Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 59, Number 4, 1991

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

(ISSN 0042-USX)

EDITORIAL STAFF

MAX J EVANS, Editor

STANFORD J LAYTON, Managing Editor

MIRIAM B MVKPH\, Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS

KENNETH L CANNON II Salt Lake City, 1992

ARLENE H EAKLE, Woods Cross, 1993

JOE L C JANETSKI, Provo, 1991

ROBERTS MCPHERSON, Blanding, 1992

CAROL A O'CONNOR , Ix)gan, 1991

RICHARD W SADLER Ogden, 1991

HAROLD SCHINDLER, Salt Lake City, 1993

GENE A SESSIONS, Ogden, 1992

GREGORY C THOMPSON, Salt Lake City, 1993

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history Th e Quarterly is published four times a year by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101. Phone (801) 533-6024 for membership and publications information Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, an d the bimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $15.00; institution, $20.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $10.00; contributing, $20.00; sustaining, $25.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00

Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate accompanied by return postage and should be typed double-space, with footnotes at the end Authors are encouraged to submit material in a computer-readable form, o n 5!4 inch MS-DOS or PCDOS diskettes, standard ASCII text file. Additional information on requirements is available from the managing editor Articles represent the views of the author and are not necessarily those of the Utah State Historical Society

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Postmaster Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101

ERNESTH. TAVES. This IsThe Place: BrighamYoung and the New Zion .... NEWELLG BRINGHURST 407

SALLYHYER.072^//ow5^ One Voice, One Heart: Native American Education at the Santa Fe Indian School ROBERTS MCPHERSON 408

JANET ROBERTSON The Magnificent MountainWomenAdventures in theColorado Rockies KATHERINE KANE 409

THOMAS T. VEBLENandDlANEC LORENZ. The Colorado Front Range: ACentury ofEcological Change

STEPHEN TRIMBLE 411

GARY JAMESBERGERA, ed The Autobiography of B.H. Roberts . . . MELVINT SMITH 412

RUTHB . MOYNIHAN, SUSANARMITAGE, and CHRISTIANE FISCHER DiCHAMP, eds So Much to Be Done: Women Settlers on the Mining and Ranching Frontier KATHRYNL MACKAY 414

Cinderblock houses under construction at TOD Park in 1943 helped to ease Utah's housing shortage. USHS collections, gift of Tooele Army Depot

In this issue

Just as Utah was one of the three or four states most profoundly affected by the Great Depression, so too was it among those most greatly impacted by the advent of World War II. A rural-oriented population accustomed to the cyclical fluctuations of a mining-farming economy suddenly found itself on an accelerating economic track toward full employment and industrial growth. Significant demographic shifts occurred virtually overnight, as did longestablished social patterns Men went to war, women went to work, new military installations popped up on the landscape, and smokestack industries came to the Wasatch Front. Change was obvious and ubiquitous.

The five articles selected for inclusion in this issue reflect the nature and variety of that change. The first article focuses on the West Desert and development of Wendover Air Base. It not only suggests some interesting generalizations about geography as a factor in the Utah war equation but also reaffirms the long-range nature of World War II consequences The third article offers similar food for thought as it scans the larger defense industry expansion in Utah and the many ways it influenced daily life at the time. Appropriately, between the two we hear from the person for whom all the home-front activity was sustained: the soldier in the trenches. Paul Saunders's reminiscence of his POW experience is a poignant narrative that begs to be read again and again.

The fourth article also spotlights prisoners—the Japanese Americans interned at Topaz Here the author looks primarily at young internees—those coming of age during that difficult experience—and documents their war experience at a personal level certain to pique the interest of every reader.

Bomber crews training for that great climacteric over Hiroshima had not even deployed from Wendover before the implications of the Atomic Age were being felt in southeastern Utah Howard Balsley, a central figure in the postwar uranium boom, is the subject of our final selection. His story is typical of most Utahns who lived through the war. He never saw combat, but the pace of his life was greatly quickened as he encountered exciting new directions and opportunities

Home on the Range: The U. S. Air Force Range in Utah, a Unique Military Resource

BY ROGER D. LAUNIUS

A/LOSTUTA H BUSINESSMEN ANDGOVERNMENTLEADERSdid not Consider the staters western desert well suited for development, but the vast expanseofopenterritory, theuniquefeaturesofthelandscape, andthe proximitytomajorwesternairforcebasesallcontributedtothecreation

Dr Launius is chief historian and director of the History Division, NASA Headquarters, Washington, D.C

Wendover Field, November 1959. USHS collections, gift ofLeonardJ. Arrington

U.S.Air Force Range in Utah333

and sustainment over the years of a significant training facility eventually named the Utah Test and Training Range. Founded on the remains ofprehistoricLakeBonneville, inthefiftyyearssinceitsfirstuse this range has been an invaluable resource for the air force ^

The history of the Utah military range can be traced to the latter part of the decade of the Great Depression when the Army Air Corps underwent a remarkable expansion program in preparation for eventual war. A unique element of air corps requirements, unlike those for the rest of the army, was expansive facilities for training of aircrews to perform the strategic bombing and gunnery missions emphasized by those in military leadership capacities. Unfortunately, the Army Air Corps in 1939 had only six small bombing and gunnery ranges available This shortage was partially solved, along with other preparedness initiatives, in January 1939 when President Franklin D Roosevelt asked Congress to appropriate funds for the air corps to increasethecapabilities and number ofitsaircraft, expand its personnel numbers, and augment and upgrade its facilities.^

The air corps at that time was esf>ecially concerned that any new installations belocated so asto facilitate thedefense ofthe United States against enemy attack. Accordingly, air corps officials sought to reserve locadons on the coasts for the condnental air defense mission with support activides depot, maintenance, logisdcs, training, and headquarters located in the nation's heardand^ From this background a War Department board located and recommended the acquisition of a large traa of land inwestern Utah for use as a training center for the air corps. ^

The selection of the Utah range site was based on several factors. The town ofWendover, Utah, where a staging bcisewould be built, sits on the Utah-Nevada border approximately 110 miles west of Salt Lake Citywith almost nothing surrounding itfor miles On thewestern fringe of the Great Salt Lake Desert the site had vast amounts ofopen flat land

'F.C Torkelson Co., Engineers, "Hill Air Force Range," December 1965, located in Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History, Hill Air Force Base, UT

^Wesley Frank Craven and James L Cate, eds. TheArmyAir Forces in WorldWarU: Men and Planes (Chicago: Universitv of Chicago Press, 1955), 6:119-20, 171-73 On ranges in the prewar vears see Maurer Maurcr, Axmlion in the U.S. Army, 1919-1939 (Washington, DC: Office of Air Force Histor\-, 1987), pp. 381-85.

^Office ofChiefofAir Corps Station List, March 2, 1939; Memo from Lt Col Harold L George to Air Corps Chief of Staff, October 14, 1941; Lt Col M.F Davis, Executive Officer to Chief of Air Corps, to Conmianding General GHO Air Force, September 29, 1938, with attachments; memo from Brig Gen Carl A Spaatz, to Chief of Air Corps, November 14, 1939, all in Air Force Historical Research Center, Maxwell Air Force Base, AL

''Craven and Cate, eds. Army Air Forces in World War //, 6:129

that the Department of the Interior already controlled The town of approximately 103 people at that time possessed adequate railroad lines running between Salt Lake City and the West Coast and was generally equidistant fi'om the three major West Coast military centers at Seatde, San Francisco, and Los Angeles Weather in the area was also ideal, as there was very litde rain or snow and flight training could take placeyear-round Adding to the attractiveness oftheareawereArmy Air Corps plans to base a heavy bomber unit at the SaltLake City municipal airport and to locate a supply and repair depot near Ogden In June 1940 the Utah desert sitewas designated as a general purpose range for aerial gunnery and bombing practice; accordingly it would have a regional clientele.^

On September 20, 1940, the Army Air Corps began building structures on what would eventuallv become Wendover Field, a site destined to become one of the principal Army Air Corps training bases in the West The facilities at the Wendover base during the early 1940s were largely designed to be temporary, except for the four runways completed by early 1941 This installation became operational as a subpost of Fort Douglas, Salt Lake City, on July 29, 1941. Initial planning called for adetachment ofsoldiers to maintain and operate the range for bombers from other locations, but very quickly the Army Air Corps realized the base was ideal as a staging location for units undergoing training. The War Department then decided to procure an additional 265,000 acres of land for the establishment of base facilities, bringing the total area of the Wendover site to approximately 1,822,000 acres The site was 86 miles long, from 18 to 36 miles wide, and covered an area in Utah extending into three counties Box Elder, Tooele, and Juab. Fittingly, in the summer of 1941 theWendover range complex was hailed as the largest bombing and gunnery range in the world. ^

The facilities for the rangewere only minimally ready for use by the summer of 1941, but the impending crisis prompted the air corps to

^USAF Historical Division, " Brief History of Wendover Air Force Base, 1940-1956," July 1956, p 2, copv in Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History; Craven and Cate, eds., History ofArmy Air Forces in World War //, 6:142-43. The base near Ogden was founded in November 1940 as Hill Field

''Craven and Cate, ^ds., Army Air Forces in World War H, 6:143; USAF Historical Division, "Brief Historv' of Wendover Air Force Base, 1940-1956," pp 2-5; AFLC Wendover Range Complex (Hill Air Force Base: Ogden Air Materiel Area, 1968), pp 23-24; O.N Malmquist, "More Than $52,000,000 SpentonTooeleCount y War Plants," Salt Lake Tribune, Sunday Magazine, July 11, 1943, p 4; Leonard J. Arrington and Thomas G. Alexander, "World's Largest Militarv Reserve: Wendover Air Force Base, 1941-1963," Utah Historical Quarterly 31 (1963): 325-26; Leonard} Arrington and George Jensen, The Defense Industry of Utah (Logan: Utah State University, 1965), pp 10-12

rush ahead with aaivadoa The first unit to be assigned was a bombing and gunnery range detachment activated onJuly 29, 1941, and charged with making the range ready for use. Capt Darold G Smith, an infantry reserve officer who had been ordered to acdve duty onJuly 25, 1941, at Fort Douglas, was appointed commander, and on August 12 Smith led his detachment of one fellow officer and ten enlisted men into the western desert to set up operations at Wendover ^ Itwas a difficult and inhospitablejob. Not long thereafter, moving with thirty-seven other men to the range, came a draftee from Illinois named Byron Dussler.^ In a letter to his cousins Dussler described his experience on encountering the Great Salt Lake Desert for the first dme:

We were sent to a bombing range on the desert about seventy five miles west of Salt Lake City. To reach the bombing targets we drove where their weren't any roads. The salt flats are quite level, but mountains are visible in all directions. The low flat surfaces of sand and salt glare in the sunlight, and on them nothing grows. On sand hills, where the salt had been bleached out, scraggly clumps of sagebrush hold each hillock

'"Historv ofWendover Army Air Base, Installment 1, 1 January 1939 to 7 December 1941," August 16, 1943, pp. 1-2, Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of fiistory; Byron Dussler, "The Wendover Experience," United States Air Force in Utah Historical Record 1 (April-June 1984): 1.4.

"On Dussler see Roger D. Launius, "One Man's Air Force: The Experiences of Byron Dussler at Wendover Field, Utah, 1941-46," Utah Historical Qiiarierly 54 (Spring 1986): 137-56

Labor detail at Wendover Field, September 1941. Byron Dussler photograph in USHS collections, courtesy ofauthor

What fantastic mirages one sees Coleridge's Kubla Kahn [sic] comes to life I saw an enormous lake, with islands in it of orange colored rocks risingabrupdy from thewater Ontheshoresreedsand rushesgrew,but all the colors were wrong. Only in dreams could one see such an unnatural place. Of course, it was unapproachable; it always receded into the distance, or else, disappeared zJtogether I saw distant trees, but as we drove toward them they vanished

In spiteofconstantactivity, improvements on therange proceeded at a slow pace Dussler described how he and some other airmen spent several days"filling flares with kerosinewhich outline the night targets, and spreading used crankcase oil in an enormous circleto oudine a day target" ^^Butthepeopleworkingon such aaivitiesweretoo fewto ready the range for use by the time established by the War Department Not until Oaober, for example, were steel towers delivered to the range for use as observation posts for instructors. The events of December 7, 1941, however, rapidly changed thepriority oftherangeasthousands of gunners and bombardiers sharpened their combat skills there during the war

Prior to World War II each bombardment group trained its own personnel up to standards established by General Headquarters Air Force. This system worked well until the 1939 military expansion when the level of experienced personnel was spread exceedingly thin. The mobilization of World Wai II further exacerbated this problem. To address this situation, in January 1942 the Second Air Force was assigned the mission of training heavy bombardment groups for the Army Air Force, and that unit remained the primary "schoolhouse" for heavy bombardment groups throughout the war. Second Air Force leaders immediately implemented a two-phased program, each of six weeks duration The first phase was condurted at bases in Arizona, Idaho, Washington, and Oregon and involved drilling in rudimentary bombardment skills. Two locations were planned for the second phase of the process theWendover and Salt Lake CityArmyAir Bases and the Utah range was to be readily available for trjdning firom both installations. Wendover Field worked well for this effort, but the Salt Lake base had to be dropped because its proximity to a major population center created difficulties ranging from airspace congestion to safetyviolations. Thissecond phaseofinstruction focused on increasing

'"ibid., August 6, 1941, September 26, 1941

^Byron Dussler to Lulu Harrwig and Josephine Ivey, August 6, 1941, copv in Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History

"USAF Historical Division, "Brief Histon,- of Wendover Air Force Base, 1940-1956," pp. 2-3.

the proficiency of individual crew members in their specialtiesmarksmanship and bombardment accuracy—while at the same time molding the crews into integral teams. Training on the range was primarily the responsibility of the individual bomb groups going through the system, with each commander using a checklist procedure to ascertain the progress of his aircrews. Although an important step beyond earlier methods of training, the two-phased program had to be expanded into a thre^phased program of four weeks each by the summer of 1942. The Utah range served as the second stop for the groups in training with this approach The third phase, most of which took place at Sioux CityArmy Air Base, Iowa, trained the crews to work as part of larger formations and stressed long-range navigation '^

