Ere Ibeji: African Twin Statues

DoS AND BERTiE WiNKEl CollECTioN

1

ERE iBEJi

TEXT

BRUNO

CLAESSENS

PhoTogRAPhy

JEAN-PIERRE

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DEPIENNE

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Foreword Frank herreman Former Director of Exhibitions, Museum for African Art, New York

Ojú kì í r’à rewà k’o ó má ki i The eyes will never fail to greet the beautiful (1) In the first decades of the 20th century the artistic avantgarde of Western Europe discovered an unsuspectedly rich vocabulary of forms in the manner by which traditional African sculptors represented human figures, animals and hybrid creatures. The interest for African art was not limited to artists. Fairly soon dealers appeared who organized exhibitions for aficionados who evolved into the first generation of collectors. Cultural anthropologists and art historians, too, quickly came under the spell of African art. Aside from an admiration for the unprecedented inventiveness of form, they sought out the significance of these sculptures, the formal patterns or styles that exist within the various artistic traditions, and the meaning of this art that differs from culture to culture.

The ibeji, or twin-figures of the Yoruba people from Nigeria and Benin, are well known within the pantheon of traditional African art. Speak to collectors about them and they will often tell you of their first encounter with one or several ibeji. They were understandably taken with the ibeji’s striking physical characteristics: the thickset proportions, the large head crowned with a finely elaborated hairdo, the prominently rendered genitalia – as though these small sculptures were meant to represent an adult male or female. Ibeji are indeed quite recognizable.

Concentrating still further on these figurines, one discovers how the face and trunk are decorated with geometric motifs and, moreover, how some ibeji wear ornaments like metal arm- and leg rings or strings of colored beads that hang around the neck or torso. And if the amateur at last gets the chance to actually hold an ibeji in his hands, he will understand how they would often acquire their soft contours by grace of manifold ritual handlings.

Is this description of a beginning enthusiast’s first introduction to ibeji imaginary, or not? Bertie and Dos Winkel encountered their first ibeji during one of their many sojourns in Africa. They soon became impassioned collectors and began to ask questions: questions to do with the true identity of these remarkable figures, questions about the artists who made them and about the people for whom they were intended. Questions, too, concerning the ritual meaning of these small sculptures and how they were used and, more broadly, about the traditions that determine these figures’ form and appearance. The search for answers brought them to the idea of publishing a book about their ibeji collection.

As author of this work, they called upon Bruno Claessens, and he has formulated a number of answers, meticulously so. For this, he delved deeply into numerous publications on Yoruba culture in order to better situate the ibeji and their ritual significance. Next, with close analysis, he places each statuette within the local stylistic tradition of the respective Yoruba group. In some cases, it was even possible to attribute an ibeji to a specific artist or atelier. Furthermore, we are also provided with a considered interpretation as to the meaning and function of the various body, scarifications and/or adornments that decorate the ibeji.

The analytical approach of the author, together with the numerous illustrations of the selected twin-figurines from the collection of Bertie and Dos Winkel, make this publication a valuable resource for all who wish to know more about the ibeji and their ritual context. The book makes us acquainted with these figures, described by the Yoruba as the temporary abodes of deceased children who were born as twins. Souls who await reincarnation and who, just as the still-living children, must be lovingly cared for and nurtured.

(1) from Fabunmi (Michael), Ayayo Ijinle Ohun Enu Ifè, Ibadan, 1972

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the team Dos en Bertie Winkel As a child at the start of the Sixties of the last century, I was held spellbound by the adventures of Herman Haan on Dutch (black & white) TV. During this adventurous architect’s travels to Africa he wound up among the Dogon in Mali, where he explored the Tellem burial caves in a most ingenious manner.

As a 10 or 11 year-old I already knew that I wanted to travel the world and experience similar adventures. Not just Africa, but all the continents. Mysterious rainforests, deserts, remote peoples, as well as the enigmatic underwater kingdom. When I met Bertie in 1967, and told her about my dreams, to my great surprise she told me that she’d shared my pleasure of Herman Haan’s adventures. No wonder we clicked right from the start.

