As Delegate
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attends.
members of the Union Forum (UF) disagreed with Arnold’s decision to only allow current Union stakeholders — officers, convenors and class reps — to
Arnold’s conduct in office had been questioned by their colleagues. The number of messages concerned about the conduct of Arnold increased during their organisation of Trinity representatives’ attendance at this week’s Union of Students’ in Ireland (USI) Congress, this year held in Sligo.
On Tuesday morning, the Postgraduate Workers’ Organisation (PWO) of Trinity College Dublin announced its plans to conduct direct action against the university. The action, which will take the form of a mass walkout, blockades and protests in several major locations on campus, is planned to begin on April 10th at 9am. The exact locations of the blockades have yet to be disclosed. The blockade announcement comes in response to the PWO Trinity’s recent PhD Strike Ballot survey, which received overwhelming supSaoirse Goes DEPUTY EDITOR port in favour of “massive and disruptive action on Trinity to demand our rights,” according to a statement released this morning. The protest is organised around five key demands: equal pay, transparency, accountability, work spaces and no more discrimination for non-EU PhDs.
In terms of accountability, the PWO Trinity specify “we want Trinity to come clean about the scholarship exemption forms we are all forced to sign”, documents which they allege to be in violation of revenue rules about tax-free stipends, as reported by The Irish Times. In conjunction with this, the organisation calls for College to cov
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attend the Congress.
Ella Mac Lennan, a USI Congress attendee, said: “Most members of the UF agreed that this was unreasonable.”
While Arnold admitted in UF group chat messages that “anyone can technically apply to the link”, they said that they would be “very unlikely” to select attendees outside of Union stakeholders, as “I don’t know everyone”.
On the morning of travel to USI Congress, Monday, March 25th, issues began to appear. Those that were on the waiting list in the event of cancellations, of which there were five, were not informed that they were now expected to attend. One such student was woken at 8am to a phone call from TCDSU President László Molnárfi asking where they were.
Arnold said: “Due to unprecedented drop out levels of delegates to USI Congress, the original waitlist agreed upon by all sabbatical officers was exceeded meaning I further reached out to applicants who were initially refused a place on the delegation.”
Given that there were then 15 delegates, instead of the expected 21, the Union spent just over €2000 on empty hotel rooms and unused amenities, such as food. One attendee, Nina Crofts, said: “Money has been wasted, people who could have attended and represented students are sitting at home.”
Upon arrival at USI Congress, TCDSU delegates were met with further obstacles, mostly pertaining to delegate registration. A number of delegates were left with incomplete registration, which attendee Nina Crofts said led to “holdups voting for the Coiste Gnó”, the 11-student executive of the USI.
Arnold said: “Any change to the delegation after registration meant
manual registration of several details of the delegation was necessary upon arrival. The delegation leaders were informed of this before arriving at the hotel. This resulted in delegates being given generic voting cards where they could write their name in.”
Those that requested to have their names printed in Irish were either presented with incorrect translations or Anglicised versions of their names.
Pádraig Mac Brádaigh, another USI Congress attendee, took issue with the errors, explaining: “Conchúr Ó Cathasaigh, our EC chair, recently re-Gaelicised his name with the college, has taken steps to change his name with the wider community and he registered that way… Also Hugh Ó Ríordáin’s surname was spelled O’Riordáin.”
Arnold said: “I had been using Conchúr Ó Cathasaigh’s name interchangeably in English and Irish in conversation with him and he never raised this as an issue with me. Any administrative errors regarding the inclusion of apostrophes or lack thereof was a simple oversight.”
Neither the hotel nor USI were informed before Monday morning of any specific dietary requirements from students who had previously indicated them on the application form.
Complaints alleging Arnold was the source of the issues were raised in the Union Forum group chat throughout the day. Arnold did not respond and resigned from office at 6pm.
Mac Lennan said: “The working environment within the Union has been widely positive, and this resignation came as a surprise for most.”
The issues that arose at USI Congress follow reports of recurring difficulties within Arnold’s tenure throughout the year.
As demonstrated in correspondence seen by The University Times,
several officers have assumed responsibility for casework originally assigned to Arnold, while contacts outside of the Union have ceased communication with the Education Officer. One source’s impression of the Education Officer’s time in office was that of a “pattern of inaction”.
One project for which Arnold was initially responsible, along with Welfare and Equality Officer Aoife Bennett, is the repurposing of the Old Stone Building at St James’s, which aims to increase the presence of the Students’ Union at the hospital campus for Health Sciences students.
Communication surrounding the project began in October of last year and by early March Arnold was
“If members of the Electoral Commission or Oversight Commission do not do their jobs, there is no mechanism to deal with it.”
no longer included in discussions, leaving Bennett and later Molnárfi to assume responsibility. Incoming sabbatical officers have also been included due to the delays incurred, meaning progress is now unlikely to be made until the next academic year.
Arnold responded: “Initially there had been much enthusiasm from the school of medicine and from me in making the space another SU Café. Over time this was deemed to be a financial risk for TCDSU and so I continued to push for the space to become a TCDSU student space with Estates and Facilities and the School of Medicine.” They added: “I loved working with Aoife on this project but I was then informed on Med Day 2023 of the planned renovation for the Old Stone Building that will occur over the incoming Summer.”
Another incoming sabbatical officer has also been required to assume responsibility for assisting students completing a Professional Masters in Education (PME).
In reference to this, Arnold said: “At the time I was dealing with a heavy load of casework and unfortunately after a brief comment with the Head of the School of Education after a separate meeting suggesting a meeting on the issue the request slipped through the cracks.”
In further correspondence seen by The University Times, Arnold was no longer included in emails between Union stakeholders concerning LENS reports by January 9th, 2024.
Arnold said: “I was not included on the project of the LENs [sic] report. Instead I worked with the STEM Convenor on the Big SUrvey at the time.”
LENS (Learning Educational Needs Summary) reports, facilitated by the Disability Service at Trinity, allow students to document any disabilities on the tcd.ie portal and are supposed to be shared with relevant bodies to better enable students to avail of specific learning supports while at college.
Arnold said: “I further worked with the Disability Service on numerous occasions to directly address issues of LENs [sic] reports with the Disability Service and Directors of Undergraduate Teaching and Learning in several schools.”
On March 12th, Arnold was not included in an email from senior management about setting up a meeting to discuss how to better implement LENS reports into the various Faculties and Schools of College.
They continued: “Unfortunately this can happen and I rely on the students and on any other staff contacted to also follow-up to make sure there is active dialogue to continue addressing problems.”
During the recent TCDSU sabbatical elections, Arnold is reported to have left polling stations without enough paper ballots.
Arnold said: “It is not my responsibility to order ballots for the sabbatical elections. This was a responsibility undertaken by the Chair of Council. Our combined work on in-person engagement this year through in-person polling meant that there has been an increase in voter turnout. This resulted in a lack of ballots during the voting period which is an indicator of the exceptional turnout this year.”
In a statement to The University Times, the EC said: “An Coimisiún Toghcháin (EC) is not responsible for investigating if an Officer has ‘derelict their duties’.”
“This is a responsibility of the Oversight Commission under Chapter 5.2.5(c). If and where requested, however, the EC may be asked to determine if an Officer’s actions were in breach of any provision of the Constitution.”
In the Education Officer’s most recent Sabbatical Officer Report to Council, given on March 19th, they state: “I have been working with the Disability Service to explore the feasibility of running staff seminars on LENs [sic] reports in the coming weeks to ensure all staff members are certain of their responsibilities to students with LENs [sic] reports.”
Given that there were 15 delegates instead of the expected 21, the Union spent just over €2000 empty hotel rooms and unused amenties, such as food. One attendee said: “Money has been wasted, people who could have attended and represented students are sitting at home.”
“Notwithstanding this, it should be noted that the EC has not received a formal complaint in regard to the actions of the 2023/24
Oifigeach Oideachais (Education Officer).”
Ailish Smith, a Senior Sophister History & Political Sciences student, also revealed that, before a Union Forum meeting in late January, the Education Officer did not give members the necessary 72 hour notice period.
Arnold referenced the President’s constitutional obligation to call UF meetings and cited “a sporadic schedule for Union Forum between trying to meet constitutional obligations, the inconsistent requests from the President to hold Union Forum and the members of Union Forum’s schedule”.
The former Chair of the OC then posted in the UF group chat that, in Smith’s words, “meetings of UF require 72 hours notice and an opportunity to make submissions
to the agenda” and “dates/times and places should be set out in advance”.
“Following complaints from members of Union Forum I attempted to address the issue this term and included suggested dates in AOB for when UF meetings might best take place for this term”, Arnold said. “The lack of 72 hours notice from time to time did not impede the effectiveness of the forum. Quorum was always met and the forum was able to conduct business on all accounts.”
When asked via email whether they had received any complaints or were aware of any concerns regarding Arnold, the OC replied: “The OC is not at liberty to discuss any ongoing investigations, or to disclose any complaints which may have been submitted.”
“Separately, the OC is currently engaged in its annual ‘checklisting’ investigation, which involves an
“The working environment within the Union has been widely positive, and this resignation came as a surprise to most.”
assessment of all officer mandates, and the fulfilment/non-fulfillment of same. A full report will be brought to Final Council.”
As referred to in the EC statement, the OC has the power, under section 5.2.5(c), to “investigate possible breaches of or persistent inaction upon: policy, mandate and constitutional obligation”, and it can do so “autonomously”.
At the last meeting of the student council, the OC brought a report into its own performance. In the report the OC said that it had “failed to fulfil its mandates” and “failed to fulfil its duties”. It also revealed that the OC had not reviewed Schedule 4 of the Constitution, nor brought a checklisting report to council, and “there have also been issues where investigations have not been fully dealt with and communicated”.
The OC brought no reports to the student council in the first semester and re-elected a Chair early in the second semester.
Ailish Smith further professed: “If members of the EC/OC do not do their job there is no mechanism to deal with it.”
Smith revealed that at the last meeting of UF, on March 21st, concerns were raised about dealing with internal disagreements: “At the last UF, the Welfare and Equality
Officer spoke about bringing in some sort of mechanism to deal with issues and difficulties that sabbats and PTOs had.”
“Previous to this I had spoken to the Welfare and Equality Officer about there not being any process to deal with difficulties within the Union between officers. There are two options which are complaints to the Junior Dean and they will only deal with very serious problems. The other option is complaints to the EC if the constitution is broken.”
Smith added, “the Union lacks oversight when certain difficulties arise,” continuing, “if there are issues with a sabbat and a PTO there is no proper procedure to deal with it”.
Having experienced alleged issues during the campaign period with another member of the Union, Keeley Jenkinson said: “Transparency within the Union seems to depend on how good friends you are with someone. People appear to use the rules against you more if you don’t understand the constitution as well as people who have been there for a long time.”
The OC brought a report to the final student council of the year on Tuesday 2nd April. However, the EC did not.
The Oversight Commission recommended that TCDSU President László Molnárfi be censured following “repeated breaches” of the Constitution.
Prior to the penultimate student council on Tuesday, March 19th, 2024, the Oversight Commission (OC) of the Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union (TCDSU) recommended that TCDSU President László Molnárfi be censured for “repeated breaches” of the Union’s constitution.
The OC, in a damning condemnation of the President’s actions, described his behaviour as a “unilateral conscious and deliberate disavowal of the foundational document” and, as a result, is “recommending to council that they pass a motion of censure”.
For the OC to recommend a motion of censure and, subsequently, for council to pass that motion, would be the highest possible official reprimand a Union member can receive.
A motion to censure the President was not previously on the agenda for the penultimate council, however, any member in attendance at any council meeting is permitted to bring a procedural motion to submit an emergency motion during that meeting. Censure is no more than the formal expression of disapproval of a union member, and so would have no impact on Molnárfi’s current position as TCDSU President. However, if he were to respond in defence of his actions and in continued defiance of the constitution, this may lay the grounds for further action, such as impeachment, especially if council were to vote to censure him. Impeachment would be decided by a student-wide referendum following a resolution to impeach being passed by two-thirds at a council meeting. This seems unlikely given the short time left in the academic year as there
are limited opportunities to not only hold votes at the remaining councils but also for the Electoral Commission to organise a referendum within the remaining teaching weeks of this academic year. The last TCDSU President to have their role put to an impeachment vote was Tom Lenihan in 2013 after he admitted to cheating on one of his exams. Lenihan remained in post. The last Union Officer to be censured was Jason Leonard – then Chair of the OC – in 2015, following allegations he had been involved in the spread of homophobia rumours about a candidate running in that year’s sabbatical elections.
Elsewhere in their report, the OC repeatedly sought to highlight how Molnárfi’s breaches threatened the “democratically chosen terms” of the constitution. In a listing of the President’s violations, the OC chose five separate occasions on which it deemed Molnárfi to have breached both his contractual and constitutional obligations.
Following the post-class rep election disagreements between the TCDSU and Postgraduate Workers’ Organisation (PWO) in September, as reported in The University Times, Molnárfi, in support of the PWO, refused to second a motion, which was voted through via Union Forum, to withdraw TCDSU support from the PWO. When a motion is voted through via Union Forum the President is constitutionally obligated to second that motion.
In October, Molnárfi also “breached confidentiality” by disclosing confidential information following an in-camera Sabbatical Board meeting. It is not known what this information is but the OC claimed that the President had already committed such a breach multiple times and in that meeting was reminded not to do so again.
Following this, in November, Molnárfi sat down with the Manchester University student newspaper, the Mancunion, to
The OC described the President’s behaviour as a “unilateral, conscious and deliberate disavowal of the foundational document”.
discuss his political approach. Amongst other criticisms of the TCDSU and its various bodies, Molnárfi claimed that his “faction” of support was popular enough that a resolution to impeach him would never be passed at student council. Not only criticising his use of the word “faction” due to it being “incompatible” with a union that is mandated to represent “all students”, the OC further claim that Molnárfi’s choice of words imply that he will “violate the Constitution” which “undermines trust in the Union and the Constitution”.
The report also criticised Molnárfi’s open denouncement of the Irish government in his recent voter drive for the various elections in 2024 and his adoption of a YES/ NO stance on his official X, formerly Twitter, account in relation to the recent ‘women’s’ referendum held in Ireland.
In an unequivocal indictment of the President’s constitutional breaches, the OC stated: “The conduct demonstrated by the President which we have brought to council today represents more than an act of protest but in fact a breach of his contract of employment to uphold the Constitution by its democratically chosen terms.” The OC also chooses to equate his conduct with that of the nowderecognised GSU, which lost funding from TCD’s capitations committee following a series of constitutional breaches including a failure to submit its financial accounts. Alluding to a “potentially catastrophic situation as seen with the GSU”, the report later outlines that undermining trust through constitutional violations “has serious consequences for the
Union ranging from decreased engagement in the mildest case to the loss of funding from the capitations committee in the most extreme case”.
In a statement to The University Times, with no signs of backing down from his seemingly proconstitutional-breach stance, Molnárfi openly criticised the government, claiming that it “does not care about us” and that it is “committing social murder” in what he sees as their inadequate response to the cost of living crisis.
In response to the OC’s recommendation of censure, Molnárfi asked: “Why should a student union not be able to call out rightwing conservatives, who are actively destroying the country and who hate students, staff and the ordinary people of Ireland?”
Molnárfi claimed that Section 1.4 of the constitution, which states that the union should pursue its aims independent of any political ideology and which he has unsuccessfully campaigned to change, is “outdated, ineffective and out-oftouch with the student population”.