In mid-April 1942 the first unit, the 306th Bombardment Group (Hea'vy), with four bombardment squadrons of B-I7 "Flying Fortresses," arrived in Utah for training on the range. The normal authorization for a heavy bomber group, either B-17 or B-24, consisted of 72 aircraft and 2,261 people. When this first group arrived with such large numbers of personnel and airplanes the installation's resources were sorely taxed. Only twelve buildings on the base provided living accommodations, and thesewereofa temporary nature The306th Bomb Group and its squadrons were also forced to share one 50-by-20-foot room for their headquarters. A table was improvised by laying boards on carpentef ssawhorses aligned in a U shape around the room to give the inevitable mUitary clerks a place to work Discarded cardboard boxes served as filing cabinets. Under the envisioned six-week training schedule, the 306th should have completed its training and departed Utah in June 1942. The inadequate facilities made this schedule impossible. The 306th muddled through its training and left the range on August I.^^

Fortunately, the situation was about to change. Bythe fall of 1942 the construction program was beginning to make more buildings available for use. On the range improvements were also made. The bombing and gunnery range detachment, consisting of two dozen enlisted men and one sergeant, began creating more legitimate targets. The first were enemy batdeships, built up on the saltcrust using tar and

'^Craven and Cate, eds. Army Air Forces in World War II, 6:600-601; USAF Historical Division, "Brief History of Wendover Air Force Base, 1940-1956," p 6

' ^' H istory of Wendover Army Air Base and 315 th Base Headouarters and Air Base Squadron, 7 December 1941 to 31 December 1942," p 5, copy available in Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History; USAF Historical Division, "Brief History of Wendover Air Force Base, 1940-1956," p 4

thereby adding dimension and realism The detachment installed their own electrical system to provide lightingfor night praaice bombing and constructed an elaborate gunnery facility for the aircrews. The primary role of heavy bombers in combat was obviously to place their bombs on target, and such skill was developed in these simulated bombing missions. Equally important, the B-17, B-24, and later B-29 crews had to be taught to penetrate the enemy's defenses and attack strategic targets without the benefit of escorting fighter protection. Officials soon realized that the skill and proficiency of the gunners on these bombers would be the best and often the only defense against enemy fighter aircraft To train the gunners the range detachment established both skeet and rifle ranges as well as a stationary machine gun range with moveable target mechanisms. The machine gun range was built in a circular pit with a track to steer a jeep around the circle. A target mounted on the jeep provided machine gun practice as it moved around its track at speeds of between 5 and 30 miles per hour and went firom 170 to 240 yards away from the gunner's position Shooting at a moving target gave the gunners valuable training by providing depth of range changes and by simulating attacking and retreating aircraft ^^ Shooting at a moveable target from a stationary position was obviously good but not optimum training, for in aaual combat both the gunner and the target would be moving. To provide more realism, therefore, theArmyAir Forces purchased arailroad flatcar and a section of track for use on the range. The range personnel installed three machine guns on the railroad car. A section ofrailroad trackwaslaid and an interphone system installed on the flat car The interphone system, similar to those with throat microphones on aircraft, adlowed the gunners to communicate with each other and with the instructors while their hands remained free. The railroad car hit speeds up to40 miles per hour as it approached the moving targets. Hitting a moving target with consistency from the moving railroad car required excellent marksmanship skills. This training method simulated to the greatest extent possible the conditions of aerial warfare At other gunnery schools machine guns were mounted on trucks, but these were not as elaborate or realisticasthe railroad car on the Utah range. This carwas dubbed the Tokio Trolley, amd it gained a certadn fame among gunnery instructors throughout the United States for its realism.

'^'History ofWendover Army Air Base and 315th Base Headquaners and Air Base Squadron, 7 December 1941 to 31 December 1942," pp 8-9

U.S.Air Force Range in Utah339

These training devices for the gunners were put into use by November 1942. Prior to taking aride on theTokio Trolley the gunners spent many hours in the classroom learning theory and applications. The innovations of the bombing and gunnery range detachment personnel were apparent in this sphere as well. They devised a unique training aid for use in the classroom Hainging model aircraft from fishing poleson aplatform intherooms, theinstrurtors could adjust the positions ofthe aircraft to different formations, point out the best firing angles, and demonstrate the best offensive and defensive positions. While undergoing this classroom instruction the gunners also spent time on the rifle ranges. First theywent to the small bore rifle range and then moved up to the skeet ranges. Skeet shooting gave the gunners practical experience at leading and swinging into moving targets. ^^

Bythe end of 1942 the range facilities had been firmly established and four bomb groups had completed training. Of these, two had been B-17 and twoB-24groups, and an additional B-17groupwasin training

Throughout 1943 thewestern Utah desert continued itsprimary role in thetraining ofheavybombardment groups.Also, inlate 1943the threephased bomber training program was modified so that all training could takeplaceatone station Thus, trainingactivitiesatthe Utah range took on a new look. The bombing and gunnery training continued as before, but added wasthe responsibility ofweldingtheindividual crews into effective units. This included extensive training in high-adtitude formation flying, long-range navigation, target identification, and simulated combat missions ^^

All told, thirteen bombardment groups were trained at the Utah range through 1943 and another three groups were stdl in training. As 1944 began one of these departed, leaving two remaining B-24 groups in training. These twogroups were the last ofthe Liberator groups to be trained at the desert range.^^ Over the course of bomb group training at the range a total of twenty B-17 and B-24 groups were trained enough to outfit the entire Eighth Air Force, although not adl went to that organization. In all, well over 1,000 aircrews were trained at the Utah range. These crews participated in the strategic bombing of Germany, flew in support ofD-Day, and conducted combat operations around the

"ibid

""USAF Historical Division, "Brief History of Wendover Air Force Base, 1940-1956," pp 5, 7-9

'^Ibid., p 9; "History ofWendover Field, 1943,' pp 7-9, Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of Historv

world fi'om the Mediterranean to China ^^Some of the men beccune heroes; in fact three of the groups produced Medal of Honor recipients.

Until the latter part ofthewar the ramgewasunder the direct charge of the Second Air Force. But on April 18, 1944, the 72d Fighter Wing took charge of the range This move was made to facilitate the range's changing role fi'om bomber training to fighter pilot training. For fighter pilots the site became a combat crew training school that drilled individuals prior to their assignment to operational fighter groups. Fighter transition and gunnery training in the P-47 aircraft were accomplished on the Utah ranges during the summer of 1944 ^^

This fighter training program was divided into two phases: air and ground. Ground training consisted of photography, combat intelligence, chemical warfare, and a range orientation. Also included was training in the Link flight simulator Air training consisted of air-toground and air-to-airgunnery, communications, and flight instruction. Flight instruction was necessary as the pilot trainees sent to the site had no experience in the P-47, having flown only trainer aircraft Each pilot completing the program at Wendover had to have aminimum of eighty flying hours in the P-47.

The first group of sixty P-47 pilot trainees arrived to use the range on May 31, 1944. They came from the Harding Field Indoctrination Center, Louisiana, and were followed byasecond group of sixty trainees onJune 30, adsofrom Harding Field. ByJuly 22, forty-two pilot trainees had completed this part of their training and were transferred to other organizations. The second, and ultimately the last, group of P-47 pilot trainees (forty-seven total) completed the program in August 1944. During the period of P-47 training on the range more than 100 Thunderbolts were located at Wendover Field, and novice pilots peppered targets on the ground and in the air over the desert ranges. In September 1944 control of the range reverted to the Second Air Force and P-47 training was terminated. The P-47 aircraft and the remaining trainees were transferred to baises in the 72d Fighter Wing ^^

"^chronology ofWendover, 1941-1981, Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History; Maurer ed.. Air Force Combat Unitsof World War II. The bombardmen t groups trained on the Utah range were in chronological orde r 306th, 302d, 308th, 379th, 100th, 384th, 388th, 393d, 399th, 445th, 458th, 461st, 448th, 451st, 467th, 489th, 490th, 494th, and 457th

' *lbid.; "History ofWendover Army Air Field, Jun e 1944," pp 3-4; "Historv ofWendover Field, July 1944," pp. 2-3, both in Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History.

" See note above; "Historv of Wendover Armv Air Field, August 1944," pp 5; "Historv of Wendover Field, September 1944, " pp 1-4, all in Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History

Thehurried departure ofthe P-47sfrom thesitemade room for the 393d Bombardment Squadron (Very Heavy), a B-29 unit The 393d, which had been stationed at Fainnont Army Air Field, Nebraska, was moved to the airfield without explanation and on short notice. The orders moving the 393d were cut on September 10, and just four days latertheunitwasformally relocated to Utah.Withoutquestion thiswasa very special squadron, for the 393d became the nucleus of the 509th Composite Group, the only unit ever to drop an atomic bomb in combat^^

In the fall of 1944 the Manhattan Project was in full swing developing theatomicbomb, and theArmyAirForcesbegan to prepare for the delivery of theweapon Gen Henry "Hap" Arnold insisted that the most capable United States aircraft be used for this purpose—the newlydeveloped B-29 Superfortress. The B-29W2ts theonly U.S. aircraft that was large enough and had sufficient range to deliver the expected payload. The only other possibility in serviceatthetimewas the Britishbuilt Lancaster bomber. With the aircraft settled on, the major remaining task was to form and train a unit to use the new weapon. The first step in this process was to choose a leader for the effort For this criticalresponsibihtyArnold selected Lt Col. PaulW. Tibbets, aveteran bomber pdotwho had already served in Europe. Hewasalso intimately famUiar with the B-29, having been the air corps' principal B-29 test pilot Prior to his selection to lead this unit, Tibbets, like all but a select few in the nation, had no knowledge of the effort to develop nuclear weapons. ^^

In early September 1944 Tibbets was called to the office of Maj. Gen. Uzal Ent, commander of the Second Air Force at Colorado Springs, Colorado. After being questioned and cleared by a security official, Tibbetswasbriefed on the Manhattan Project and given his task by Ent, who stressed that secrecy was of the utmost importance; no one was to know any more than required for hisjob. Tibbets was urged to

^'"History ofWendover Field, September 1944," pp. 1-4; USAF Historical Division, "Brief History ofWendover, 1940-1956," p 8; Michael Amrine, TheGreatDecision: TheSecret History ofthe Atomic Bomb {New York: G.R Putnam's Sons, 1959), pp 59-61

Vincent C. Jones, Manhattan: The Army and the Atomic Bomb (Washington, D.C: Center for Militarv' Historv, 1985), pp 520-21 The literature on the development of nuclear weapons is extensive For further information on this subject see, Gregg Herken, The Winning Weapon: TheAtomic Bomb intheCold War, 7 WS-/9 561 (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1980): DanielJ Kevles, The Physicists: The History ofa Scientific Community inModem America (New York Alfred A Knopf 1978); Martin Shervvin,/I World Destroyed: The AtomicBomb and the Grand Alliance [New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1977); Gerard H Clarfield and William M Wiecek, NuclearAmerica: Military and Civilian Nuclear Power in the United States, 1940-19,S0lNvw York: Harper and Row, 1984); Richard C Rhodes, The MakingoftheAtomicBomb{NewYork: Alfred A Knopf, 1985)

make up a fictitious story to explain to his associates what they were doing. General Ent also told the colonel that he could select virtually anyone in the Army Air Force for his unit To start the project Tibbets wasgiven the393d Bombardment Squadron, stdl stationed in Nebraska at that time. He was also told that if he encountered any difficulties in acquiring what he required to complete his mission, he was to use the code name for the projea—Silver Plate. Although most did not understand what Silver Plate meant, it would ensure priority for his requests.^^

For an operating location Tibbets was offered three suitable bases: Mountain Home, Idaho; Fairmont, Nebraska,; and Wendover, Utah. All three had acceptable facilities and runways for B-29 operations The choice of location was left to Tibbets, who, after surveying all the facilities, asked to move his command to the isolated Utah desert where the range could be used to train his aircrews. With this request the wheels were rapidly set in motion to relocate the P-47s from Wendover and move in the 393d.

Tibbets based his choice on several factors. The availability of the bombing and gunnery range on the western Utah desert was an important consideration. The fact that heavy bombers had trained at the installation in the past and all the necessary facilities were readily available also contributed to his choice Adding to Wendover*s attractiveness, according to Tibbets, was its relative closeness to Los Alamos, New Mexico, alocation hewould have tovisitfi'equentiy to consult with the scientists and engineers building the bomb.^'^ The primary reason for seleaing the installation, however, wjis its isolation, which meant that security could be maintained with relative ease.

When the 393d moved to the site a detachment of 400 FBI agents also moved in. They checked each member associated with the unit to verify his loyalty and dependability. These investigations turned up people who had used false names to enter the army and some who had psychiatric problems One individual, amachinist, wasdiscovered to be wanted by police in another state on suspicion of murder The murder

''^'Training Camp for the Atomic Age: Wendover Field," AerospaceHistorian, 20 (Fall 1973): 13738; PaulW Tibbets, "Twenty-Eight Years Ago: Training the 509th f^or Hiroshima," ^jrForcf, August 1973, pp 51-54; interview with Brig Gen Paul W Tibbets, Jr., September 1966, USAF Historical Research Center, Maxwell Air Force Base, AL; Maurer, ed. Air Force Combat Units of World War II, pp 371-72, 482; USAF Historical Division, "Brief Historv of Wendover Air Force Base, 1940-1956," pp 9-10

^Vibbets, "Training the 509th for Hiroshima," pp 51-53; interview with Brig Gen Paul W Tibbets, Jr., September 1966

suspect, according to Tibbets, was "a very good machinist," and since his skills were needed he stayed with the group. But others who were considered security risks were removed by Manhattan Project security officials. The FBIagents in Utah probed incessandy for possible security leaks. They monitored telephone calls and followed and approached individuals in attempts to get them to talk about what they were doing, even though none had any idea of the ramifications of the unit's activities

During the unit's stay in Utah only five individuals were removed for security reasons In areflective article, Tibbets recounted the story of one ofthese individuals. The group's first operations officer was a major who liked to impress his subordinates and strangers with his importance Once informed of several incidents concerning this major, Tibbets told the Manhattan people to "ship him." A bogus temporary duty assignment was arrcmged to the Ejist Coast for the talkative major. Upon boarding amditary aircraft in Salt LakeCity no transient aircraft were adlowed at Wendover the major soon discovered that he Wcisnot going east Tibbetts had sent the major toaspecial camp arranged by the

Col Paul Tibbets standing by a B-29 in 1945. He ivas the commander ofthe 509th Composite Group which trained in Utah to deliver the atomic bomb.

USA F photograph

Manhattan peoplewhere he"found other people oflikeinclination with whom he talked until theend ofthewar." Security at the installation was extremely tight and obviously very effective.