In 1969 we left on our first “expedition”: three months through the lands of the Sahara with our little Citroën deux-chevaux. What an experience! We were so taken by the travel bug that this became the first of many, many journeys. Next came our Dogon adventure: we bought a plane ticket to Abidjan (Ivory Coast) and traveled from there with Railway Abidjan-Niger to Bobo Dioulasso in the then Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso). We chartered an old Peugeot and rode to Mopti in Mali, and from there over rocks and unpaved roads to Sanga. The temperature was 50°C. Early the next morning we set out on foot to the Dogon valley. A dream became reality. No tourists, just us and the Dogon.

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Expeditions followed to the heart of the Amazon rainforest; to the most remote parts of Papua New Guinea; to Nagaland in Tirap and Myanmar, as well as over 110 trips to Africa. Between 1970 and 1980, most of these were “art trips”. Oddly enough, we’ve never been to Nigeria.

During our trips to Benin and Togo, however, we had contacts that looked-out for pieces for us in Nigeria. And so, by the early 1970s we’d assembled over 40 ibeji-pairs and a variety of single ibeji. Most of these came to be sold in our gallery in Delft, but we always reserved the best pieces and these went to comprise the collection that is discussed and illustrated in this volume. William Fagg was a welcome guest in that period. He knew an enormous amount about the Yoruba and their ibeji. He was able to tell us that some of our pieces dated back to the 19th century, and that others were very rare with no known comparable examples.

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Bruno Claessens

Jean-Pierre Depienne

Bruno Claessens (°1983) graduated in 2005 as historian.

It was in 2003 - through his wife Griet Blomme, herself an ethnography graduate - that he first came into contact with African art at the Sablon in Brussels. From 2007 to 2010, he better acquainted himself with all aspects of the African art world whilst in the assistance of Guy van Rijn in Brussels. In the summer of 2010, he organized “Vlijmscherp” (meaning ‘Razor Sharp’), an exhibition of African weapons from the Ethnographic Collection of the University of Ghent. Between 2010 and 2012, he was archivist of the Yale University-van Rijn Archive of African Art. At present, he works as an independent expert in African art, advisor and curator.

Jean-Pierre Depienne (°1952) first came into contact with photography at age 16 via his high school’s photo club.

In 1972 he quit his university studies, leaving with a few friends and his Nikon camera for Afghanistan, Iran and Turkey. Following this adventurous trip, he opened his first photographic studio in Brasschaat in 1977. He specialized mainly in industrial and advertising photography of the port of Antwerp. Later he dedicated more time to portraiture and social photography and - together with his wife Linda - opened a second studio. In between, he executed a number of photo-reportages during trips to Africa and Central America. In 2012, Jean-Pierre and Linda sold both photo studios in order to have more time to devote to their travels.

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nIgerIa and the Yoruba The Yoruba are one the African continent’s largest ethnic groups. The majority of the 25 million Yoruba live in southwest Nigeria, but there are also Yoruba communities in southwest Benin and central Togo. For centuries the Yorubaregion was subdivided in large kingdoms, each with their own interpretation of a shared cultural and artistic inheritance.

Despite the considerable regional variety of customs and institutions that has long existed among the principal subgroups, they possess sufficient underlying cultural and linguistic unity to be considered a single ethnic group.

Archeological excavations have revealed that urbanization in the Yoruba-region started as early as the year 900. By the 11th century, Yoruba kings already reigned over important city-states. The city of Ife was the Yoruba’s religious capital, and is described as the common place of origin from which sprang all other kingdoms. It was a major urban center with advanced religious, social and political institutions.

Its economic prosperity and intense cultural activity was mirrored in the production of artistic objects of outstanding quality. In Ife, in the middle of the 11th century, magnificent naturalistic bronze heads were already being casted, at a time when no single metalsmith in Europe or the Middle East possessed such technical skills.

The king (or Oni) of Ife was considered by all Yoruba as their religious and spiritual leader, even though subsequently other Yoruba kingdoms became much larger and more powerful.

From the 14th century onwards, the king of Oyo, the Alafin, became the most important authority in the region. Various other city-states became tributary to Oyo and the all-powerful Alafin determined the destiny and history of all Yoruba for several centuries. Oyo even extended its power into Benin and Togo. Over two-thirds of the population of the different city-states comprised families with a house in the city and a farm in the countryside. Other strata of the urban population were occupied by merchants and specialized craftsmen.