In a wholehearted retort to the criticism he has received from the
OC, Molnárfi implied that the OC is preventing him and those that support his cause from further enacting his “grassroots, radical and political approach”.
He said: “If structures hamper instead of facilitating our solidarity with vulnerable groups, and if structures actively block, rather than aid our struggle for a better world, then those structures are not fit for purpose and must be abolished.”
“Bureaucracy is the bane of all progress. We need to abolish 1.4, abolish bureaucracy and install grassroots governance structures throughout the union.”
In another OC report to the penultimate student council was the self-admittance by the OC that it itself is essentially not fit for service. The OC said of itself that it has “failed to fulfil its mandates” and “failed to fulfil its duties”. As is seen in the report on the President’s constitutional breaches, Molnárfi has been committing breaches since at least October, perhaps earlier, yet this is the first time the OC has brought a report on his breaches to council.
The OC has also not reviewed Schedule 4 of the Constitution, nor brought a checklisting report to council, and “there have also been issues where investigations have not been fully dealt with and communicated” – all duties it is mandated to carry out.
The new Chair of the OC is Jack Leahy following Maggie Larson’s resignation from the position at the start of the calendar year. To produce reports on the President and the Comms & Marketing Officer under its self-described conditions of “not enough staff” and not retaining “the institutional knowledge needed” to perform its functions will, for some, call into question the validity of the reports now coming to council. For others it may prove frustrating as their official call for condemnation of the President may have come too late to pave the way for a potential impeachment referendum.
In what appeared to be a premeditated action, a group of students left council, preventing a vote on the motion to censure the TCDSU President.
The motion of censure was brought against the President by STEM Convenor Ruaidhrí Saulnier. The OC is the body which is responsible for managing and maintaining the Union’s policy.
Speaking for the motion of censure, Saulnier called Molnárfi out for “acting like the rules don’t apply to him, acting like this is the wild west”, in reference to the President’s self-proclaimed defiance of his constitutional mandates. Although he did “recognise the efforts” of Molnárfi’s political actions this year, he also said: “He [Molnárfi] is bound by the same rules I have to follow.”
Saulnier’s words echo those of Jack Leahy, Chair of the OC, who introduced the recommendation of censure: “This is about the President saying they are above the rules and they can do whatever they want.”
that “everyone is accountable to the students they represent”. TCDSU Disabilities Officer Keeley Jenkinson accused the EC and OC of “having some kind of personal vendetta against Lászlo”, due to her belief that there have been many opportunities for the OC to produce reports on individuals yet this is the first one they have brought to council this year.
In defence, Leahy admitted that
just me in my little apartment in Broadstone.”
Speaking against the motion of censure, Molnárfi said: “We have outsourced our abilities to what is essentially scripture. It has no relevance to today.”
Section 1.4 of the Constitution, the “scripture” referred to by Molnárfi and which mandates the Union to pursue its aims “independent of any political
“We will not stop being radical, we will not stop being political... I beg you, vote no.”
the OC “have not been able to do everything we should have” but that it has been “dealing with the issues sent to us”.
said: “It’s a privilege to go through life with the procedure that’s been given to you, but when a procedure does not represent every student, [Section 1.4] stops an officer unapologetically saying that this government does not care.”
She also said: “We are not denying László broke the rules, but if the rules don’t work, then let’s break them.” She described the OC’s censure recommendation as “petty” and “nonsense”. Maguire, Molnárfi and those also lined up to speak against the motion promptly left council shouting “quorum” on their way out, forcing Casey to check the numbers of those remaining, indicating a premeditated action to deprive council of a vote on the motion.
Leahy described the OC’s job as “hold[ing] accountable those who wish to breach the constitution” and said that those who do wish to do so, namely Molnárfi, are reneging on their “duty to represent all members of the union”, reiterating
Appearing to reply directly to Keeley’s accusation of a “personal vendetta” against the President, Casey said: “I find it personally offensive to accuse me of being biassed. This is all approved by the Electoral Commission, this is not
ideology”, was enshrined in 2014. Since then, Molnárfi believes the government’s “coalition has destroyed the country”. In continued defiance of this section, Molnárfi concluded: “We will not stop being radical, we will not stop being political…I beg you, vote no.”
President-elect Jenny Maguire also spoke against the motion. She
The last council of the academic year saw the election part-time officers amid several uncontested races. Alex
AThe consequences of such obstruction to the mechanisms of council are yet to be understood, however the OC and EC may be feeling somewhat impotent in their abilities to facilitate student politics and the President and President-elect have clearly stated their attitude towards the democratic functions of student council.
Molnárfi has been contacted for further comment. «
The Central Societies Committee (CSC) provisionally recgonised a record of ten new societies this year.
David Treacy as Volunteer Coordinator; Sean Thim O’Leary as Union Archivist. Katelyn Mullan Galvin was elected as Student Carer Officer after an emergency motion to establish the position. The emergency motion was brought as the Student Parent Officer position is often left unfilled.
The race for Gender Equality Officer was the most contested of the evening, with Amy Kennedy coming out on top from a field of four candidates.
In the other contested races of the year, current Citizenship Officer Ella MacLennan was elected Housing Rights Officer, defeating Lorenzo Cheasty. Reuben O’Neill was elected LGBTQ rights officer, defeating Em Davis.
Trinity BDS elected, through a separate motion following a vote by their members, Quinn Katz Zogby as chair and Elisa Zito as secretary. The motion was approved by council members.
Except for a Joint Honours Convenor, all Faculty Convenor positions were filled. Giulia Villa was elected Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences (AHSS) Convenor, defeating current Deputy AHSS Convenor Sam Brooks. Current Health Sciences Convenor Rarosue Emakpor was re-elected to the position. In the race for Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics Convenor, incumbent Ruaidhrí Saulnier defeated current EC and Council Chair Conchúr Ó Cathasaigh. Ó Cathasaigh went on to be elected unopposed as Undergraduate Studies Committee Representative. Daniel Walsh was elected chair of the EC, again unopposed.
Having lost out in the race for Disabilities Officer to current JCR Welfare Officer Emer Munnelly, James Murphy was elected uncontested as Mature Students Officer. Having lost out in the race for Gender Equality Officer, Aashanna Yadav was elected uncontested as Ethnic Minorities Officer.
Eliora Abramson SOCIETIES EDITOR
Arecord 10 new societies were granted provisional recognition from the Central Societies Committee this year.
In a statement to The University Times, the CSC stated, “the judges were highly impressed by the high standard of the many submissions we received for Society of the Year Awards this year, with every award being a very close contest”. 15 societies were proposed and a record 10 were approved, including Women’s Health, eSports, Dance, Geographical Society, Pool Society, Ukrainian Society, The Women’s Network, Filipino Society, Equality in Stem Society, and Turkic Society.
In statements made to The University Times, these new societies spoke of the elation being approved.
The Filipino Soc called it “a testament to the hard work done by the co-founders Kyle, Trish, Lorraine and Nike that was put into making this Filipino Society a reality” and eSports expressed their excitement to “support the growth and development of eSports at Trinity and ensure anyone who wants to compete or learn has that opportunity”.
India O’Donohoe, president of the Women’s Network, told me “the entire Women’s Network committee put just the most insane amount of work in to receive that one email, and in pursuit of a mission that we believe in so immensely: women and gender minorities deserve, require even, a place on campus in which they are able to connect with one another, and constructively build upon their experiences in order to achieve equity upon their post-college entrance into the workforce”. O’Donohoe also revealed her relief at the society’s approval after the long and strenuous process.
The newly approved societies also communicated their excitement at the opportunities that await them as CSC official societies. Women’s Health plans to run events with “both healthcare providers and advocacy groups and activists in the future which will hopefully bring awareness to women’s health conditions and gender equality in healthcare”. Additionally, The Filipino Society hopes to provide a sense of community here at Trinity as the main goal of their society is to promote and celebrate Filipino cultures and customs. This includes bringing “in people of all ethnic groups that are interested together” as well as helping “people of the Filipino diaspora reconnect with the culture”.
The societies also shared their gratitude for the wider Trinity community, with Women’s Health stating, “we’ve had such a great response from students and so much support for the society, which really shows how necessary the community we’re building is, and we’re really proud and excited to be part of creating an inclusive space where students can support each other in talking and learning about women’s health issues, which aren’t necessarily given enough attention in wider society”.
With these 10 new societies added to the massive plethora of already established societies, students now have even more of an opportunity to find their community on Trinity’s campus. The passion demonstrated by these societies, both new and old, acts as a strong testament to the importance of society life at Trinity and gives all students much to look forward to in the future.
On the weekend before St. Patrick’s Day 2024, the Irish Anti-War Movement, Dublin for Gaza and Action for Palestine Ireland groups organised protests against the US’s military support for Israel.
activists from Dublin for Gaza and Action for Palestine Ireland are occupying the departures hall of Shannon Airport and demanding an immediate halt to the transport of U.S. weapons bound for Israel through Irish airports.”
The various Irish activist groups opposing Israel’s actions in Gaza took aim at what they see as Irish ‘complicity’ in the maintenance of a public relationship with the US.
In a press release on March 12th, 2024, the Irish Anti-War Movement (IAWM), advertising their protest entitled “Not in Our Name/No Shamrocks for Genocide Joe” said: “Coming up to St. Patrick’s Day, when Irish politicians will disgracefully mingle with war criminals in the White House, this protest will highlight those killed by the US-backed Israeli state.”
The
“The demand is that Ministers Martin, Ryan and Chambers take immediate action to prevent Ireland’s complicity in Israel’s genocidal campaign against the Palestinians, by refusing exemptions for U.S. planes transporting weapons through Irish airports.”
Dublin for Gaza highlighted that the US military uses Shannon Airport as a stopover for civilian flights transporting troops and weapons for operations elsewhere.
“The Government denies that any U.S. weapons bound for Israel are passing through Irish airports, with Minister Ryan recently telling Action for Palestine Ireland activists that ‘we do not allow any vessels which could be involved in such activities’. Yet, in September last year Minister Chambers admitted in the Dáil that “there is no record of an inspection of a civil aircraft having been carried out pursuant to [the Carriage of Munitions of War] Orders.”
“We say at this time that the traditional shamrock presentation to the US President should not occur. The IAWM will join Mothers Against Genocide (MAGs) and other groups in protest at the US Embassy stating “Not in Our Name” by displaying art of shamrocks and handprints, some of which have been made by primary school children across the island of Ireland.”
They said: “Under Irish Law airlines chartered by the U.S. military must receive an exemption from the Minister of Transport allowing them to transport weapons through our airports.”
Dublin for Gaza spokesperson Jordy Smith commented: “Are inspections being carried out now to determine no weapons bound for Israel are passing through our airspace? The Government’s denial of munitions travelling through Irish Airspace is clearly a lie of omission: How can they guarantee war planes landing in Shannon carry no weapons of war when they refuse to search them?”
Irish Government has a clear choice: complicity or solidarity. Their failure to stop US killing machines passing through Shannon has made Ireland complicit in Israel’s genocide.
Spokesperson John Bohan commented: “If a Fianna Fail government halted the transportation of weapons bound for Israel during their war on Lebanon in 2006, why can’t they do it again now? In 2006 Israel killed over 1,000 Lebanese civilians. In the past 5 months at least 30,800 Paelstinians have been murdered in Israel’s campaign of terror, with over 72,000 severely injured and millions now facing starvation.”
Irish Government has a clear choice: complicity or solidarity. Their failure to stop U.S. killing machines passing through Shannon has made Ireland complicit in Israel’s genocide. The people of Ireland refuse to be conscripted into complicity by politicians who’ll happily travel to Washington bearing gifts of kitsch whilst tens of thousands are murdered by U.S. bombs.”
“The handprint paintings display the names of children who have been murdered in Gaza and other occupied Palestinian territories.”
In a press release on March 10th, 2024, Dublin for Gaza said: “This afternoon, Sunday 10th March,
The group also pointed to recent reports by the Irish Examiner that claim, alongside a sharp rise in US flights granted permission to land or fly through Irish airspace in 2023, “258 civilian aircraft carrying weapons were allowed to use Shannon Airport and 17 at other airports in the same period.
On December 20th, the Peace and Neutrality Alliance documented three such U.S. military supply planes returning from Israel landing in Shannon.” The press release also took aim at perceived government hypocrisy:
Dublin for Gaza believes that “the unchecked use of Irish airspace by Israel’s principle military backer, the United States, makes Ireland complicit in the genocide of Palestinians and is a serious breach of the state’s obligations under the Geneva Convention for the Prevention of Genocide.”
We demand that our Government does as it did in 2006 and halt shipments of weapons which will be used to intensify the horrific suffering in Gaza and the West Bank.
“We know the Irish Government can act to stop the passage of U.S. weapons to Israel through Ireland because it has done so before.” This is in reference to when the Irish government blocked passage of arms in support of Israel in their war in Lebanon.
“The U.S. continues to pump billions of dollars of military ‘aid’ into the Israeli army whilst it conducts this slaughter. We demand that our Government does as it did in 2006 and halt shipments of weapons which will be used to intensify the horrific suffering in Gaza and the West Bank.”
Dublin For Gaza spokesperson Jordy Smith said: “Our action coincides with the planned launch date of Israel’s ground invasion of Rafah, and a catastrophic new phase of its genocidal slaughter, perversely chosen to mark the start of the Islamic holy month of Ramadan. But we have also chosen this date to resonate with the monthly Shannon Watch Peace Vigil, and to honour the decadeslong struggle of local activists against the stain of U.S. militarism in Ireland.”
Dublin for Gaza spokesperson Rosi Leonard commented: “The
“Like millions of people around the world, we stand in solidarity with the Palestinian people and call on the Irish Government to take action to achieve an immediate and permanent ceasefire and an end to the colonial occupation of Palestine.”
In a letter to The University Times Union of Students in Ireland VicePresident for Campaigns Zaid Al-Bargouthi said: “I write to you with great concern about the ongoing attempts at scholasticide among the international academic community, including the recent actions against Trinity Professor, Dr Brendan Ciaran Browne, when his invitation to speak at a symposium titled ‘Transitional Justice and Globalization’ was revoked.”
Al-Bargouthi drew attention to an email sent to Dr. Browne, reportedly from the symposium organiser at the University of Vienna, that said: “We as legal and historical scholars in Austria have a special responsibility to ensure a safe and respectful environment at a time when anti-Semitic hate crimes are on the rise.”
The email went on to say that the invitation was being revoked “due to statements made by you [Dr Browne] on social media, which have very recently come to my attention, we cannot give you the floor at our symposium.”
Al-Bargouthi continued: “The Union of Students in Ireland (USI) expresses its utmost disappointment at this attempt to silence a scholar that, unlike many
others, has dedicated an academic career to justice in Palestine, which is more relevant than ever.” He highlighted a comment by Dr Ciaran Browne on X, formerly Twitter, which stated his refusal of any such claims: “I categorically reject any association of my name and character alongside a purported ‘rise in anti-Semitic hate crimes’ and am disturbed that the project supervisor considers my involvement in this symposium to in any way amount to a possible “hostile environment”.
Al-Bargouthi condemned the perceived ‘scholasticide’ in relation to Dr. Browne, and others: “This attempt, like many others, seeks to exclude voices of reason, compassion, and solidarity from the academic scene. While such attempts are, more recently than ever, being treated for what they are - scholasticide - they must be highlighted to the student body in Ireland, Europe and globally. Scholars provide reasoned, founded arguments for peace, an end to the genocide in Gaza, and the wider systematic apartheid imposed on the Palestinian people.” He said the USI “view such an attempt to be the last push at legitimising the Zionist agenda in our institutions. We also view issues like the membership of the National Union of Israeli Students in the European Students’ Union, and the arbitrary inclusion of Israeli institutions in programmes like Erasmus and Erasmus+ to be a tool for legitimising the Zionist narrative”.