The training program designed by Tibbets stressed accuracy

Although the 393d aircrews had already received flight training and were capable of meeting the normal standards for accuracy, Tibbets demanded more. The squadron's crews normally counted a miss of up to 500 feet from the center of the target as a bull's eye, but Tibbets required that they be no more than 200 feet from the center at an altitudeof30,000 feet Moreover, bombingwastobedonevisually, with no radar allowed Another unique aspect of the crew training program involved practice to deliver a single bomb. These dummy bombs were initially 500-pound iron bombs, but later they used 10,000-pound models of the Fat Man design called pumpkins The crews were also taught to execute a tight 158-degree turn just after bomb release, unaware that the reason was to retreat as far away as possible fi-om the target to avoid the expected shock waves from the atomic explosion.

While the 393d began its intensive training program, Tibbets supported the test and development program for the bomb. This task included marrying the bomb to the aircraft by modifying carriage and release mechanisms asweUas the bomb-bay doors Testing indicated a need to make modifications to theweapon's shape so that itwould "fly" a predictable flight path to the target, a difficult task since the scientists and engineers were constandy making changes. Also, an altitude fusing mechanism was perfected to detonate the bomb. All of this testing and development was done with shapes and models, not an actual bomb. During theentire stayoftheunit in Utah noatomicbomb had been built or detonated anywhere.^^

It should be noted that during the early months in Utah, Tibbets had no formal association with the393d; hewasneither the commander nor assigned to the squadron, but the 393d commander reported to him The unique requirements of the mission created the need for a larger organization Accordingly, on December 17, 1944, the 509th Composite Group was activated at Wendover Field. Tibbets became commander of this organization, and the 393d was assigned to the 509th. A self-sufficient organization, this group had its own air service

Training Camp for the Atomic Age," pp 137-38; Tibbets, "Training the 509th for Hiroshima," pp. 52-53; Fletcher Knebel and Charles W. Bailey II, A^o//zgA Grown(^( New York Harper and Brothers, 1960), p 82; RogerD Launius, The United StatesAir Force in Utah The CaseofWendoverField (Salt Lake City: Fort Douglas Military Museum Monograph Series, 1985).

U.S.Air Force Range in Utah345

organization, transport unit, and military police company. Another squadron, the 1 st Ordnance Squadron (Special), wasassigned in March 1945 and became the armorers for the group ^^

By May 1945 the shape and ballistics of the bomb had been finalized, the aircrews of the 393d had attained the accuracy and ffying skills Tibbets demanded, and the group's B-29s had been modified for the nuclear delivery mission. Indeed, it appeared that all was in order, and so on May 29, 1945, the 509th was officially relocated to Tinian in the Mciriana Island chain to carry out its special mission On August 6, 1945, Colonel Tibbets, flying his B-29, the Enola Gay, dropped the first atomic bomb on Hiroshima, Japan. Three days later another B-29, Bock's Car, from the509th dropped a second atomic bomb on Nagasaki. Discussion of the necessity of using these weapons aside, the 509th Composite Group, created and trained on the range in thewestern Utah desert, executed its mission with efficiency and precision.^''

The Utah rangewasalso ideal for missiletesting In February 1944, while the last of the normal heavy bomber units were being trained on the range, another unit moved in the SpecialWeapons Field Test Unit As its name implied, this unit tested new weapons that were under development Two programs in particular were important in 1944 and 1945. One involved the development of glide bombs designed so that they could hit heavily defended targets while the aircraft maintained a safe distance. The other tested the Azon bomb, a bomb that could be radio controlled from the tailgunner's position but had limited movement right or left in flight Neither of theseweapons saw extensive use in World War II However, this unit marked the beginning of an important postwar mission for the range.^^

Following World War II the air force, which became a service independent of the army in September 1947, continued to conduct a missde research and development program in which the vast ranges of western Utah played an important part The first postwar experiments involved captured German missiles. During World War II Germany

^Vlaurer, ed.. Air Force Combat Units ofWorldWar II, pp 371- 72, 482; USAF Historical Division, "Brief History ofWendover Air Force Base, 1940-1956," pp 9-10

""Training Camp for the Atomic Age," pp 137-38; Tibbets, "Training the 509th for Hiroshima," pp 52-53; interview with Tibbets, September 1966; History ofthe 509th Composite Group, Activation-n August 1945 (Wendover Field: 509th Composite Group Office of History, 1945), pp 6369 On the debate over the use of this weapon see Michael Sherry, The RiseofAmericanAir Power: The Creation ofArmageddon (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), as only one example of the depth of scholarsnip on this subject

^/I PictorialBrochure ofthe Special Weapons FieldTest Unit,WendoverArmy Air Field, Utah (Wendover Special Weapons Field Test Unit, January 1945), pp. 6-11.

had successfully developed an operational missile capabdity. Two weapons in particular were used —the V-I buzz bomb and the V-2 rocket TheV-I, first used injune 1944, had one substantial weakness; it was relatively slow with a top speed of 400 miles per hour. This made it possible for Allied pilots and antiaircraft operators to destroy it Of the more than 8,000 V-Is launched, over half were destroyed before reaching their targets; but those that did reach London exacted a toll: 6,000 dead, 40,000 wounded, and 75,000 homes destroyed.^^

The V-I was essentially an air-breathing cruise missile, but the second German weapon was the first true ballistic missde. A liquid propellent missilerising46 feet in height, theV-2flewatspeeds in excess of3,500 miles per hour Itwas first employed against targets in Europe beginning in September 1944 By the end of the war 1,155 had been fired against England and another 1,675 had been launched against Antwerp and other continental targets. The guidance system for these missiles was imperfect and many did not reach their targets, but there was no defense against them. Clearly the technology employed in both missdes was worth American study.^"^

Accordingly, near the end ofthewar in Europe many captured V-1 and V-2 missiles were brought to the United States for testing. Along with them came many of the scientists and engineers who had developed these weapons, most notably Wernher von Braun, head of the German rocket development team at the Peenemunde Experimental Center. Some experimental activities for the V-1 test program were set up on the Utah range, and during the late 1940s a series of important investigations taught the U.S.Air Force much about the characteristics of rocket technology. The V-2s were tested at the White Sands Proving Ground in New Mexico.^^

The first postwar missde experience at the Utah range was with an American version of the V-1. Dubbed theJB-2, this missile had been

Stanley M Ulanoff, Illustrated Guide to U.S. Missilesand Rockets (Garden Cirv: Doubledav and Co., 1962), pp 126-7

""tugeneM. Emme,/I HistoryofSpace Flight {New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1965), p. 97; MichaelJ Neufeld, "Hitler, the V-2, and the Battle for Priority, 1939-1943," unpublished address at Works in Progress Seminar, May 8, 1991, sponsored by the National Air and Space Museum, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC

This effort has been described in James McGovern, Crossboiv and Overcast (New York William Morrow, 1964); Clarence G Lasby, Project Paperclip:German Scientists and the Cold War (New York Atheneum, 1971); Walter Dornberger, V-2: TheNazi Rocket Weapon (New York Viking Press, 1954); Wernher von Braun, Frederick I Ordway III, and David Dooling, SpaceTravel A History (New York Harper and Row, 1985ed.); Peter G. Cooksley, F/>mgfiomi( New York Charles Scribner's Sons, 1979); Linaa Hunt, Secret Agenda: TheUnitedStates Government, Nazi Scientists, and Project Paperclip, 1945-1990 (New York St. Martin's Press, 1991).

U. S.Air Force Range in Utah347

developed by the Navy to be launched from submarines. Its value was also recognized by the air force One of General "Hap" Arnold's key assistants wrote to technical advisor Vannevar Bush late in the war

We believe theJB-2 to be representative ofa new family ofvery long range weapons whose capabilities will profoundly affect future warfare and especially aerial warfare. We want now to explore the possibilities of very long range missiles to the utmost extent which will not involve a serious diversion of effort from the essendal business of prosecuting this war.^^

Work with theJB-2 on the Utah range involved virtually allfacets of the research and development program: assembly, launching, flight control, and radar tracking. To support theJB-2 test program the army constructed an inclined launching ramp 400 feet longjust south of the Wendover runways aswell as support facilities in late 1945 This launch

JB-2 on a mobile launcher at the Utah range in 1946. USAF photograph

"L L Gen Barney M Giles to Vannevar Bush, February 20, 1945, as quoted in Delmar S Fahrney, "Th e History ofPilodess Aircraft and Guided Missiles," p 1958, p 811, located in the NavjJ Historical Center, Washington, DC.

in a test flight at the Utah range in 1946.

photograph complex consisted ofa three-rail launching sled powered by rocket cartridges designed to catapult thejB-2 to a flying altitude rapidly. Since its flight characteristics were slow, P-51 Mustangs were used as chase aircr2ift If theJB-2 went astray the P-51 could intercept and destroy the missilewhde stillintheair. DuringI946 numerousjB-2swere launched over the western Utah desert, but the program was hampered by many technical problems, including both the launching sled and the missde Indeed, theJB-2 never reached the point where it could be established as an operational weapon system. Nevertheless, air force officials claimed that it had given them valuable experience in propulsion, ffight control, and launching mechanics for future missde systems.^^

Somewhat more significant was the Ground-to-Air Pdotless Aircraft (GAPA) program begun in 1946 to test a system under development by the BoeingAirplane Company. Essentially, the GAPA program aimed towaird the development of a tactical supersonic missile with remote control that could intercept aurcraft flying at speeds of up to 700 miles per hour at altitudes between 8,000 and 60,000 feet This missile was approximately ten feet in length and propelled by asolid fuel rocket motor. To support this test program approximately thirty Boeing technicians moved onto the range in the spring of 1946. A launching

ulanoff, Illustrated Guide to U.S. Missiles and Rockets, pp 126-27: "HistorvofWendover Armv Air Field, April-June 1946," pp. 8-9;"HistoryofWendover Armv Air Field, July-September 1946," p. 15; "History of Wendover Armv Air Field, October-December 1946," p 21

JB-2

USAF

Project GAPA test at the Knolls range in Utah in 1946. USAF photograph

pad and control bunker were constructed in the Knolls area of the north range Meanwhile, at Wendover Field "GAPA City" was created as the site for Boeing employees to assemble the missdes before taking them out to the desert for launching. For the GAPA tests Boeing moved the first sophisticated monitoring equipment into the west Utah desert, a system of radar and theodolite stations installed along a path extending six miles downrange from the launch site. ^^

After adequate preparations on the range—while the JB-2 prograimwas underway nearby the first launching ofthe GAPA took place onJunel3, 1946. Ittook another month oflaunches before one yielded positive results and could be considered successful. Of the forty GAPA missiles launched on the desert range between June 1946 and September 1947, each was strikingly different from all the others. Since the GAPAprogram gathered scientific dataon the problems ofdeveloping a surface-to-air missile system, the missiles were purposely dissimilar to present different sets of data History was made on the range on the twelfth test launch of the missile. On August 6, 1946, the GAPA became

^^GAPA: Holloman's FirstMissile Program,1947-1950 (HoWomiax Air Force Base, NM: Historical Branch, Air Force M issile Development Center, n d.), p 1;" Boeing Developing Supersonic Aircraft," Boeing Neivs (Seatde, WA), 5 (August 15, 1946): 1-2

the first air force flight vehicle to crack the sound barrier, achieving supersonic speeds. Later versions of the GAPA achieved even greater speeds, the lastversions exceeding 1,500 miles per hour. Besides setting these marks, the GAPA program provided much needed scientific data, especially in the areas of roll stabilization and control. This successful program led directly to the development of the Bomarc missile system by Boeing in the 1950s. The Bomarc, also a surface to-air-missile system, served well until finally phased out in 1968.^^

Testing of munitions delivered by aircraft also continued on the Utah range after the war. One of these was the ROC, a 1,000-pound glide bomb equipped with a television camera in its nosewhich relayed target information to theaircraft The bomb could then beguided to the target Another system tested was a six-ton radio-controlled fre^falling air-to-ground bomb dubbed the Tarzan. These weapons were direct ancestors of the modern smart weapons ^^

Although not specifically a bomb or missde program, another research and development effort in the western Utah desert became known as the "beeper school." It tested the capabilities of pdots on the ground toflyB-17 aircraft viaremote control. This idea emerged during the latter stages ofWorld War II when someone suggested loading worn out B-17s and B-24s with explosives and using them as flying bombs. During the war these B-17s had been labeled Weary Willies and never saw extensive use, but throughout 1946 pilots on the Utah range tested the flying of B-17s by remote control, either from the ground or from other aircraft The pdots were not successful in maintaining effective operation of the aircrcift under remote control. Moreover, the aircraft were found to be too vulnerable to enemy attack The project was abandoned in late 1946 after months of frustration.^^

In late 1946 yet another missile program was established at the Utah range. The Tiamat, officially designated theJB-3, was a follow-on to the JB-2 program. As preparations to accommodate this weapon

''Frederick 1 Ordway HI and R.C Wakefield, International Missile and SpacecraftGuide (New York McGraw Hill, 1960), p 179; Office of Air Force History to Gilbert Moore, "Request for Material—Project GAPA," November 27, 1979, Office of Air Force History, Boiling Air Force Base, DC; Air University Form 245," Request for Material GAPA," October 22, 1979, Air Force Historical Research Center

^^'History ofWendover Army Air Field, April-June 1946," pp. 6-7; "History ofWendover Army Air Field, July-September 1946," p 14; "History ofWendover Army Air Field, OctoberDecember 1946," pp. 18-20; Kenneth H. Werrell, The Evolution ofthe Cruise Missle(Maxwell Air Force Base, AL: Air University Press, 1987), pp 79-81

""History of Wendover Army Air Field, April-June 1946," p 8; "History of Wendover Army Air Field, Julv-September 1946," p 15 "History of Wendover Armv Air Field, October-December 1946," p 18.'