In the capital cities, there was a constant demand on the part of religious and civil authorities for art works, in order to bring the gods to the city and so lend support and glory to the leaders. Thanks to the far-reaching urbanization of the

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Yoruba, there arose an extensive visual arts sector. In this way, the Yoruba have become inheritors of one of Africa’s oldest and richest artistic traditions, a culture that even today remains vibrant and influential.

Under the administrative and military power of the Alafin of Oyo, the Yoruba - both internally and externally - maintained a strong and unified kingdom until the beginning of the 19th century. When the power of the Alafin gradually declined, there came an end to this long period of harmony, with a series of internal conflicts that tore the ancient unity asunder. The great Oyo kingdom fell into chaos, and the northern Fulani seized their chance for ascendancy by moving southwards. In 1835, the capital city of Oyo-Ile was razed to the ground. This signaled the end of the once-sopowerful Oyo kingdom that had for long functioned as an important stabilizing factor in the region. The result was a long period of violent unrest, with the various Yoruba citystates fighting one another in constantly shifting alliances.

These civil wars lasted for more than a half-century and their impact was felt across the entire region. Cities were burned to the ground in their entirety, and many Yoruba were either killed or sold into slavery. Many tried to flee to other parts of the region where new city-states were founded, like the Egba kingdom in the southwest of the Yoruba-region. No doubt, this tumultuous epoch also led to the destruction of a great many art works.

The British colonial period commenced in 1885, but it nevertheless took several years before internal order was completely restored. By the end of the 19th century, Great Britain’s control extended to the whole of Nigeria. The absolute power of the Yoruba kings came to an end with the beginning of British colonial domination. This said, they were still recognized as traditional leaders with a particular say as to religious matters. Nigeria declared independence in 1960.

The country became a republic within the Commonwealth in 1963, more or less divided into states and districts based on ethnic borders. Traditional Yoruba practices gradually disappeared after this date.

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world vIew According to the Yoruba, the cosmos consists of two different, but inseparable, worlds: aye, the visible material world of the living, and orun, the invisible realm of the ancestors, gods and spirits. Orun, heaven, is home of the orisha (gods), ara orun (ancestors) and a panoply of various spirits. Olorun (literally “lord of the air”, also known as Olodumare, “the eternal”) stands at the head of the Yoruba pantheon. He is the supreme deity, creator of the world. He is the source of ase, the life-force that is present in all things.

Olorun, however, is not directly venerated or figuratively represented; he is without form and is not worshipped.

Moreover, he does not communicate directly with the world; this occurs via the gods, or orisha. These gods have human traits, and each of them embodies a specific natural or cultural expression of ase. For example, Yemoja personifies water and motherhood; Obatala creativity; Orunmila clairvoyance and wisdom; Esu/Elegba conciliation; Osanyin healing; Ogun tools, weapons and war; Orisa Oko farming, and Osun fertility and beauty. In fact, there are over 400 different orisha, each with a positive as well as negative side.

Next to incarnated powers, there are also deified ancestors who played a significant role in Yoruba history. Shango, the god of thunder and lightning, was according to tradition the fourth king of the Oyo-Ile. Concomitant with the ascendancy of the Oyo kingdom, he developed into one of the most wellknown and worshipped gods of the Yoruba pantheon.

Because direct contact with Olorun is impossible, Yoruba devotion is directed towards the orisha, as the link between humankind and the supreme god. To this end, altars and temples are erected and offerings are made. Each extended family worships its own god, the one with whom they maintain closest contact. It is to this god that offerings are made in exchange for protection. In special circumstances, the family may call upon other orisha for help since each god has its own particular specialty and function.

Within this cosmology there are two gods, Orunmila (Ifa) and Esu (Elegba), who are situated at the threshold between

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aye and orun, and communicate between the godly and earthly spheres. Esu is the divine messenger who mediates between Olodumare and the orisha and between gods and humans. Orunmila is the clairvoyant with power to indicate the root cause of any occurrence. He is the center of an extensive system of divination, called ifa, which is ubiquitous in Yoruba daily life. Ifa offers people the possibility to get to know the forces that engender specific events in their lives, and to influence them through prayer and offerings. The diviner, or babalawo (literally “father of ancient wisdom”) uses the rituals and proverbs of the ifa oracle to identify just which cosmic forces are at work. Within the village, he is respected and honored as a general counselor; and he also plays an important role in the twin cult.

