your face and calmly rolling down is the first and only spiritually uplifting deed you ’ve experienced all day. A moment when time stands still and you breathe. When you’ re the only one alive. Your soul’s existence and you in a perplexingly large universe. A moment you know where you fit in the massive scale of things. Massive is your mind. Massive is y‘ ou’. YOU are the largest creation of your mind. You feel enlightened. For two seconds.

Your phone buzzes. The teakettle screams. Your world collapses in the weight of itself. It capsizes with the loudest thud. You’re back to the symphony of the most evil construct of your head. Your routine. You run.

We’re all running looking for solace. But the army of millions who have craft fully suppressed nature out of civilization to create a ruckus - of man made madness overpowers your aura, your sense of connecting to something larger than your being. You have no where to hide in this gigantic puzzle created by the pawns of routine. Life is speeding up. You’re running and you’ve left your soul miles behind while a chaotic harmony of sounds spin on fast forward on your iPod. “Jump out now!” you scream to yourself. But you ’ re locked in! You’re panting! You’ re scared. Your hear races. It's afraid. It’s running on limited time. “ Get me out!” your warcry to trace back your soul.

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The world pauses. You pause to think. You ’ re now amongst the mountains. A land untouched since its creation. A place devoid of any consciousness. Silence echoes and rings in you like a chime. You hear your footsteps, every sound pressing against the mud and reverberating through your body. A gentle hum of the insects tickles your ear. You feel a chill down your spi ne as your soul sprints back into you from behind. You feel alive again. You smile.

Will Gadd, an athlete says: “We're all circling the drain everyday of our lives. That's a given. Eat shitty food and avoid exercise and you get larger. The more you sit still, the harder it is to move The less you move, well you get the picture. Move. Move faster. Move against gravity's pull and you stay further from the drain for longer. I'm 46 years old, a middle-aged guy, a dad. Not a youth or an action figure. I do it too-get on the conveyor belt, it's easy. But I'm way more proud of every single day I've spent outside with my lungs burning, chest heaving, sucking for oxygen in life, than I am at times I drank too much, slept in, squandered time by sending useless but somehow important e-mails or whatever. I hate those useless days. I never regretted working out, going for a walk or getting on a train stinking, dripping sweat, not once. We all try being busy instead of being alive. Move information instead of simply moving. It's hard I get it. But days spent on the couch should be a welcome anomaly, not a way of life. I figure the type of movement is less important than moving itself. An hour at the gym is just as valuable as a day in the mountains. A victory over life's demands. Every time I ship out when the kids are asleep, and run bike or walk for a while, it's a win. You see someone smarter once figured out, an object in motion tends to stay in motion, an object at rest tends to stay at rest. Me? I'm moving. Fight for movement. Fight for this life. Fight for it right till the moment you come to rest. Life's more fun when you move.”

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17 Author’s own image


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Travel is useful, it exercises the imagination All the rest is disappointment and fatigue Our journey is entirely imaginary, that is its strength It goes from life to death People, animals, cities, things, are all imagined It’s a novel, just a ďŹ ctitious narrative

- Louis Ferdinand Celine: Journey to the end of the night The great beauty (2013)

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21 Source: images.alphacoders.com


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Figure 2: The six classiďŹ ed stereotypical sections under the domain of modern-day nomads based on their work ethics 26


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Figure 3: The six types of nomads classiďŹ ed according to their work ethics matched to their travel lifestyle

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Figure 4: Growth in no. of international youth trips per year

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37 Source: http://www.rollins.edu/international-programs


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Figure 5: Proportions of backpackers, travelers and tourists visiting selected destinations

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Figure 6: Favourite country by country of origin (%)

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Figure 7: Next extended break destination by country of origin (%)

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Source: Skift Student university survey (2014) Figure 7: Proportion of chief travel goals of students aged 18-24

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Figure 8:Experience Modes: Routine living and motivation attitudes

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Source: http://bubr.ru/userďŹ les

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Figure 9: Physical/psychological situations, motivations, experiences and behavior among backpacker tourists in less developed countries

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51 Source: http://hippozoom/shutterstock


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Figure 10: Metaspatialities of backpacker tourism in less developed countries

In the backpacker enclaves, backpacker tourists are not so constrained by the norms of the locals, but can experience the dominant backpacker subculture in the “ suspended” environment (Wilson and Richards, 2008).

Whilst backpacker tourists in less developed countries have a propensity to stick to the “touristic metaspace”

during their trip and be satisfied with pseudo authenticity,

nevertheless, willingness to experience cultural differences as a cosmopolitan world traveller is a principal factor in consti tuting the identity of a“ backpacker tourist”. This is common to nearly all backpacker tourists, regardless of their evaluations of backpacking experiences in terms of authenticity and meaningfulness. These cosmopolitan world travellers (backpacker tourists) tend to possess a sense of“ aesthetic cosmopolitanism” (Urry, 1995) that represents a highly mobile, curious, open and reflexive subject who delights in and desires to consume difference. Their claims as cosmopolitan world

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travellers (cosmopolitan citiz enship, in other words) are imagined“ through a cultural or aesthetic disposition towards difference – a sense of tolerance, flexibility and openness toward otherness that characterizes an ethics of social relations in an interconnected world” (Molz, 2006). The “aesthetic cosmopolitanism” and resulting confidence of being “global nomads” predicts the “flexible eye” of backpacker tourists that is the metaphor for the spatial and civic friendship perceived by them (Molz, 2005). Backpacker tourists perceive themselves as competent to deal with this “ flexible eye” through peering out across the world from a detached position. However, in reality, many backpacker tourists are inclined to be convinced that they are able to glimpse authentic aspects of local matters merely through experiencing local cultures or encountering local people in fleeting and temporary ways. In addition, their intercultural interactions are dominated by the “ ironic distance”, that is critical on cultural differences and his or her position reflects those differences (Turner, 2002).

Source: http://theartofanimation.tumblr.com/

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Economic Perspectives It is estimated that around 10% of all international tourists are backpacker tourists (Butcher, 2003). Actually, this sounds a very small amount and the budget nature of backpacker tourism and its domination by the younger generation has created a typical consensus that backpacker tourists do not have economic impacts on their host societies (Mintel, 2009). Interests of most of the national governments toward tourism are solely only on international mass tourism and ignore the informal sector of tourism (backpacker tourism). However, many studies show that backpacker tourists are contributors to the grassroots local economy especially in less developed countries. The small and micro tourism enterprises that are targeted at backpacker tourists, such as hostels, restaurants, and market stalls, do not require initial assets and professional training because backpacker tourists do not expect sophisticated service quality (Scheyvens, 2002a, 2002b). This means there are good opportunities for backpacker tourism business operators to involve local people who lack professional skills (and who are frequently poor). In this context, backpacker tourism contributes to poverty reduction. In terms of the behaviour of backpacker tourists, they tend to purchase more local products at the on site trip level and stay longer compared with other types of tourists. Whilst the average expenditure per day amongst the tourists who perceive themselves as the “ backpacker” (US$ 30.10) is lower than the “ tourist” (US$ 36.80), their expenditures are more likely to stay in the local community rather than leaking out to other regions, especially back to the western countries . What is notable is that the adventuresome nature and longer stay in the country of backpacker tourists means their money is spread over a wider geographical area, including peripheral regions, like mountainous areas and islands.

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The third section of this dissertation is an experiment involving a backpacking adventure in India’s capital city, to gauge the youth travel s c e n a r i o i n o u r c o u n t r y ďŹ r s t - h a n d .

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Source: Authors own images

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The Delhi Experiment: Mumbai and Delhi are two of the most important international flight terminals in India. The balance tips in favor of Delhi in terms of number of check-ins due to the higher demand for the tourism circuit (golden triangle, north-eastern circuit) which lies in close proximity to the Indira Gandhi international Airport, Delhi. In the past decade, Delhi has emerged as India ’ s base-station for global backpackers. The cosmopolitan capital of India boasts a significantly superior infrastructure compared to Bombay. Although the old part of the city is a chaotic mess in terms of intertwining foottraffic and vehicular congestion, the Delhi metro ensures smooth transit radially and linearly across the city. The NCR is well - connected with world class stations and train services running back and forth from Gurgaon, Noida and New Delhi. The reason I regard Delhi as the most important internat ional traveler base-station ahead of Mumbai, apart from the proximity to tourist circuits, is the well-developed travelinfrastructure. This includes, hostel facilities, backpacker-enclaves such as Hauz Khas, bike-trails, subsidized travel options for internal commute (one/two-day passes for metro and city bus usage), HOHO circuits (hop -on-hop-off services for a quick tour around the city to get the traveler acclimatized to the alien land and absorb the culture of the people). A lot of these conveniences ar e missing in the urban metropolis of Mumbai.

The Delhi experiment was conducted by the author to experience the backpacker basestation of Delhi, to study the aspects of ground level travel management, and to interact with the backpackers I met during my stay to understand an external viewpoint in terms of their experiences in the travel, accommodation, and touristic aspects in the city.

The next chapter is the author’s personal travel account of the first-day impressions of the city, during a week-long visit to the capital state. I tried to view the city with fresh -eyes and minimal local perspective.( The fact that it was my first trip to Delhi in my lifetime helped.)