U.S.Air Force Range in Utah351

development program were being completed the decision to end missile testing and development at the Utah range was announced on March 16, 1947, as an economy measure by the air force to consolidate all similar activities at a single location. That site was the White Sands Proving Gound near Los Alamos, New Mexico, where a much larger research infi'astructure Wcis already in place as a consequence of the wartime Manhattan Project Although the Boeing contractors conducting the GAPA program worked on the Utah range until September 1947, after March 16 the test facilities drifted into semi-use.^^

In March 1947 the Utah range was assigned to the Strategic Air Command (SAC), not for weapons testing but as a site for training

Approximately six weeks after being assigned to SAC, the 43d Bomb Group, a unit of the Eighth Air Force based at Davis-Monthan Field, Arizona, came to the range with thirty B-29 aircraft for training. Since the43d was using the range on a temporary basis, special arrangements for the stay had to be made. SAC shipped fuel in from California and bombs from the Tooele Ordnance Depot, in nearby Tooele, Utah The 43d shairpened its skills by dropping 500-pound demolition bombs on the western Utah desert during its two-week temporary training assignment The effort was so successful that SAC began to schedule units to use the range on a regular basis, and the facdity was in almost constant use for the next several years. One of the first to follow the 43d onto the rangewasthe509th Bomb Group, which in 1944 and 1945 had trained on the Salt Flat ranges of Utah to drop the atomic bomb The 509th returned at the end of May 1947 from its permanent base at Roswell Army Air Field, New Mexico, to its birthplace, so to speak, for an additional two-week training period. In addition to the units deployed to the range for training, bombers ffying from and returning to their home stations throughout the western United States used the Utah range for practice missions.^^

^'^^ History of Wendover Army Air Field, October-December 1946," pp. 18-20. There is some evidence to indicate that when the decision to consolidate the test sites was under consideration the Army Air Forces might have been interested in establishing the primary missile proving ground on the Otah range rather than at White Sands They agreed that the land of the range was abundant and that facilities were readily available. Also, there were indications that military officials met with Gov. Herbert Maw of Utah to gain his support lor this development, but Maw did not support the program because ofa concern for the welfare of the slate's population in possible nuclear and other weapons tests, without that support the air force was forced to consolidate to White Sands where the political delegation was in favor of having them Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of Histor\' files.

^''General Orders, Ogden Air Materiel Area, "Transfer ofWendover Field and 4145th AAF Base Unit," March 15, 1947, Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of Historv-; Robert Mueller, Air Force Bases, Vol 1 (Maxwell Air Force Base, AL Albert F Simpson Historical Research Center Research Division, 1982), pp 146-49; "Histories ofWendover Army Air Field, March 16 to April 30, 1947," p 1, Mav 1947, pp 9-15, June 1947, p 14, Julv through December, passim

Use of the Utah complex began slowly with one unit at a time; however, range areas soon became the sites of large-scale mock air battles. The first of these was conducted on August 21, 1947, when aircraft from four different SAC bomb groups flying from their home stations launched a simulated attack on targets at the Utah range. Another twist in this operation was that P-80 (later designated F-80) jet fighters, temporarily based in Utah, were used to intercept the B-29s, defending the range targets from the attack This type of training was thought the most realistic available, and this initial exercise marked a use for the range that would continue for several years *^

With more aircraft using the Utah Bombing and Gunnery Range, control procedures took on added significance. For instance, all aircraft entering the range areas were directed to contact the Wendover Field control tower for permission to attack an already scheduled target area Wendover tower operators would then mark on a map the target assigned with pins indicating that aircraft were in the area Upon completion ofthe bombing or strafing runs, theaircraft would again call the Wendover tower to inform controllers that they were leaving the range area The pins would then be removed so that the target could be assigned to other aircraft Also, ifthe aircraft experienced any problems necessitating an emergency landing, Wendover tower would assign them to one of two strips in the range area for emergency landings. The first was Dugway Field located in the southeast corner of the range, and the other was Low Flight Strip located three mdes north of Knolls on the range (approximately forty miles east ofWendover). Dugway Field had limited emergency services available, and Low Flight Strip had none.^^ Whde SAC controlled the Utah range and used it to support its aircrew tr2dningfunction a number of new facilities were installed SAC established 100-pound practice bomb targets at several locations on the rangewith graded circular targets and well-defined bull's eye marks 50, 100, 200, 300, and 500 feet from the center. One of these had a center pyramid that was 30 feet square with bull's eye circles outward. SAC personnel also established demolition bomb targets on the range, some of which were quite elaborate. For instance, according to a 1947 description: "DemoT: Locate 37 miles Ccist ofWendover (N 40' 39" by W 113' 19"). This target had a 30' X 30' triangle painted white at the center and circles of 100,200,300, 400 and 500 feet out from the center

^'^'Historv of Wendover Armv Air Field, August 1947," pp 12-32 ''ibid., October 1947, pp. 3, 16-17.

These circles were enclosed by two triangles formed into a six-pointed star." Itwas an excellent target for sighting from altitudes above 30,000 feet Another targetwasaradar scoringsitelocated90 mdes northeast of Wendover on Carrington Island in the Great Salt Lakewhich consisted of a 200-by-50-foot white cross located at the geographic center of the island In additon, SAC established gunnery ranges for fighter aircraft One ofthese, Gunnery Range Q, waslocated 49 miles east ofWendover and had four 36-by-10-foot rectangles spaced 50 yards apart for targets. Finally, a section of the range was reserved for air-to-air gunnery training in the southeastern part of the range. There either fighter or bomber aircraft could fire their guns at aerial targets towed by other aircraft*^

Early in 1948 the uses of the range began to chsmge. The Strategic Air Command's B-29swere long-range bombers and for the most part could operate from their home stations and stdl utdize the Utah range. Accordingly, the number and frequency of bomb group deployments to the site tapered off throughout the year. In early 1949, realizing that therangewas not goingto beutilized asmuch aspreviously, SAC began decreasing its personnel operating the facility For example, in 1947 more than 300 military and civdian personnel had been employed at Wendover Fieldtosupport therangeand thebase, but bythesummer of 1949 this number had been reduced to less than 100. In September 1949 SAC decided to rid itself of the range's management*^

Until this point whoever controlled Wendover Field had also controlled the ranges, but by 1950 this could no longer be the case. The range complex at this time consisted of three designated areas: R-508, R-258, and R-259. Range508 contained approximately 94,000 acres of landjust westofWendover, most ofwhichwaslocated in Nevada Range 258 comprised approximately 351,000 acres northeast ofWendover, stretching to the Great Salt Lake. Range 259, the largest of the range areas, possessed over I mdlion acres southeast ofWendover The ranges also had adjacent restricted airspace; the air and land space combined totaled more than 3 mdlion acres. ^"^

''^Standard Operating Procedure Q, Wendover General Bombing and Gunnery Range, Wendover Field, Utah, November 10, 1947, located in Ogden Air Logistics Center bffice of History

''^'Histories ofWendoverAFB,January to December 1948;" USAF Historical Division, "Brief History ofWendover AFB, 1940-1956," p 11

**USAF Historical Division, "Brief History ofWendover AFB, 1940-1956," p 11; "History of Ogden Air Materiel Area, Hill AFB, Utah, July-December 1958," pp 109-14

By far the most heavily used range areas were R-258 and R-259. Range R-508 had been used primarily for air-to-air training and some ground activity such asexplosive ordnance disposal, but itwas not used for adr-to-ground activities because of the proximity of catde and sheep grazing land. Accordingly, SAC transferred R-508 to the Air Materiel Command inJuly 1950 SAC kept the other two ranges, R-258 and R259, and placed them under the direction of the Fifteenth Air Force, headquartered at March Air Force Base, California At the same time control of aircraft entering and using the range, which had been the responsibility of controllers at Wendover Field, became a function of the control tower at Hill Air Force Base, near Ogden, Utah. Under this arrangement, thewestern Utah desert continued to support the training of bomber crews, and the ranges were also used by other aircraft types from time to time. Beginning in 1950, and for the next severalyesu-s, this was how the ranges were used.*^

This began to change in the spring of 1954 when the Tacticid Air Command (TAG) began showing increased interest in the Utah ranges In May 1954 the461st Bombardment Wing(Light), aTAG tenant unit at Hill Air Force Base, with the support of SAC and the Utah Air National Guard, built a bombing and gunnery target complex in the northeastern corner of R-258. InJuly 1954 the 461 st deployed from Hill to Wendover for Operation Sandstorm, a six-week training exercise involving competition in rocketry, bombing, gunnery, and low-level navigation The operation proved to be quite successful as bare base training, something the unit might be faced with in a real deployment during a foreign crisis. The success of the 461 st deployment prompted TAG to use the range more often for other unit training. As a result TAG operations on the range expanded, and ittookovercontrol of R-508 and Wendover Field. An important activity at the rimge began in August 1955when TACsNinth Air Force conducted agunnery competition on the west desert ranges. The following month, the Ninth hosted the USAFgunnery competition at the range and continued to use the range for the next several years for this type of training."^^

In 1955 two major air force commands controlled portions of the Utah range, and the situation became unwieldy. TAC managed

*^'History of Ogden Air Materiel Area, July-December 1958," pp. 109-114; USAF Historical Division, "Brief History of Wendover AFB, 1940-1956," p 11

*^istory of Ogden Air Materiel Area, Hill AFB, Utah, July-December 1952, p 18; "Chronology ofWendover AFB, 1941 -1981," located in Ogden Air Logistics Center of History;" Brief History ofWendover AFB, 1940-1956," p 11

U.S. Air Force Range in Utah355

Wendover Field and R-508, and SAC operated R-258 and R-259. Other military organizations used various parts of the range for their own purposes: air national guard and reserve units were big customers for range services, and the army and the navy both launched missdes that landed on the Utah range For instance, the army launched its Mace missile from White Sands Proving Ground, and the Navy fired the Regulus Missile from Point Mugu, California, both impacting in the Utah desert In addition, Dugway Proving Grounds, adjacent to the southeastern edge of R-259, used sections for chemical munitions development and testing. It seemed obvious to senior government officials that something should be done toalleviatetheconfusion ofwho had what authority to manage military facilities in the Utah desert ^'^

As a result, the Tactical Air Command was given responsibility for most of the Utah range. Accordingly, in Aprd 1956 TAC began to control R-258, renaming it the Newfoundland Mountain Range. At the end of 1956, to sort this out, there were three separate military agencies managing and controlling air and ground space in the western Utah desert TacticalAirCommand controlled Wendover, R-508, and R-258. Strategic Air Command officially controlled all of R-259, although it used only the northern portion The army's Dugway Proving Ground, of course, controlled its own area but also held unofficial suzerainty over alower portion ofR-259. Bythis time the air force and army rsuiges in Utah were thought to be well orgiuiized amd utdized."^^

An interesting sidelight in the history of the Utah desert ramge began in the summer of 1956 when the U.S Navy attempted to secure the use ofa bombing range(R-258) for its fighter pilot training program and sought to base a navy fighter squadron at HillAir Force Base. These proposiJs ultimately involved top military and Cabinet officials as well as state and federal agencies. A strong media campaign and intense lobbying ofthe Utah StateLegislature for aland leasebrought matters to a head, and in March 1957 the secretary of defense directed the navy to drop its proposal for a Utah bombing range"^^

"* "Chronology of Wendover AFB, 1941-1981;' USAF Historical Division, "Brief History of Wendover AFB, 1940-1956," p. 11; Leonard J. Arrington and Thomas G. Alexander, "Sentinels on the Desert The Dugway Proving Ground( 1942-1963) and Desen Chemical Depot( 1942-1955)," Utah Historical Quarterly 32 (1964): 32-43

''^'History of Ogden Air Materiel Area, July 1-December 31, 1958," pp. 109-17; "History of 4432d Air Base Squadron, January-June 1956," p 12 Helen Rice, "A Lesson in Communications and Community Relations," April 1957, p 2; Commandant of the Twelfth Naval District to State Land Board, State of Utah, October 2, 1956; Minutes of the Los Angeles Regional Airspace Subcommittee, November 1, 1956, all in files of Ogden Air Logistics Center office of History; Brig Gen Pearl H Robey, commanderofOgden Air Materiel

Throughout the controversy over the navy's proposed bombing rjmge, TAC continued to useWendover and the R-258 range, while SAC used the northern portion of R-259. By late 1957, however, these commands had decided that control of the ranges should be given to a central organization. On January I, 1958, Wendover and ranges 508 and 258 were transferred to the Air Materiel Command which assigned responsibility for their management to the commander of the Ogden Air Materiel Area at HillAir Force Base. In addition, in March 1958 SAC gave control of R-259 to this siune orgimization This W2is the third time the Air Materiel Command and Hill AFB had been given authority over these facilities. In the past, neither organization had found a real use for them, and the assignments were made solely for convenience. But this time Hill officials believed they had a worthwhile purpose.^°

Maj. Gen. Pearl H. Robey, commander ofthe Ogden Air Materiel Area, believed that Wendover and the adjacent ranges offered unlimited possibilities for logistics support of the rapidly developing USAF missile force. HiU AFB had already been involved with the support of several types of missile systems such as Bomarc Besides supporting the missile era, units at Hill had other uses for the range areas. The 2700th Explosive Ordnance Squadron used R-508 for handling, testing, and training with explosives and ordnance components. Although R-508 was not suitable for aircraft operations, it was idcdX for this type of ground activity. In addition, R-258 was also used during flight tests of aircraft that had undergone maintenance at Hill, including firing aircraft guns over amd on R-258. The Ogden Air Materiel Area air munitions function cdso used R-258 iU"ea for testing high-performance rocket engines, boosters, and other munitions

Area, to Gen E.W Rawlings, commande r of Air Materiel Command , October 5, 1956, Ogden Air Logistics Center OfFice of History; "Navy Asks State for Bomb Range," Ogden Standard-Examiner, October 9, 1956; "Navy Leases Box Elder Area for Bomb Range," Ogden Standard- Examiner, October II , 1956; Minutes of Los Angeles Regional Airspace Subcommittee Meeting, November 1, 1956, copy in Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History; Harlen W Bement, director of Utah State Aeronautics Commission to C.H Vance, chairman of^State Aeronautics Commission, Decembers , 1956, copy in Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History; Transcripts of telephone conversations amon g Col L L Kunish, deputy commande r of Ogden Air Materiel, Brig Gen Pearl H Robey, commande r of Ogden Air Materiel Area, and Maj M.J Sommovlgo and Col Wilmot, Air Traffic Control Branch, DCS Operations, HQ^ USAF, January 14 and 16, 1957; personal message of commande r of Ogden Air Materiel Area to commande r of Air Materiel Command , December 22, 1956, both in Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History; "Congressman William A Dawson Reports from Washington," Utah Statesman, March 15, 1957; personal message of commande r of Ogden Air Materiel Area to commande r of Air Materiel Command , December 22, 1956; message of HQ^USAF to commande r of TAC, et al., "Joint Use ofWendover Range with U.S Navy," March 6, 1957, Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History; "Hous e Passes Curbs on Land Grabs," Salt Lake Tribune, April 12, 1957

^'^'History of Ogden Air Materiel Area, January 1-June 30, 1958," pp 40-45; "History of Ogden Air Materiel Area, July 1-December 31, 1958,"'pp 112-13