In addition to this extensive pantheon of gods, the ancestor cult plays an important role, too, in the story of ibeji. The Yoruba namely believe in the immortality of the soul and the reincarnation of every human being - both notions that are essential for the twin cult. The ancestors have departed but are not dead. They can be contacted by their descendants to lend support and guidance. They can temporarily return to the world in the form of egungun masks, or as new persons to their lineage, who are then considered in part as their reincarnations. For example, a young girl who is the reincarnation of her grandmother is given the name Yetunde (“mother is back”). This grandmother, however, continues to exist in orun - only a part of her spirit, emi, is embodied in the newborn child.

The deceased ancestors thus remain in permanent contact with their family by means of their immortal soul. They are able to take part in everyday family life, and are able to influence its ups and downs. This is the reason for the respect and care given them. The twin cult would be unthinkable without this belief. Ibeji are, in fact, created in the presumption that the soul of the deceased twin continues to live on, and now finds a home in a wooden statuette until the moment it ultimately returns to earth in the body of a newborn baby.

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Ogungbemi Oshuna, carver and chief of Ile Olomujo, town of Isolo-Opin, in his shrine holding a pair of ere ibeji.

Kwara State, Ekiti area, Nigeria, 1980.

Apprenticed with Dada Fasiku in Ikerin.

Photo courtesy of Deborah Stokes

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the twIn Cult The birth of twins is always and everywhere greeted as a special event. For various African peoples it fits naturally into the sphere of the animal realm, where multiple births are commonplace. From observations of nature, it was believed that multiple births were due to the female having relations with more than one male partner. Thus, with the birth of twins, the categorical distinction between man and beast was overstepped. The question of paternity then naturally arose along with matters of legitimate descent.

In certain cultures, mothers were accused of adultery as it was considered impossible for the husband to be the father of both children. In such cases, the mother might be banned or even killed. One or even both of the children might also be killed outright, or just abandoned to their inevitable fate. Samuel Blommaert, an Antwerp merchant who travelled in Benin in 1602, remarked that he saw not a single pair of twins, though such births certainly occurred.

The birth of twins in the Kingdom of Benin was cause for great scandal, seeing that it was taken as proof of the mother’s infidelity. His travel diary was later used by Olfert Dapper, a physician and writer from Amsterdam, in his own 1668 monograph on Africa.

Similar ideas existed amongst the Yoruba at the same time.

Various orally related stories make mention that the killing of twins was widespread in the region. Twins were seen as mysterious supernatural beings. They disturbed the natural order; they were bringers of misfortune, possessed by evil spirits. And so, counter-measures were imperative, and had to be taken right after delivery. One or both twins, and sometimes the mother too, were killed or, in the best case, banished. In some areas, mothers were allowed to return to their village after undergoing extensive purification rituals.

In the case of rich or highly ranked families, exceptions were sometimes allowed.

The oral tradition is quite unequivocal concerning the fact that up to around the mid-18th century, the practice of killing twins was customary. Emerging from Oyo from

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around this time, a more humane attitude developed, culminating in a veneration of twins and the twin cult itself.

In two oral traditions, Isokun is named as the first place where Yoruba twins were accepted. The exact geographic location of Isokun remains, however, unknown to us. It was possibly a temporary trading post close to Porto Novo, populated by Yoruba emigrants from Oyo. Oral tradition has it that during the first half of the 18th century there was a Yoruba family from Oyo living in Isokun to whom permission to keep their twins was accorded by the ifa oracle, consistent with the local custom. In the coastal region of Porto Novo, twins were indeed welcome, and perhaps this practice was adopted by immigrants there.

Most probably, it was through contact with neighboring peoples who accepted twins (like the Fon) that made the Yoruba question their own attitude. It remains uncertain if, and to what extent, this influence might have filtered to the city Oyo, where the Alafin around 1750 would have issued a decree bringing an end to twin killing after his own wife had given birth to twins. Although oral tradition indicates a sudden reversal, the establishment and spread of the twin cult must no doubt have required a certain period of time. A fast about-turn of a long-standing tradition seems unlikely. It was, rather, a long process that from 1842 onwards was also stimulated and encouraged, first by missionaries and later during colonial rule. Nonetheless, ambivalent attitudes with regard to twins would persist well into the 20th century.