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Backpacking Solo: First Impressions, Delhi

Delhi is a fast-paced, high-tempered, pulsating city. Your relation with the city is turbulent. There are a bunch of stop- gaze-amaze moments. But on the other hand the city presents you glimpses which make you question the extreme atrocities that are nothing but the consequences of the quest for survival. For the first couple of hours, the city doused me with toxic fumes, gag - inducing smells and sweltering heat. I questioned my intent with every step. Saw filth that i once watched in an African Nat geo documentary. Delhi is the 3rd metropolitan city I've visited after Mumbai and Bangalore. For me, Delhi is an experiment. An experiment to gauge the qualities of a fast expanding multi-cultural and diverse region. To see the state of human beings. To see life in its raw, unpolished and organic sense. Though the essence of an Indian city is blatantly visible in its fabric, life in Delhi will overwhelm you. My first mental note before I began this unplanned and unorganized trip was that the locals are as crude as the city. Right from the moment I was hitcher with my prep -paid taxi ride from the airport, I was prepared to face the robust nature of humanity this city resides. My driver didn’t like where I was headed. Almost like id abducted him to a drop off. My guess was that he ’d not have a probable customer waiting at the other end. Lowgear, sudden bursts of acceleration that lodged me off my unhinged seat, and an impromptu street-race in the middle of the highway with his like minded, hot headed contender, seemed like his idea of revenge. In all honesty, I absolutely enjoyed my thrilling welcome to the capital. Wandering under an overhead wired mess, with a bit of instinct and bit to the strums of instructional directions in a perplexing Haryanvi accent of my hostel-keeper, I was lost. Already having lost all hope in my technologically advanced gadget of satellite mapping, I opted for the 100% success rate of local consultancy. Again, highly effective. No sooner had I checked in to my bunk and had a chat with a few fellow travelers, I found myself in the old region of the city. Delhi, like Rome, has been a capital of multiple reigns over the centuries. Architectural imprints of these kingdoms are scattered all over the city's footprint, while

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the stone and rubble of city-dwellers organically grows over the monumental layers. I hop skipped-jumped my way through the mucky edges of roads and a sewage system that was craving for attention. Hordes of man -powered tuk-tuks pass by as I'm left spell bound and astonished by the multitude of activities around. It felt like I was being pushed and turned around by an invisible force to witness the carnival. I was dizzy. I felt sick. And I was hungry. Dahi bhallas that I was asked to try, looked like inevitable diarrhea. I went ahead and gauged on it. 2 plates to be precise. What do you think the story of that man who lies on the entrance of Haldiram's could be? His clothes are rags. Wrappers spewed around him like his existence was a thing of the past. Bandages wrapped around his missing limbs from an age - old tragedy had turned pale yellow. What kind of life did this man lead to be where he is in his current situation? This carnival of inhumane madness kept flashing in front of me. Temples celebrated the birth of a million God's, motorists honked to join the celebration. Life on the streets look like a choreography of tragedy. People were merely puppets in this show of distress. In the distance, I could see the tri-coloured flag, drooping down, waving in a tiresome manner to the tunes of a solemn, weak breeze, almost to mock the situation of its lifeless patriots below. The spectacular grandeur of the red fort which stood proudly in the backdrop seemed to be hidden behind all this madness. A long queue at the entrance, which seemed like a never-ending trail of people, snaked around the periphery of the lush gardens in the foreground of the monument. That, coupled with glaringly loud public announcements in preparation of Independence Day celebrations, encouraged me to leave the beautiful premise. Wading my way through scores of people in Kabutar market, a name I discovered by overhearing a vendor yell directions to the person at the other end of his cell phone, I desperately try to find my path to the large dome. This cacophony felt far more soothing to that of the adjacent C handni chowk main street. Lesser vehicular traffic was a relief, although it wasn't infrequent that a motorist riding on the wrong side of the law would startle you with a loud honk from the back. "Do sao rupay ke andar banadega Darminder". Innovative sales pitches took over the atmosphere and sealed up the lid of these narrow walkways with a gratuitous number

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of apparel at display. You know, when someone confronts you with a razor, you don t gasp ’ and scream for help cos he's trying to sell you the product and not slit your throat with it to mug you! I wasn't aware. Pigeons were caged up and taken to places I did not know. Subsequently, I came across the food district that smelt terrific, with wrought iron grills and metal barbeque sticks with glazing red meat which looked like far cry from anything I’ve tasted before. Kabutar market? I chose to ignore my suspicion and kept walking. An experience of a mosque in India comes with a package of experiencing some gruesome, heart numbing and saddening poverty. Indo ’t believe any one of those unfortunate beings ever left the compound of Allah. Although Allah seems to have left theirs. Steps leading up to Jama masjid had an air of austerity around it as though it rose and elevated itself from the circus below. People do not trust people. Footwear isn't allowed inside the masjid, so you can see people walking around with pairs of floaters in one hand. What an odd site. But it could be worse. Selfie sticks and fake smiles could become embedded in the ritualistic practic es of the masjid. I felt a sense of extreme calmness as I looked around. Pigeons flying around, being hushed in groups while someone fed them. Flights of the birds against the cloudy white sky was an incredible added visual element to the mosque. While people cleansed themselves off their sins in a pool of water directly in front of the entrance to the mosque, I joined a group of people who seemed to have settle there for a long time. I chose to gaze at the mosque from an angle which I thought represented the beauty of the building in all its splendor. I pulled out my fresh pages and intuitively began to sketch an image of the first scene in the city that made me fall in love.

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The evolution and transition of public spaces

Urban places should be accessible or even democratic places. They must be 'real meeting places' where all kinds of people from different origins come together in a civilized way, according to policy makers, urban planners and architects. Plazas are thought of as the 'living room' of the city community where every city dweller can meet all other city dwellers. The Hague city board created an ambitious plan all - public spaces must be 'societal territories' & 'special meeting places'. Its central market place should be experienced by the inh abitants as the 'heart and head' of the city. Citizens learn to respect different behaviors and cultures. Richard Sennett has the opposite view as the council: In his book 'The conscience of the Eye', he says: People no longer seem to be able to cope with the social and cultural differences of the modern city. They maintain their network of personal relations within physically and visibly segregated social worlds: Sealed communities as he calls it. According to him, Urban public spaces cannot bridge the gap between those worlds even though they are supposed to do so. In my opinion, the idea of public spaces seems to be lost in his thought of people maintaining stringent and rather phobic relations. Spaces of communal gathering are platforms that expose oneself outside their daily routine to train their senses to what they might perceive as unusual. People are no doubt accustomed and comfortable with their habits. Public spaces must allow these interactions of multicultural habits without pushing a group out of the comfort zone. Whether pessimistic or optimistic, the contrasting opinions have a shared space idea of an urban public area: The idea of social accessibility, the ideal of free exchange of goods and ideas among people of different kinds and cultures. It is an ideal that mainly refers to bourgeois society in Western Europe. Early renaissance cities were based on manufacturing and trade, the market was where the heart of the city lies. The market place interaction could be characterized as 'voluntary, fl eeting social contacts conducted according to strict rules, made between individuals who are almost unknown to each other and at the same time with the possibility of ignoring social stratum to which these

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individuals belong. People interact without knowing and classifying themselves in the world of buyer and seller. The romantic idea of a plaza involves ideal of free, accessible public space, where everybody meets anybody. Free discussions about political topics predominantly refer to 17th century Paris and London. The coffee shop was mainly looked at meeting points in the city during those times. In Greece, the Agora, the square in the city, was the center of urban life and place where meetings and discussions were held. Accessibility and free exchange of goods and thoughts are studied as enabling the working of capitalist and democratic societies. Every town center has a bar for a select lifestyle group in a contemporary society: be it yuppies, gay, hard rockers, feminist etc. Public spaces are often used by people for their own sake without contributing directly to the working of the society. Public spaces have democratic quality. Going back to the Neolithic age: The sacredness of a public space is a very deeply rooted quality. The temple, built on a cent ral and visible location represents the manifestation of power and influence of the priest class. Furthermore public spaces need a quality of safety. The idea of fortification developed around the concept of guarding the agricultural surplus from attacks. Next quality is that of 'pass by without disturbing'. After the industrial revolution, there was a population explosion in city centers. The modern day metropolis had a spatial segregation of home and work. Transportation was needed. The logistics of people and goods was crucial to the survival of the city. It brought together modern masses of people, anonymous to each other, together in a small space. For example The Parisian boulevards. The realm of the modern setting had people with personal and cultural differences pass by each other without disturbing one another. The sidewalks, the boulevards, the streetcars, the trains, they're all spaces for anonymous social traffic that enables a working of the modern city. With the evolution of the western society, new, specialized manifestations of the public realm emerged and set apart, without eradicating the old forms. Every public space now has its own kind of activities, its own functions, its own users. Shopping malls at borders of the cities are example of the ease of accessibility since they

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can be reached by car or public transport in comfortable time. Non spatial, virtual spacesthe modern telecommunication is an alternative to social activities that traditionally took place in old city centers. Churches, town halls and market places don't hold the same importance as a public space as it did in the past. The moving of a church would not have a drastic effect and will therefore not remove the base from which the town existed. A museumization of public spac es is now taking place since tourists flock to see the real activity of locals involving themselves in events of traditional celebrations. But traditional market place buying/selling has had a paradigm shift towards fun and leisure shopping that usually ta kes place during off days, compared to an almost ritualistic daily compulsion in the past. Entertainment and play in the urban realm have become big business. In the western world particularly there has been a growth in side walk cafes, leisure malls and places to dance. Planners are keen on addressing public spaces as meeting places, but the individual's perspective is often disregarded. They propose these spaces as a juxtaposition of all sectors of society and therefore present their cities as communities despite all the contrasts and differences. It is looked as a fulfilment of societal needs. This top down view of ignorance neglects the daily user. Do city dwellers wish to meet and greet all their courbanites? Everyone who lives in a city knows the answer is- no. Certainly not with everyone. But it can't be denied that most individuals don't mind the company of strangers, or in fact enjoy being in it at a bar or a dance club. People derive pleasure out of the social sphere of a public space, when they know that they aren't alone. The city is looked as a playground where public spaces invoke individual fascination, entertainment and play. Public places which have a function for the organization of society are also sources of individual fun and fascination. How is this leisure entertainment based on the public realm created? What are its manifestations and its dimensions? Which kinds of fun or fascination do individual users derive from the different qualities of the public realm? The culture of side walk cafeterias, street musicians, pedestrian window-shopping has rapidly increased over the decades in western civilization. The entertaining force of the streets is the main attraction of the sidewalk cafe. These cafes emerged around public interfaces of movement- inns around spaces where horses departed, hotels around

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stations etc. Apart from drinking, relaxing and enjoying the breeze, 'people watching' tops the list as the favorite activity of a sidewalk cafe user. They are entertained by the street life and inhale the atmosphere of the city. The chairs are placed towards the streets as though the street was a stage in a theatre. People are accompanied usually by a friend and most of them like discussing the appearance of a passer-by. No one wants to engage with the passer-by, that is the spectacle they come for. Secondly, a sidewalk cafe presents opportunities to bump into people 'accidentally' and therefore increase or at least maintain a healthy social network. Thirdly, the street is a parade of fashion and happiness. People like to be presentable when they know they're being watched. There is also a prevalence of a public display of affection in more liberal societies. It's used for showing off ones popularity, beauty or simply draw attention from the public gaze to attain momentary importance. It's not meeting strangers which is important, it is the spectacle they create. "I watch everything passing by, and well, discuss it a little like: oh watch there, do you see that? Jesus!" In leisure spaces such as the cafeteria, one uses the space to show personality, a difference in culture, style, behavior and taste. They are however kept at a distance. Interaction between different people is restricted to eye- contact. Public places in the city center have kept their importance as a form, for example a station, market or place of worship, as a social setting, that gives shape to social interaction that is individually experienced is pleasant and entertaining for its own sake. Fun and leisure have gained an increasing popularity in these contexts. The fun city has grown to adulthood. To be seen or not to be seen, that is the question.