U.S.Air Force Range in Utah357

items.^^ Of course, the air forces' fighters and bombers continued to schedule training time on the range on almost a daily basis By the beginning of the 1960s the modern Utah ramge emerged as longstanding 2drspace and ownership issues were resolved. It has been in continuous use since that time as a training and test site for a variety of air force units and weapons systems. ^^

With the advent of manned space flight in the 1960s a new use of the western Utah range was contemplated In 1962 the recovery of United States space vehicles was accomplished by ocean landings, a somewhat risky business that tied up limited naval resources. Believing that reusable, land-recovered space vehicles would be developed in the not too distant future, the air force proposed the construction of facilities at the Utah range that would accommodate space missions. Plans developed in November 1962 called for ten major construction programs at a cost of $120 million at the Utah range or at Hill Air Force Base by fiscal year 1966. Perhaps the most spectacular projea was the creation ofa spacecraft launch and recovery center in thewestern desert The proposed launch site was to be ten miles northeast ofWendover, and a recovery area encompassing 350 square miles in the desert was also envisioned. The air force argued that the Utah range complex offered the best possiblelocation for this typeofoperation. The areawas desolate and barren and a good aerospace support infrastructure was already available at HilL This effort, however, never moved beyond the level of internal air force consideration. ^^

As time progressed and space efforts by the United States took a more firm direction, the possibility of using the Utah rimge for spacecrcift recovery reemerged. In 1965, for instance, the Utah Department of Employment Security published a full color brochure explaining the advantages of the range complex as an inland spaceport Indeed, it seemed that nearly every time a new space vehicle was announced during the next several years, the Utah range recovery prospect was

^'ibid., January l-June 30, 1958, pp. 40-47, July 1-December 31, 1958, p. 1. "ibid.,July 1-December31, 1958, pp 109-15,January 1-June30, 1959, pp 118-24; Maj Gen, Pearl H. Robey, commander of Ogden Air Materiel Area to General S. E. Anderson, commander of Air Materiel Command, May 15, 1959; Gen S.E Anderson, commander of Air Materiel Command to Maj Gen Pearl H Robey, commanderofOgden Air Materiel Area, May 29, 1959, all in Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History

^^'Wendover Buzzes with Speculation about Space Port," Ogden Standard-Examiner, November 29, 1964; "Burton Says Flats Likely Space Site," Salt Lake Tribune, November 23, 1964; "A Desert Spaceport.^ Utah's in Running," Sa.lt Lake Tribune, August 3, 1965; "Report Pins Wendover as Space Landing Site," Salt Lake Tribune, May 11, 1967; "Wendover Still in Space Blueprint*" Deseret News, ]u\y 23, 1969

revived. ^"^ The most serious consideration ofthe ramge's use for this purpose came during the early 1970s when plans for the Space Transporation System were being developed. At that time it was envisioned that the air force would operate a small fleet of shuttles for Department ofDefense purposes and that the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) would also operate a fleet and develop the system for other purposes. The shuttle was designed to be reusable, recovering from a spaceflight on a runway rather than in a splashdown. Some officials saw the Utah ramge as ideal for this recovery area ^^ Utah business and government leaders also pushed for NASA's selection of Utah as an inland spaceport Members ofthe congressional delegation from Utah and Nevada urged afiill study ofthe advantages of using the Utah range, but in the end their efforts came to nothing. In addition to the Kennedy Space Center in Florida, where NASA already had awell-established infrastructure to support shutde operations, only one additional launch site was feasible. The air force's primary missile launch site on the West Coast, Vandenberg Air Force Base, California, was a leading contender, followed by the army's White Sands Missile Range in New Mexico, Utah's range, amd Cfinton-Sherman Air Force Base in Oklahoma Based on both economic and technological considerations, Vandenberg was chosen as the second spaceport Ultimately, economic considerations cancelled Vandenberg's shutde spaceport ambitions, and the Kennedy Space Center has remained the sole launch site for spacecraft ^^ The Utah range did become a location for the testing ofvarious space components, and in the 1970s itwas used extensively for such aaivities as testing missile motors. ^^

^'^For Dry Land Recovery ofspace Vehicles: The Great Salt Lake Desert (Salt Lake City: Utah Department of Economic Security, 1965)

^^'Solon Urges W Utah Space Site," Salt Lake Tribune, ^a.nua.ry2S, 1971; "Utah Assets Good for Spaceport, Weber Native Says," Ogden Standard-Examiner, March 11, 1971; "Utahns Seek Spaceport Site," Utah Industrial Progress Report 6 (March 1971): I, 4:; ""'Wendo-ver Field,"' Salt Lake Tribune, MarchS 1971; "Bennett Asks Nixon's Help to Convert Wendover Field" Salt Lake Tribune, March 3, 1972 Raymond L Hixon, "Utali's Case—Spaceport," Utah Economic and Business Review 31 (May 1971) 1-6

^^ackWaugh, "Which Launching Site is Fairest ofThem Alt*" Christian Science Monitor, February 1, 1971; Sen Wallace F Bennett to Dr George M Low, NASA acting administrator, December 28, 1970; memorandum from R.H. Curtin, NASA director of facilities, to NASA executive officer, "State of Utah Site visits by the Space shuttle Facilities Group," April 9, 1971; Rep Walter S Baring to Dr George M Low, NASA acting administrator, April 26, 1971; memorandum from Fred J DeMeritte, NASA Entry Technology Office to director Office of Facilities, "Evaluation of Utah Spaceport Site Seleaion Studies," April 18, 197 1, all in NASA History Division Reference Collection, Washington, DC

Helen Rice, Chronology of Ogden Air Materiel Area, Hill Air Force Base, Utah, 1970-1971 (Hill Air Force Base: Ogden Air Materiel Area Office of History, n.d.), p 3; P Susan Weathers, Chronology of Ogden Air Logistics Center, Hill Air Force Base, Utah, 1976-1985 (Hill Air Force Base: Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History, 1986), pp 18, 55, 76, 96

U.S. Air Force Range in Utah359

Utah Test and Training Range

RESTRICTED LAND MASS

The Utah range has undergone a series of permutations since its establishment in the summer of 1941. Born of necessity during World War II and enjoying a heyday as a result of that crisis, the range evolved through several transfers of control and development by those organizations operating it in the Cold Wcu: era Several major initiatives relative to it never got off the ground, but numerous minor alterations to the range were nnade. One important action took place on January 1, 1979, when the range complex in Utah was transferred with all assets and personnel fi'om management by the Ogden Air Logistics Center at Hill Air Force Base to the Air Force Systems Command, the USAF organization charged with the development of new equipment for the service. With that change the facility was renamed the Utah Test and Training Range, an accurate description of activities there. The 6545th Test Group from the Air Force Systems Command, stationed at Hill AFB, handled the testing of equipment on the range The high-speed flight test operations conducted from Edwards Air Force Base, Cali-

Newfoundland Mountains Hill AFB

108 Miles to Hill AFB

tway Proving Ground Headquarters

Cartography by DIGIT Lab, University of Utah Based on Utah Test and IVaining Range map in Mr Force Flight Test Center, Edwards AFB, CA, Test Capabilities and Facilities (USAF, n.d.), p 11

fomia, alsoroutinelyreliedontheUtahrangeforsomeoftheresearch. The388thTacticalFighterWingandmanyotherfighterunitsofboth theactiveandtheairreservecomponentoftheairforcealsocontinued tousetherangefortrainingvirtuallyeveryday.^^

Onefinalissueofnoteshould bediscussed concerningthe Utah range.AsaresultofaseriesofwetyearsinUtahinthe1970sthelevelof theGreatSaltLakebegantoriseandfloodareasnearitsshoresthathad beenstableformorethan100years.Thehighestrecordingevermadeof theGreatSaltLakehadbeenin1870whenitcovered2,400squaremiles and had an elevation of about4,211.6 feet In the 1961-63 period it coveredonly950squaremilesandwasmorethan20feetlowerthanin 1870.Sincethatlowpoint,however,thelakehadincreasedindepthby 9.5 feetandcoveredanareaof1,734squaremiles, almostdouble the areaunderwaterinthe early 1960s. By 1976 therisinglake alarmed Utahleaders,andtheyproposedaplantopumpthousandsofgallonsof saltwaterfromthelakeoverthewesternmountainsontotheUtahrange Thisthreatenedtheintegrityofairforceoperationsintherangeandled toadebatethatendedwhenthesituationabatedbecauseofaseriesof dryyearsinUtahinthelate1970sandearly1980s. Theissue, andthe same proposed solution, arose again in 1984 when theclimatic cycle swungbacktheotherway.Thistimethestateadamandypressedtheair forceforpermissiontobuildapumpingstationthatwouldflood parts oftherangewithwaterfromthelake.Economicimpact, environmental impact, andothertypes ofstudies werecompleted inthe mid-1980s, andconstructionofthestationtookplacein1986-87.Althoughtheair forcewasopposed totheplanitacquiesced inthestate'sinitiative. In duetimetheNewfoundland Basinonpartofthe rangewasfilled with saltwater and portions were lost to operational aaivity, though not irrecoverably. Adjustments were made and military activity on the range has continued to the present^^During the fifty years of its existencetheUtahdesertrange, employed intrainingandtesting, has provided a unique military resource that could not be duplicated elsewhere.

^*Weathers, Chronology of Ogden Air Logistics Center, p 36; Ogden Air Logistics Center Public Affairs Office," Utah Test and Training Range Fact Sheet," January 1986, Ogden Air Logistics Center OfFice of History; Air ForceFlight Test Center/Edwards AFB, California: Test Capabilities and Facilities (Edwards AFB: Air Force Flight Test Center, n.d.)

^\Veathers, Chronology'ofOgdenAir Logistics Center, pp 14, 107 Oneo f the important activities that took place prior to the pumping ofthe Great Salt Lake was an archaeological expedition to locate and recover artifacts from tne Donner- Reed wagon train that supposedly passed over the area in 1846 and cached some of its goods This acdvity is experdy chronicled in Bruce R Hawkins and David B Madsen, Excavation ofthe Donner-ReedWagons: HistoricArchaeologyAlong theHastings Cutoff(Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990)

My Most Valued Christinas Gift; A World War II Reminiscence

BY PAUL H SAUNDERS

PAU L H . SAUNDERS, SALT LAKE CITY, WAS DRAFTED INTO THE ARMY in March 1943. Upon volunteering for overseas duty hewas assigned to the 612th Tank Destroyer Unit He reached Scodand on April 16,1944, and crossed the Enghsh Channel and landed on Omaha Beach onJune 14 Six months later his unit was in Belgium where he was captured by German forces during the Batde ofthe Bulge. In the account that follows

Paul HSaunders after returning home,1945.

Mr Saunders is a retired carpenter and contractor living in Salt Lake City

he describes the importance of a package of Christmas caramels he received from his sister, his capture on December 17, 1944, and his work as a prisoner of war burying dead German civilians in the city of Chemnitz. This is pcut ofa larger typewritten account in the World War II collection ofthe Utah State Historical Society Library.

SinceChristmaswasnearing, Ireceived averywelcome Christmas package from home. In the packagewas homemade cookies and apackage of caramels from my sister, Gladys. Beingunable to resist the temptation, I ate most ofthe cookies and then stored the rest in my duffle bag. The caramels were put in a bag in my overcoat to be reserved for Christmas. Little did I realize how important those caramels would be to me later.

A few days later, on December 16th, we were sent close to the German lines where the Belgium Bulge was beginning to form. This was near the deserted town of Honsfeld, Belgium. Wetook up positions ofreadiness for an oncoming batdewith the Germans. The night ofthe 16thwasverydamp, cold, and dark due to aheavily overcast sky Wefound another desened farm house in which to spend the night This house had an attached barn with the horses stillthere. During the nightwecould feel and hear tanks and heavy equipment moving near us, but we couldn't tell whether it was ours or that of the enemy

December 17th, at daybreak, all hell broke loose and the farm house we wereinwas seton fire bytheenemy shelling. Someofustried tofree the horses from the attached barn but they panicked, turned and returned to the barn, and were destroyed by the fire. We then found ourselves surrounded by the German Army coming at us in hordes from the nearby road. Their tanks, equipment, and soldiers completely covered both lanes of the road and continued in a solid unbroken line There were approximately 113 of us, 110 enlisted men and three officers and asthe Germans began to overwhelm uswe were able to destroy two enemy halftrack personnel carriers and two tanks by shooting point blank at them with our tank destroyer gun from our position at the front of the farm house

After this limited success wewere overwhelmed by the Germans. Seeing the hopelessness of the situation, we tried in vain to return to the American lines Since this was an impossibility, we dove into a ditch for cover from the infantry gunfire and other shelling and started crawling through the partially frozen water The many layers of G I clothing Iwas wearing became soaking wet but the precious caramels that had been stored safely in my overcoat pocket were still there The men were wet from the icy water and decided to comeout ofthe shallow ditch However, several ofthem, including some close companions, had been hit and killed in the gunfire and lay in the ditch I chmbed out ofthe ditch and over the wire fence Two German soldiers then ran toward me immediately and put their bayonets to my stomach At this point Ithought Ihad met my end When they discovered Ino longer had agun they searched me alongwith the remaining men who had survived the gunfire (approximately 12) Theytookourwatches, rings, and anyothervaluables they

could find, then marched us back to the road where their equipment was. At thistime Isawthatfivemoreofmycompanions had been shotand killed. They had been shot while holding their arms in the air.

We were now prisoners of the Germans and possessed nothing but the wet clothes that we were wearing. I realized my duffle bag was left at the desened farm house where we had spent the night I began to realize that it would be quite some time before wewould receiveany food and the fact thatI still had the caramels in my coat pocket wjis a consolation to me.

Nowwebegan alongwalktoward Germany thatwould lastfour days. The firstnightwasspent somewhere in ahovel ofsorts. Bythesecond nightwe had walked to the Siegfried Line. We spent the night inside the Siegfried Line in a bunker which was a sleeping quarter for the German Army. The bunks were stacked atleastfivehigh. Therewasan existinghand-driven pump on the floor which when manually pumped would bring in fresh air from the high ceiling. Theapproximate 100prisoners, including myself,weretotaketurns pumping the fresh ciirintothetightenclosure. Itwasdecided each ofuswastotakea turn ofabout 10minutes, but no one tooktheir full turn. Consequently, therewasa constant commotion of each man waking another and no one got any sleep.