Al-Bargouthi concluded: “I will continue my work with the USI to systematically re-think the foreminded issues, but the duty to expose such attempts for what they are, is a collective one. Students, academics and unions have effectively mobilised in the face of genocide in Gaza, and we must not stop until we rid our systems of the plague Zionism inflicts.”
Students, academics and unions have effectively mobilised in the face of genocide in Gaza, and we must not stop until we rid our systems of the plague Zionism inflicts.
In a final attempt to heal the ‘division’ seen within the Students’ Union this year, Molnárfi has succeeded in ensuring that the incoming sabbatical team for the TCDSU will address what has been a consistent, but failed, feature of his tenure.
put to referendum on Chapter 1.4 no later than the end of Michaelmas Term. This wording should allow the Union to criticise political ideologies and political parties, but will have the necessary safeguards in place to prevent abuse of power.”
Passing by a strong majority, the motion to review Section 1.4 of the Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union (TCDSU) constitution, which currently states that the Union must pursue its aims “independent of any political ideology”, marks an end to a year fraught with constitutional disagreements.
The motion, Molnárfi’s final bid to allow the student body to vote on the Union’s political status, recognised “the varying attitudes of the student body towards the question of whether the student union should be allowed to criticise political ideologies as well as able to take an explicit no-confidence stance in the government”.
The motion expressed concern “at the division this has resulted in, with opposing sides resorting to measures which have generated controversy, including constitutional breaches, walkouts and impeachment referendums being launched.”
It also noted “the need for civil discourse on the issues that matter to students”, namely those that “may be divisive”.
The motion mandates: “That the incoming Sabbatical Officer Board work, with relevant consultation, to bring a motion to Council containing a proposal which may be
It concluded: “Safeguards should include having to put any possible no confidence motions in the government to a Long-Term Policy (LTP) referendum, and the Union should be prohibited from affiliating to political parties.”
As consistently reported by The University Times, Section 1.4 has dominated large portions of Council’s time this year, and has resulted in two failed attempts to give the student body the chance to vote on a constitutional wording change in relation to Section 1.4.
In a motion first proposed by the School of Languages, Literature and Cultural Studies Convenor Niko Evans, the wording of Section 1.4 was suggested to change from stating the Union must pursue its aims “independent of any political ideology” to Union must pursue its aims in a “radical” fashion.
However, this motion failed to pass by a slim margin and so Evans organised a petition for Trinity students with the aim to reach 500 signatures and so trigger a student-wide referendum. The petition reached 500 signatures in the space of one week. However, the Electoral Commission subsequently ruled that the referendum would not be taking place due to “legal concerns” about “potential discrimination”.
Molnárfi, as he is reportedly alleged to have done all year according to a report by the Oversight Commission, continued to take actions in breach of Section 1.4. This resulted in two class representatives, Colin Harper, JF Psychology, and Seán Thim O’Leary, SF PPES, launching a petition to impeach the SU President.
The petition, which barely reached over 200 student signatures, read as follows: When the misconduct of the president was discussed, as is routine for matters such as this at council, a motion of censure was brought forward. Before this could be brought to a vote, the president and a group he had coordinated
with staged a walkout of council in order to ensure that a vote could not be held on his misconduct.”
“This violates the democratic process of the Union, and disrupts basic means of accountability within the Union. Irrespective of what stance may be held over the motion of censure, this coordinated act was an inappropriate method of barring representatives from voicing the concerns of the students they represent.”
“The Student Union cannot hope to carry out its functions-nor represent its students-- if its President flagrantly and openly subverts oversight. The Student Union is a mechanism for furthering student voices, and such a disregard for acknowledging
them threatens to undermine all the work that has been done by the Union in recent years.”
“This is a dangerous precedent to set within the Union; the President cannot be allowed to sidestep oversight for violating the Union’s Constitution.”
“There will be serious negative consequences for the wider student population if their voices are continuously and actively disregarded by those who are supposed to represent them. This petition for an Officer Impeachment Referendum is the final option left to those who want to hold the president to any level of accountability.”
“Even if you might vote not to impeach, we urge you to sign this
petition so that this discussion can be brought to the wider student body, as we believe that it is of the utmost importance for students to be heard. This is our Union, and we will be left to pick up the pieces in years to come if this behaviour goes unchecked.”
Despite the petition to impeach not reaching the required signatures, and so not presenting a significant threat to Molnárfi’s presidentship, the SU President has still sought to repair the bridges that appear to have been severed between students this year as a result of the ‘division’ over Section 1.4.
In a statement to The University Times, Molnárfi, as a result of the recent motion passing, said: “The past few weeks have demonstrated mass student support for our grassroots, radical and political union.”
“As a result of the conversations surrounding the walkout and the impeachment petition that failed, members of Council came to realise, and came to an agreement, that a referendum is needed to settle the question, and as such voted through at Council a motion that, if all goes well, will see the ‘apolitical’ stance in the constitution put to referendum in Hilary Term of 2025.” He concluded: “All of this has only strengthened the radical tendency within the TCDSU, and has furthered our cause. In light of this, our movement is stronger than ever. Thank you to the student body for your expression of confidence in our union!”
Students staged a protest condemning College’s acceptance of donations from polluting companies.
From Plastic’, Coca-Cola was named one of the five biggest plastic polluting companies globally.
On March 15th, student activists poured red paint on College’s Green Week sign to protest the sponsorships that College receives from companies such as Ryanair, CocaCola and CRH. The group also called upon College to sign the Fossil Fuels Non-Proliferation Treaty, which has been endorsed by the University of Cork (UCC). Trinity is linked to Coca-Cola through its Commercial Revenue Unit. The partnership means primarily Coca-Cola products are sold in the Students’ Union Shop, The Buttery restaurant, and The Perch café. In return, Coca-Cola gives ‘a significant contribution to Trinity Sport to develop student health, fitness and wellbeing’.
In 2023, in an audit conducted by the organisation ‘Break Free
In an investigation conducted by The University Times, College was found to have accepted at least €1.5 million in funding from CRH, a building materials company.
CRH was described in The Irish Independent in 2008 as producing “more damaging greenhouse gases than Luxembourg”.
In April 2021, College accepted a €1.5 million donation from Ryanair to “engage in research around sustainable aviation fuels, zero carbon aircraft propulsion systems and noise mapping”.
In 2020, the European campaign group Transport and Environment, found Ryanair to be Europe’s top polluting airline, having emitted 13.3 million tonnes of carbon dioxide (CO₂) . On College’s website announcing the sponsorship, Ryanair is described as “Europe’s greenest airline”.
Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union (TCDSU) Environmental
Officer Nathan Hutchinson wrote in a letter decrying College’s climate action. The letter states that “While the College is keen to show that it takes seriously the ongoing climate crisis, it loathes to do so in a way that challenges the status quo in any way shape or form.”
TCD’s 2023 Sustainability Report states that “We will be a university, a place, and a community where climate change and biodiversity loss are addressed in a holistic, integrated and health-focused way to protect and restore our planetary home for future generations”.
The report further states College “must reduce GreenHouse Gas (GHG) emissions to net zero by 2050, requiring a global transformation in energy use, and a switch to fossil-fuel-free economies”, and one of the targets of this reduction will include “Partnerships, collaborations and engagements with our community, within and outside Trinity”.
Students staged a walkout demanding action, supported by a petition signed by over 1,300 students and staff.
and academic colleagues.
On March 11th, the University College Cork Students’ Union (UCCSU) staged a walkout to protest the college’s neutrality on the ongoing genocide in Palestine. Between 300 and 400 students participated in the demonstration in the college’s square. The walkout was hosted in collaboration with the UCC Socialist Society.
Amongst their demands, the protest called for the Irish government to expel the Israeli Ambassador from Ireland, an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and unhindered access of aid to Palestine. The protest was held after a petition in support of Palestine was signed by 1,300 UCC students and staff members. The petition called on UCC to extend its solidarity and sanctuary to Palestinian students
Before the protest was held, a Palestinian Master’s student described being “censored” at her graduation ceremony. On an Instagram post that has since gone viral, Leen Marouf recalled being “abruptly stopped by security for carrying the Palestinian flag”. Marouf wrote that “Not having the right to represent my heritage was crushing [...] I spoke out, screaming ‘Free Palestine’. But my footage was censored from the live stream, depriving my family the opportunity to witness my moment of just ‘being’.” Her post continues: “It was a painful reminder of the silence and erasure surrounding the
Palestinian struggle, even within academic spaces. In a room where people were graduating with degrees in International Relations, Politics, International Public Policy, and Diplomacy, Irish revolution etc., I didn’t help but feel embarrassed by the glaring absence of acknowledgement of the Palestinian genocide.
On February 29th, UCC President John O’Halloran met with the Palestinian Ambassador Dr Jilan Wahba Abdalmajid to discuss “mutual collaboration” in an event organised by Ógra Sinn Féin for UCC Students’ Union Anti-Apartheid Week. For the duration of the ambassador’s visit, the Palestinian flag was raised by the college.
The protest called for the Irish government to expel the Israeli ambassador from Ireland, an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and unhindered access of aid to Palestinians.
In what promises to be the biggest student strike action of the year, the protest and blockades are due to take place on April 10th at 9am.
er the costs of annual visa renewal and mandatory health insurance for non-EU PhD students, while reiterating the “equal pay for equal work” underpinning their demands.
On the day of the action, the PWO Trinity intends to direct “members and allies to key locations over campus to set up pickets, blockades, and rallies”. The statement continues, stressing that “supporters and allies are welcome to join in the protest at any time during the day”, explaining that stewards will be present on site to “direct everyone to where they are needed most”.
PWO Trinity further stresses: “postgraduate workers, undergraduate and postgraduate students, precarious staff, and other allies in Trinity are invited to stand in solidarity with us and demand fair treatment from College”.
In a statement to The University Times, Jeffrey Seathrún Sardina, President of PWO Trinity, said “PhDs have spoken – there is unprecedented demand for massive, disruptive action”. Sardina contin-
ues: “We are often forced to work (even against our will), and not always paid for the work we do. Many have skipped meals, and work second and third jobs overtime just to pay rent.”
college, and yet we are systematically exploited, overworked, underpaid and ignored in our attempts to start constructive dialogue”. To this end, Peroni believes that the blockade will “show Trinity that PhDs are united and strong in demanding their rights be protected”.
ternity leave or sick leave, forced to skip meals by low pay in College, or forced to work against their will.”
In a statement to The University Times, TCDSU President László Molnárfi expressed his support of the blockade. Directing a message to
undergraduate students, Molnárfi said: “as undergraduate students, we must stand in solidarity with our striking teachers. They are taking action, which may be disruptive to us, precisely because they care so much about being able to teach us.
Inadequate pay and lack of workers’ rights are pushing our TAs into dropping out of academia, and if this goes on, there will be no one left to teach us!” Trinity College Dublin has been contacted for comment.
In an email sent to all students on Tuesday evening, Trinity College Students’ Union (TCDSU) Communications and Marketing Officer
Jeffrey Seathrún
“PhDs have spoken... here is an unprecedented demand for massive, disruptive action.”
In his statement, Sardina further calls on students for their support, emphasising that “our working conditions are your learning conditions”. He stresses “Don’t let Trinity take your education away –and don’t let them keep taking our rights away.”
In a statement to The University Times, Vice President of PWO Trinity Claudia Peroni connected the “unprecedented engagement from PhDs in Trinity” to the decision to protest and blockade.
Peroni further states that PhDs “are a fundamental part of the research and teaching community in
officers has not been publicly broadcasted to students via email. This means that in-person student access to student union representatives is not publicly accessible for students.
According to Section 5.2.5c of the TCDSU Constitution, it is the duty of the Oversight Commission to ‘investigate possible breaches of [or] persistent inaction upon: policy, mandate and constitutional obligation’. At a TCDSU Council Meeting held on the 20th of February, the Oversight Commission brought a report detailing numerous breaches of TCDSU’s constitution by President Molnárfi.
Additionally, the Oversight Commission brought a report on
Aiesha Wong called on all students to support PWO Trinity’s blockade. Wong asserted that the “consistent denial of fair pay and decent working conditions has left your demonstrators and markers barely able to eat and pay rent”.
The email continues: “You have almost certainly been taught by a PhD who has been denied pay for their work, denied maternity / pa-
its own performance, stating that the Oversight Commission had “failed to fulfil its mandates”. It was also revealed to Council that the Oversight Commission had not reviewed Schedule 4 of the Constitution and “there have also been issues where investigations have not been fully dealt with and communicated”.
The University Times has learned that a formal complaint about Sabbatical Officers’ lack of mandated advertised office hours has been made to the Oversight Commission, but has yet to be followed up on.
Prior to 2023/2024, open office hours have previously been advertised weekly and observed by TCDSU sabbatical officers. The motion to host advertised weekly office hours was originally proposed by former TCDSU President Shane De Rís in 2018/2019, and was later renewed in 2021/2022 by former Education Officer, Bev Gnockey. TCDSU have been contacted for comment.
Trinity students have been offered a free measles vaccine at clinics facilitated by the HSE.
Alex Payne ASSISTANT EDITORIn an email to all Trinity College Dublin (TCD) students and staff, first on March 19th, the Medical Director of the College Health Service David McGrath said: “In response to a number of cases of measles on the island of Ireland over the past few weeks, the HSE [Health Service Executive] is providing a MMR (mumps, measles, and rubella) catch up vaccination clinic on campus on Thursday 21st March.”
The clinic was for all students and staff born after 1978, “who may not be fully vaccinated” and was held in the Exam Hall on campus. McGrath also said: “If you missed the MMR vaccine when you were a child, you can get the vaccine at this clinic. If you are not sure if you have had the MMR vaccine, you can still get the vaccine now to make sure you are protected. Two doses of the MMR vaccine are necessary to be considered fully vaccinated.” “Measles is a highly infectious disease that can cause serious complications, such as seizures, pneumonia, inflammation of the brain and spinal cord, and even death.
MMR vaccination is the best way to protect yourself and others from measles,” he concluded.
The March 21st clinic was followed up by one on Wednesday April 3rd, confirmed in another email from McGrath on April 2nd, and this time was held in the Atrium on campus.
The funding for the MMR vac-
cine-drive by the HSE was confirmed in a Department of Health press release on March 8th 2024: “Minister for Health Stephen Donnelly has announced that the government has agreed funding for an MMR (measles, mumps and rubella vaccine) catch-up vaccination programme.”
“This catch-up programme has been approved in response to a rise in measles cases in the UK and Europe. The Health Service Executive (HSE) will now begin to outline the programme details.”
Minister for Health Stephen Donnelly said: “I would encourage all those eligible for MMR vaccination to come forward and to avail of the opportunity to be protected during a time when measles cases are on the rise internationally and the risk of transmission of measles in Ireland is high due to lower MMR uptake.”
“It is very important that we protect ourselves and those around us from the risks posed by this highly contagious viral disease.”
Chief Medical Officer Professor Breda Smyth said: “Measles is a highly infectious disease which can cause serious complications, particularly in children under one year of age, pregnant women, and the
immunosuppressed.”