Source: https://glbrannock.files.wordpress.com

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Similarity and difference in the use of public space.

Public spaces allow people to meet on ostensibly neutral ground in planned and unplanned ways, to interact with others within the context of the whole community. These include family relationships (for example, multi-generation family shopping expeditions), cultural groupings (for example, youth groups), local social connections (for example, chance or planned meetings with friends, neighbours and work colleagues) and groups meeting through common interest (for example, walking groups). By facilitating this mixing, public spaces can contribute to the cohesion of communities. The public visibility of different kinds of people is underpinned by their presence in public spaces, and people’s understanding of their community is in part formed by who and what they see in the public domain. Many people use public spaces as opportunities for sanctioned people watching. Visitors and residents from different parts of the town, including people from different ethnic and socioeconomic groups and people of different ages and abilities, can be in the same place at the same time, allowing people to assess and reassess the characteristics of space and their own relationship with it. Observation here shows fewer inter-ethnic social interactions among adults than among youths.

People are drawn to, and tend to stay longer in, public spaces that offer interest and stimulation and/or a degree of comfort. Survey and observation data show that people appreciate and look for special events and activities in public spaces, both locally and in the town centre. Unique and special events, including spontaneous street ‘ entertainment’, also grab the attention and help to define places as interesting. People are more likely to linger if there is somewhere comfortable to sit, especially if there is also some protection from the weather.

Public spaces are regarded as democratic because everybody can use them: places that, rhetorically at least, allow ‘community’ to exist and flourish. Public space is ‘ our open-air living room, our outdoor leisure centre’ (Lipton, 2002, Foreword), important to the health and well-being of residents of all ages. Claiming social space and being seen in public becomes a way for social groups to legitimate their right to belong in society. Yet because

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they can be used by everyone, public spaces are frequently considered contested spaces; places where opposition, confrontation, resistance and subversion can be played out over ‘ the right to space’ (Mitchell, 1995, 2003). These contestations may involve people from a range of social groups based on gender, age, ethnicity, sexuality, (dis)ability, social class and so on (Valentine, 1996; Malone, 2002). They may centre on the different meanings attached to different spaces, or draw on deeper struggles about social representations, or collective ‘myths’, about spaces (Cresswell, 1996). How spaces are understood and used may also depend on individual and group characteristics (see, for example, Mitchell, 1995; Laws, 1997; McDowell, 1999; Low, 2000; Matthews et al, 2000). For instance, the sociology of childhood (James et al, 1998) identifies public spaces as places where children and young people can construct a form of privacy in their own places, away from the familial control and surveillance of home (Malone, 2002).

Thus, public spaces are imbued with power relations: particular social groups can be encouraged, tolerated, regulated, and sometimes excluded from public space depending on the degree to which they might be deemed ‘in’ or ‘out of place ’. For instance, acts such as loitering, drinking, reading or even ‘ hanging out’ in public may be constructed as inappropriate because of particular social representations about what sorts of groups, and activities, should be seen out in public (Wilson, 1991; Valentine, 1996). Consequently, the right to ‘be’ not just ‘in public’ but also ‘ a part’ of that public is an important way in which different groups can assert their own legitimacy to belong. Laws (1997), considering age as a defining domain, has argued that our identities are constructed as much as by material acts – what we do – as by discursive practices – what we say. Who uses which spaces and how can influence societal attitudes to what is appropriate and who has ‘ownership’ of particular places at given times. Places have their own identities and histories, which, if known to those occupying them, may have an effect on how they are used. On the other hand, people using public spaces that are unknown to them may experience a range of emotions from curiosity to uncertainty to insecurity, which can also affect behaviour. Consequently, the processes by which ‘ individuals’ and ‘groups’ compete for access to, or domination of, public spaces are much more complex than simple issues of public order or design. The ways in which space is socially produced is

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therefore essential to an understanding of how individuals and groups engage with public space. CASE STUDY: Strategic Design: Parc De La Villete

Figure 11: Conceptual drawing for OMA’s Parc de la Villete proposal

Rem Koolhas's OMA houses in the most positive way the "Culture of congestion". Russian Constructivist, Leonidov's projects of "Social Condensers" were based on horizontal congestion. The Architectural profession seemed to be as a 'social catalyst' as a function of "social construction". Constructivists approached social condenser as a "mechanism for transforming habits". What is substantial from these social condensers is that they are loaded with programs, which condense tools for re -constructing society, and destine to the collectivization of activities. For example, in NarkomďŹ n Building, "there are many collective facilities at the inhabitants disposal, amongst them communal kitchens, kindergartens, gymnasiums, libraries and rooms for "intellectual work", and summer dining rooms on the roof' in order to encourage a collective way of living.

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Parc de la vitte has a socially interactive program; it stands for "the moment of extreme intensification in quantity and quality of metropolitan congestion. Designing for the future in leonidov's terms was not merely a matter of boldly tackling functional and technical problems but first and foremost, of providing for changing human needs." He rejected the typology of clubs for workers by stating that ' In order to involve those strata of workers who are not so far being properly served, it is essential that cultural work should not be confused within the framework of the club, but be developed within the enterprises themselves. The workshops, the workers barracks, hostels and workers' settlements."

Leonidov treated a club complex as a kind of social cultural center, with a winter garden, a general purpose hall for lectures, cinema, demonstrations, meetings, use as a planetarium etc ; a laboratory; an open ground for glider competitions, motor racing, war games, tourism etc; a sports hall; a playroom with playpens and a pool; and a park. In architectural terms, 'the club of a new social type represents a broadly conceived and loosely organized park-like composition, with as its centerpiece the great hall roofed by a parabolic vault like covering.

During my visit to Chandni chowk, Delhi, I came across a vast section of the povertystricken urban population, which in India, represents the majority. Relief spaces for afterwork hours do not exist in a formal setting for this lot, unlike the affluent and middle -class society. Most of them are homeless and sleep on the entrance to shop fronts after closing hours. Meals are served in steel containers next to garbage dumps. There is pollution in this grief-filled air. How do you shift daily-wage workers out of their work-dynamic, into a space to unwind with the rest of the urban demographic? Sadly, due to the economic disparity and the social structure evolving into a poor-feeds-rich environment, the workers have assumed places of non- human, working parts of machine. There are innumerable spare parts available in the market, used and replaced everyday, oiled just enough to function to purpose. The taboo of society is to ignore these 'spare parts'. This is a stigma which exists in modern day India. What I noticed is that the demographic which sympathizes with them, is an external demographic. The foreigners, the travellers, the

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fresh-eyes immune to the inhumane. There is sympathy, but there also exists a vaccuum in communication, mainly due to the barrier in language. But the prospect of an exchange to benefit both these diverse social class es is promising. The 'after-work' hours, be it mid day break of a post 10:30 pm shut-down slumber, must be looked at a shift from the work setting, in order to unwind. Workers must be refreshed and recharged to be- more productive the next day, to improve as individuals, not just function as a spare part of a mechanic society. Since educating the masses is 'not' the answer to the upliftment of this social class, activities at the relief center must aim at polishing skills and make the workers aware of the opportunities in the world outside their work ecosytem. A cultural mix will prove to be beneficial in this motive, with students and volunteers willing to teach and learn.

What remarkable in Leonidov's design is that, contrary to architectural practices of his days, he constitutes the club as a vast park, which would contain various cultural and educational facilities. In addition to the programmatic elements for the club; Library, conference hall, labs, he proposed a new spectrum of facilities such as a sci entific winter garden including local natural history, zoology, sports area, swimming pool, an open area for mass activities including gliding, flying, motor sports, military games etc. as well as

open air screens on which radio and television transmission s would dissipate all political and economic events of the day, news of club activities, scientific institutes and so on. By injecting these mass exhilarating activities and the new technologies to the park like composition, or by re-defining the program, he responded to the necessity for developing intellectual needs of people and transforming the complexity of urban life. Technological institutes in India such as the IITs can use these platforms as playgrounds for innovation. For example, a recent project of a technological institute involved a team of students developing an automobile to compete in the A1 racing championships. Imagine using an experimental ground with a vast array of practical expertise available for consulting and building of such projects. Students get a whiff of the mechanical profession from grass roots, while the workforce gets to refine their skill, and maybe get a hand- on experience of a new product.

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Leonidov put these theories into practice by applying the socially interactive program in Palace of culture in Moscow. He pursued to focus on park like organization with emphasis on green areas and vast open spaces for implementing collective activities. He used a large site on which he proposed to create a cultural complex forming an oasis of greenery amid throbbing modern urban life, shielded from its hubbub, where one might find spiritual relaxation after a day at work.

His programmatic sectors were: - Scientific and historical researches - Mass activities - Field demonstrations - Physical cultural activities

His fundamentals of design were: - Impart a definitive sense of purpose to all cultural work. To create conditions for 100% coverage of the working mass by polytechnic and political education. - To give a clear sense of organization which is capable of promoting initiatives self-help amongst the workers visiting the palace - To make the palace of labor not just a place where mass cultural work and leisure is concentrated, but also a center which is leading the cultural creativity of the whole workers district of the city. - To carry it beyond the boundaries of the site, and by that means to make it flow organically into the productive life of the district. The factories, productive enterprises and industrial plants must become a fundamental factor in shaping of culture and political education. - To apply to the solving of these socio-political task, the most powerful resources of science and technology and the new ideas for conducting mass cultural work.