The next daywe continued our long four-day walk toward Germany We had no food duringthistimeand theonlywaterwasobtained from ditches ora handful of snow But I had my precious cairamels and Iwas secretly rationing them to myself during these days When no one was looking Iwould sneak a couple Theywerestucktogether from beingwater soaked, slept on, etc, butI ate them, paper and all, as there was no way to peel the wrapping off by now

Thatwasmyonlynourishment duringthosefour days After thefourth day, we received a small amount of bread, cheese, ;ind sugar from our captors

Bynow, many other U.S. soldiers had been captured in the Battle ofthe Bulge and the Germans were proudly parading us past the German Army to display their "superiority" and to boost their morale. After being marched in their "display" we were walked to a railroad line to board boxcars.

Early morning, December 24th, wewere let out ofthe boxcars, lined up, andwalked toanareaofconstruction storageofsomesort Wewere exhausted A few men mentioned the fact that it was Christmas Eve

Christmas "dinner" wasgiven to us by the Germans. It consisted of oneeighth ofa loafofblackbreadwith aspoonful ofmarmalade. Thatwasour total food for the day. And on that day I finished my precious Christmas caramels from home.

The next daywewerewalked to Stalag IVB and interrogated. Wewere the latest POWs to arrive for the day, and the Germans counted out 100 of us and assigned ustoaforced labor detail. Wewerewalked tothecityofChemnitz. By now, the bombing by theAllieswas intense, day and night The Germans had ignored theleaflets dropped bytheAlliestoevacuatethecity,and thousands of people died. Our labor detail was now to remove the bodies from the rubble and bury them.

As we were digging and removing the bodies, the Russian prisoners of warwere beingforced todiglargetrenches 6\^ feetwide, approximately 70 feet long, and 6 feet deep for the burial ofthe German civilians. The other Allied

POWs, including myself, were forced to carry these bodies to the trenches, lay them side by side as close as possible, and place them in the trenches If family identity was known, members were put together A German guard in charge of the project would try to write the names of those being buried. Of course, many people had lost limbs and other body parts, making identity difficult

Just prior to VE Day and realizing the Allies were winning the war, our German guards began to disappear They began to put civilian clothes on so that when the Russians took over, they would not be recognized as men and officers of the German Army.

The Allied leaders had met 2ind decided which pan of Germany each would control It was decided that the Russians would control the area we were in. Because of the language barrier we could not and did not communicate with the Russians After VE Day we managed to learn where the American lines were and how far away. We also learned that we would have no transportation by the Russians back to the American lines. We started to walk about 6 am . the distance of approximately 25 miles, all in one day. We had had no food for this long walk When we arrived at the American lines, they had us get into their trucks. We were so hungry and assumed that once we reached the Americans they would have food for us but they loaded us into the trucks and drove for about four hours. We were very angry because they had not brought some kind of food for us After the four-hour drive we stopped and received some food and then boarded the trucks again and were taken to an airfield and flown to camp Lucky Strike in France. After a period of recuperation there, I was sent home to Fort Douglas.

Author, left, receiving award of Prisoner of War Medal in ceremonies at the Utah State Capitol, April 8, 1989.

Utah's Defense Industries and Workers in World War II

BY ANTONETT E CHAMBER S NOBLE

WORL D WA R II BROUGHTJOBSTOUTAHANDTHE FINANCIAL SECURITY that had eluded its people during the depression. When white males were called to military service, employers looked for workers among groups that had traditionally been excluded from the labor force Women, ethnic minorities, and the handicapped readily responded to the nation's requirements and its personnel needs. These new workers necessitated adjustments not only on the shop floor but also within the wider community. Training programs helped to integrate the workers and to mesh their productive activities with the labor of the more

Workers at Clearfield Naval Supply Depot. Courtesy of author

Mrs Noble is a member ofthe Wyoming Humanities Council

4 .^mm

experienced. War contracts brought sudden economic opportunity to the larger community but ataprice Housing, transportation, and other services were heavily burdened and overworked.

When thewar abrupdy caunetoAmerica with the bombing of Pearl Harbor leaders of economically devastated areas hurriedly sought war contracts ^s the country frantically strengthened its military. Unemployment rates peaked nationally during the 1930sat25 percent, yet in Utah 36 percent ofthe labor force was out ofwork ^ Utah's governor, Herbert B. Maw, 2uiditscongressmen, not surprisingly, were among the many state and national politicians who tried to obtain war contracts for their communities. They advertised local advantages to military planners with fruitful results: war contracts were awarded to the state.

Government officials believed that Utah could be a crucial center for war production for a variety of reasons. The Wasatch Front cities were situated sufficiendy inland to avoid attacks from Japanese ships, and the encircling mountains added further protection ByWorld War II the region had two nation-spanning railroads, four transcontinental highways, and conneaing air routes. The weather generally was clear, making travel easy. Utah cities were also roughly equidistant from Seattle, San Francisco, and Los Angeles, the main West Coast ports. In addition, a large pool of labor was readily available, and local industries were willing to combine their resources for war contracts. The abundance of land provided room for expansion and promised to reduce overcrowding in places already thronged by war workers Thus, the army and navy chose Utah to receive war contracts. A total of $311 million in federal funds was authorized for Utah, which was 38 percent of the Mountain States' total The national per capita expenditure for new industrial plants was $188, yet in Utah it was $534. Public funds financed approximately 91 percent of the state's wartime industrial expansion. ^

War contracts were implemented in Utah at military-owned and operated bases, with increased production of raw materials, and in private industries. A variety of functions were performed at the Utah military installations, such as training at the Kearns Army Air Base for

'john F Bluth and Wavne K Hinton, "The Great Depression" in Utah's History, ed. Richard D Poll, Thomas G. Alexander, Eugene E. Campbell, and David E. Miller (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1978)

''ibid.; LeonardJ Arrington and Anthony Cluff, Federally-Financed Industrial Plants Constructedin Utah during World War 11 (Logan: Utah State University-Press, 1969); LeonardJ Arrington and Thomas G Alexander, "Supplv Hub ofthe West; Defense Depot Ogden, 1941-1964," Utah Ilisloncal Quarterly 32(1964).

Workers inWorld War H367

air corps personnel and the instructing of heavy bombardment groups at the Wendover Air Base.^Testing war materiel was ainother important undertaking at the baises. The army made use of the Utah desert for exp2msion and its isolation, climate, and altitude to build the Dugway Proving Grounds for large-scale testing of toxic agents, flame throwers, and chemical spray systems. The Deseret Chemical Depot, a secret installation during the war, made use of the desert's dry climate and seclusion for the storage and shipment of all types of chemical warfare materiel, especiadly poisonous gases, chemicals, and chemically filled ammunition."^

During World War II five installations in Utah performed military service, ordnance, and supply responsibifities Service commands, or quartermaster corps, furnished all supplies to the army that were categorized as noncombat equipment They supervised all materiel the army used except actual weapons and fighting machines Ordnance depots were the military's factories, manufacturing guns, cartridges, bombs, and similar munitions and war machines like tanks and armored trucks. Supply arsenals stored war materiel and supplies and readied the equipment for combat use.^

The Ogden Arsenal, established primarily for ammunition storage in 1921, expanded in World War II to produce bombs and small caliber artillery shells in addition to continuing its storage responsibilities. Wartime work escalated at the arsenal to include finking .30-and .50caliber cartridges into machine-gun belts. By December 1943 it had become a shipping point assigned to distribute all items of ordnance supply and equipment to areas and stations in the far western United States, making itamaster depot Vehicles, ammunition, small arms, and artillery pieces were among the items shipped At peak production time the arsenal hired 6,000 people.^The Utah General Depot, also known as the Utah Quartermaster Depot and the Utah Army Service Forces Depot, near Ogden, received, stored, maintained, and shipped quartermaster supplies. Virtually everything the army required, except weap-

^homa s G Alexander, "Brief Histories of Three Federal Military Installations in Utah: Kearns Army Base, Hurricane Mesa, and Green River Test Complex," Utah Historical (Quarterly 34 (1966); LeonardJ Arrington and Thomas G Alexander, "World's Largest Militan,' Reser\e: Wendover Air Base, 1941-1963," Utah Historical Quarterly 31 (1963)

^LeonardJ Arrington and Thomas G Alexander, "Sentinels on the Desert: The Dugway Proving Grounds (1942-1963) and Deseret Chemical Depot (1942-1955)," Utah Historical Quarterly 32 (1964)

^Manti Messenger, August 13, 1943

"John E. Christensen, "Th e Impact of World War II" in Poll et aL, Utah's History; Thomas G. Alexander, " Ogden's 'Arsenal of Democracy,' 1920-1955," Utah Historical Quarterly 33 (1965).

ons, was prep2U'ed then shipped overseas through the West Coast ports of embarkation from this depot During World War II itwas the largest quartermaster depot in the United States and employed 4,000 civilians and 5,000 German and Italian prisoners of war. ^

"Keep 'Em Flying and Fighting" was the base motto at the Ogden Air Materiel Area at Hill Field, a major supply and maintenance depot for the air corps. The area's adequate water, good drainage, and proximity to Ogden made it an effective air base. The depot had two divisions, supply and engineering, with its main responsibilities focusing on repair and aircraft maintenance. This huge base employed 15,000 civilians, 6,000 military personnel, and several thousand POWs during thewar, making itthe largest employer in the Ogden area asweU as in the state. '^

Huge cranes load war materielfor shipment at the Utah Army Service Forces Depot (present Defense Depot Ogden, DDO) in 1943. Signal Corps photograph courtesy of Weber State University.

'christensen, "The Impact of World War II"; Arrington and Alexander, "Supplv Hub ofthe West."'

christensen, "The Impact of World War 11"; LeonardJ Arrington, Thomas G Alexander, and Eugene A Erb, Jr., "Utaii's Biggest Business: Ogden Air Materiel Area at Hill Air Force Base, 19381965," Utah HistoricalQuarterly 33 (1965)

Workers in WorldWar 11^69

The U.S. Naval Supply Depot at Clearfield was a logistics base for the Pacific Fleet During the war it served as one of three inland naval supply depots in the United States. This giganticlogistics depot handled the procurement, maintenance, and movement of equipment, supplies, and personnel ByJune 1945 more than 500,000 different items stored at Clearfield were valued at over $580 million, nearly three times the total assessed property valuation in Utah in 1944.*^

The Tooele Army Depot was built during the war because the Ogden Arsenal, with increasing responsibilities, could not physically expand. Tooele's assignments were numerous and diverse, as were those ofthe other installations Initially it stored vehicles, small arms, and fire control equipment Later its workers constructed war materiel and readied it for shipment Tooele also specialized in overhauling and modifying tanks and track vehicles and their armaments. Work expanded further with reclamation and salvage, the examination of returned war materiel and the determination as to whether it could be used again or should be melted down for manufacturing of new supplies. By wafs end Tooele workers were also repairing optical instruments. ^^

Utah war work, in addition, involved the production of raw materials. U.S. Steel's Geneva Works in Orem, built during the war, employed thousands of men by the end of hostilities. The Utah Oil Refinery in Salt Lake City produced gasoline, and the Lehi Refractories turned out silica bricks for Utah's steel industry. Utah mining was crucial during thewar Coal, iron, dolomite, limestone, copper, and gas were among the important raw materials extracted and refined by Utah's American Smelting and Refining Company, International Smelting and Refining Company, Kennecou Copper Corporation, and Utah Copper Corporation. Finally, agricultural production was also an essential industry, and Utah farmers and ranchers contributed substantially to satisfying the country's need for food. '^

Private industry, through military contracts, also contributed to the Utah war effort Remington Arms Company of Bridgeport, Connecticut, built a plant in Salt Lake City after Governor Maw

''christensen, "The Impact of World War II"; LeonardJ Arrington and Archer L Durham, "Anchors Aweigh in Utah: The United Slates Naval .Supply Depot at Clearfield, 1942-1962," Utah Historical Quarterly 31 (1963).

'"christensen, "The Impact of World War II": LeonardJ Arrington and Thomas G Alexander, "Thev Kept 'Em Rolling The Tooele Armv Depot, 1942-1962," Utah Historical Qimrterly 31 (1963); U.S., Department ofDek-nse, "Tooele Army Depot, Utah" (Tooele Army Depot: Information and Education Office of Tooele Anny Depot, March 1967)

"christensen, "The Impact of World War II."

personally requested it from President Franklin D. Roosevelt ^^ The factory, known as the Utah Ordnance Plant, manufaaured .50-caliber armor-piercing, tracer, and incendiary ammunition and .30-caliber ball, armor-piercing, and tracer bullets for the Pacific theater The plant was closed in 1944 due to overproduction and converted into a subdepot of the Ogden Arsenal with responsibilities shifting fi-om manufaauring to the reclaiming of used war materiel ^^ The EitelMcCuUough Radio Tube Plant, located in SaltLakeCity, manufactured high-frequency radio tubes to meet the communication needs ofthe army and navy. This plant also closed before hostilities ceased due to overproductioa^'^ Col C.E. Faunderoy brought the Standard Psirachute Company to Manti, Utah, from San Bruno, California Located first in the National Guard Armory, itwas moved to its own building in 1942 After a few months production was cut because of a dispute caused by differences in parachute material quality and worker unionization Despite the efforts of Governor Maw, Sen Elbert D Thomas, and Rep. Abe Murdock, and after vaciflating between full and partial production with intermittent stoppages, the plant was closed in July 1944. The Reliance Manufacturing Company of Chicago, Illinois, bought the Utah Standard Plant and continued filling war contracts by manufacturing military clothing until hostilities ceased^^

The prestigious Army-Navy E-Awards, bestowed to industries for excellence in construction or war production, were awarded to several Utah industries. The Clearfield Naval Depot received the award for construction. Remington Arms and Eitel-McCullough garnered the honor for excellence in war production. Utah Copper and American Smeltingand Refining were recognized for theirwar contributions, and the Christensen Machine Company was also an award recipient for its production of hundreds of precision tools. The Utah war industries roared twenty-four hours a day, seven days aweek, including holidays, with no breaks except for an occasional ceremonial meal or patriotic speech

'Thoma s G Alexander and LeonardJ Arrington, "Utah's Small Arms Ammunition Plant during World War II, Pacific HistoricalReview (May 1965)

Christensen, "The Impact of World War 11"; U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, U.S Employment Service, "Labor Market Survey Reports, Salt Lake City, Utah" August 22, 1942, p 6

'^Albert C T Antrei and Ruth D Scow, eds., /I Topical History ofSanpeteCounty,Utah, 1849-1983 (Salt Lake City: Western Epics, 1983); Luzon Sondrup Longaker, "Memories ofth e Parachute Company of Utah and Reliance Manufacturing Company, World War II," 1985, typescript

'^Interview with Herbert B Maw, Salt Lake Cit\', December 10, 1984; Herbert B Maw, Adventures with Life (Salt Lake City: Author, 1978), pp 159-68

Workers in World War H -^77

Providing the labor for the Utah war industries became a monumental task A call for workers went out immediately when the state received its war contracts. The local response was good but never adequate. A perpetual demand for more workers persisted through the war At times as many as 10,000 workers were needed atjust one Utah installation. In 1940, 181,000 people were in the Utah labor force, 147,000 of which were men. This installation, then, was requesting nearly 6 percent of the total Utah working population. ^^Appeals to patriotism were fi:-equendy used to pull the workers into the war industries For example, a Salt Lake Tribune article on the Naval Supply Depot at Clearfield read:

The tremendous immensity ofAmerica'swar effort istold not only by the powerful land, seaand air forces drivingahead on allfronts, but also by the seemingly impossible tasks daily being fulfilled on the home front About 100 men and women nowareemployed in box makingand packing at the base, officials say, but 500 more are required to keep the necessary output up to par. Applications for position of box makers will be accepted at the U.S civil service commission .'^

Another call read: "3500 Patriots wanted to man the Tooele Ordnance Depot It is your patriotic duty to work if you are not bedfast at'the present time—patriotism should be the only guiding motive." ^^ Occasionally the patriotic call used scare tactics, guilt, and fear to implore people to take war jobs.