“The only protection against measles is vaccination, and MMR vaccine uptake in Ireland is currently too low to prevent measles from spreading. In serious cases, complications can include ear infections, pneumonia, febrile seizures and inflammation of the brain or encephalitis. It can also lead to death.”
“Vaccination protects all of us, and particularly those who are vulnerable. With the recent rise in measles cases in the UK and Europe, I am urging all eligible persons who have not been vaccinated to avail of this opportunity to protect ourselves and those around us.”
The HSE also reported: “MMR uptake in Ireland is currently suboptimal and less than the 95% target set by the World Health Organization (WHO).”
In a statement to the Irish Independent, Trinity College Dublin immunologist Professor Kingston Mills said measles is a highly transmissible virus and added: “Very often in universities it can spread quickly because of the proximity of people. We need 90 to 95 per cent coverage of the MMR vaccine for herd immunity. It is a difficult one to contain once it gets into a non-immunised population.”
The actor becomes the second Irish citizen to win an Oscar for a leading role.
Saoirse Goes DEPUTY EDITORCillian Murphy has won the Oscar in the ‘Best Actor’ category for his role in Oppenheimer. The film, directed by Christopher Nolan, also won the award for ‘Best Picture’ at the 96th Academy Awards held on March 10th, 2024. Murphy becomes the second Irish citizen to win an Oscar for a leading role in a film, after Daniel Day-Lewis, who first won for his role in Jim Sheridan’s My Left Foot in 1989. Day-Lewis was born in London but holds Irish citizenship. Murphy is the first Irish-born actor to take home an Oscar for leading actor. Murphy enacts the titular role in the film, which follows the theoretical physicist J. Robert Oppenheimer and his development of the first nuclear weapons during the First World War. Written and directed by Christopher Nolan, Oppenheimer is based on Kai Bird and Martin J. Sherwin’s 2005 biography American Prometheus Murphy has previously collaborated with Nolan on six films, including Dunkirk and Batman Begins. This marks Murphy’s first Academy Award nomination and win, but the actor had previously won Best Actor at
the BAFTAs, Golden Globes and the Screen Actors Guild awards for his role in Oppenheimer
In the Best Actor category, Murphy was nominated alongside Bradley Cooper for Maestro, Colman Domingo for Rustin, Paul Giamatti for The Holdovers and Jeffrey Wright for American Fiction
In his acceptance speech, Murphy confessed that he was “a little overwhelmed” but emphasised that he was “a very very proud Irishman”. Thanking Nolan and Emma Thomas, Murphy said: “It’s been the wildest, most exhilarating, most creatively satisfying journey you’ve taken me on over the last 20 years. I owe you more than I can say.”
Also thanking his producer, team
and his family, Murphy dedicated the award to “the peacemakers everywhere”. He further stated: “We made a film about the man who created the atomic bomb, and for better or worse, we’re now living in Oppenheimer’s world.” Murphy ended his speech on a patriotic note, saying: “Go raibh míle maith agaibh.”
Speaking backstage following the ceremony, Murphy confessed that he was still “in a little bit of a daze”, but reiterated his national pride at being an Irish actor. Speaking to being the first Irishborn actor to win an Oscar, Murphy said: “It’s really, really meaningful to me and I don’t know if I said this in my speech because I can’t remember what I said, but I do
want to say that I think in Ireland, we’re really great at supporting artists.”
Murphy further stressed the importance of providing a space to foster upcoming young talent: “I think we need to continue to support artists and the next generation of actors and directors.
I think that’s vitally important.”
Murphy’s win was not the only Irish victory of the night,. Poor Things, directed by Yorgos Lanthimos and starring Emma Stone, and produced by the Dublin-based Element Pictures, won four awards. Having amassed an impressive 11 nominations, Poor Things took home the Oscar for Best Actress for Stone, as well as Best Costume Design.
TDs from Sinn Féin to the Social Democrats expressed surprise and concern at the Taoiseach’s resignation.
How to Get to Heaven from Belfast will start filming this summer, produced by Hat Trick productions.
previous producing credits include hit-show The Inbetweeners
Fine Gael has now been in power for the last fourteen years, a feat not achieved in the previous 50 years of Irish politics, according to a recent speech from the now-former Taoiseach and leader of Fine Gael Leo Varadkar. Varadkar’s stepping down has come as a shock to many, yet whether or not it as well as the internal selection of a new Taoiseach within Fine Gael is a welcome change is still a controversial issue.
Teachta Dála (TD) Mary Lou McDonald, leader of Sinn Féin, called out Fine Gael for their internal selection for Ireland’s new Taoiseach: “The next Taoiseach should be chosen by the people, not by the Fine Gael parliamentary party”. she said on X (formerly Twitter). “There needs to be a General Election…It’s time for change!”
TD Holly Cairns of the Social Democrats had similar thoughts, sharing on X that: “The writing is on the wall for this government, even the Taoiseach can see that. They’re failing on so many fronts. In housing, health, climate - the list goes on and on and on. A new Fine Gael Taoiseach isn’t going to fix that. We need a new government. We need an election.”
Others, however, praised Fine Gael’s choice for a new Taoiseach, Simon Harris, the former Minister for Higher Education, will take over the government’s leadership after the Dail’s Easter recess, with the support of most of Fine Gael and many other sitting TDs. Galway East TD Ciarán Cannon, announced Mr Varadkar had “given his all” in a statement, adding that “it’s been a privilege to serve with him. Anyone who knows him as a colleague, knows how committed he was, how ambitious he was for Ireland”, he said.
Sligo-Leitrim TD Frank Feighan also said he was surprised to hear of Varadkar’s resignation and looked forward to the party’s
future: “In fairness to him he always put the country first. He did an awful lot of good in politics. The country and economy is in a good place and did his best for Fine Gael and the country. It will be an interesting time over the next few weeks and months, the next few weeks especially.”
Members of other parties in the coalition also expressed their regrets on Varadkar’s stepping-down, including Eamon Ryan, head of the Green Party, who described Varadkar’s service to Ireland as “energetic” and “committed” in a statement. He went on to praise the work of the three coalition parties during Varadkar’s tenure. “The Green Party looks forward to the conclusion of the Fine Gael leadership contest and the election of a new Taoiseach by Dáil Éireann,” said Ryan, in a statement released via X. “In the interim, the important work of Government continues and the three coalition parties will continue to fulfil our mandate, just as we have done over the last three and a half years.”
Netflix has commissioned an eight-part series by Lisa McGee, writer of the Emmyaward winning show Derry Girls. Last week, the streaming service announced How to Get to Heaven from Belfast, which will follow three women in their late thirties as they grapple with their estranged school friend’s death and embark on a “dark, dangerous and hilarious odyssey through Ireland”.
The streaming service has described the protagonists as “clever, chaotic TV writer Saoirse, glamorous, stressed-out mother of three Robyn and dependable, inhibited carer Dara”.
McGee is set to executive produce the series, joined by fellow Derry Girls alumni Michael Lennox, Liz Lewin and Caroline Leddy. Lennox, who directed all three seasons of Derry Girls, will also direct How to Get to Heaven from Belfast. Leddy’s
Although the series was initially announced by Channel 4 in summer 2023, Variety reported that the channel would not be going ahead with making the series due to “rising costs” and “changes in editorial direction”. When news of the project was first released, in August, McGee confirmed on X (formerly Twitter) that “There is a character from Derry in it before I get banned from the old hometown”. In 2023, McGee won the BAFTA for Best Writer of a Comedy series and the IFTA for Best Script (Drama) for the final season of Derry Girls How to Get to Heaven from Belfast will begin filming in Northern Ireland this summer.
lishment of the Trinity Hereans. Both the KoC and the Hereans are made up of those that are supposed to excel in their chosen sport, as well as be sociable. This is because, since its establishment in 1926, the KoC are most well-known for their hosting and
sport, social skills to welcome sporting visitors to College.”
In the AGM at which the Provost was speaking, Trinity News, when the Provost suggested that the Hereans be revived, reported that “this statement apparently caused some rumblings in the room following its delivery”.
The 2023/24 President of the KoC is understood, however, to have
reached out to Ciara Mulligan, 2023/24 Captain of the Dublin University Hockey Club, just a day after her election to said position in an effort to encourage the revival of the Trinity Hereans. This latest revival is hoped to be their last, and they are reported to be considering, along with the KoC, to become more unified with their male counterparts, and vice-versa. If they were to become one, uni-
fied organisation this would follow in the footsteps of the elite sporting club at Oxford University, Vincent’s Club. If they were to work closely together, but remain separate, this would follow in the footsteps of the Hawks and Ospreys sporting clubs at Cambridge University.
The KoC and the Trinity Hereans recently held their AGM together in the Dining Hall on February 23rd 2024.
Pádraig
Brádaigh: “Ní Chóir go gCaithfí dul Tríd an mBéarla chun Teacht ar an nGaeilge.”
Déanann Abi Ní Mhuircheartaigh plé le Pádraig Mac Brádaigh, an Chéad Oifigeach Gaeilge Lánaimseartha
Riamh i gColáiste na Tríonóide, faoi chúrsaí Gaeilge na Tríonóide agus a fhís don teanga sa choláiste. Ní haon strainséir é Pádraig Mac Brádaigh le saol na Gaeilge i gColáiste na Tríonóide. Cé gur rugadh agus tógadh é i Nua Eabhrac, tá Mac Brádaigh i measc na ndaoine is gníomhaí i gcúrsaí Gaeilge an choláiste a bhfeictear riamh. Smaoinigh ar aon áit sa choláiste le Gaeilge agus tá Mac Brádaigh ann. Óna bheith ag déanamh staidéar ar Luath agus Nua-Ghaeilge, a bheith ar an Scéim Cónaithe faoi dhó, a bheith ar choiste an Chumainn Ghaelaigh le trí bliana anuas, agus a bheith ina Oifigeach na Gaeilge reatha d’Aontas na Mac Léinn, ní fhéadfaí a shéanadh nach gcuir Mac Brádaigh é féin in iúl go láidir i bpobal an choláiste. Agus gan dabht beidh a láithreacht, agus láithreacht na Gaeilge, le brath go láidir an bhliain seo chugainn. D’éirigh lena bhfeachtas YesGaeilge an Fheabhra seo chaite. An aidhm a bhí ag an bhfeachtas seo ná chun Oifigeach na Gaeilge lánaimseartha a bheith againn in Aontas na Mac Léinn, seachas ach Oifigeach páirtaimseartha a bheith againn, mar a bhítear ann go dtí seo. Dá bhrí sin, is cinnte go mbeidh go leor á dhéanamh ag Pádraig Mac Brádaigh mar an gcéad Oifigeach Gaeilge lánaimseartha i gColáiste na Tríonóide.
Fuair mé deis labhairt le Pádraig faoina bhua stairiúil agus a phlean do thodhchaí na teanga. Faoi láthair, tá dul chun cinn mór déanta aige do stádas na Gaeilge agus é mar Oifigeach na Gaeilge páirtaimseartha. Is cinnte go raibh tionchar mór ag Mac Brádaigh ar íomhá an Aontais ó thaobh na Gaeilge de. D’éirigh leis, i bpáirt leis an Oifigeach Cumarsáide Aiesha Wong, lógó nua dátheangach a chur i bhfeidhm. Ar an lógó seo, feictear AMCLT, acrainm ar Aontas Mac Léinn Choláiste na Tríonóide, chomh maith leis an acrainm TCDSU, an leagan Béarla. Léiríonn an lógó nua seo go bhfuil spás ann don Ghaeilge san Aontas. “Táimid i ré nua anois agus tá lógó nua ag Aontas Mac Léinn Choláiste na Tríonóide”, a dúirt sé faoin bhforás sin. Ar bharr é seo, d’éirigh le Mac Brádaigh ainm Gaeilge oifigiúil a dheimhniú don Aontas. “Bhí sé giota beag doiléir cén t-ainm Gaeilge a bhí ar an Aontas.” Ar deireadh socraíodh ar Aontas Mac Léinn Choláiste na Tríonóide, an leagan gramadúil, cruinn, agus ceart. Chomh maith leis an dul chun cinn sin, faoi bhrú Mhic Bhrádaigh, anois seoltar dhá ríomhphost gach seachtain, as Gaeilge agus as Béarla. Roimhe sin, bhí ort cliceáil ar nasc sa ríomhphost Béarla chun an ríomhphost Gaeilge a léamh. “Ní chóir go gcaithfimid mar chainteoirí Gaeilge dul tríd an ríomhphost Béarla chun teacht ar an ríomhphost Gaeilge, níl sé sin ceart nó cothrom”, arsa Mac Brádaigh go muiníneach. Cuireann an t-athrú
“Ní chóir go gcaithfí staidéar a dhéanamh ar an nGaeilge fhéin chun oideachas a fháil trí mheán na Gaeilge. Ní bheidh todhchaí proifisiúnta ag an nGaeilge i sochaí na hÉireann i gcoitinne muna bhfuil muid in ann gnó agus innealtóireacht agus dlí a dhéanamh trí mheán na Gaeilge.”
seo in iúl do phobal an choláiste go soiléir go bhfuil Mac Brádaigh agus an t-aontas ag cruthú spáis don Ghaeilge. Ina theannta sin, d’éirigh le Mac Brádaigh tionchar a bheith aige ar bhunreacht an aontais. Baineann sceidil a trí i mbunreacht aontais na mac léinn le toghcháin agus le reifrinn. “Mhol mé dóibh rialacháin a chur ann a bhain le cuóta a bheith ann ó thaobh earraí feachtas a chur amach trí mheán na Gaeilge.” Mar gheall ar seo, is gá le gach aon iarrthóir i ngach aon rás ar a laghad 10% dá gcuid postálacha a dhéanamh as Gaeilge, agus caithfidh gach forógra a bheith dhátheangach anois. Mar sin bhí níos mó Gaeilge le feiceáil le linn ama an toghchái. Tugann seo an deis do Ghaeilgeoirí ionadaíocht na teanga a bhraith. Cuireann an ionadaíocht seo misneach ar an
“Níl mise chun Béarla a labhairt, agus más gá, ní bheidh mé sásta, agus ceapaim gur chóir do phobal na Gaeilge a bheith mar sin fosta. Muna bhfuil muid cróga agus muna seasaimid an fód, ní bheidh na rudaí seo againn.”
bpobal Gaelach. “Is céim chun chinn í sin, mar ní chóir dúinn dul tríd an mBéarla chun teacht ar an nGaeilge, agus ba chóir go mbeadh an rogha sin againn i gcónaí - Gaeilge a léamh, Gaeilge a chloisteáil, Gaeilge a labhairt.”