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Utopian case study: Yves Klein’s Air architecture

Since the early ‘60, indeed, a series of seemingly inconsequential events started to consider air as a possible material of architecture. The most innovative of utopian projects of that time began to be interested in inflatable architecture as opposed to the weight, durability, cost and immobility of all the traditional architecture. Yves Klein imagined an “air architecture” built through energy: the aim was to be able to liv e outdoor spaces as a community, putting the concept of private side by side to the one of community.

“Air Architecture” was Yves Klein’ s concept of an immaterial architecture, made of ephemeral elements of nature, such as air, fire and water. It was the symbol of materiality liberation, humans would have complete access to the space of Universe. In 1957 Klein began to design schemes of buildings and cities inspired by ancient Islamic palaces with pavilions, fountains, sky; the exhibitions included films, drawings, plans, construction details, installations. Engagement with climate was at the beginning of the design: walls of fire were proposed for cooler northern climates and walls of water for the south; shelters were shells of moving air, providing prot ection from rain, which could be blown away before it landed.

The project, in collaboration with the French architect Werner Ruhnau, anticipated a new idea of environment, trying to establish a greater dependence of the architecture with the climate through its design and the new technical advances. Encouraged by the technological optimism that ruled in that moment, they imagined the surface of the earth turned into a new Eden. The purpose of this Eden would be the radical transformation of society through the reconnection of men with the Earth and its elements. To achieve this, the project proposed all kind of hidden mechanisms in the subsoil that would establish, through air streams, privileged zones on top of the earth surface. Microclimates with diffused limits (dematerialized) and nebulous measures that would have substituted the traditional housing, in order to eliminate the excess of material obstacles that, in his opinion, covered the planet.

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With the Air Architecture, Klein works with what he would designate from that very moment as immaterial-materials in comparison to the traditional material materials. Like the ďŹ re onto Royal Palace fountains, the gases and the sounds are turned into the raw materials of a new architecture that becomes reality through the relations between temperature, smell and energy, that would only need air as enveloping. Away from the merely formal conditioning factors, he would develop basics and claims that would be ahead of his time. A few years later they would be the foundations for the ďŹ rst projects of an architecture, not built with air as he would have wished, but sustained by it.

This Utopian habitat was like a legendary Eden where people would be in direct contact with Earth and the elements; privacy was not important; everyone could live outdoor without partition rooms, using air made invisible furniture; the bathrooms, kitchens, closets, storages, were in underground quarters. This concept of Eden was rooted in Klein’s formation.

Source: https://yvesklienarchives.com

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Thus the architecture is a journey of transformation from self-discovery to a belonging to a new profound group; this does not occur at a speciďŹ c point but rather is spread across the journey through the architecture as a whole, mirroring the progression of the user and each stage of their transgression from who they were to who they become through social encounters. The architecture as a social tool acts as medium for the user to engage with oneself ďŹ rst, and then with the larger realm.

Before discussing the threads in detail, the following chapters explore the bathhouse as public institutions from past to present civilizations

Source: Author’s own image

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Source: http://myromanadventures.blogspot.in/

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were rectangular or irregular shaped units attached around a tholos, which is an important architectural element employed in Greek baths. Two types of bathing structures, one in gymnasium and the other an independent unit balaneia, indicate the first known formation of communal bathing in the Classical world. As a social centre the gymnasium was more important than the balaneia, therefore the gymnasium baths spread especially fast to other conquered colonies during Hellenistic time since gymnasiums were a focal point of every newly founded settlement and city. Although Yegül indicates that gymnasium baths were “ one of the earliest form of communal bathing” (Yegül 1992), only the male athletes could use them, therefore “community” was rather limited to the privileged contingent of people. On the other hand, people who were nonathletes used balaneia for bathing. No physical exercises were connected to Greek balaneia, therefore it might indicate that Greeks bathed in balaneia for hygienic reasons rather than social since individual bathing manner was promoted in Greek baths without communal exercises before, which induced socialising among people.

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Source: http://allday.com/post/

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Source: https://herbandroot.ďŹ les.wordpress.com

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was performed over one’s physical body and health that eventually defined one’ s status of being a citizen of Rome. Usually people would come to baths after doing exercises in palaestra; they would go to the changing room (apodyterium) and then head t owards the hottest area of the bath (caldarium), taking a route through an intermediate hot room (tepidarium) where they used to get accustomed with the heat. Lastly one could go to the cold room (frigidarium), and immerse oneself into a cold pool (natatio). Some baths had laconicum, which is a very hot dry-steam room where one stays there very briefly.

Romans made bathing a part of their culture and daily routine that most of the social classes were able to enjoy. The public baths of both the Roman Republic and the Roman Empire were important social environment to hear or read poetry and meet lovers. Patrons were expected to wear special bathing costumes, because under various emperors it was illegal to bathe nude. It was also very important to maintain the baths; they were, at the top of the Roman government's list of social responsibilities. The living conditions of most of the city’s population caused public spaces to be greatly valued. These public places provided an escape from domestic squalor. The senators lived in vast villas with gardens, two dining rooms, bedrooms and storage. Merchants or middle class had their shops at the front of the house with the living space behind consisting of courtyard, dining room, bedrooms, shop and storage rooms. Poor people lived in a simple one room home with three walls and a roof.

The baths grew in popularity with the masses as an attractive public haven, although they were not required to be immaculate and luxurious, they were regarded as better than staying home. Bathing in the Roman world was not just about washing; there was a whole culture to the Roman bathing ritual. The bath houses were one of the few places where large groups of people informally gathered. The baths were where Romans indulged in leisure and promiscuity. Baths required extensive personnel, money, and administrators to run and maintain the baths. Bathing became a habit because it was a psychologically and physically satisfying experience.

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The clear, warm water, steamy atmosphere, shiny marble, murmuring of genteel sounds, the aroma of perfumed ointments, the intimacy of massage and public nudity, was an extremely powerful stimulant for the creation of the feeling of happiness, relaxation, comfort, and well-being. Bathing was thought to clean moral and physical stains. People were light and optimistic after a bath.

Rome had 856 small baths by the end of the fourth century, Constantinople had 150, Athens, Ostia, and Timgad had over a dozen.The morning hours of a Roman day were devoted to hard work and business, this left the afternoon and evening reserved for leisure. Spending a large part of the afternoon in the palaestrae and the public baths had become a tradition by the beginning of the empire. It was an unquestionable part of national life and identity. Bathing helped to integrate the individual into the mainstream of national culture. Barbarians, philosophers ), and those (such as Christians) considered to be on the fringes of Roman society because of their beliefs disdained bathing, just as comparable elements of Greek society had once disdained the Greek love of gymnastics and the gymnasium. Not to bathe would have been un- Roman. Bathing became a habit because it was a psychologically and physically satisfying experience.

Many types of people used the Roman Baths: senators, merchants, the rich, the poor, slaves, foreigners, and everyone within the city of Rome. The functions of the Roman Baths were to bathe, meet friends or co- workers, plan political maneuvers, rendezvous with a lover or favorite prostitute, and use the bathes’ gymnasium to exercise. Houses were a lot smaller in classical Rome then they are today. This meant there was not room for a bathtub, and it would have taken a long time to fill a six feet by six feet by three feet bath by hand. Another problem was that it takes a lot of fuel to heat a bath. Only the rich could afford private baths in their homes. Most of the population of the Roman Empire could not afford their own bath, so the public baths were invented. During the Roman Republic one of the duties of the consul was to make certain that the baths of the Republic were maintained. It was very important for the baths to remain functional, because if they were not, the people would revolt. Then a legion of Roman soldiers would have to be called out to put down the uprising, and the baths would need to be repaired. Since these

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revolts only happen because the baths could not be used, a common saying was a‘ clean people, is a happy people.'

The social, business, and political relationships which took place within the baths had far reaching impacts on the many cultures within the Roman World. Both of these affected the baths because it was the central meeting place of the era. The Romans did not use soap; they used oil, probably olive oil. Other things which affected Roman culture and there by the Roman baths were religion, the economy, laws, politics, and philosophy in the Roman world. Roman society during the Republic from 509- 27 B.C., and their views on family relations, philosophy of self and opinions on space, and time were considered very important to Florence Dupont. A Romans honor was totally dependant on how he was viewed by others. The bath houses were one of the few places where large groups of people informally gathere d. The baths were where Romans indulged in leisure and promiscuity. Fagan’s book 1999 Bathing in Public in the Roman World is the first to view Roman public bathing as cultural rather than architectural.

Many scholars think that the presence of a bath house equals Romanization, because they believe that bathing was very important to the Roman people. Emperor Nero was the first ruler to create the largest bath house size. It included public bathing pools, private baths, a gymnasium and an area for socializing. It was a‘ microcosm’ within the Roman Empire that represented physical and political power as well as superiority over nature. At the same time, the real success and development of baths came with the discovery of advanced hypocaust system and the gradation of rooms according to temperature that was eventually passed on and adopted by the following cultures.

Cold

Warm

Hot

Figure 12: Temperature sequence diagram- Roman baths

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Japanese and islamic baths Public bathing in both the Japanese and Islamic cultures have roots in social rituals. Both have similar affinities in their attitudes towards taking the waters but each has a different priority. In the Japanese culture, the intent is to maintain balance with nature while In the Islamic culture, the intent is to escape from the asphyxia of city life.

Japanese Baths Still applicable in modern times, bathing for the Japanese is a passionate activity, dating back over two thousand years. To some, the Japanese bath approaches a religious experience. To others, its chief purpose is sensual gratification. Some turn to the bath seeking a cure for severe disorders of the body. Still others find In it a means of treating the afflictions of the spirit far more effective than the analytical approaches of Western Freudians. To the Japanese, bathing is a communal activity where individuals reinforce familial or social ties. Public bathhouses in Japan share a similar role with plazas and coffeehouses in Europe. The pleasures of the bath extend over a lifetime. Japanese children are introduced to the physical and spiritual blessings of a long soak in deep hot water with family or friends. Bathing is a time of repose and reflection, a time to regain balance. The surroundings are usually restful and as close to nature as possible.