Due to our lack of written Yoruba sources, it is still not known exactly when the ibeji cult came into being. The earliest Western written account of the existence of ibeji can be found in the travel diaries of the British explorer Richard Lander, who traveled the river Niger in 1830. In his “Journal of an expedition to explore the course and termination of the Niger,” he recounts his meeting with Yoruba women who wore small statuettes in Ibese, a southern Yoruba village. On 7 April 1830, he writes: “... many women with little figures of children on their

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heads passed us in the course of the morning - mothers, who, having lost a child, carry such rude imitations of them about their persons for an indefinite time as a symbol of mourning. None of them could be induced to part with one of these affectionate little memorials.� We can thus assume that the twin cult already existed in the first half of the 19th century. Not long after, in 1854, the British Museum acquired its first pair of ere ibeji statuettes. So to conclude, we can posit that twin veneration by the Yoruba most likely commenced between 1750 and 1830.

According to tradition, the first mother of twins in Isokun was required by the ifa oracle to dance in public with her children every five days. Spectators pitied her and gave her presents. In this way, after a period of time the family prospered; the twins had made their parents rich.

It was probably the association of twins with wealth that constituted the initial justification for the acceptance of twins. Twins were still considered to possess supernatural powers, but were also seen as bringers of happiness and prosperity to their family. They were referred to as emi alagbara, or powerful spirits. The birth of twins was now considered by the Yoruba as a joyous happening. Twins were capable of bringing wealth to the family, but were also capable of bringing misfortune to those remiss in paying due respect and loving care. Twins received the best food, the finest clothing and jewelry, and their upbringing was in general less strict. They were spoiled out of fear. Adults had no wish to be on the receiving end of twins’ negative powers.

Amongst the Yoruba, the first-born twin is always named Taiwo; the second gets the name Kehinde. Interestingly, although Taiwo is born first he or she is considered as the younger of the pair. It is Kehinde who sends Taiwo out first, as it were, to check out the world and report back. It is Kehinde who imparts this task to Taiwo and it is Kehinde that is thought to have been implanted first - thus, here seniority goes to the second born. The third day after birth,

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the parents pay a visit to the babalawo in order to find out which rituals must be performed in order to expunge any evil spirits potentially still present in the newborn twins.

Next, the babalawo devotes the twins to the orisha ibeji and, if deemed necessary, he chooses yet another orisha to be their patron saint. In Oyo, this was usually Shango.

The babalawo also revealed the wishes of the twins. The twins could, for example, require their mother to dance at the marketplace or to change her occupation. Trade in beans or palm oil, the favorite food of twins, was a preferred choice. After the babalawo had brought all spirit forces into harmony, the religious part of the twin birth was at an end. The secular part was celebrated with an enormous feast to honor the mother, the whole village being present. She was profusely thanked for giving birth to twins. Mothers of other twins were also invited and they too received small gifts from the community. Women who had lost a twin also joined the dance. They wore their ere ibeji in the waistband of their gown. The dancing mothers then promised the blessing of their twins for everyone who had been generous towards them.

Just as the birth of twins was greeted with happiness and joy, the death of one or both of the twins plunged the whole family into gloom and mourning. Seeing that the Yoruba believed that the two twins have but a single, indissolubly united soul, it follows that the life of the still living twin was in danger owing to the brother’s or sister’s death. To counteract this danger, a way had to be found to restore and stabilize the soul’s unity. Upon the death of a twin, parents consulted the babalawo. He tasked them with erecting a shrine for the twin or carving a small wooden figurine to serve as a new home for the dead twin. This shrine, oju ibeji (“face of the twin”), consisted of a vertical stripe of palm oil for each deceased twin, applied to a wall in the house. Often, offerings were made at the shrine to honor the dead child. In most cases, however, appeal was made to an artist to carve an ere ibeji. Given the soul’s immortality, the deceased twin remained just

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as powerful as the surviving child. In this regard, families would take the utmost care of their ere ibeji. This would assure that the deceased, whose soul now resided in the ibeji, could not feel slighted in the least. Any disrespect might engender unpleasant consequences, not only for the surviving child, but for the whole family as well. Accidents, sickness and - mainly - infertility of the mother were greatly feared. Because of this fear of infertility, every Yoruba mother of twins tried to bear another child as soon as possible. This “late arrival” was called idowu, regardless of gender, and was considered by the mother as a return to normality.