Pointe lárnach ag fís Mhic Bhrádaigh ná an ceart maireachtáil trí Ghaeilge a bheith againn i gColáiste na Tríonóide. Ar ábhar na cumarsáide, tá seasamh daingean ag Mac Brádaigh. “Níl mise chun Béarla a labhairt, agus más gá, ní bheidh mé sásta, agus ceapaim gur chóir do phobal na Gaeilge a bheith mar sin fosta. Muna bhfuil muid cróga agus muna seasaimid an fód, ní bheidh na rudaí seo againn. Caithfimid a bheith cróga, caithfimid a bheith dána, agus tá súil agam gur thaispeáin an reifreann seo gur féidir linn a bheith cróga, gur féidir linn a bheith dána, agus gur féidir an bua a bheith againn. Sin a tharla i mbliana, bhí bua ollmhór againn toisc gur sheasamar an fód ar ár son féin agus tá súil agam go leanfaidh pobal Gaeilge Choláiste na Tríonóide ar aghaidh.” Tugann seo léargas suimiúil ar intinn Mhic Bhrádaigh agus a aisling do stádas na Gaeilge sa bhliain ag teacht. Nuair a chuir mé ceist ar Mhac Brádaigh faoina aidhmeanna don bhliain seo chugainn, d’aithin sé go bhfuil bealach fada ann agus nach bhfuil rudaí chun athrú thar oíche. Thuig sé gur iarracht fhadtéarmach a bheidh ann chun comhstádas a bheith ag an nGaeilge i gColáiste na Tríonóide. “Is cinnte go bhfuil a lán téipe deirge os mo chomhair ó thaobh riaracháin na hollscoile de agus chun an fhírinne a rá, níl a fhios agam cad go díreach is féidir liom déanamh in aon bhliain amháin toisc gur ról úr nua é seo. Is féidir liom a gheallúint go ndéanfaidh mé mo sheacht ndícheall chun na rudaí a bhí i m’fhorógra a chur i bhfeidhm chomh tapa agus is féidir liom. Táim ag díriú ar thús láidir a chruthú don ról seo, agus ba mhaith liom tionscadail agus feachtais a thosú ar féidir leis na daoine a dtagann i mo dhiaidh leanúint orthu.” É sin ráite, tá plean aige ionas go mbeidh an méid is mó Gaeilge le brath sa choláiste. Ó thaobh an oideachais de, ba mhaith leis gealltanas a fháil ón ollscoil go dtosóidh siad ag obair ar chúrsaí a chur ar fáil trí Ghaeilge, cúrsaí nach bhfuil an Ghaeilge mar ábhar acu. “Ní chóir go gcaithfí staidéar a dhéanamh ar an nGaeilge fhéin chun oideachas a fháil trí mheán na Gaeilge. Ní bheidh todhchaí proifisiúnta ag an nGaeilge i sochaí na hÉireann i gcoitinne muna bhfuil muid in ann gnó agus innealtóireacht agus dlí a dhéanamh trí mheán na Gaeilge. Tuigim agus glacaim leis go hiomlán gur phróiseas fadtearmach
a bheidh i gceist chun é seo ar fad a bhaint amach agus nach mbeidh sé éasca, agus go mbeidh a lán dúshlán romhainn ach caithfimid tosú ar an obair seo anois. Níl faic déanta ag riarachán Choláiste na Tríonóide roimhe seo. Tá spriocanna ag an rialtas go mbeidh 20% d’earcaigh nua de chuid na stát seirbhíse cumasach sa Ghaeilge faoin mbliain 2030, agus i ndáiríre ní dóigh liom go bhfuil sé sin chun tarlú mar níl faic déanta ag na hollscoileanna chun na cúrsaí seo a chur ar fáil trí Ghaeilge. Muna bhfuil céimeanna cumasacha ar fáil, ní bheidh na seirbhísí ar fáil i nGaeilge. Caithfidh Coláiste na Tríonóide a chuid féin a dhéanamh chun an sprioc seo a bhaint amach. Ba mhaith liom brú a chur ar riarachán na hollscoile chun a chuid féin a dhéanamh i dtreo na sprice seo.” Ar bharr a sprioceanna oideachais, tá níos mó aidhmeanna ag Mac Brádaigh ó thaobh na siamsaíochta de. “Ba mhaith liom comhoibriú leis an oifigeach siamsaíochta in aontas na mac léinn chun imeachtaí dátheangacha a chur ar siúl. Imeachtaí fíor-dhátheangacha, mar nuair a deirtear go mbeidh rud éigin dátheangach ar siúl, den chuid is mó ní bhíonn, Béarla a labhraítear ann den chuid is mó”, arsa seisean. Aithníonn Mac Brádaigh na deacrachtaí a dtagann le heagrúchán imeachtaí dátheangaigh. “Mar oifigeach na Gaeilge lánaimseartha is gá freastail ar réimse an-leathan de leibhéal chumais - tá Gaeilge líofa ag cuid againn, níl ach cúpla focal ag cuid eile agus tá leibhéal eatarthu siúd ag níos mó, agus is gá freastal ar ghach leibhéal. Cé nach bhfuil Gaeilge líofa ag daoine eile, níor chóir go gcuireann sé sin bac orainn Gaeilge a labhairt. Mar i ndáiríre, ní leis an ngnáth Gaeilgeoir an fhadhb nach bhfuil Gaeilge ag daoine eile. Is
liomsa an fhadhb sin, mar is mise a bheidh ag plé leis an ollscoil fúithi.” Léiríonn an dearcadh seo díograis Mhic Bhrádaigh agus is cinnte go ndéanfaidh sé a seacht ndícheall chun an dúshlán seo a shárú. “An t-aon rud a déarfainn anois le pobal na Gaeilge ná nach é seo deireadh an scéil. Is cóir dúinn a bheith sásta agus is cóir dúinn é seo ar fad a chéiliúradh, cinnte, ach ní hé seo deireadh an scéil. Ní thig linn a bheith boigéiseach, ní chóir dúinn a bheith ró-shásta linn féin, mar tá rudaí eile i gcónaí ann is féidir linn baint amach. Caithfimid a bheith suas chun dáta le seo ar fad agus gur chóir dúinn i gcónaí a bheith ag breathnú ar an gcéad céim eile, ar ár son féin. Mar níl Béarlóirí ag troid ar ár son, caithfidh muidne troid ar ár son féin. Creidim go láidir i bpobal na Gaeilge. Caithfidh mé mo bhuíochas a ghabháil le pobal na Gaeilge sa choláiste mar ní bheinn in ann aon chuid de seo a dhéanamh gan an tacaíocht iontach a bhfuair mé ó mo chairde sa Chumann Gaelach, ar an Scéim Cónaithe, i mo chúrsa, agus i Roinn na Gaeilge. Is pobal iontach muid agus cé gur chóir dúinn i gcónaí a bheith ag amharc ar an gcéad céim eile, ba mhaith liom a rá gur chóir dúinn ár bpobal a chothú i gcónaí, mar is rud speisialta atá againn anseo i gColáiste na Tríonóide.” Is cinnte go bhfuil todhchaí mhaith i ndán don Ghaeilge i gColáiste na Tríonóide faoi stiúir Mhic Bhrádaigh. I mbliana, leag sé amach an bhunchloch d’athruithe móra sa choláiste. Leis an méid mór atá déanta ag Pádraig Mac Brádaigh cheana féin agus é ina oifigeach páirtaimseartha, níl aon amhras ann ach go mbeidh ról i bhfad níos lárnaí ag an nGaeilge sa choláiste
Maisie Greener met with Tilly Cripwell to discuss her grassroots campaign, #LeaveMollymAlone, aimed at confronting the tradition of objectification.
embraced by tourists. Speaking to Tilly, I wanted to understand further her impetus to start the campaign.
What caused you to start the campaign? Was there a specific moment or more of a buildup?
Anyone remotely acquainted with Dublin will be familiar with the Molly Malone statue. Its Suffolk Street location is as iconic a component of the cityscape as the Book of Kells or Temple Bar. Much like both the Book of Kells and Temple Bar, the area around the statue tends to be avoided by students due to the hordes of tourists it attracts. Therefore, prior to Tilly’s #LeaveMollymAlone campaign, students may have been ignorant to the extent of misogynistic and objectifying behaviour that the statue attracts. Dubliners and students perhaps associate Molly Malone with the “Cockles and Mussels” tune in which she was immortalised, before they think of the sexualisation that many tourists remember her by. Owing to her busking beside the Molly Malone statue, third year student Tilly Cripwell was exposed to the degrading tradition of rubbing the statue’s breasts, that is so blindly
I spend a lot of each week busking beside the Molly Malone statue and when I’m busking I have a lot of thinking time. I just started getting more and more pissed off at people not only touching Molly Malone’s boobs, but also just acting in a really male bravado, chauvinistic way. Jeering each other on to touch her boobs and kiss her. I thought about it and I thought this is so out of order. This is one of the only female statues that Dublin has and she’s reduced to this symbol of sex. Her legacy and her story aren’t even told, there is no plaque. She’s at street level on a plinth whereas literally all other male statues in Dublin are on massive pedestals. It was a buildup and then one Saturday I realised I had had enough.
Why do you think this tradition developed and why has it persisted?
Because no one is really questioning it. Everyone just does it and says it is good luck. People just do it blindly and you see them getting embarrassed and you think: “Why do you think you’re getting embarrassed?”. It’s because your conscience and your innocence are telling you this is not a good thing to do. Also what annoys me is that when the statue was moved, it was originally at the bottom of Grafton Street, they completely restored it but the only thing they left was the discoloration on her boobs to continue the tradition and ensure that people keep doing it. They could choose to restore her like they did ten years ago but they haven’t done that.
Critics of the campaign seem to hammer this point that it’s a statue being groped, not a real woman. How do you respond to this kind of argument?
I say that the only reason we make statues of figures is to commemorate and immortalise a person who has left a legacy and is no longer alive. Statues can be purely representative and the only way art comes into representative statues is because
“This is one of the only female statues that Dublin has and she’s reduced to this symbol of sex. Her legacy and her story aren’t even told, there is no plaque.”
art is a certain way of representing them based on their character and how they want to be continued. So I think it’s kind of a double standard when people get to a female sexualised statue and that’s when they decide to reduce it to just a statue. It’s more poignant and sensitive when it is a woman being groped. A lot of people say, “oh, there’s the Charging Bull in New York and a lot of people go and touch its balls”, but it’s not like bulls are an oppressed group in society. Whereas it is a sensitive topic for women because groping happens to women and women are targeted by it.
How far, if at all, do you think ‘culture’ or ‘tradition’ can excuse these kinds of sexist behaviours?
I don’t really think culture and tradition can excuse this kind of sexist behaviour because a lot of culture and tradition stem from patriarchy. That’s why I started the hashtag ‘Question and Quash’ because I don’t really see how we can be expected to move on from sexism and a patriarchal society when traditions like this are still promoted and publicised. It’s just so simple yet people still do it. So I don’t think you can ever really disregard them to the point of sexism as they are strongly linked. It’s culture that defines a place and a people, so if sexism is what defines a people then it says really bad things about a society.
What would be the ideal outcome of the campaign? Do you think it’s possible for legal change to be made, or is encouraging a
“It’s because your conscience and your innocence are telling you this is not a good thing to do.”
behavioural shift more realistic?
I would really like both physical and more representative, behavioural changes to happen. So physically I have been in touch with Dublin City Council’s Chair for Arts and Culture, Cat O’Driscoll, who really supports the cause, and I have asked if movement can be put in place for the statue to be raised on a pedestal, restored, so there’s no longer any discolouration on her breasts, and that there is a plaque put in place firstly saying “leave Molly mAlone” and secondly describing her legacy and her story. I would really like it to set an example for other female statues. There are actually hardly any other female statues in Dublin. I think there are actually four. Few of them are women who have actually lived and the others are just random women. There’s one which has also been nicknamed ‘the floozy in the jacuzzi’, which is extremely objectifying and misogynistic. So I think there should be a movement for more female statues to exist. In a more figurative way, I would really like a chain to start where people start thinking about what they’re doing. Obviously her being restored and put on a pedestal would help but you don’t really want physical barriers to have to be put in place. You want people to be thinking
about this kind of thing and questioning it. I’m going to talk to tour agencies and guides and ask their opinions on the whole thing, and whether they will start telling their tourists to reconsider touching her or maybe even informing them of this movement.
Your campaign has received international attention. Do you think Molly Malone’s treatment is an isolated incident or more of a global behaviour?
I think people internationally can identify with it and it’s happening in different places with different statues. I didn’t even do lots of work to promote the campaign, it kind of just promoted itself. Clearly people still see it as an issue. It has done the work itself because it is something so basic in a society that is supposedly progressive, yet things like this are still happening. I think it’s because I was questioning seemingly such a commonplace thing that it did get such gravitas. I don’t think it’s an isolated incident because it does happen in other places like the Juliet statue in Verona. Obviously it’s not that isolated if women still get groped and mistreated on a daily basis. Bad examples are set for children on a daily basis. It’s a whole wider issue.
Deirtear go minic go mbíonn dhá insint ar gach scéal, agus is léir gur fíor é sin maidir leis an nGaeilge. Ó Ghaeilgeoirí fonnmhara go daoine a bheadh sona sásta fáil réidh leis an teanga ar fad, agus an tromlach eatarthu, ní féidir a shéanadh gur ábhar díospóireachta conspóidí í an Ghaeilge. Mar mhac léinn na Gaeilge, is minic a bhím ag labhairt le daoine faoin dearcadh atá acu maidir léi, agus níorbh fhada sular thug mé rud suimiúil faoi deara. Is dócha go bhfuil barúil níos dearfaí ag daoine óga faoin teanga i gcomparáid leis na glúnta a chuaigh rompu. Ní mhian liom a rá nach bhfuil eisceachtaí ann. Déarfainn, áfach, go bhfuil treocht caolchúiseach ann. Lena chois sin, is dócha go bhfuil modh difriúil ag daoine óga chun smaoineamh a dhéanamh ar theangacha go forleathan, agus is dóigh liom go bhfuil cúis ann nach scrúdaítear mar ba cheart. Chinn mé staideár a dhéanamh ar an nGaeilge agus mise ar mheánscoil, agus i ndiadh sin, bhí orm mo chinneadh a mhíniú do
mo ghaolta, agus bheinn ag insint bréag mura ndéarfaidh mé go raibh ionadh ag cuid mhaith de mo ghaolta faoi mo rogha. I ndiadh sin, áfach, ba mhinic a labhair siad faoin taithí a bhí acu leis an nGaeilge, agus luadh arís is arís go bhfaca siad an Ghaeilge mar “sean-rud”. Cé gur aithníodh an fonn a bhí agam dul le staidéar na teanga, níorbh fhéidir leo na réamhthuairimí a bhí acu a scaoileadh. B’amhlaidh a thosóidís ag gearán faoin gcaoi a múineadh í agus iad á foghlaim ar scoil, agus b’annamh nach luadh Peig féin, go háirithe i measc mo ghaolta a rinne a n-Ardteist sna hochtóidí. I mbeagán focal, ba é a dtuairim gur déantán an chultúir thraidisiúnta í an Ghaeilge. Is dóigh liom go léiríonn sé an meon atá ag roinnt mhaith daoine faoi chúrsaí Gaeilge. Aithnítear go bhfuil an teanga ann, agus ba chomónta go mbeadh meas maith acu uirthi, ach is soiléir nach mothaíonn siad nasc léi. Nuair a labhraítear fúithi, samhlaíonn siad tírdhreacha áille an Iarthair agus an saol tuaithe a bhíodh ag Peig Sayers nó ag Máirtín Ó Direáin. Cuirfí é sin i gcomparáid leis an saol nua-aimseartha atá acu, agus ní fheicfidís ach na difríochtaí eatarthu. Go bunúsach, ní leosan í. Is éagsúil an scéal é nuair a labhraím le daoine atá comhaosta
“Nuair atá leithéid Kneecap nó BlocTGF ag cruthú abhair do na hardáin seo, is minic a fheictear an Ghaeilge mar theanga cosúil le gach cean eile, trinar féidir gach sórt gníomhachtaí a dhéanamh.”