In the past, bathhouses in Japan offer their patrons a variety of leisure activities. Most had a large second- story room where customers would retire after bathing to eat and drink, play games, or simply engage in conversation, a club-house atmosphere. Some modern bathhouses add a small stage for variety shows. A majority of them provide the usual amenities such as massage, drinks, and magazines. In form, modern bathhouses have maintained the fundamental features of their forerunners. Their interior space is divided into a small anteroom, where patrons leave their shoes and umbrellas; a large dressing room, presided over by the proprietor, who collects the e ntry fee and sells sundry products; and a large bathing area, with faucets and showers lining the walls and two or more deep pools of varying temperatures. Two notable changes distinguish modern public baths from earlier models: men and women bathe separately in the same building and steam baths are generally not available. The plan Is basically a free plan with a wall partition in the middle separating the men and the women. In the urban context, public bathing is generally a modest single-story community building.

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Source: https://s-media-cache-ak0.pinimg.com/

ONSENS

INDOOR

OUTDOOR

Source: http://dreams-of-japan.tumblr.com/

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Hammams The modest Islamic bathhouse, the hammam, was inspired by ancient Greek and Roman baths. A basic responsibility for the ancient rulers was to provide social and recreational facilities for the public. Adapted to the Islamic culture, the hammam gained religious significance and became an annex to the mosque, used to comply with the Islamic laws of hygiene and purification. Only the progression of hot and cold bathing is retained from the ancients. Athletic activity was replaced by massage; and intellectual discourse, by music and contemplation. Unlike the ancients, the Islamic people built several small baths throughout their cities rather than massive central baths. The hammam became a retreat from the city.

Hammams are generally modest structures with a monastic quality. Influenced by their religious beliefs, the Islamic people did not tolerate images and figures of living things in their architecture. Instead, elaborate patterns are woven in reverence to Allah, their supreme creator. Some hammams are filled with these patterns in the interior spaces. Unlike the open plan of the Japanese bathhouse, the journey of bathing unfolds with each step of the Islamic bathing ritual. The atmosphere of the hammam is one of half-light, quiescence, and seclusion. There is a five- step progression through the hammam. First is the seasoning of the body with heat; second is the vigorous massage; third is the peeling off of the outer layer of skin and removal of body hairs; fourth, the soaping, and fifth, relaxation. Each step is escorted and served by attendants, the tellaks, for a nominal fee.

Upon entering the hammam, the dressing rooms are generally on the perimeter of a round ceramic vestibule. A marble slab is heated to a high temperature in the hot room. Bathers lie on this slab to relax the muscles before the massage. Then the bather retreats into a niche to receive the depilatory process in private. While the Roman bather finished with

Warm

Hot

Cold

Figure 13: Temperature sequence diagram- Turkish baths

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a visit to the library, the hammam bather ends where he or she began, at the lounge while attendants bring drinks and cool the bather with fans. Like the Roman baths and the Japanese baths, the hammam was a place to socialize. Entrance fees were generally low so everyone could enjoy them.

The baths were one of the few places In Islam open to everyone from early morning to late night, and sometimes longer. It was common to treat friends to a bath, much like we would arrange a lunch date today. For hygienic reasons, the hammam became accessible for Islamic women. This played an important role in their lives since i t was the only place Islamic women were allow to socialize outside their home. A visit to the bath may take all day if not more than a few hours. The happy inactivity at the baths would involve a feast for meals taken there, playing with the children, gossiping, laughing, and whatever one does to socialize. Like the Greek and Roman baths, the hammam is slowly disappearing. Some believe it is due to high maintenance cost. Still others believe that the Islamic bath is too much a part of the Moslem religion to fade so easily and that it is an indispensable detail of daily life.

Source: https://hotsprung.ďŹ les.wordpress.com

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While the idea for the bathhouse was being refined and developed, I studied and reflected on the long history of public bathing in art and architecture. What are the material qualities of a space that will come into direct contact with the bare skin of the bathers? How will thermal comfort be maintained? What is the quality of light in the space? What will be heard in the space? How is privacy addressed in a public space? How should the building respond to the site? How can bathing become recreation?

"There were at least 200 bathers there. The sofas were covered with cushions and rich tapestries. The women positioned there, with slaves dressing their hair, were all in a natural state: completely nude. However, there were among them neither indecent moments nor lascivious postures. They walked and moved with majestic grace. Several of them were well shaped with dazzling white skin and they were adorned only by their hair which had been combed into tresses that fell to their shoulders and were dressed with pearls and ribbons. Beautiful nude women in diff erent postures, some gossiping, some working, others taking coffee or sorbet, and still others casually reclined on their cushions." Lady Montagu The way in which the function of the space is united with the design concept through the materialization of architectural elements is critical to the sensuality, the eroticized expression, of the architecture. These are some of the questions for consideration while designing the bathhouse: What is the relationship between the design concept of the bathhouse and it’s functionally purposive realization? Can the functionality of the space be enhanced by the architectural elements and the materiality of those elements?

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How do we perceive the creation relationships which are core to the functionality of the spaces ? How will materials be used to address the design, the function, and the senses? How will one experience the bath? How does architecture enhance this experience? What added programs could aid the functionality of the bathhouse?

The following contemporary bathhouse case-studies were analyzed to derive answers to some of those questions.

Source: http://littlebigfacades.com/wp-content/uploads

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Case study 1: Peter Zumthor- Thermal Baths

Form Experienced by Body Under a blanket of alpine meadow the structure is initially unnoticeable, until the linearity of its façade becomes apparent against the backdrop of organic forms. The opportunities for discovery have begun. Descent in to the mountain through a passage of stone continues this exploration for discovery and bit-by-bit the layout is revealed to the body through fluctuating volumes of sensual experience (Hotel Therme 2012). The formal elements of the Thermal Baths emphasize varying conflicts: rock versus skin, sight versus the other senses, varying temperatures in varying environments, etc. These conflicts lead to the celebration of heterogeneity weaved in to a continuous and flexible framework (Lynn 1993). Though on the one hand these conflicts may be seen as violent (Vidler 1992), the manipulation of body within the Thermal Bath may also be described using peaceful language. Despite the continual expansion and contraction that occurs from passage to cave, the experience is one of warmth and intimacy. A playground for the senses. Rooms are described to caress the body instead of competing against it, allowing the body “ room to be.” Form is quiet and calm, enabling a celebration of the primal experience of bathing, cleansing, relaxing. Modern technologies are not engaged, instead allowing the stone to become a primary focus, exposing its subtleties, patterns, structure, and beauty (Hotel Therme 2012).

Figure 14: Temperature sequence diagram- Thermal baths

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Movement from the exterior to the interior is accompanied by a progression of high to low daylight. The visual experience is dimmed while the structure offers experimental outlets for the other senses. In many cases light is used to emphasize materiality, contrasting smooth and rough stone surfaces, establishing a glow within the waters, dancing upon stone as it breaks the water’s surface, and glinting off occasional and minimal bronze elements.

Progressing through the entry passage, tunneling deep within the terrain, a faint trickle may be apparent, echoing off solid stone surfaces. Emerging into the entry hall of the Thermal Bath the source of the sound is revealed as water is seen to trickle from bronze faucets. Visitors may get their first taste of the warm spring water, as it bubbles from the earth directly behind the stone wall (Murray 2007). The water travels over the layers of stone depositing minerals, which leave traces of red and yellow across the blue grey canvas ascribing time in a place ostensibly timeless (Tan 2009). The immersive experience truly begins once the clothing is removed creating vivid contrast between the smoothness of the skin surrounded by the pattern of layered rock. Glimpses of naked body parts through passages, behind curtains, the light soles of feet

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(Tan 2009). Naked skin feels warm stone, feet tap rhythmically across the damp quartzite. The soft water envelopes and stimulates as one moves from the main pool set at 32 degrees Celsius, to the “ Fire pool” set at 42 degrees Celsius, to the “ Ice pool” set at 14 degrees Celsius, and back again. One may even move from an indoor pool through a glass portal to an outdoor pool as though swimming out of a cave. Here, naked, wet skin becomes exposed to the crisp, cool alpine air and perhaps even snow. Skin may be cloaked in mist, or bathed in sunlight (Murray 2007).

Without a predetermined path, infinite paths are carved by the visitors to the Thermal Baths. Through a series of interconnected passages and volumes, each room targets a different sense. The experience of the humid breath is stimulated upon the emergence from a passage to the “Flower pool.” Set at 33 degrees Celsius, this pool is filled with the aromatic petals of flowers, a delight for the sense of smell. The descent in to the pool’s waters is an intense tactile experience as the skin is tickled by the petals making way for the body’s entry.

Source: https://dezeen.com

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Figure 15: Skin as material

Likewise, the sense of hearing becomes the main focus within a volume termed the “Sounding Stone.” Benches allow the visitor to sit in darkness while sound art by composer Fritz Hauser resonates from hidden speakers. This experience may be contrasted to that in another volume, where sounds are abstractly reverberated off of cavernous walls. Each splash, each whisper is amplified and such sounds may escalate when travelling from one of the smaller, peripher y volumes to the large cavity of the main pool. Form as body As much as the senses of the physical body are stimulated, so too is the body separated from the trials of daily life. A sense of timelessness may be experienced as one departs from the external world and finds a reconnection to primal roots. Swallowed up within the warmth of the form, access to clocks are limited with only the faint chimes of the Town’ s bell tower in the distance (Tan 2009). Within this womb, a hollow quiet may be interrupted by an occasional sound, a focus may return to breath and to relaxation while suspended within this amniotic fluid of the earth.

Source: https://dezeen.com

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An immune response of the earth is concentrated and put to work within the baths and the therapeutic benefits of such an experienc e, both physically and mentally, are endless. In the 17th century, Dr. J. A. Kaiser described the water as: A light, clear water, soft, as if one has touched lukewarm water mixed with fine soap, with a very bland, barely perceptible, salty taste, its fixed components are primarily a fine clay and limestone… Its softening, soothing power which counteracts high irritability, cramp and stiffness of the limbs, damaged skin, an itch, eczema and ulcers of the same sort, rheumatic and gouty afflictions, has been proven by long years of experience (Hotel Therme 2012).

The physical therapy is extended on a floor below the baths where visitors might receive masks, exfoliation, baths, wraps and massages (Hotel Therme 2012). Both through the experience of the thermal baths, and through the additional therapies offered, it is not hard to see how physical relaxation may be extended to that of the mind.