Thus, there was a close relationship between the end of twin killings and the start of wooden statuettes being carved for the twin cult. Not surprising, given that the Yoruba take every opportunity to give expression to their devotion by way of carved wooden objects. When a twin died, parents visited the priest of the ifa oracle, and asked which wood carver they had to call on to sculpt an ere ibeji. Once the name of the artist was made known, the parents would give him two roosters and a few kola nuts.

One rooster was offered to Ogun, the orisha honored by every craftsman working with metal. The other rooster was sacrificed at the foot of the ire ona, a tree with a relatively soft wood and from which the ibeji were carved. For the ere ibeji, the wood used is from the West African rubber tree (Funtunnia elastica) or the false rubber tree (Irena ireno). Next, a price would be negotiated with the carver.

Additionally, the parents were to provide the carver daily with food and drink. Usually, the ere ibeji was ready within one week. The wood carver could exercise a degree of freedom. He had to take account of the twin’s gender and the group’s particular facial scarifications, but was otherwise totally free in the creation of a new ibeji.

Prior to the statuette being handed over to the parents, the carver would summon the emi (spirit) of the deceased child by having the figurine lie for days in a brew consisting of

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Chief Alhaji Adeleke Adeola with fourteen family ere ibeji by various carvers, ritually dressed and presented together in a large calabash bowl. Said to belong to his greatgreat grandfather Adeola. Town of Shaki, northern area of Oyo State, Nigeria, 1980.

Photo courtesy of Deborah Stokes

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water and finely mashed leaves of a particular sort. After drying, he would rub-in a mixture of palm oil and shea butter, called ero. On the day they were to receive their ere ibeji, the parents organized (and paid for) a big feast in the carver’s house. Friends and family of the parents as well as the artist’s relations were all invited. The ibeji was placed on a small mat in front of the shrine to Ogun and a final offering was made to this god. Then, the mother kneeled with arms outstretched towards the figurine, blessing the ibeji in prayer. Next she received the ibeji from the artist and tucked it away in her gown, just as she would with a living child. In the case of two figurines, she would wear one on the back and the other at the breast.

After the consecration of the ere ibeji, she presented it to her family and friends, and the gathered assembly sang and danced for her. When this ceremony was concluded and the mother returned home, she was not allowed to talk to anyone or to turn around. By way of this ritual transformation, the figurines were no longer seen as mere wooden commemorations. The ere ibeji had become a new home for the soul of the deceased twin. The dead child remained present amongst the living, with - and by grace of - the ibeji.

The child who, as it were, had returned to the mother, would from that moment on be ritually cared for. The mother would tend to the ibeji in the same way as she would for the living twin. It would be washed, clothed and fed at the same time as the living child, and the figurine would often accompany the mother everywhere. To adorn and protect the figurine, she rubbed-in the body with ground camwood powder (osun) mixed with palm oil. Some parents attached beaded bracelets or anklets whose colors referred to particular orisha. Cowrie shells on the wrists were a sign of the wealth brought by grace of the twins. Additionally, there were also periodical rituals (etutu) to venerate the ibeji. These took place every five days, weekly, bi-weekly or monthly. They would begin by summoning up the name of the dead twin, followed by

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the singing of the personal praise songs (oriki) of the ibeji.

Food, usually small pieces of bean cake prepared with palm oil, was placed in front of the statuettes or smeared on the lips. Aside from these periodic rituals, the iya ibeji (the mother of a twin) would often go to the market to dance and sing songs (orin), in lofty praise of the power and might of twins. She would usually improvise the texts right on the spot, and often they contained socials comments. The iya ibeji customarily received small gifts or money from the market traders and passers-by for her imaginative songs. Lastly, on special occasions, like birthdays and annual festivals, more elaborate rituals would take place to honor the ibeji.