liom, áfach. Fiú nach bhfuil mórán Gaeilge acu, is léir go bhfuil modh smaoinimh úr acu. Is fíor-mhinic a bhím ag caint le duine éigin a deir liom gur mhaith leo feabhas a chur ar a gcuid Gaeilge, fiú nuair nach raibh suim ar bith acu inti agus iad ar scoil. Tá mórán cúiseanna leis an athrú seo, ach ba mhaith liom scrúdú a dhéanamh ar cheann de nach bpléitear go minic dar liom. Fás an ilteangachais in Éirinn is ea í. Measaim gur chóir dúinn idirdhealú a dhéanamh idir dhá shórt ilteangachais. Is sa phobal atá an chéad cheann bunaithe, ach measaim gur féidir a rá go bhfuil sórt eile lonnaithe ar an Idirlíon, ar na meáin shóisialta go háirithe. Maidir leis an gcéad shórt, cuimhním ar m’óige féin agus ar na teangacha a bhí le cloisteáil i ngach áit timpeall orm agus mé ag fás aníos i bhFine Gall. Bhí slua daoine ann sa phobal nach labhair an Béarla lena dteaghlaigh, agus is léir go raibh tionchar ag an bhfíric seo ar an mbealach a smaoinítear faoi theangacha taobh amuigh den Bhéarla. Is é barúil mhórán daoine nach aisteach an rud é go labhraíonn duine éigin teanga eile lena thuismitheoirí. De réir daonáirimh 2022, labhraíonn 751,507 daoine teanga cé is moite den Bhéarla nó den Ghaeilge agus iad sa bhaile. Bíonn Éireannaigh i dteagmháil le daoine ilteangacha i gcónaí, agus is dóigh liom go bhfuil páirt ag an bhfás sin i meonta na n-óg faoin nGaeilge. Tá an fás sin le feiceáil sna meáin shóisialta freisin, ach i mbealach éagsúil. Is minic a théann daoine ar Instagram nó a leithéid agus teangacha éagsúla le feiceáil orthu. Toisc gur féidir le cách nithe a chruthú do na ardáin sin, is minic gur féidir le teangacha níos lú láithreacht mhaith a bheith acu , fiú dá ndéanfaí neamhshuim díobh sna meáin níos traidisiúnta. Ó thaobh lucht féachana de, tá sé níos éasca ná a bhí riamh teacht ar theanga ar bith, an Ghaeilge san áireamh. Ní mór dóibh ach cúpla cúntas a theastaíonn uathu a leanúint, agus beidh an teanga le léamh agus le cloisteáil ar a bhfóin pócaí as sin amach, i measc na nithe eile a theastaíonn uathu a fheiceáil. Nuair atá leithéid Kneecap nó BlocTG4 ag cruthú ábhair do na
hardáin seo, is minic a fheictear an Ghaeilge mar theanga cosúil le gach ceann eile, trínar féidir gach sórt gníomhachtaí a dhéanamh. Is minic a bhíonn an Ghaeltacht lárnach san ábhar sin, leis, agus feictear go bhfuil muintir na Gaeltachta cosúil leis an té a bheadh ag féachaint air. Ní mheastar gur daoine ó ham atá thart iad, toisc go léirítear iad mar dhaoine lena mianta féin, cosúil leis an lucht féachana. Déantar normalú ar labhairt na Gaeilge, go bunúsach. I Limistéar an Bhéarla, is minic a ghlacadh leis an aonteangachas mar ghnáthrud. Ar an taobh eile, meastar gur andúchasach an rud é an t-ilteangachas. Do na glúnta a d’fhás aníos in Éirinn roimh theacht na n-imircí , ba mhinic gur tógadh iad agus an Béarlóireacht amháin timpeall orthu, gan blúire teanga eile le cloisteáil. Ba ghnáthrud í an fhíric nach labhair tromlach na ndaoine ach teanga amháin. Tháinig peirspictíochtaí nua go hÉirinn
le déanaí, áfach, agus is léir gur tugadh meon úr do na daoine óga a tógadh sa timpeallacht ilteangach seo. Meon níos ilteangaí is ea é, níos gaire don dearcadh atá ag tromlach an domhain taobh amuigh de limistéar na Béarlóireachta. Ar ndóigh, bheadh glacadh le léargas aonteangach níos deacra má tá dlúthchairde agat agus teangacha eile acu mar theanga dhúchais. Chomh maith leis sin, tá an Ghaeilge, i measc teangacha eile, le feiceáil i níos mó áiteanna ná a bhí sí riamh, go háirithe in áiteanna ina bhfeicfeadh daoine óga í. Dá bharr sin, ní ábhar ionaidh é domsa go bhforbraíonn daoine óga meonta úra maidir léi. De bhrí na hoibre déanta ag slua mór daoine chun teanga bheo bhríomhar a dhéanamh di, is féidir le slua mór daoine óga iad féin a aithint sa teanga, fiú mura labhraítear í ina dteaghlaigh. I mbeagán focal, is leosan í.
“Cé gur aithníodh an fonn a bhí agam dul ag staidéar na teanga, níorbh fhéidir leo na réamhthuairimí a bhí acu a scaoileadh.”
Last year, in May, College introduced a new biodiversity pond next to the Nassau Street entrance. The pond was described as “an incredible resource for wildlife biodiversity in campus and beyond”, according to the Trinity Sustainability Office. They went on to say: “Ponds like this, specifically designed for nature, are rare, especially in the concrete jungle of a city centre. By building it Trinity has provided habitat for everything from dragonflies to frogs and a source of fresh water for foxes, birds, and bees. Really looking forward to seeing what we find in it when spring arrives!”
It appears that nothing has arrived to the pond this spring aside from a plastic tarp and caution tape. The pond is more like a wet hole in the ground, and has been for most of its life since it was created. The pond can be considered a fitting metaphor for College’s previous attempts at a “Green Week”. Trinity has a much more colourful and complicated history around sustainability than the average College climate newsletter would have you believe, and it makes sense that College has come under scrutiny for its sustainability practices.
In 2021, a Freedom of Information Act request from The University Times revealed continued investment in fossil fuel companies despite repeated pledges to divest. Further, in February, The University Times reported College’s acceptance of over €1.5 million from Cement Roadstone Holdings for a “Chair of Climate Science” position at Trinity, despite CRH having a reputation for “spew[ing] out more greenhouse gases than Luxembourg”, according to an article by the Irish Independent. These instances are not rare in College’s history, or even with the history of most governing bodies and authority figures who seek the support of the public without doing the important and necessary work.
While Green Week is run by the Students’ Union Sustainability Office, which holds no responsibility for Trinity’s ties with fossil fuels, one can’t help but hold suspicion that the support of Green Week by College seems like a crude cover-up of deeper issues. Clothing swaps with low attendance, coupled with a system to dispose of coffee cups that only lasts a week, even when paired with interesting talks from alumni, are not nearly enough to fully combat College’s oft-concealed ties with major polluting organisations. Most of these organisations, further, can usually fully offset any nominal progress made during Green Week in a matter of seconds, leaving much to be desired after College has finished giving away free birch saplings and rewilding the Front Gate lawn.
The most shameful aspect of this is perhaps not that College is indeed committing this hypocrisy, but instead that it is making students feel that their efforts are go unappreciated. The truth is that the Students’ Union works hard every year to create an inspiring series of events that will push Trinity’s sustainability progress forward. However, when the organisation you are reaching out to help actively spits in the face of your efforts with high-level deals and partnerships that steamroll any and all progress made in the blink of an eye, how is one meant to continue fighting for sustainability? In this way, College ends up being guilty of more than just hypocrisy and anti-environmentalism, it is guilty of neglecting to support its own students.
If you are a soon-to-be graduate, you have no doubt navigated the perilous search for a Job that will help you take the first step towards your dream career. It’s a lot to ask nowadays, with hiring rates in Ireland lowering by over 40 percent from 2022-2023 according to a recent government press release. Jobs are harder to come by, and more and more competitive, especially for those in the Arts Block. An amazing way to boost hireability in one’s post-graduate years often lies in the coveted summer internship, usually critically taking place in one’s final summer as a university student following third year. Summer internships, especially in industries such as business or the arts, can be difficult to find, which is why Trinity’s Careers Service is so critical. A platform for easily connecting students to employers sounds great in concept, especially considering just how competitive the job market currently is. However, the Careers Service leaves much to be desired among students searching for their next step.
The Careers Service offers a variety of student services, including CV workshops, interview practice and regular consultations with the many advisors employed by College. These are all helpful services that could perhaps be utilised more by the student body. However, even with full utilisation of these services, the opportunities that are available on the Careers Service website are severely underwhelming. Only 60 results are currently displayed underneath the “Work Experience and Internships” section, with only three of those based in Ireland.For students limited by finances or unable to relocate, gaining relevant experience has proved to be a challenge not yet addressed by College.
For post-doctoral and postgraduate research opportunities, the pickings are even slimmer, with only five opportunities listed on the website. Postgraduate students already have their work cut out for them with wages below the national minimum, and so it’s no wonder that students, especially international students, often move away from Ireland for research opportunities.
Whether it means building new partnerships with new organisations, or even creating its own work-study programmes for students, an increase in opportunities and alumni available through the Careers Service is clearly needed. Young people, despite what your grandparents may tell you, want to work, yet work is always easier when it is more than a job, when it’s a career that provides rewards beyond monetary gain. All students want their work to reward and fulfil them, while also having an impact on the world around them, so it is too bad that they will be forced to look elsewhere from the College Career Service for these opportunities.
One student stresses the need to recognise extensions as necessary accommodations rather than unfair advantages.
Oh, the infamous dissertation. The notorious assignment that attempts to encompass the knowledge gleaned across four years of an undergraduate degree and present it in a 12,000 word PDF. As soon as I knew what a dissertation was, I couldn’t wait until mine was completed. I envisaged that the moment I hit submit would be an occasion of pride and joy. I did not imagine that I would submit it with an extension. This might seem unimportant. And yet, as bizarre and misplaced as it might sound, my brain found it harder to process the extension than it did any of the academic material within the dissertation itself.
Up until this point I had only received one extension throughout my degree. Even this was begrudgingly. It was when I had COVID-19 and I was unable to stay awake for long enough to type a paragraph, never mind write an entire 2,500 word essay. Whilst my overachieving and perfectionist nature disliked the thought of requiring an extension, I could accept it on the grounds of my physical health making it impossible to complete my assignment. However, this time it was my mental health and not my physical health that necessitated the extension. Instead of being grateful for the extra time, I was overwhelmed with guilt.
I didn’t feel like I quite deserved it. After all, I haven’t been locked up in the library 24 hours a day since September. Surely if I had prioritised better, I could have submitted on time? Surely if I had just managed my time better I would have managed without an extension? But it’s not just my time that I have had to manage. It has also been my mind.
“Extensions are not there to provide advantages. They exist to prevent disadvantages.” PHOTO
Throughout the entire four years of my undergraduate degree, I have had an eating disorder. It has been something that has ebbed and flowed in severity but it has remained as much a part of my college experience as my actual lectures. Despite this, I have been fortunate that until this year, my mental health did not impact upon my ability to meet my deadlines.
I have experienced varying levels of difficulty throughout my degree but at no stage have I ever allowed it to spill over into affecting my academic capacity. But that’s the thing. It is not about “allowing” it to spill over. It either does or it doesn’t. I can manage my circumstances to the best of my ability but I cannot control them. And as someone
with a restrictive eating disorder, any attempt to control tends to do more harm than good! My mental health disrupting my capacity to engage in my college work is not a reflection on me or my recovery. It is just one of the components of my illness. The guilt I felt for requesting and being granted an extension was mammoth. I felt like I was being provided an unfair advantage over my peers who were submitting on time. But then again, in no other circumstances would I refer to my eating disorder as an advantage. For some reason, I felt the need to justify the extension.
Justification is not required
My eating disorder is a fundamental part of my life, but it is also a part that I conceal. It is
“My mental health disrupting my capacity to engage in my college work is not a reflection on me or my recovery. It is just one of the components of my illness.”
the loudest voice in my head, but the quietest whisper in public. This is deliberate but it has also meant that people outside of my close friends are surprised to hear I have been granted an extension. The automatic question has therefore been: “Oh really, why?”. I can appreciate the instinctive curiosity but admitting the grounds upon which my extension was granted would necessitate divulging the details of my mental health. As the anonymous byline might suggest, that’s not a prospect that enthuses me. But that reluctance to explain is the key point of this piece. This article could have both commenced and concluded within the opening clause, “I got an extension”, and that would have been sufficient. There is no requirement for a detailed explanation to justify it. Extensions are both required and granted for a myriad of reasons. My extension is neither more nor less valid than anyone else’s. It is simply a fact: I required an extension and I was granted one. I have since submitted my dissertation (hurray!) and moved on.
An extension is not an unfair advantage
Extensions are not there to provide advantages. They exist to prevent disadvantages. Every student has individual factors that affect their ability to engage in college and our experiences outside of our lecture halls are diverse. Whether it be mental or physical health, work or family commitments, or simply any other aspect of life, we all have differing requirements and capacities. It is impossible for the constraints of deadlines or grading systems to take all of these into account, and so extensions are simply one method of attempting to even the playing field. As we head into exam season and final assignments loom closer, perhaps this article can serve as a reminder. Extensions and accommodations are available, and while reaching out for one might be daunting, it might also be the exact support you need. The actual content contained within my dissertation is not material I am overly proud of. However, I am proud that I
Dr. Becky Long highlights the enduring significance of storytelling in video games and the life lessons learned from childhood experiences.
W1997. Fianna Fail were in power with the Progressive Democrats (no, they don’t exist anymore) and Ireland had its second female President in Mary McAleese. My hometown of Wexford was in an almighty hoop because a small film called Saving Private Ryan was being filmed in Curracloe and everyone’s nana seemed to be having the chats with Tom Hanks in the local pub. I was nine years old – why do I constantly end up revealing my age in these columns? – and I had 20 whole Irish punts in my pocket. Myself and Daniel O’Connell were on a mission because I knew exactly what I wanted to buy. Square’s Final Fantasy VII was released that year on the PlayStation and it quickly went platinum, hence why I had enough pocket money to buy it. Back then, a game had to sell over 400,000 units in the first six months of its release to qualify for Platinum status. Even I knew this game was creating a buzz, but I didn’t realise that it would end up changing my life, and the way I thought about the world and our relationship with it.
If you don’t know (and if you really don’t, I am so envious that you have the potential to play this game for the first time ever - you do not know how lucky you are), Final Fantasy VII is a standalone title in the Final Fantasy series, the first to be released on the PlayStation, and the first Japanese role-playing game to really penetrate the North American and European markets. It tells the story of Cloud Strife – is that or is that not the BEST name for a protagonist?! –a mercenary with a bit of a past (d’uh) who joins an eco-terrorist organisation battling against a mega-corporation that’s literally sucking the life out of the planet in its quest for energy. Timely, eh? Still terrifyingly relevant, eh? And who says video games can’t be educational?
That summer started on the streets of Midgar, and really only ended on a Monday morning in September when my mam woke me up to tell me that Princess Diana had died in a car accident. Eco-terrorism and the death of a princess. It’s funny what you remember. I devoted hours to Cloud and Tifa and the others, hours only a child can spend in the pursuit of something so singular, when you have no other responsibilities except to yourself.
Now, almost 30 years (a little part of my soul just sighed and expired) later, watching my younger cousin play the remake as though it’s the original, I’m reminded of the essential nature of childhood. And of course, that life itself is almost exactly like a roleplaying game. You need to level up sometimes. Random side quests prove to be the most satisfying endeavour you’ve ever
undertaken. Random battles, as inane as they are, really are essential for growth. Key items actually do matter, and even if you find yourself staring at the “Game Over” screen over and over again, what counts is the vehemence with which you hit the “Restart” button.