The Thermal Baths in Vals, Switzerland have been realized as an ally with the mountain. Each volume appears to have been carved out, as though the form was already contained within the mass of the rock. Stone along with water becomes the celebrated materials and ultimately the founders of the idea. These primary determinants of form define function, regional expression and ps ychological atmosphere experienced by body, which includes a timeless spirit. This timelessness, or sense of encompassing the vastness of time, is contained within the stone and the spring that has persisted throughout history. This contributes to a primal experience that is revisited through the stimulation of senses and undoubtedly mystical re-acquaintance between ego and body.

Source: https://dezeen.com

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Case study 2: Alvaro Siza- Leça Swimming Pools

Alvaro Siza’s Leça Swimming Pools in Leça da Palmeira, Portugal served as an invaluable precedent for our competition entry. At first glance the significance of this project appears to be the use of untouched landscape, as the outdoor bathing pools are formed in the existing terrain of the existing rock formations of the coast. However there are many other subtle moves that should not be overlooked. The roof of the buildings that house the change rooms and caf é is at the same height as the highway, allowing motorists a continuous view of the coast. However less desirable views of the highway from the pools are denied by the same buildings, as well as ones orientation to the highway is blurred much impart to the architect’s handling of the circulation route.

Source: https://dezeen.com

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Source: https://dezeen.com

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Because the distance from the shore to the highway is relatively short, the bather’s views are edited and guided through a labyrint h of hallways and change rooms.

The architecture suggests this elongated path is creating the allusion of distance from the highway. From highway grade, the bather is led down into the complex via a gently sloped ramp. The highway plane is reinforced by the roof of the complex, and a sensation of decent through this plane simulates submergence under water. Once submerged under the roofline, the bather begins the disconnection conditioning. Within Siza ’ s enclosed space, the visitor is removed from the sounds of the adjacent highway, and replaced by the silence of the change rooms. Emerging from the change rooms, the sensations of the water are slowly introduced. By traveling along the path towards the pool, the geometry of the angled walls prohibits a view of the Atlantic Ocean, but amplifies the sound of the waves, whetting the appetite for swimming.

Rounding the end of the rectilinear masses of concrete, the pools are revealed, forming in pools bound by untouched coastline and concrete walls. By passing through this circulation path, Siza has conditioned the bather by disconnecting the bather from the busy highway, and redirects attention towards the sheltered and poetic pools. We were entertained by the idea of disconnecting from the world above, and transcending into a mystical world of bathing. in which in order for a space to become sacred, it cannot be interfered associated with the common world outside. By sinking the proposed aquatic center into the earth, skylights and clerestory lighting denies views the neighboring residential buildings. Plans between the precedent and the proposed are similar in their handling of circulation. They both elongate the path to the pool, disconnecting the bather from the above world, while offering glimpses, sounds, and inevitably the clean smell of the pool.

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Conclusion

Peter Zumthor’s Thermal Baths in Vals, Switzerland recreates many elements of the ancient roman bath. Amenities include a caldarium, tepidarium, and frigidarium (hot lukewarm, and cool pools), as well as a steam rooms, sauna, and showers. Zumthor describes the project with many references to desired sensual qualities.“ Right from the start, there was a feeling for the mystical nature of a worl d of stone inside the mountain, for darkness and light, for the reflection of light upon water, for the diffusion of light through steam-filled air, for the different sounds that water makes in stone surroundings, for warm stone and naked skin, for the ritual of bathing." 1 One can imagine the power of the acoustics when all the walls are composed of masonry, with the sounds of drips and running water reverberating throughout the bathing chambers. Soothing water sounds are amplified.

As well as sound, the handling of natural lighting mimics qualities of heavy masonry construction, by passing through only a few small openings of the heavily massed enclosure. Natural light filters into the bathing chambers through fissures that cut through the ceiling, as well as concealed artificial lighting. Water in the pools is lit underwater, highlighting the movement and patterns of water movement, with refracted light varying the light intensities and distribution similar to light from a fire. The combination of manipulated acoustics and lighting coupled with the sense of enclosure from the masonry construction produce a bathing facility that is both fortress like, and mystical. Zumthor’s project highlights the importance of the sensitivity the exposed bodies and the considerations of an architect designing a bathing facility. It is therefore more appropriate to heat masonry surfaces, dim harsh lighting, and play up acoustics and smells. The lighting in the proposed natatorium is primarily natural light that is transformed though a shallow pond. The space will be filled with refracted light, reinforcing the sensation of being submerged. Although opportunities to create intimate spaces similar to Zumthor’s Baths were not possible with the dimensions of Olympic size pools, we did find an opportunity to create a poetic gesture inspired by Zumthor at the bottom of the entry ramp. As the bather descends the ramp, the visual and audible sensations of the ground level

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park are left above, and are replaced by gurgling sounds of asmall water feature at the end of the ramp.

Siza and Zumthor’s projects were both realized in masonry construction. I believe the experience of the bath can be heightened by conditioning the bather through disconnection of the outside world and abstraction of light and sounds to reinforce a bath architecture more attuned to recreation, rejuvenation, and relaxation . By deriving the sensuous qualities of the spaces in the projects discussed above, the architecture as a social tool aims to create a contemporary bathing space in Mumbai in which bathers descend into a world that abstracts light and views, and disconnects them from the world above, nurturing the sensation of protection for their exposed bodies. The mystical world created in the natatorium removes bathers from the grind of everyday life and submerses them into a world of recreation, rejuvenation, and relaxat ion, which can then foster social interaction.

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Defining the Threads of The Architecture as a social tool Thread 1: The architecture has the power to create atmospheric and spatial conditions to quell the anxiety and unease in order to allow the absorption of the users' subconscious to a new ecosystem, to penetrate the psyche, to allow paradigms to shift. Through creating a tranquillity and serenity of space, catered to these individuals, clarity of mind may be fostered, to allow perceptions to shift and the psyche to develop, to allow the development of identity to ensue. Through this heightened awareness of the senses I propose that architecture is a powerful tool for absorbing the user into a new environment through its ability to stimulate sensorial experience and manipulate the senses in particular ways, with particular skill and proficiency, like discussed in the case study of Zumthor’s Therme Vals. The potential for bodily engagement architecture offers allows this absorption to take place, allows the inhabitant to first be calmed, then be fulfilled, opened to new thought processes and finally to be liberated.

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Thread 2: The idea of inhabitable walls stems from the idea that walls provide a second container, after dress, for the body, the wrapping also constructs the identity of the inhabitant. By allowing these new movements to occur and fostering engagement with architecture, new notions of identity, of autonomy, self-awareness and self-reflection can thus be developed, a rewarding experience for the inhabitant.

Thread 3: The notion of communication is one harnessed by the architecture as a social tool; this consists of a process of how a new awareness of body and architecture might be explored through interaction, engagement and rewarding experiences. The architecture is designed to elicit communication, to encourage interaction and engagement from the participants, developing architecture as a dynamic event.

The architecture will allow for unforeseen events in a sense that is it moveable. The architecture thus provides the back drop, the ‘props’ to support an event and also highlight and transform the actions within it to such an extent that the user becomes a participant. Architecture functioning in this manner has an autonomy which is capable of inviting and underscoring actions in such a way that the users of the spaces cannot help but participate and become a part of the narrative. The architecture thus recognises its power to create stories and experience. The architecture created is less determined, more supple and transformative, flexible.

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Conclusion: The architecture aims to enact a social enclave by harnessing sensory engagement and the idea of "self" together with themes of identity and communication in order to evoke a positive, life-enriching engagement. Sensory engagement serves to create a receptive mind to social interaction whilst serving to entice and provoke the inhabitant to engage. Flexibiltiy in the architecture as a social tool is powerful to imbue the architecture with an ambience which the inhabitants cannot help but participate in; this engagement is beneficial, enlightening, uplifting.

As previously discussed, Zumthor’s Therme Vals have been heralded as an environment so richly sensual that its occupier cannot help but fall under its immersive spell. The tactility is important to elicit the calming, soothing and contemplative qualities of the architecture. The experience offered here relies on the body’s contact with water at different temperatures and in different kinds of spaces, on touching stone. It relies on the senses. Variations of glass and movement of water allow differing sensual experiences to be derived and allows the individual to explore, creating autonomy alongside relaxation. Zumthor has produced an environment which interacts with the inhabitant in such a way so as to contribute to an individual experience. His spaces invoke physical, cognitive and emotional experiences, relating closely to the aims of the outcomes of therapy practices. The nature of his spaces are ex periential, and relate to people and engage them in the surrounding place by the use of materials. Perception, the body, and its interactions with the physical world via the senses are here employed as companions to architecture, companions to therapy

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The elements of the Architecture as a social tool

The body is a living creature; within it blood circulates, fluids are exchanged, vapour enter and leave via the breath. Water is present here, essential to the body’s functioning and healing processes.

Water is mysterious when it is in shadow, lurking, waiting, and is inviting and revealing when in the light. Water has the power to transform, to be dark and subdued, calculating, ugly one moment, radiant and beautiful the next.

Water is also known for its calming effects, its tranquillity bestowing serenity and solace. The architectural programme of the architecture as a social tool is primarily that of a bath house; due to the stress relieving properties of water and the sensory aspects of water.

Water in The Architecture as a social tool Water stimulates the sense of touch, provides a soothing embrace and allows individual reflection to take place. Sensory engagement is thus powerful, and the calm and sense of comfort offered by water serves both to aid in the creation o f tranquillity and clarity of mind and to mobilise the body in new ways, to explore sensation across the body in a variety of positions.

Humidity Humidity is a pertinent sensation employed in this architecture as a social tool, made possible by the programme of a bath house within this facility. High humidity enforces a consideration of body and the immediate movement through a sensation of warmth and pressure on the skin, the aqueous vapour pushes through the skin, increasing the thickness of the body which feels the weight of its impatience. The humid touch insists on an awareness.