Personnel directors at the military installations and industries with war contracts wanted white males to fill labor positions. Uncle Sam, however, needed the same men for combat which, of course, took priority The Utah war industries, like those around the country, turned to other groups when the pool ofwhite males diminished. While women would experience the greatest employment opportunities, nonwhites, the handicapped, and even interned German and Italian prisoners of war were assigned work in the military installations.

Nonwhites may have had unparalleled employment opportunities during thewar, but theirwork experiences werequite inferior relative to white males and even white females. The following excerpt from a local magazine is a lucid statement ofthe state's hiring practices during the war

^^Salt Lake Tribune, \ax\udsy2Q, 1943; U.S., Dep;irtment of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Vol. 1, Sixteenth Census ofthe UnUed States, 1940: Population (VJashington, D.C: Government Prmting office, 1943), p. 32.

"Salt Lake Tribune, August 13, 1944

^^Tooele Transcript Bulletin, Februarys, 1943; Ogden Standard Examiner, September 11, 1942

There is a definite understanding that the manpower to be used will be white people as far as possible, and the people in charge would like to use Utahans exclusively! So it's entirely up to you. The idea of living close to home and workingwith ones own kind ofpeople appeals to everyone. And there is no reason why that shouldn't be.'^

The local white male population diminished early in the war, resulting in the recruitment of nonwhite workers from out of state For example, at least 2,400 blacks were brought from the South to work at the Naval Supply Depot at Clearfield. ^^ Despite the patriotic fervor of the time they met with prejudice and discrimination. In its reports for Utah the War Manpower Commission assumed that blacks would experience problems:

Several firms contacted have expressed a reluctance to hire nonwhites because ofthe difficulty in amalgamation with the white workers. Where Negroes can be utilized as agroup and do not have to mix with the whites little difficulty is experienced in placing them The principal openings which the Employment Service received for Negro workers [are] porters, waiters, and other railroad and smelter employees.^'

The undesirable amd less meaningful work in the military installations, such as the janitorial slots, usually went to blacks.

Utah farmers brought Mexican nationals to the state to work on fiu'ms and ranches suffering from a worker shortage due to Selective Service needs and the lure ofthe higher-paying war production jobs. Mexican workers fed livestock, assisted in cultivating and harvesting important crops, and drained and cleaned irrigation canals. As soon as their seasonal work was completed the Mexicans were returned to their native county.^^

Native Americans were also recruited for the Utah labor force

Unlike the Mexicans, Indians were offered positions in military installations. Personnel directors at the Naval Supply Depot at Clearfield recruited whole tribes to work The San Felipe and Pueblo Indians received government-paid transportation from New Mexico to Clearfield. They brought with them their ceremonial drums to observe their feast days and regular tribal ceremonies. Navajos were brought to

'^ele n Thomas, "Wanted-Manpower!" Utah Magazine, April 1942.

IJ.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, U.S. Emplovment Service, "Labor Market Survey Reports, Ogden, Utah," p. 6. Interview with Esther Wood Hankins, Salt Lake City, October 11, 1984.

U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, U.S. Employment Service, "Labor Market Survey Reports, Salt Lake City," August 22, 1942, p. 6.

^^Davis County Clipper, September 9, 1944; May 26, 1944; April 21, 1944; November 2, 1945; Ogden standard Examiner, December 10, 1943; Deseret News, December 11, 1944

Workers in World War II373

Clearfield from Arizona Unlike the other Native Americans the Navajos were not seen as successful workers in the military installation due to their alleged uncooperative attitudes and failure to complete work^^ Puerto Ricans, too, found work opportunities in Utah during thewarwith 200 ofthem employed in the copper mines ^'^The Utah war industries called uponJapanese Americans interned during the war as well Begun on a trial basis, the employment ofJapanese Americans proved quite successful, and large numbers were working in Utah military installations by the war's end. ^^

Work opportunities were also available to the physically handicapped. Most Utahwar industries placed blind people on their payrolls. Their sensitive fingers were particularly good for delicate work ^^ Deaf mutes, too, were offered jobs.^^ Dwarfs were especially adept for internal repairworkon airplanes Anewspaper feature about the dwarfs at Hill Field declared, "Their presence here symbolizes the teamwork within the[heterogeneity] ofcreeds, shapes, and racial extractions that is the Air Service Command and on a large scale, America"^^ Italian and German prisoners of war interned in the state during the conflict also worked in vital industries InJuly 1945 POWs working in Utah's war establishments peaked at 10,300.^^ After Italy surrendered in September 1943 the Italian POWs could join Italian service units and work for theAllies' cause. Several ofthe Italian POWs interned in Utahjoined the service units and continued faithfully working for the duration of the war The Italians were generally remembered by the Utahns for their friendly, cooperative, and flirtatious personalities. The Germans, on the other hand, as prisoners of war, were generally not good workers because of their "unwillingness to do many kinds of work, and the reluctance of many of them to put forth satisfactory effort""^^ With a few exceptions, the Germans were resentful, un-

^^Salt Lake Tribune, j£inuary 9, 1944; Ogden Standard Examiner, February 16, 1944; U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, U.S Employment Service; interview with Esther Wood Hankins

"5a/< Lake Tribune, June 9, 1944.

^^Tooele Transcript Bulletin, Februarv 2, 1945; U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, U.S Employment Service

'^''Deseret News, May 5, 1943; January'20, 1943; October 21, 1943; Salt Lake Tribune, Februar\-13, 1944; Ogden Standard Examiner, jdiuudiry 5, 1943; June 19, 1943.

^^Ogden Standard Examiner, October 10, 1943; June 17, 1943

'^^Salt Lake Tribune, March 26, 1944.

^^U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Connnission, U.S Emplovment Service, "Labor Market Survey Reports, Utah, General."

^\j.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Conmiission, U.S Employment Service, "Labor Market Survey Reports, Tooele."

friendly, and very hard to cope with because they still felt Germany could not lose the war. They broke tools, put sugar from the cafeteria table in the gasoline tanks of jeeps, and attempted other sabotage to hamper the U S war effort ^^

Businessmen not engaged inwar industries were asked to take parttime warjobs. Students and their teachers, too, were implored to seek defense work In some instances special school hours were arranged so a warjob could be fitted into their schedules Students from distant high schools, such as Bear River, were sometimes bused to military installations on weekends for two ten-hour shifts. ^^ Elderly people also worked One newspaper article reported low attendance at an annual outing for elderly people, attributing it to the high number returning to the work force.^^ One ninety-nine year old worked at Clearfield.^"^ During their off seasons farmers were encouraged to work in the war industries. The response was good, but unfortunately when they needed to return to their farms an even worse labor shortage in the installations wais created.^^

In spite ofthe large number of recruits, the new additions never fulfilled the demand for workers, and a shortage persisted throughout the W2U- in Utah as elsewhere in the country. In part, inadequate community facilities hampered labor recruiting Shortages in housing, overcrowded transportation systems, and insufficient services significantly contributed to unsuccessful labor mobilization. Local leaders and planners struggled to beat the unprecedented demands placed on their communities. The importance of their work was obvious; the success of the war industries in many ways depended upon local support and facilities to assure ^n efficient labor force. Lack of adequate housing was probably the most serious problem hampering successful worker recruitment Out-of-state labor could usually be found, but as early as July 1941 places for them to stay were not available even at motels and hotels. Some people opted to come anyway and resorted to sleeping in parks and barns ^^ When sufficient housing did not become available, the homeless prospective industrial employees had to leave.

^'interviews with several war workers.

''^Deseret News, September 10, 1942; Ogden Standard Examiner, December 19, 1942

'""Ogden standard Examiner, Jun e 24, 1943

^''Arrington and Durham, "Anchors Aweigh in Utah."

"U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission Reports; local Utah newspapers

^'James B Allen, "Crisis on the Hom e Front: The Federal Government and Utah's Defense Housing in World War II," Pacific Historical Review (November 1969)

Workers in World War H375

Personnel officers resorted to hiring people only with local permanent addresses to assure that employees could keep their jobs. Communities worked to alleviate the housing shortages. Newspapers and radio pleaded for local cooperation by asking homeowners to find places for boarders. Landlords, opportunistic in the face of abundant demand, were scolded for their unpatriotic attitudes when they refused to accept tenants with children or raised rents. The federal government established home registration bureaus, sometimes called hospitality centers, to help workers find places in private homes, hotels, motels, apartment houses, and other public accommodations that registered with the bureau, costing nothing to either side. Existing facilities, despite being used to their maximum, hardly alleviated the problem. Thus, major renovations to older buildings had to be made or new buildings constructed. The government cooperated with private financial institutions and builders when they released tightly rationed materials for construction and granted permits to build housing tracts and apartment units. The government also assisted home owners in remodeling and even leased private property for conversion to war housing. ^^ One downtown Salt Lake City office buildingwas remodeled for single rooms ^^ The larger military installations resorted to building their own housing facilities. Ogden and Tooele housed thousiuids of workers in their on-base facilities. These extensive efforts by the public, military bases, and state and local governments helped alleviate the problem but perpetually fell short of solving the housing shortage.

Transporting workers was a major concern because few installations had adequate housing facilities nearby. Thus, many workers needed to commute. Wartime gasoline and tire rationing exacerbated the transportation difficulties Personnel offices arranged for buses to bring desperately needed workers ftom surrounding areas. They ranked buses high on priority lists to obtain the needed fuel and tires. Personnel departments also helped arnuige car pools for those workers with their own automobiles. The riders usually shared expenses and ration coupons. ^^

Employees needed a variety of services in addition to housing and transportation. Shops, banks, doctors, post offices, schools, and churches were quickly overburdened with the coming of large numbers

ofworkers. Initially, the local communities were expected to pick up the service responsibilities. Some labor turnover was attributed to the lack of facilities in the Utah communities. The War Manpower Commission suggested to local vendors that they stay open late on some evenings for theworkers and savescarce items for the late shoppers ^^ In response, Ogden's Twentieth Street Center had "War Workers Night" on Mondays, featuring special entertainment for the benefit of the workers "^^ The installations built during the war, aware of the importance of worker services, provided them on base. For instance, the Tooele Ordnance Depot Park, an apartment complex, included a tenroom school, a large assembly hall and theater, game rooms, social rooms, a post office, the Service Center Market, a drug store, and a laundry agency "^^

While much was done to satisfy workers' housing, transportation, and service needs, the employers' primary thrust was to facilitate work and production. Prior to the war Utah was largely cm agricultural society, with experienced and available industrial workers few in number. Furthermore, many ofthe workers were new to the work force and therefore brought no acquired skiUs to the work place. Early in the war training was offered free of charge The response, however, was minimal as most workers opted for immediate employment and the paycheck with a job requiring no skill rather that to wait to complete training By 1943, because of shortages, workers were paid to train This decision met with great success, and many employees learned typing, stenography, general mechanics, aircraft electronics, welding, and sheet metal, among mimy other skills, then moved into warjobs using their newly acquired vocations. Governor Maw pledged state aid to train men for defense work on Utah projects before Pearl Harbor.*^ Boards of Education coordinated many of the efforts, particularly in arranging places for classes. The institutions of higher education. University of Utah, Weber Coflege, Utah State Agricultural College, and Brigham Young University, offered joint courses and space for warjob training

Vocational schools also offered courses, as did the Central Utah Vocational Training School, Salt Lake Adult School, and West, Jordan, Ogden, and Cedar City high schools. Someworkers, such as those employed at Remington

''"U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission.

^^Ogden standard Examiner, July 5, 1943

^^ooele Transcript Bulletin, February 8, 1944

*^Salt Lake Tribune, August 7, 1941

Workers in World War H 377

andEitel-McCullough, required minimal training, and employees were able to acquire adequate skills on the job Still others, few in number, were sent out of stateto receive specialized training not available locally. State and federal governments provided funds for the training, and at least $40,000 of Lanham funds, given to communities strained by war industries for social services, went to enlarge shops at Ogden High. "^"^

A further concern of employers was maintaining high worker morale to induce efficiency and high productivity. War work was often hard, noisy, and tedious, contributing to worker fatigue The Manti Standard Parachute Plant played music for twenty-four minutes every hour to soothe workers' nerves."^^ Hill Field provided a counseling unit on base that offered avariety of personal counseling services during the stressful war years. Utah industries also continually fought tardiness, absenteeism, and job turnover, as did war installations in other states Solutions varied from peer pressure generated in worker meetings cmd continuous patriotic appeals using propaganda tactics, to lock-outs for tardy workers ^^ In cases of absenteeism, nurses were sent to illworkers' homes to confirm their conditions. If one was not sick, but home for some other reason, the worker was punished by losing his/herjob and the right to obtain another one for an extended period of time. Restrictions were placed on worker mobility in hope of alleviating labor inefficiency TheWar Manpower Comraission listed essential industrial jobs, and people in this work could not transfer to other worL"*^

Employee contributions to the funaioning ofthe work place were highly encouraged. Injuries cost thousjmds of work hours and workers were implored to help with safety programs. Employee participation was sought at regularly held safety meetings Some installations offered monetary awards for top safety slogans. For example, the Ogden Depot gave five-, three-, and two-dollar awards to their top three slogan writing workers."^^ Money awards were also given for suggestions resulting in more efficient production. Hill Field paid, in one instance, twenty-five-, ten-, and five-dollair awards in war stcimps for the three best suggestions for an improved work place."^^Many Hill Field employees saw their suggestions printed in a War Department booklet on efficiency tips.