But this is where the other thing I was thinking about comes in. Nostalgia. The curse and the comfort of civilisation. A magic that can be dangerous in the hands of the wrong spellcaster.
You know the story. Things used to be better in this country. Don’t you remember? Before X changed and Y arrived. Things should go back to the way they used to be. Listen to me and I’ll give you someone to blame for the way things are right now. But really, that’s not nostalgia. That’s manipulation. That’s malice. And it’s important to know the difference. In Final Fantasy VII, Cloud and the others are battling against more than an environmental catastrophe that might end their world. They’re pushing back against a system that exploits the people it purports to represent. A system that only serves the ends of society’s most powerful, at the expense of its most vulnerable. We live, as the old curse puts it, in interesting times. It’s up to us to pay attention to the details, to work for our opinions, to treat each other with respect and decency, even when, especially when, we disagree with each other. It’s up to us to save the world, because everything we do counts. The summer I was nine, Final Fantasy VII taught me that. It showed me, by introducing me to characters who cared about their world and about each other, that nine people who show up and keep showing up really can make a difference.
Gaming is a far more communal experience now than it was when I was a teenager, and that comes with its own pluses and minuses. But, games are important. Because fun is important! And let’s not forget about empathy. Every now and again, someone somewhere gets on a high horse that just so happens to be standing next to them and starts expounding
“You’re allowed to remember your childhood as one long, endless summer where the sun always shone and you always had friends to play with.”
on the notion that video games dehumanise us, that video games drive us towards antipathy, that they encourage us to view others as NPCs, as nothing but pixelated models with no feelings, and certainly no backstory worth caring about. But I’d like to argue against that. I cried when Aeris died (and do not come at me with your Aerith nonsense, I know what I read on the screen of my sitting room telly in 1997 and no one will convince me otherwise).
I cried because I cared. Because she was a character in a story and stories teach us how to care. Games are stories. And you know how I feel about stories at this stage. Games are a valid and meaningful form, not just of culture, but of art. Storytelling is, and always has been, an art. And the best games are powered at their core by stories that make us care, stories that compel us to keep playing. So, basically, the goal of this rambling verbal side quest was actually to point out that nostalgia isn’t always a bad thing. That you’re allowed to remember your childhood as one long, endless summer where the
“I didn’t realise that it would end up changing my life, and the way I thought about the world and our relationship with it.”
sun always shone and you always had friends to play with. It’s ok to be in love with an idea of the past that isn’t always 100% accurate. It’s ok to be sentimental. It’s human to be homesick for a home that maybe doesn’t exist anymore. So long as you put your heart and soul into making the present even a little bit better for the people around you. So long as you’re honest with yourself about the dangers of rose-tinted glasses. Mostly because it’s really hard to see anything clearly when you have them on.
When you’re a child, if you’re lucky, your summers are yours to spend how you choose. So, this summer, I hope you get to be a child again, if only for a few days here and there. Do the things you loved when you were a child, and that, hopefully, you still love now. Realise that really, growing up is something that someone who’s no craic invented, and that actually, we’re all still children, if we can just figure out a way to believe it. And if you’re a Final Fantasy fan, I hope that all your side quests are rewarding, and that you always have enough gil in your pocket to get by. Embrace your hobbies. Lean into your nerdhood. Be the weirdness you want to see in the world. The less boring we make that world, the better. And be kind to the NPCs you meet on your travels. You never know what random battles they’re facing.
Alexa Berman examines the origins, challenges and evolving role of boycotts in the context of Palestinian advocacy amidst controversy and criticism.
of concession out of their targets.”
Hamas’ attack on Israel this past October and the resulting escalating siege of Gaza catalysed a new wave of the movement calling to boycott, divest, and sanction Israel – a non-violent means to protest the economic and humanitarian challenges in Gaza imposed by the IDF. While the BDS movement is widely considered to be controversial across the United States and many parts of Europe, the wider cause has garnered overwhelming support across Ireland and Trinity’s campus.
Many supporters point to Ireland and Palestine’s shared struggle for autonomy under oppressive colonial occupation. The historical parallels between the two nations are clear. Both countries were partitioned by Britain and faced endless large scale displacement, hunger and violent repression as a result.
Catastrophic events like Nakba and the Great Famine link the nations under great loss alongside the struggle to live amongst long-term sectarian violence. While Ireland
has regained autonomy (for the most part), the national psyche has been permanently stained. The fight for independence remains within living memory, promoting an inherent empathy to those still under the boot of colonial power.
Born under a repressive regime, the boycott became an alternative means for the powerless to make their voices heard, often called “the weapon of the weak”. Though there is evidence of boycotting taking place before the 1880s, the term itself was coined here in Ireland when Irish employees started a nonviolent labour withdrawal campaign against British army captain and estate manager, Charles Cunningham Boycott. Cunningham Boycott refused to cut rent during bad harvests, effectively driving his tenants into debt. The technique was later employed by other farmers and popularised under British occupation as an important weapon for the Land League in the fight against landlords and landgrabbers. In the face of negligible government help, people started to employ the mindset of being the change they wanted to see, harnessing the power of a collective majority to do so. Similarly, the Palestinian-led BDS movement was created as an outlet for communication and organisation
for change at the lower level. “Every other form of Palestinian resistance has been criminalised and made unavailable”, says Noura Erakat, a human rights attorney and assistant professor at Rutgers University. “It’s not that BDS is integral. What do we have besides it?”
Given this information, it’s no surprise that the Palestinian cause, and more specifically the BDS movement, resonates so heavily in Ireland. But, can we really take political action in the same way as we did in a pre-internet world?
This idea reigned true even in 19th century Ireland and many attribute the boycott’s success to the newspaper sensationalism that alerted the public about widespread abuse at the hands of greedy landlords. The media was able to bring what started as a small-scale issue across the Atlantic to Irish Americans, effectively garnering global sympathies from diasporic groups and the general public.
information and establish an emotional connection among communities in the territories, the group was able to successfully create and sustain the uprising.
“Can we really take political action in the same way as we did in a pre-internet world?”
One of the most crucial components of a successful boycott is media coverage and the support it garners as a result. In an interview for Northwestern University’s Kellogg Insight magazine, political and sociological expert Brayden King said: “It’s not clear that boycotts affect consumer behaviour very much. But those boycotts that get some level of media attention are relatively successful in terms of getting some sort
In terms of the Palestinian cause, the media plays a crucial role in the mission to grant Palestinian citizens full equality, ending occupation in annexed territories, and dismantling barriers that separate the territories from Israel. In fact, press coverage and communication featured heavily in the First Intifada, the most sustained, effective and nonviolent protest movement in Palestine from 1987 until 1993. In using leaflets and communiqués to direct Palestinian action in the form of strikes, relay
BDS is currently the main form of public strife against Palestinian occupation, and is enhanced by the added advantage of the internet. Social media has been particularly useful in its ability to democratise access to news, speed the dissemination of information and facilitate collective action. For a dispersed and diasporic people lacking freedom of movement, the internet provides an opportunity to reconnect and mobilise the society. Yet, at the same time, the same platforms that offer so much good also have the power to be incredibly explosive and chaotic in the effort to advocate for and mobilise lasting change.
For many, concerns lie in the decentralisation of the organisation where values often vary from place to place. While this feature can be useful in keeping the power consolidated at the lower level, it also allows room for extremist and hateful views to take flight. Some factions have devolved the call to end Israeli occupation into a discussion of dissolving a Jewish state altogether, effectively rebranding the mission as antisemitic and an oversimpli-
fication of the complex struggle for peace in the Middle East. This, coupled with social media’s ability to give virtually anyone a platform, creates a disturbing amount of room for the dissemination of false and harmful information, making boycotts ineffective and hard to organise as well as counterproductive in the fight for peace and equality.
In a post-internet world, what once might have been effective, now has the power to implode into itself.
Organisations like BDS can be deeply effective and informative, however, with the advent of social media the mission can turn problematic and unproductive. This only means that, just as our ancestors did, we must strategically use the tools available to us, rethinking the way we advocate in a changing world. This might mean instituting online monitoring for hate speech and misinformation, creating a centralised team to oversee local chapters, or offering clear-cut values and events to guide supporters to a unified advocacy. Boycotting, while not an absolute solution, is still an important piece of the puzzle. It functions as a means to educate and mobilise the public. If approached correctly, boycotts can and should be used to adapt and enact the change that we want to see.
Sophie Coffey reflects on the trials of writer’s block.
Sophie Coffey OPINION EDITOR
There is nothing like the predicament of an opinion writer who has run out of opinions to write about. At this point in the year, as we approached our final print edition, I encountered the worry ing feeling that I had drained my reserve of articulate opinions. It is one thing for the articles in progress folder to be sparse on my desktop. It is another thing entirely for my brain to be equally lacking.
Since September I have been the opinion editor of The University Times, which also means that since September, virtually every thought I’ve had has been considered in light of the question: “Could I convert this into an article?”. For reference, the answer has been yes when it comes to the topics of learning to drive and arts degrees. But it has been a resounding no when it comes to pieces about coffee prices and 9am tutorials; although, in hindsight, perhaps if I had tried to combine those two ideas into a single article I might have managed it. The obstacle I have encountered in trying to come up with articles has provided me with a newfound awe for columnists who manage to consistently find new material for their regular columns. If I was required to look at my most recent seven-day period in order to generate material for a weekly column, the most exciting thing that happened was probably the occasion I managed to get three journeys out of the TFI’s 90-minute fare. In fact, any publication that offered me a regular column
(naturally, any reading editors are more than welcome to) would likely find themselves in receipt of a selection of articles along the lines of ‘I tripped on the cobblestones in Front Square’ and ‘I snoozed my alarm seven times this morning’.
Despite my current lack of inspiring ideas to translate into material, the opinion section has been a diverse wealth of articles thanks to the contributions of talented writers. This year we have covered everything from student politics and college pressures to coffee cups and flight delays. The opinion section has allowed students and staff alike to offer their thoughts on topics that matter to them. So while this
particular article may not win any wards for its content, the conclusion to this brief piece is this: submit and reach out to the student papers across campus (most especially to The University Times!). It can seem intimidating and daunting to engage, but considering my response to having no ideas was to generate an article about aforementioned lack of ideas, I can assure you that we take all pitches into consideration and would love to hear from you!
So, what can an opinion editor do when she runs out of ideas for an article? As it turns out, the answer is simple. Take a metatextual approach and produce an entire article inspired by faltering inspiration.
Since September, virtually every thought I’ve had has been considered in light of the question: “Could I convert this into an article?”
Dr. Fintan Sheeran calls for action and active censure.
Some weeks ago, the Provost spoke to staff on a number of issues. She briefly addressed College’s position in respect of the outrage that is currently being perpetrated in Gaza, stating that they were “holding a space” where people could air their differing views.
Back in the 1930s, many in Ireland stayed silent as fascism rose in parts of Europe and antisemitism grew day by day. Effectively, a space was held in which other perspectives were offered, including the idea
that we, in Ireland, had some shared perspectives on a common enemy. Indeed, my parents told me of German war songs being sung at the campsites in Wicklow at that time. When the reality of what was happening became apparent, it was clear that there was no justification for ‘holding a space’ for the expression of other opinions. Only one opinion was valid: genocide was happening. Sadly, the signs preceded Holocaust and many chose not to see them.
In the Book of Ecclestiastes (Kohelet in the Hebrew Scriptures) the Teacher tells us that there is a time for everything under heaven. There is a ‘time for keeping silent’, he says. That time passed a long time ago and now is the time for
“This is not a time for ‘holding a space’; it is a time for calling out and naming the signs of another holocaust that is happening before our eyes.”
speaking, no, SHOUTING THE TRUTH.
The truth is that Palestinians have, since the late 1800s, been subjected to oppression at the hands of Zionism, facilitated initially by Britain, and then the United States of America. Their history was cast aside, their land taken and given to people with no links to that region, and they themselves were cast aside. Throughout the many decades that followed, they have experienced ongoing violence perpetrated by the oppressive Israeli state. Despite Israeli efforts to dehumanise them, Palestinians have repeatedly asserted their humanity and have strived for liberation. But, echoing Paulo Freire’s words, the Israeli state and its unquestioning Western allies have continued to reject this assertion, branding them ‘subversive’, ‘barbaric’, ‘terrorist’. Through these actions the oppressors, those who support them, and those who remain silent have themselves become dehumanised.
This is not a time for ‘holding a space’; it is a time for calling out and naming the signs of another holocaust that is happening before our eyes. Innocent men, women and children are slaughtered by an occupying military force; health and aid workers are murdered; hospitals are devastated, depriving the ill and injured of medical care; universities and colleges are destroyed, with many of their staff and students executed; people are herded into defined spaces and subject to gunfire and bombs; supplies are denied starving masses with famine developing… need I go on?
The rise of coffee culture in Ireland prompts concerns over environmental impact, with initiatives like the 2GoCup Scheme aiming to reduce waste, but challenges arise as unreturned cups undermine its effectiveness.
Coffee culture is on the rise in Ireland, with some claiming that “coffee shops are the new pubs”. While it’s great to see thousands of independent coffee shops popping up all around the country, this success brings with it a new concern. Given that 22,000 coffee cups are being dumped every hour, it is understandable that people are concerned about the environmental impact.
In response to these issues, “keep cups” have become a hot topic in recent years. The need to move away from disposable products has become increasingly evident, with governments and companies creating more opportunities with reusable products. Within the movement, the “2GoCup” scheme has gained increasing popularity.
The scheme is simple: for a two euro deposit, individuals purchase a 2GoCup from a partnering café instead of a single-use cup. Once finished, they can return the cup to any partnering café and collect their deposit, or they can keep the cup for their own use. The scheme’s environmental success relies on individuals either returning the cup or using it regularly as a substitute to a single use cup. The two euro deposit-return system has been implemented in different locales across Ireland including the catering facilities across Trinity College Campus. The scheme is marketed as a successful way to reduce waste. However, the success of 2GoCup as a business hinges on individuals not returning the cup. In turn, partner cafés are required to purchase more 2GoCups. In other words, it is in 2GoCup’s interest that the cups go unreturned. In Trinity alone, over 15,000 cups have been purchased from 2GoCup to be used in the four cafés across campus. Trinity currently has no stock of cups left, so where have they all gone? In a survey of over 200 students and staff from Trinity College, we have found that of those who kept their 2GoCup, only 29 per cent “always”
use the unreturned cup, with 43 per cent “sometimes” using it and 26 per cent “never” using it. Based on these results, roughly 3,900 2GoCups are never used again, 6,450 are only sometimes used and just 4,350 of the 15,000 cups are always used.
Given that one cup must be used 15 times in order to make it environmentally preferable to a disposable cup, these results suggest that the scheme is not in fact environmentally beneficial. We asked the CEO of 2GoCup, Kevin Murphy, how the cups are tracked. He responded that they have a system but it is “internal and only shown to businesses”. In an interview with Moira O’Brien, head of catering at Trinity College Dublin, she told us that she was unaware of any tracking system for the cups. We asked 2GoCup for further detail on the tracking system, but we received no response.
ceived “radio silence”. Without any stock, cafés on campus were not able to participate in the scheme during Trinity Green Week from February 11th through the 15th, and had to sell disposable cups instead. Meanwhile, Moira mentioned that she saw on social media that the scheme had now expanded to Tullamore, yet they still had no response on when they were getting more stock. Moira made it clear that she would not recommend the company. It’s only a matter of time before a new company launches a similar scheme that customers like Trinity College would move to.
ularly instead of a single use cup or returned to a partnered café. Simply collecting the cups and letting them gather dust defeats the purpose entirely.