Humidity creates a new tactility within the architecture, a new sensation

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The humid architecture wraps the body and its movements in space. The resistance of humid space to the body’s movement as it clings to the body, heightens the experience of the body is space as an exaggerated sensation of the limit of the body. Condensation clings to the body and to the architecture; the body signals receptiveness through the appropriate outfit. Skin and clothing sparkle and gleam. The new dimension adds a versatility which absorbs the user int o a new environment. (thread 1)

Humidity in The Architecture as a social tool This heightened awareness of body as generated by humidity in turn intensifies the awareness and understanding of each bodily movement in space, linking with performativity to further heighten bodily engagement, awareness of body and in turn awareness of self. (thread 2) Humidity undermines building’s ability to discretely and exclusively define inside - ness as interiority. It unhinges the assumption that simply correlates interiority with an inside and exteriority with an outside. This brings about deconstruction of preconceived notions, such as the notion of boundary and its blurring.

Humidity relates to the blurring of body and architecture, where humid atmospheres illustrate a gravity from all directions as the pressure of humidity gently challenges the boundary conditions it meets. Humidity explores boundary by extending the sensation of skin in a manner which more closely relates the body and skin to the air and space around it, to the architecture.

In this manner the body becomes closely intertwined with the architecture, serving to explore the body, the awareness of body and in turn promote awareness of self and identity. Further, in blurring the boundaries between architecture and the body.

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Atmosphere in The architecture as a social tool If darkness is prized for seclusion and the embrace of a close and enveloping atmosphere, then small and tight spaces will also contribute to the creation of this atmosphere. Utilised in the beginning ďŹ rst two threads of the architecture, along with humidity, I propose this will further aid in putting these inhabitants at ease, creating a calm and enveloping atmosphere where they may explore the environment. The embrace of these architectural spaces also promotes increased encounter as their walls, oor and ceilings will be within easy reach, their tactility and texture becoming more apparent.

The architecture as a social tool will thus be a space of cosy heat; allow the temperate atmosphere to soothe away concern, push away inhibitions, and let awareness and reconciliation creep in. Towards journey’s end, wafts of air will circulate from the exterior environment, cool in comparison to the warmth of the interior. The cosy nature of the space will open up into a much larger body of water where the user becomes aware of the other beings, the cosiness aids subtle interaction without the element of discomfort, since the minds in engagement are relaxed.

This is awakening and refreshing, perhaps akin to these same qualities developing in the psyche, awakening a new conversation. A conversation which shifts from an internal one to an external. The internal being the self, the external being the engagement between two refreshed bodies. Bodies that are both strangers to one another. This waft of air comes as a surprise, yet the most beautiful things generally come as a surprise.

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Aspects of Senses

Sight The intensity of darkness utilised in the architecture as a social tool also increases affiliation through the provocation of imagination, of fantasy, of changes in reality. Deep shadows and darkness are essential because they dim the sharpness of vision, make depth and distance ambiguous and invite unconscious peripheral vision and tactile fantasy. Darkness is known by experience to have a greater effect on the passions than light. The absence of light makes its little presence more potent, more pow erful; this hints at a reconciliation with the unfamiliar, the unknown, which will arise for those inhabitants open to the unconscious, to their own bodies and own psyche. Darkness is powerful to sharpen the mind, allure the senses during overpowering emot ional states as stimulated in the architecture. In these times we need to close off the distancing sense of vision in order to think clearly, the sharpness of vision has to be suppressed. In these emotional states the more latent senses are stimulated, mo ving from vision alone to hearing, touch, light to shadow.

Sight in The Architecture as a social tool Light is a powerful element of sight; ambiance and atmosphere are able to be manipulated with light to create comfort. Yet ultimately darkness may prove a key to relaxation and to reflection.

If light is scarce then light is scarce; we will immerse ourselves in the darkness and there discover its own particular beauty. In darkness we find psychological withdrawal, rest and reflection. Dark spaces’ obscurity hides flaws, offering mystery and desire through concealment. In this way illumination would drive away inquisitivness whereas darkness highlights the potential of this latent attractiveness, the secret and elusive, the mystifying. Darkness is essential at the beginning of this architectural journey of absorption and consequently identity development to provide seclusion and comfort in this seclusion, to relax these inhabitants and quell their unease.

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Hearing in The Architecture as as a social tool Calm and tranquil sounds are ideal to ease the mind, to dispel the ardently maintained defences and to best promote identity development and the sense of self. Where water is present its sounds are soothing; where users engage with the architecture the soft breezes and smooth noises of motion are gentle; where footsteps are heard they meld with the waves serving only to pacify the inhabitants. Hearing creates a sense of connection and solidarity, where an affinity with the space may be reached through the soft whispers of water, the murmuring echoes of one ’ s footsteps measuring the space, linking body to space. We stroke the edges of space with our ears. An architectural experience silences the unnecessary, external noise, it focuses attention on one ’ s very existence.

Touch in The Architecture as a social tool Research suggests that sensuous engagement is decreasing in society. The importance of simple tactile pleasures is being discounted. Touching and hugging as a manner of greeting and increasingly rare, even the handshake is going out of fashion. To this end human-kind’s greatest and most easily accessible sources of pleasure have become taboo. Further, we are losing connection with nature and the tactile encounters provided here. The architecture as a social tool provides this with visually tactile materials, through lighting, warmth and the sensations of water. Touch is the sense least susceptible to deception and hence the one in which we tend to put the most trust. It reminds us that we are not only observers of the world but actors in it. We are the participants.

Conclusion Through sensory immersion, the architecture thus provides prostheses for engagement, to stimulate and to encourage interaction between bodies who are strangers. The inhabitant cherishes this newfound freedom, newfound autonomy and calibration of space, this newfound appreciation of the body and its potential, its promise. Thus emerging, a new individual. The architecture as a social tool can be viewed as a rewarding experience

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which upgrades one's persona through (i) the realization of one's self and (ii) engagement between dierent unique 'selves'.

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The dearth of public space: Mumbai

Mumbai means noise, pollution and congestion. There is undeniably a lack of public spaces, and the dearth of social engagement spaces is only because the forces of commercialisation and privatisation have got the better of planning. The government’s own planning authorities have been side - lined and those to benefit from this anarchic situation are builders and developers, corrupt officials and politicians, and other vested interests. Increasing colonisation of public spaces for selfish profiteering takes place under the viel of privatisation of development. With the government abdicating its responsibility, there is no representation of public interest in the agenda for the development of cities.

The story of Mumbai’s public space in general and waterfronts in particular is the story of neglect, greed and absence of democratic planning. The waterfronts, precisely because they are the most attractive part of the city, have been at the receiving end of neglect and abuse, most of all, by landfills, besides destruction of mangroves by builders and the government itself. The growing nexus between developers and the government agencies is leading to the decline and destruction of public resources through out the city.

The seafront is the largest open space and the most attractive and crucial feature of Mumbai’s landscape. For millions who live in this crowded city, the waterfronts, be it at Marine Drive or Chowpatty, Haji Ali or Worli Sea Face, Dadar-Prabhadevi, Shivaji Park, Mahim, Bandra, Juhu Beach or Versova, are the only major open spaces apart from few parks and maidans. People flock there to catch a breath of fresh air, to soak in the golden light of the setting sun in the far horizon or to share a moment of togetherness with a loved one, Bollywood style. Open spaces along the seafront and other public spaces have been an integral part of Mumbai’s landscape. Old municipal gardens such as Victoria Gardens, now known as the Jijamata Udyan, and the Hanging Gardens, continue to be popular with morning walkers and picnickers. Big grounds like the Cross, Azad, Oval, Cooperage and Shivaji Park have hosted historically significant social movements and

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today are sites for community festivals, political demonstrations and meetings, sports and cultural programmes, so integral a part of the public life of the city.

One of the distinctive features of Mumbai’s coastline is the presence of many forts—in Vasai, Bandra, Mahim and Worli — which, unfortunately, are in a state of total disrepair at present.

Every city has areas that draw people out in droves, but the seafront of Mumbai gives it its very identity. It is the symbol of Mumbai. The waterfront at Apollo Bunder, where the Gateway of India is located, and the iconic Marine Drive, Girgaum and Juhu Beach are its most important landmarks. Promenades along the seafronts have existed for long in the city. The oldest of these was constructed at the Apollo Bunder. By the 1880s, this area had gained importance, not only as a landing place for overseas passengers, but also for the public promenade constructed as part of the Apollo Reclamation Scheme for development of a residential-cum-commercial area. The subsequent development of Gateway of India at Apollo Bunder enhanced the quality of this waterfront as a heritage site as well as a major tourist attraction for people from all over the world.

Despite their historical significance and importance as vital open spaces for a densely populated and highly congested city, waterfronts, particularly those in the suburbs, are facing degradation and have become the city’s dumping grounds. These waterfronts as much as the suburbs themselves have been treated as the backyard of the city.

The Regional Plan does not identify the waterfronts as a special planning zone. It does not recognise the waterfront as a special planning zone or its enormous pote ntial as public space when the entire metropolitan region is virtually surrounded by the sea. The coastline and the Mithi river located in the centre of the city have not even been considered as an integral part of the city’s landscape in the planning anddevelopment process for Mumbai. On the contrary, they have been subjected to neglect, abuse and degradation. The sea along the west coast has become a major garbage and sewage dump. The BMC

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has been freely releasing the city’s waste directly at the shoreswith minor treatment, causing enormous pollution. This neglect of the city's waterfront and its natural, environmental and social significance is tragic and has resulted in the loss not only in ecological terms, but of its potential as a significant public space.

Of the 2,300 odd plots reserved for recreation grounds, playgrounds and gardens in the last DP, for example, only a little over 500 had seen the light of day. A large proportion of the rest harbour encroachments

The BMC has several plans and special policies, inviting private participation for this purpose. Interestingly, most island landscapes are barricaded and presented as showcases. While they may be an important part of road “ development”, they surely cannot be considered as a value addition to the development of public space in this city. BMC’s recent privatisation drive for the development of public gardens, playgrounds and waterfronts is a case in point. There are several instances where the “ adoption” of a garden by a group or an organisat ion results in its better maintenance, but at the cost of the exclusion of the general public. We tend to look at reclamations, flyovers, highways, buildings—in short, all construction — as symbols of urban planning and progress. There is growing pressure from developers for unlimited FSI to allow more and more construction even though the infrastructure available is inadequate. This image is popularly associated with development and with the good life. However, it becomes increasingly clear that without long-term, holistic planning these visible symbols of modernity do not necessarily enhance the quality of urban existence. As the city gets more and more congested, polluted and noisy, it takes a toll on the health of residents, both rich and poor. Loss of contact with nature often gives rise to a particular urban angst, the price we pay for this model of development. Mercifully, however, there is also a growing consciousness that challenges this image of a city.