When we use the term “cult� in relationship to twins, it should be understood that we are not dealing with a consistent whole of rules and practices. Rather, it has more to do with a constellation of acts and operations in order to calm and appease the temper of the deceased twins through veneration. There were no special spots designated as devotion places for the ibeji. It was typically a family affair and only at particular times did these extend out to include the greater community.

Ibeji were treated with the same loving care as that given to the living twin. A great deal of this attention was, of course, based on fear. The ibeji were clothed splendidly, adorned with chains and rings, and washed and salved (with a mixture of finely ground camwood powder and palm oil) weekly. Every mother gave the living twin and the ibeji equal care. Care for the ibeji was, first and foremost, her task. If the living twin was a girl, the daughter would take over this task when old enough.

Fathers and male twins supervised the mandatory rituals, but left the practical side of things to the women.

When one twin died at birth, having an ibeji made was a necessity. When both twins died, the carving of two ibeji was commissioned. These then usually remained

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together as a pair. The fact that many such pairs exist, is explained simply by the unfortunate fact that given the high incidence of perinatal mortality, it was quite often the case that both twins would die instead of only one. It is estimated nonetheless that only 1 out of 10-15 ere ibeji belongs to a pair, so we see many more single figurines than pairs. Ibeji of triplets (ibeta) also exist. A pair does not always mean a male and a female figurine; two males or two females are also possible. For the collector, a pair is only a pair when both figures exhibit identical characteristics. They must have been made by the same sculptor. All details (eyes, ears, form of face, expression, stance, feet and hands) must be the same, no matter if the ibeji be of the same gender or not. They must look like the sculptor made a portrait of identical twins, although in fact identical or monozygotic twins are a much rarer phenomenon among the Yoruba. Furthermore, the statuettes must also show equal traces of use after years of being cared for in the same manner. Nonetheless, even ere ibeji of actual identical twins do not necessarily have to be identical; there are, for instance, differences in size, hairstyle and clothing. Sometimes gender difference, aside from primary sexual characteristics, is also expressed in a slightly different design. The male and female ibeji may differ in size; or the hairstyles may, as in reality, be different too. Additionally, male ibeji sometimes wear pants, while the female is usually naked. Were unity of the soul the only concern, then in theory the death of both twins would entrain no necessity for the carving of an ibeji pair.

However, given the supernatural powers that were ascribed to twins, in practice they were of even more importance than the ancestors in terms of protection provided to the family. And so for these twins, as well, a temporary abode was offered to their soul. Furthermore, the mother of the deceased twin pair benefited from certain privileges within her community. She carried the ere ibeji with her, as a sort of insignia to confirm her status as a mother of twins, and special treatment came her way.

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Ere ibeji were normally placed on a mat next to the mother’s bed. Often, they were placed upon a low elevation of clay, put into a gourd or rolled in a warm blanket and laid in bed. During the day, the statuettes were usually upright, while at night they were recumbent. Were the mother to die, they would be kept with other ibeji by another woman in the family, whether or not she happened to be the mother of twins herself. The weekly rituals would cease, but offers would still be made sporadically. Thus, an ibeji could be ritually cared for by several generations of persons, whose constant handling created the rich patina we see on so many old figurines. Over the course of years, it might be possible for one family to have assembled a considerable number of ibeji. These would be kept with appropriate care in a special place, often close to the ancestor shrine. In this way, the ibeji remained fully fledged members of the family. The fact that large numbers of ibeji have nonetheless found their way onto the art market, can be explained by the gradual disappearance of Yoruba traditional practices among the younger generations, notably from the middle of the 20th century onwards.

Muniratu Ogunike, daughter of Toyinbo Akande, holding an ere ibeji carved by the Maku of Erin.

Toyinbo was the grandson of the Maku, master carver of Erin.

Photographed in the town of Erin, Osun State, Nigeria, 1980.

Photo courtesy of Deborah Stokes

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CharaCterIstICs Ere ibeji are not physical portraits of deceased twins; they are symbolic representations. They are on average 20 to 30 centimeters high, usually naked and stand on a round or rectangular base. The body is fully represented. The statuettes stand upright or lean slightly forwards, sturdily on their feet, the legs spread a bit apart. The shoulders are robust and the arms extend down to the hips, sometimes even to below the knees. The arms are often separated from the body, with hands regaining contact with the body at hip or thigh level so they can comfortably hold jewelry of various kinds. The prominent place of breasts and genitalia indicate individuals in the prime of life; a reaffirmation of life in the face of death.