What about the bigger picture?
It’s time to reevaluate the incentives at play. Perhaps a higher deposit would sharpen our collective conscience, compelling us to return the cups. Or possibly the introduction of a tracking system could unveil the life cycle of each 2GoCup and foster a sense of accountability.
In a survey of over 200 students and staff from Trinity College, we have found that of those who kept their 2GoCup, only 29 per cent “always” use the unreturned cup, with 43 per cent “sometimes” using it and 26 per cent “never” using it.
Trinity Catering have expressed disappointment in the scheme. After ordering 3,000 new cups for Trinity College in early February, they still have not received this order. Trinity Catering have contacted 2GoCup on multiple occasions but have re-
After two years as a Students’ Union Officer, I’ve come to believe that council doesn’t have the democratic legitimacy to represent the student body, and I believe it should be abolished and replaced with a proportionally-elected student legislature.
If cafés are constantly ordering more of the 2GoCups and do not know what is happening to them, is there an argument that the 2GoCup is being used as another single-use item? 2GoCup’s social media boasts the thousands of single use cups that the scheme saves from going to landfill, but the thousands of unreturned and untraceable polypropylene 2GoCups are forgotten about. We encourage individuals, café owners and 2GoCup to reevaluate their actions, considering what changes they can make to promote the sustainable use of this scheme.
How can you enjoy your coffee more sustainably?
Active participation is necessary to make this scheme a success. In order to make sure YOUR 2GoCup is having a positive environmental impact it needs to either be used reg-
The need to constantly replace the missing cups is becoming more of an issue and reversing any positive environmental impacts that using keep-cups may have had. By returning cups that are not regularly used, we can ensure their continued circulation in the scheme, maximising their utility and minimizing their environmental footprint. In order to reverse this trend, we believe that 2GoCup needs to develop and implement an efficient tracking system for these cups. We understand that this will take time to develop, so meanwhile we suggest that the deposit price be raised to four euros in order to provide more of a financial incentive for customers to return the cups. The most environmentally friendly way to purchase a hot beverage is to have it sit-in, in a ceramic cup. We understand that people are busy so this isn’t always feasible. If this is the case then invest in your own keep-cup! Brands such as Chilly’s, Yeto, Forrest Cork Cups and KeepCup are brands that are stylish and durable.
That’s fair.
Your classrRep isn’t bad at their job if they don’t go to council, yet under the current system, failure to attend council means they’re deemed resigned. I want class reps to continue to exist, but I don’t think we should expect them to fill the role as our primary legislators. We’ve tried tweaking the system, but no changes have made enough of a difference to warrant keeping council as it currently stands.
That’s why I think we should abolish council and replace it with a proportionally-elected student legislature.
We’ve made a fundamental mistake in ascribing class reps the role of legislators: they are the first line of contact with students, and such be considered as such.
Those are only some of council’s issues. Debates are short and unproductive. Motions are rarely amended based on feedback.
Attendance is poor, with twothirds of class reps never attending, leaving even students in courses with class reps unrepresented. There’s little appetite to fix these issues, either. Most class reps don’t want to spend hours of their time debating bureaucratic and hacky (but essential) policy choices.
This opinion has nothing to do with any motion brought before council this year. This is simply what I’ve come to believe after seven months of trying to “fix” Council as Engagement Officer and writing a seven-page report on it. The primary reason for this is that council constituencies are wildly unrepresentative (for good reason). When we elect class reps, we’re electing people to focus on local issues, like contacting lecturers and organising events, and so they need to be representative of courses themselves. That’s why we have a single class rep for seven students in Chemistry with Molecular Modelling (CMM), whereas we only have four class reps for 236 students in Business, Economics and Social Studies (BESS). As a result, though, CMM students are 8.4 times better represented than BESS students at each council. That means that a CMM student’s vote counts 8.4 times more when deciding if the Union should be apolitical or if an officer should be impeached. This is one example of countless: Council’s constituencies are absurdly disproportionate, bringing into question whether the Union actually practises “one person, one vote” in its decisionmaking body. This feature is only exacerbated by the fact that practically no class reps are elected on the basis of their beliefs on controversial issues. Not only do they have few opportunities to actually campaign, but when they do, local issues take precedence. It’s also worth mentioning that the vast majority of class reps are elected uncontested, and that many courses have no class rep at all, leaving a majority of students without any say.
Instead of disproportionate course-based constituencies, every faculty-year cross-section would become a constituency (excluding Junior Fresh Arts Students) with multiple seats. For example, in a 60 seat legislature, there would be 24 legislators for Arts students, 16 legislators for STEM students, 12 legislators for Health Sciences students and 8 legislators for multi-faculty students.
Representation can be improved in other ways, too. Extra constituencies can be established to represent specific groups like postgraduates, access students or international students, and ensure their voices are also heard.
It’s easy to see how a group of sixty students allows for a different approach to writing and passing policy. Given they would only be elected to do this, it would be reasonable to expect them to meet more often and take more time drafting and improving their
motions. It’s really basic, but this is just what holds council back.
The policies that your student representatives write matter. They decide how your student contribution is allocated, they act in your name to stand for certain causes and they work for College to get you better supports and conditions. That’s why we need to expect more of them.
I want to be clear: this isn’t to say that there aren’t countless class reps
who genuinely care and undertake their duties as student legislators with the utmost of respect. This proposal is not in spite of them, this proposal is for them. I want them to have a stronger mandate to represent students and a better institution to develop policy within, because it’s clear to me the current system does nothing but fail those who genuinely want to make a difference.
College has evolved; Joint Honours courses, for example, were only implemented in 2018, and changed much of how the Class Rep system works. The Union’s current constitution was drafted in 2014, and since then, we’ve grown by nearly five thousand students,
with more to come. Despite this, our structures have stayed the same and, frankly, been unable to meet the ever-evolving needs of students. Institutional reform is not an
That’s why I’m calling for next year’s Union officers to abolish Council: not because I’m fed up with TCDSU, but because I want what’s best for it.
It all started with David Beckham.
In the dawn of the noughties ‘Golden Balls’ – as he so readily became known as – was the epitome of a personal global brand.
Alongside his remarkable skill and fortified legacy at Manchester United, Beckham’s good looks, affable demeanor and world famous girlfriend made him an iconic household name and perfect canvas to work the global fashion market.
By 1999, Beckham was undoubtedly one of the most influential individuals in the world, both on and off the pitch. Fast forward to 2021 and it would be no shock to see football stars plastered on billboards sporting (forgive the pun) designer goods of the highest quality. Over the years, the likes of Ronaldinho and Bellerin have walked the runway, and with the exponentially increasing influence that footballers have on society
today, top designer brands flock to these sporting stars as key emblems of their brand. Marcus Rashford, Manchester United icon and English national treasure, used his immense influence to launch a campaign fighting child food poverty with Burberry eagerly dressing him in an iconic checked cape. There is no doubt that the growing investment into sporting superstars not only benefits brands on a surface level but has innumerable knocks-on effects for both athlete and brand alike, allowing increased exposure of their values.
And it’s not only on an individual scale. World class football clubs such as Paris Saint-Germain signed a 2 year deal with Dior, upon the arrival of Lionel Messi in 2021. It was decided that Dior would design
PSG’s ‘official wardrobe’, all the way from ‘cashmere sweatshirts’ down to the inner soles of their shoes, each one embossed with the players shirt number. There was also a move to tailor each piece of clothing to align with the current street style in a ploy to appeal to the more youthful fanbase. This immense attention to detail from both football club and brand alike is key evidence as to the scale of influence that cross industry collaboration that society’s two key influential powerhouses can muster.
message to the correct audience,” co-founder of Sport Endorse, Declan Bourke, noted. “An athlete that is passionate in a brand that aligns with their values is most likely to succeed in generating a persuasive campaign.”
“Footballing stars need to leave their boots on the pitch and start practicing their runway walk.”
Talking with the successful athlete marketing company, Sport Endorse, The University Times uncovered the key values that marketing companies look for in pairing the perfect brand with athlete to create an influential and relevant athlete image. “It’s important to tailor the
As this cross-industry collaboration continues to grow, there is an additional element that cannot be overlooked. It is now important for a sports team or individual athlete to grow their appeal beyond the common fan. In recent years, the rise of social media has opened invaluable doors that enable exposure of both brand and athlete to reach beyond the typical football-follower. By tapping into this, the opportunities are endless: the influence that one singular athlete could generate knows no bounds.
So, perhaps this generation’s footballing stars need to leave their boots on the pitch and start practicing their runway walk. A new brand of athlete is dawning, one who is not afraid to stray offside into the frills and flair of the fashion world.
Matthew Keeley explores Trinity College Dublin’s surprising sporting legacy, spotlighting forgotten alumnus William McCrum, who invented the penalty kick, despite leading a life marked by hardship following his contribution to football.
Trinity College Dublin. When you first read those words, what comes to mind? History? Tradition? Paul Mescal’s mickey in Normal People? Whatever perceptions you may have of Ireland’s oldest university, you almost certainly would not automatically associate it with sporting excellency. Indeed, a quick glance at the Wikipedia page for Trinity alumni shows a distinct sparsity under the “Sports” category. As great as Stoker, Wilde and Beckett were in their pomp, they have not a single Six Nations medal between them. In fact, I’m willing to go as far as to assume that none of them have even won a Leinster Schools Senior Cup. Alack, Trinity must concede a superior sporting history to another university south of the Liffey which, for the benefit of readers and this writer alike, shall remain nameless. While conducting vitally important research for this top rate piece of sports journalism, I had the displeasure of paying a visit to said uni-
versity. Pitches stretched on for as far as the eye could see, interspersed with basketball courts, tennis courts and what I am reliably informed was a GAA pitch. Thus, it is little surprise that the place seems to churn out rugby players like a conveyor belt in a meat factory.
Nonetheless, after throwing myself down a deep, albeit tremendously rewarding Wikipedia rabbit hole in the honest name of student journalism, I discovered one particularly remarkable Trinity sporting alum. His name may be almost completely forgotten by time, but at the turn of the 20th century he made one of the most important contributions to the greatest sport there is, association football. His name was William McCrum, and he was the esteemed inventor of the penalty kick.
Now, Mr. McCrum was a curious fellow to say the least. Indeed, to call him a sportsman may be a somewhat charitable description. He was a goalkeeper for Milford Football Club in Armagh and competed in the first ever season of the Irish Football League, 1890-91. By the end of this particular season, Milford finished bottom of the league with zero points from 14 games with “Master Willie”, as he was known by
locals, conceding 62 goals. Bizarrely, William McCrum was also simultaneously a member of the Irish Football Association during this time. While in the role, he proposed the concept of the penalty kick to stop the prevalent practice of defenders intentionally fouling attacking players to prevent a goal. The idea was initially met with ridicule amongst players and the press, who termed it the “Irishman’s motion”. McCrum’s suggestion that defenders may act unsportingly starkly contrasted the popular Victorian image of the gentleman amateur sportsman. General opinion would soon change after an 1891 FA Cup game between Stoke City and Notts County saw a deliberate handball on the goal line, à la Luis Suarez in the 2010 World Cup. The blatant foul was met by a mere indirect freekick, which would go unconverted. Galvanised by the injustice of this event and several similar incidents across the country, the penalty kick would become rule 13 of the initial “Laws of the Game”, having been approved by the International Football Association Board in 1891. Hence, without the contribution of a Trinity College alum, Harry Kane wouldn’t have a World Cup Golden Boot and
Bruno Fernandes would be on the dole. But what happened to dear Mr. McCrum after he gifted the penalty kick to the world?
Well, unfortunately, he would subsequently lead quite the life of hardship and misery. The heir to a linen manufacturing empire, his Wikipedia page states that William was well known for “having a good time”. He once accumulated a six-figure gambling debt in a Monte Carlo casino, which had to be paid off by his father (we’ve all been there). William’s wife, Maude, was also known to have been involved in more than the occasional extramarital affairs and was paid an allowance by William’s father on the condition that she didn’t divorce him (again, we’ve all been there).
Following both his father’s death and the Wall Street Crash, the McCrum family fortunes were completely obliterated, and the entire contents of their old manor house were sold in auction. William died, almost destitute, in 1932 at the age of 67. Despite having never played a single minute of professional sport in his life, he remains Trinity College Dublin’s most prominent and influential alum within the sporting world.
For the fourth time in five years
Trinity Ladies have won the Irish University Cross Country Championships on a testing cross country course in Belfast on Saturday, March 9th. Two individual bronze medals were won by Celine Gavin and Pierre Murchan, with the men’s team claiming a competitive 6th place result. This ensured that Trinity finished in the top three colleges in the country overall.
The winning team of Celine Gavin, Sophie Jackman, Evelyn Coughlan and Joanne Loftus impressively recaptured ‘The Cheetahs’. This trophy is especially dear to College as it was commissioned by the legendary Professor Cyril Smyth, long time president of the club and organiser of Irish university athletics. Trinity’s dominance in recent years has been a testament to a vibrant student-led club which regularly attends IUAA competitions with the highest number of participants, the case again this year. The ladies had significant strength in depth with Captain Karen Hayes, Juno Feeney and Moya Whelan finishing within striking
distance of the scorers. They eventually finished 24th, 25th and 26th respectively. On the day, it was a battle between Trinity and the three other teams who were favourites: DCU, UCD and UCC.
The Trinity team positioned themselves well from the gun, with Gavin and Jackman getting up with the first group, and Coughlan and Loftus holding back. The five kilometre distance comprised three laps around a testing course with some heavy sections, one significant hill and other areas of harder path-like terrain.
A group of seven distance specialists broke away on the first lap and Gavin, a former silver medal winner,
featured in the mix amongst three DCU, two UCD and one QUB athlete. Jackman, a middle-distance track specialist, was locked in a battle within a group of other well-known track athletes. Coughlan earned a top 20 position and Loftus was behind, gradually pulling in athletes one by one. DCU were in pole position for the team prize, with UCD in second place, also ahead after lap one, but the course and conditions were such that misjudgment of pace and effort could be telling.
Lap two saw the front group whittle down further with Gavin falling back slightly. However, as lap three started, she regained momentum
as the two UCD athletes started to fall back, with Roise Roberts of DCU, the favourite, pushing the pace on. Gavin was to come through comfortably and move to third position with an impressive final lap, overcoming both UCD athletes and finishing behind Roberts and Hannah Gilliand from Queens. DCU’s second athlete
Amy Greene pulled up with calf injury and could not continue despite visible efforts to run through the pain which left the gold medal up for grabs between UCD and Trinity.
UCD had an advantage of one point over Trinity going onto the final lap, which College looked to overturn, with both Coughlan and Loftus
moving past the UCD fourth scorer. Jackman was neck in neck with track rival Susie Nestor from UCD, and the two exchanged places several times. This battle ultimately brought both of them past the second UCD scorer with 200m to go. In an astonishing finish at the end of a 5km cross-country, Jackman sprinted past Susie, beating both UCD rivals to the line. This ensured TCDs overturning of the UCD lead, and the day belonged to the TCD women once again as they finished 3rd, 6th, 11th, 14th. They turned a 1-point deficit on UCD into a 5-point win with superb execution of pace judgement and perfect timing of supreme effort.