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Creating new spaces for the public

One important development in an otherwise dismal scenario is that Mumbai is currently witnessing movements by citizens’ groups with specific demands for the protection and development of open spaces for public use. Notwithstanding their shortcomings and contradictions, many of these organisations have experienced important successes and have thus gained acceptability both in the government and in public fora. Many of these groups have moved Public Interest Litigations (PILs) and got favourable orders. What gives urgency to such citizens’ initiatives is the fact that in Mumbai the available open space per 1,000 persons is extremely low and declining. London has 1.96 ha per 1000 people and New York 2.16 ha, Mumbai has only 0.01 ha of open space available for every thousand persons. According to calculations made by us the ratio of open space per thousand population in Mumbai is 0.04 ha per thousand population. In other big cities of India, the situation is only slightly better: the open space available in Delhi and Calcutta is reported to be 1.21 ha per thousand persons

Given that the current trend of development in Mumbai has resulted in the promotion of real estate, commercialisation, abuse and neglect of open spaces, the present DP has to be radically altered in the best interest of the larger public. This is the only way that the healthy development of public spaces can be effectively carried out. An alternative vision of Mumbai has to be created, whereby the resources of the city are protected and utilised, to benefit all the groups that make up this great cosmopolitan, urban conglomeration, they should not be destroyed or misappropriated.

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Architecture as a social tool

Bandra: The queen of the burbs Situated on the western coastline of Mumbai, Bandra is perhaps the prettiest suburb of Mumbai. Dotted with churches, old houses, narrow shaded lanes, hills, heritage precincts, it can boast of many good schools, colleges, hospitals, hotels, restaurants, shopping areas, markets, cinema houses and cultural centres. Most important, however, is its cosmopolitan character and its atmosphere of openness and diversity. People from different religions and regions have made Bandra their home, each leaving their distinctive mark on its very vibrant culture. It is all this that has won Bandra the sobriquet, “Queen of the Suburbs”. Bandra also has a large number of people, particularly old residents, who zealously guard the wonderful heritage of their suburb. There is a demonstrable track record of residents’ participation in matters to do with roads, gardens, heritage sites, establishments and so on. It is this spirit of activist struggle which is reflected in the success of the two promenades in Bandra at Carter Road and Bandstand.

In 1867 the B.B & C.I railway commenced the first rail service of on e train a day between Virar and Bombay. This cheap, speedy and convenient transport service resulted in a greater influx into Bandra, so that hardly six years later, the serv ice was increased to 24 trains each way, each day.“ Since the opening of railway communication,” the Imperial Gazetteer noted in 1909, “Bandra has become a favourite place of resort for the citizens of Bombay.” Today, the number of local trains that halt a t Bandra is a staggering 940, with both the Western and Central line. With the expansion of Bandra, new infrastructure became necessary.

The senior residents of Bandra recall the beauty of the villages and the hills of Bandra. Patricia Nath, who grew up i n the village called Rajan, off Carter Road, reminisces:

“The area along the beach was densely covered with coconut groves and sparsely dotted with bungalows. The bungalow gardens were invariably full of mango, chickoo, cherry, guava, custard apple and love apple trees. Summer afternoons were spent in tents in the coconut groves while the mornings and evenings were spent lazing on the clean white

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sands or swimming in the open sea. Towards the east of this village was Pali Hill, densely covered with huge trees and believed to be the home of wild animals. The plains in the west were cultivated with vegetables for the use of the surrounding villages…..To the north our village was what we called‘ Danda Green’. This was a large open, hilly area which was later flattened to accommodate a sports field of sorts. When it was not a sports field it was a drying ground for fish belonging to the fisherfolk of Danda. The sandy stretch between Rajan village and Danda Green was referred to as silver sands since the sand on this stretch glistened with a silvery hue in the sunlight. The other villages all lay to the south of our village and were sparsely covered with tiny little single-storied apartments.”

A large number of people were attracted to this beautiful suburb with i ts lovely cottages, charming lanes and by-lanes lined with trees, villages, churches and niches of old- world serenity.

The story of the waterfront “It may be geography, rather than history or religion, which gives Bandra its distinctive identity," says Darryl D’Monte, senior journalist, environmentalist and an active member of one of the residents’ associations in Bandra. “It is not just the first suburb on the western seafront as you cross out of the island city, but just as Mumbai is the‘ first city in India’, Bandra is the first among other suburban areas, the undisputed queen. Being endowed with a long and undulating coastline, interrupted by fishing villages, Bandra ’ s ethos is umbilically linked to the sea.”

Land's End is a peninsula that juts into the sea with a fort, Castella de Aguada, popularly known as Bandra fort, at its tip and a hill that comes under the vista of the fort. It commands one of the most magnificent views of Mumbai, being at a height of about 30 to 40 m above sea level. It is locat ed at the Mahim creek, bounded by Mahim Bay on the east and south and the Arabian Sea on the west. It is also eponymously known as the Byramjee Jeejeebhoy Point as the area adjoining the fort belonged to the gentleman who built a large mansion more than 100 years ago. He also contributed a

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large portion of the expenses for the construction of the seaside road, popularly known as Bandra Bandstand today. The local residents had always used the hill as a recreational area. The old residents of the locality rem ember it as being covered by thousands of palm trees and myriad colourful birds. Many beautiful houses, like the Jeejeebhoy House among others, were located here. Today only the plinth and remains of the walls survive.

The hill, originally owned by Byramj ee Jeejeebhoy, was leased to the government. Under the 1956 DP for Greater Bombay, it was reserved for residential purposes. The 1966 DP reserved 1.45 ha as a green belt and the rest was marked for housing. In 1971 the owners of the plot floated a private company called Enjay Estate Private Limited to which the land was transferred. The canopied stone benches, which were provided by Byramjee Jeejeebhoy along the seaside road, were removed to provide access to cars and other vehicles to the still incomplete Sea Rock hotel and a motor road was extended up to the Land’s End Point. Public agitations were staged and memoranda submitted against the encroachments on public space, and in 1973, the state government issued a directive to the BMC to preserve the entire hill as a single unit for a public park. This decision was, however, reversed and the area demarcated as a green zone reduced to 0.57 ha out of 1.45 ha reserved in the 1966 DP. Although the vigilant citizenry of Bandra had succeeded partially in protecting their waterfront, stretching from the fort to the Danda fishing village, from appropriation by builders, government agencies and criminal elements, the coastline still remained out of bounds to the general public.

Bandra Festival Community spirit best manifested itself in the two- week long "Celebrate Bandra" festival held since November 2003. There was a range of venues, Land's End, Bandstand, Carter Road and the Reclamation promenades, public gardens, schools and colleges, community halls and street corners, and the events included music concerts, a skating rally, a tour down Bandra’ s heritage lanes, a treasure hunt, road races, a French fusion, formal jazz concert, art exhibitions and dance performances. Other talents showcased were to do with literature, art, music, sports, cuisine, dance and theatre. The best thing

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about the Bandra Festival is that it' s a citizens’ initiative, conceptualised and put together by individuals who live in the suburb and citizens’ groups which operate from there. People from all parts of the city gather to witness these events, which really make it one of the most spectacular cultural events of the city.

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What next? Bandra is arguably the city's most important cultural hub. There is an opportunity for a new social dynamic to take the cultural et hos of the socially active area to the next level. Since the ecosystem of Bandra's bandstand area has a savoury mix of local culture, a spectrum of Bombay's demographic predominantly using the space, picturesque skyline views of the city, a raw historical setting, and close proximity to the old town and the new developments, it stands as a strong candidate to accommodate the architecture as a social tool. The new social dynamic is the fresh inux of young global explorers for whom the city is a base -station. This setting is an ideal tasting-platter to imbibe the local lifestyle ďŹ rst-hand while simultaneously acting as a new recreational ground for the locals to interact with a cultural specimen of a foreign land. The new dynamic is exciting, invigorating and exhilarating. It adds value to what the active citizens of the area. It does not deter from what they've been striving for: since it re ignites the sense of community and neighbourhood identity. It provides the scope of breaking from rhythm that engulfs the routine lives of the locals. The social tool is a weapon to kill dormancy. A tool to spark a new life in the way people learn.

A platform for explores to blend in and learn from a new landscape. A platform for locals to welcome and learn from a new explorer.

The architecture as a social tool in Bandra's bandstand will prevent monotony and add a new, exciting dynamic to Bandra's existing rich cultural set-up. According to Massey’s concept of place, places are are made of social relationships reaching beyond their locale, their uniqueness being a product of these relations: The

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Author’s own images

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Final Conclusion The notion of an architecture as a social tool was born forth from the dissatisfaction with current social engagement spaces for the youth and the rapid psychological impacts that come along as a by-product of an urban-living. The social tool is a platform where young citizens of a society from distinct cultural backdrops engage and interact to learn something new everyday. I believ, the introduction of a new program in form of the architecture as a social tool will be capable to combat city-related pyschological problems by developing the youth in a manner that readies them to explore and ďŹ nd something new, everday of their lives. To retire the words monotony and routine, and keep a quest for excitement and innovation.

I believe, the architecture as a social tool will prepare individuals who are in fact global citizens enriched by the positive work-styles, ethics, mentality of a thousand dierent cultures around the world. The people are the main fulcrum of the tool. The aim is to create such social tools at socially vibrant parts of the city, moving to a larg er scale of a district, state, country and penultimately, worldwide.The architecture as social tool addresses the need to create broad-minded, sensitive and rational thinkers by providing new solutions in the domain of architecture of public spaces. uniqueness of a place, or a locality, is constructed out of particular interactions and mutual articulations of social relations, social processes, experiences and understandings, in a situation of co- presence, but where a large portion of those relations, experiences and understandings are actually constructed on a far larger scale than what we happen to deďŹ ne for that moment as the place itself, whether that be a street, a region, or even a continent. Instead, then, of thinking of places as areas with boundaries around, they can be imagined as articulated moments in networks of social relations and understandings. And this in turn allows a sense of place which is - extra verted, which includes a consciousness of links with the wider world, which integrates in a positive way the global and the local.

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