Ibeji have noteworthy properties: a large head with a relatively small body, long arms, short, powerful legs and big feet. As the seat of the life-force, the head is portrayed enlarged. A head-to-body ratio of 1:4 may be quite typical for ere ibeji. This indeed implies that a compensating reduction be made, and this occurs in the legs. The feet meld into the socle, and they are usually rendered in detail, right down to the toes. The fact that the arms in this process of reduction have remained long (sometimes nearly extending to the feet) is an aesthetic solution wholly consistent with the large upper body and the shortened legs. The Yoruba themselves set a number of requisites that good ere ibeji must satisfy. Most important here, is the principle of moderation; a figure must not be too tall, nor too short, not too fat, nor too thin. The carving must not be exaggeratedly shiny; neither must it be too dull. A fine patina is appreciated. Symmetry is also considered as very important. Furthermore, a smooth finish is greatly valued, as is unblemished skin. All fine ere ibeji demonstrate these characteristics to a high degree.

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Socle The socle, or base, of an ibeji is usually round, with a flat upper side and a slightly concave bottom to foster the figure’s stability. Also seen are socles that are square, rectangular or trapezoidal, usually with rounded edges.

The thickness of the socle varies between 4 and 15 millimeters. Its sides are sometimes incised with geometric patterns (cf. #6 & #7). These incisions have been used by various authors to identify the place of origin of a particular ibeji, although different motifs may be seen in a variety of regions. Certain ibeji have no socle and freely stand on their feet, sometimes wearing high sandals (cf. #12). Such ibeji most often originate from Igbomina, Ekiti, and Ilorin (Oyo).

Ibeji with freestanding feet are rather rare and usually come from the western Yoruba region.

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Position of hands and arms The arms of ibeji always extend downwards along the body; it is in the elaboration of the hands, amongst other details, that the personality of the artist comes to the fore.

Usually the hands are oriented downwards too, positioned flat against the hips or thighs. In other examples, only the fingertips touch the body or, alternatively, the hands may lie flat on the belly (cf. #17). Statuettes from the western Yoruba have hands, as well as arms, carved loose from the body. The shape of the hands can also help place the origin of an ibeji. Finger length and thumb position, as well, are often distinguishing features.

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hairstyles and headdresses That so much attention is given to the hairstyle, is related to the importance attributed to the head by the Yoruba as the source of human power. Thus, with ere ibeji the head has outsized proportions. In most cases the carved coiffure comprises a very large part of the entire head. The great regenerative power of the hair is, as it were, proof of the strength that resides there. Moreover, the hairstyle is a form of aesthetic expression and a manifestation of wealth and status. In order to further underline the hairstyle’s beauty, often the hair is dyed blue. Blue is seen by the Yoruba as a ‘cool’ color, thus here acting to symbolically cool the head (and so, too, the mind and mood) of the ibeji. The light-blue indigo initially used on the figurine’s

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coiffure, however, inevitably dulled over time, and often only traces remained visible (cf. #18). A more effective alternative to indigo came in the middle of the 19th century, namely Reckitt’s blue, imported from England. This was a bluing agent containing ultramarine, and primarily sold as a textile whitener.

eleti aja (“dog-ear bonnet”) that partially or fully covers the ears (cf. #19). It was worn in the northeast Yoruba region, specifically in Oshogbo, Ilorin, Ila-Orangun and Osi-Ilorin.

A second well-known head cover is cylinder shaped and mainly worn in the southwest. Both adorn male ibeji only; in the case of male-female pairs, the female ibeji always has a different hairdo.

Owing to the wide local variation in hairstyles, the particular style that a statuette sports is an important criterion when it comes to ibeji classification. Many ibejis have realistic representations of actually existing hairdos. Others have styles that spring from the artists’ imagination. It is sometimes difficult to distinguish between a special head covering and a particular hairdo. There are two sorts of head coverings seen with ibeji. The first is a bonnet, fila

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