**Deseret News, September 24, 1943

''^'Wasatch Stitches," Manti, Utah (November 1944), p 6

^''Manti's Standard Parachute Company locked workers out for tardiness.

^'U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission

^^Ogden Standard Examiner, May 11, 1943

^"^Ogden Standard Examiner, December 4, 1943

Brig. Gen Ray G. Harris commended Hill Field workers in a 1945 speech Courtesy of Hill AFB.

Workers were also rewarded for perfect attendance, usually with a patriotic certificate. Employees received much off-the-job support They were frequently praised publicly, again in hope of keeping morale high. The Ogden Arsenal took worker-produced material to the cattle barns at the Utah State Fair Grounds for public display^^ The governor and state and military officials visited the war installations, often offering praise of worker efforts. Their encouraging speeches were occasionally printed in the local newspapers. Special features on individuals or groups in the plants also were frequently published in local papers. TheManti Messenger printed a letter from two cadets whose liveswere saved by Standard parachutes ^^Notes found in tanks sent for repair to Tooele expressed the gratitude of fighting men for the fine job done and were printed in the Tooele Transcript Bulletin. ^^ Radio programs also featured the war workers.^^ All of these signs of community support, laced with patriotism, surely raised employee morale. The military installations sponsored entertainment for employees off thejob that was popular, well attended, and further contributed to a more positive worker disposition The Employee Welfare Association was established at Hill Field to lift the morale of civilian personnel by sponsoring several activities.^"^ "Family Days" were featured at some Utah installations in which adult family members of workers were

^ Deseret News, Januaiy 31,1945

Manti Messenger, ]aLnudiT\' 13, 1943

^^ooele Transcript Bulletin, Februarv 6, 1945

^ Manti Messenger, yeiV\n3iT\' 14, 1944

Hill

' U.S., Department of L^bor, Ogden Air Depot Control Area Command^ Ogden Air Sendee Command Air Force Base: Histor)' Office, January- 19, 1944), p 6

invited to visit the work place, a way of encouraging the families' support ^^ Dances, picnics, and parties became frequent forms of entertainment for the war workers. Dance themes varied from cel^ brating holidays, to "Friday the Thirteenth," "Get Acquainted" with servicemen, anniversaries, and farewells with war contract cancellations Most dances were free with a worker's identification badge required for admission. Proceeds from dances with an admission charge went to recreational programs or war loan drives. The dances were usually held in community hallswith orchestras and refreshments, and the sponsoring installation often provided transportation.

Picnics and field days sponsored for the workers' families some times featured a stage show, dance, beauty contest, and awards for a Softball tournament Eitel-McCullough sponsored two consecutive field days at different times soworkers on allshifts could attend ^^ Part of the money for employee entertainment came from Lanham Act funds. Ogden City spent several thousand doUars in addition to $31,000 of Lanham money in that community for worker entertainment^^

The military installations also arranged organized sports for the employees Men and women formed leagues for bowling, softball, tennis, basketball, and swimming. Other entertainment included musical attractions, plays, and operettas, often featuring the workers themselves One installation provided a library for the employees Sunday schools were organized. Further activities varied from the formation of a civilian band to furnish music for civihan parties and entertainment at HiU Field to hunting and fishing contests at Clearfield and boxing and art at Tooele.

World War II had a significant impact on Utah The federal government's war contracts offered economic escape from depression conditions. The traditional labor supply, young white males, was inducted into the service, leaving those on the homefront—women, ethnic minorities, and the handicapped to takeup the industrial work

The new workers called forth innovative ideas and solutions from their employers. Not only did employers have to address worker needs on the job, but community services had to be expanded to aid worker adjustment to thewar industries Thejoint effort ofgovernment, private industry, and the workers themselves assured that Utah's war plants ran efficiently with morale kept high and daily discomfort low.

^^Ogden Standard Examiner, October 1, 1944

^''Salt Lake Tribune, June 28, 1943.

^^Ogden Standard Examiner, August 24, 1945

Japanese American occupants of this Topaz barracks worked to enhance their bleak surroundings. Courtesy of National Archives.

Interned at Topaz:

Age, Gender, and Family in the Relocation Experience

BY SANDRA C. TAYLOR

^^HATWAS LIFE LIKE FOR THEJAPANES E AMERICANS incarcerated by the American government in relocation camps during World War 11.^ Dillon Myer, the "keeper of concentration camps," ^ swore that ofth e 70,000 people (over half the original number) still in camp in 1944,

Dr Taylor is professor of history at the University of Utah

Richard Drinnon, Keeper of Concentration Camps: Dillon S. Myer and American Racism (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988)

"probably at least half had never had it so good."^ Richard Drinnon recently wrote, "incarceration had unintended consequences and byproducts, not all of which were negative," a sentiment that evacueeauthor Harry Kitano had earlier voiced. ^What has not been discussed is the extent to which reaction to life in the camps was a function of one's age, gender, family situation, and generation The experience for the citizen Nisei, the second generation, differed markedly from their alien Issei parents, while the small number of third-generaton Sansei were too young to be greatly affected psychologically This paper will study the impact ofthe Topaz experience on the Nisei through the use of oral histories.

Topaz, in central Utah, was one of ten so-called relocation centers or concentration camps* built by the American government during World War II These ten bleak sites housed Japanese Americans evacuated from the West Coast by Executive Order 9066, issued by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in Febmary 1942.^"Military necessity" was the reason the administration advanced for relocating some 120,000 people from California, Oregon, Washington, and Hawaii In reality the motives stemmed from economic greed, politics, and above all, racism. The population ofTopaz peaked at8,255 people in the fall of 1942 and diminished by about 15 percent a year until the rapid expulsion ofthe remainder prior to the closure ofthe camp on October 31,1945. During thoseyears Topaz wa«) the fifth largest city in Utah with the Nisei numbering 65 percent ofthe total interned there.^

^Dillon S Myer, Uprooted Americans: TheJapanese Americans ard. the War Relocation Authority during World War II (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1971), p 292, cited in Drinnon, Keeper, p 44

^Harry Kitano, Japanese Americans: The Evolution ofa Subculture (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: PrenticeHall, 1969), p 74

^h e terminology used in referring to the internment camps is itself very politically charged. The U. S. government called them relocation centers and described them as " temporary war stations" for the evacuated Japanese Americans from the West Coast However, they were surrounded by barbed-wire fences and had armed guards in guardhouses Inmates were warned to stay away from the fences, and one man in Topaz was shot when he did not They were, in the true sense ofthe term, concentration camps that forcibly held people who were virtual polidcal prisoners The term " concentration camp" was used at the dme out discarded when it was later applied, incorrectly, to the Nazi death camps

^Basic histories ofthe internment are to be found in Roger Daniels, Concentration Camps USA (New York; Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1971); Roger Daniels and Harry Kitano, American RacismExplorations ofthe Nature ofPrejudice (Englewood Clifk, N.J.: PrenuceHaJl, 1970); Dorothy S Thomas, The Salvage (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1952); Morton Grodzins, Americans Betrayed- Politics and theJapanese Evacuation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1949); Leonard Bloom and Ruth Reimer, ARemoval and Return: The Socio-Economic Effects ofthe War onJapanese Americans (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1949), Audrie Girdner and Anne Lofds, The Great Betrayal (New York MacMillan, 1971), and Michi Weglyn, Years ofInfamy: The Untold Story ofAmerica's Concentration Camps (New Yorlc William Morrow, 1976). The only work solely on Topaz is Leonard Arrington, The Price ofPrejudice: TheJapanese American Relocation Centerin Ulah(Logan: Utah State University Press, 1962)

""Arrington, Prejudice, p 15

Topaz was neither the best nor the worst of camps. Its population was quite homogeneous, coming almost entirely from the San Francisco Bay Area It experienced a minimal amount of mob violence—unlike Manzanar or Tule Lake, which became the resegregation center for those desiring repatriation toJapan but it did experience the brutality that the white overseers could inflict One inmate, James Hatsuaki Wakasa, an elderly Issei, was shot by a guard when he strayed too near the fence and allegedly ignored four orders to halt This certadnly had a traumatic effect on the population, especially on the lives of those who resided nearby and knew him, like Karl Akiya, a fellow Issei who had even eaten dinner with him that fateful night, and Nisei teenager Michiko Okamoto, who remembers it to this day.^ There was no specific draft resistance at Topaz such as occurred in Heart Mountain, Wyoming. The climate in the central Utah desert was extremely hot in the summer, but itwas probably worse in the two camps in Arizona and in the swamps of Arkansas.^ The winters could be bitterly cold but probably no worse than at Heart Mountain. Housing everywhere consisted of uninsulated tarpaper-covered barracks, heated by potbellied, coal-burning stoves. The distinguishing feature at Top2iz was dust storms that plagued all the residents, especially those suffering from asthma and allergies, which made it impossible to keep oneself or one's quarters cle^m. Kazu lijima vividly described a dust storm, telling how they covered their noses and mouths in vain and yet the sand got in everything. "I can still remember how torturous those storms were," she said.^ Beyond that, it was just an ordinary concentration camp, appalling for thatveryfact iffor no other. As Morgan Yamanaka, aKibei, termed it. Topaz was a"peaceful, quiet place where people were pretty much left alone."^°

Oral histories obtained from survivors more than forty years later provide one way of understanding Topaz beyond the voluminous

For details on the Wakasa killing see Roger Daniels, Asian Americans: Chinese andJapanese in the United states since 1850 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1988), pp. 228-31. His source was the Russell Bankson Papers, "U.S., War Relocation Authority," at the University of Washington library

Arrington, Prejudice, p 14

^Interview by Sandra Taylor, New York City, October 4, 1987; tapes are on file with the American West Center, University of Utah, and transcripts are shelved in the Western Americana Division, Marriott Library, University of Utah, as part of its Asian American series. Funding for the oral history project was provided by the College of Humanities and the Research Committee, University ofUtah, and the Helen Papanikolas Fund, Marriott Library Hereafter the interviews are cited by name, place, date, and AWC Collection

'"interview with Morgan Yamamaka, San Francisco, September 1988, AWC Collection Kibeis were Nisei educated in Japan

documentary record the War Relocation Authority administration compiled. Yet they suffer from a number of handicaps. First, they are obviously limited to the living, approximately half of the original number. Access and availability played a large part in my selection of interviewees, for there isno singlelisting ofthe survivors. Memories also tend to be selective iind are influenced by the succeeding events in one's life. Those whom the years treated well may be more positive or at least neutral in their assessment of camp life, while those who suffered traumatic experiences or who have led stressful lives since the war may recall more vividly the negative impaa of the internment experience. This sample isnot random: the interviewees were recruited byjapanese Americans whom I had met or was referred to and by the Japanese American Citizens' League headquartered in San Francisco. Not all I met wanted to talk, and some who were interviewed later declined to have their interviews used. Those who were unwilling may have been the most traumatized of aU. ^^

Prior to the beginning ofthe Redress movement'^ in which many Japanese Americans, some organized throught the JACL, sought apologies and compensation for the wrongs done them, many of the former internees had attempted to put relocation out of their minds. They had reestablished their homes, reunited their families, and found new livelihoods. Sixtypercent returned to theWest Coast, usually to the communities they had left Many did not even share memories with their children, for they were ashamed of the experience: a response born both ofa kind of"survivors' guilt" and theirJapanese heritage. Their desire was to be loyal Americans, to prove by their lives how wrong incarceration had been. By the 1960s they had become the so-

"Extensive primary source material on the camps is found in the Nadonal Archives, Washington, D.C , Record Group 210. This material is primarily concerned with administrative matters, but individual files are also kept there The Bancroft Library at the University of California, Berkeley, has a smaller collection of materials, and records on individual camps are sometimes, but not always, located in university archives nearby One must note that the role of the Japanese American Citizens' League in relocation is still extremely controversial; it counseled an enthusiastic acceptance ofthe government's plan, and many today are still bitter about its acquiescence Although no realistic alternative to submission was possible, the JACL virtually collaborated with the jailers

'^Redress became an organized movement when it was adopted as a cause by theJapanese American Citizens' League in 1978 after a decade of debate President Gerald Ford revoked the original order for relocadon Executive Order 9066, in 1976 After much lobbying and work by the Japanese American community, the Redress legislation passed by Congress in 1980 was signed by President Jimm y Carter in 1980 This created the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians, which held a series of hearings around the country and finally published its xe\>o\t^ PersonalJustice Denied('^a%\\m-^on, D.C , 1982;. It set a figure of $20,000 for compensation to survivors President Ronald Reagan signed the implemendng legislation in 1988 See Joh n Tateishi, "TheJapanese American Citizens League and the Struggle for Redress," in Roger Daniels, Sandra C Taylor, and Harry H L Kitano, Japanese Americans: From Relocation to Redress (Salt Lake City, University of Utah Press, 1986), pp. 191-95. The first payments were made in 1991.

called "model minority," ^^ for the most part having achieved economic success atjust the time their children, the Sansei, were awakened by the Civil Rights movement to challenge their parents' acquiescence and demand compensation. Nisei silence did not mean that the incarceration had not been traumatic, nor can one say that the scattering effects of relocation, which brought some people more economic opportunity in new locations than they had possessed on the West Coast before the war, justified its pain. The price of success, as the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment ofCivilians reported in 1982, was psychologically very high. ^"^

The Redress movement required Japanese Americans to dredge up the past and to reflect on the injustice that had been done them. Testimonies at the commission hearings in 1981 were painful Memories were no doubt affected by the desire for justice—at least official acknowledgement of their innocence and the federal government^s colossal blunder in establishing the camps, something termed even at the time by Eugene Rostow as its"worst wartime mistake." ^^ Not alljapanese Americans agreed with Redress, at least in theway theJACL had formulated it, and their feelings influenced their responses to my interviews. ^^

Response to the concentration camp experience was the result of many variables. Age had much to do with people's reactions. Most ofthe Nisei were children in camp, and the experience affected their lives in ways different from its impact on their parents. Children were freed from parental discipline to play, while many adolescents, particularly females going through puberty and the stress of the teenage years, found the lack of privacy and the uncertainty of their futures troubling.

Normadly hardworking students, Jap2mese American youth reacted to their fractured educational experiences in different ways, some working twice as hard as before, while others adopted a style they called

'^arr y Kitano and Roger Daniels, Asian Americans: Emerging Minorities (Engle-wood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice-Hadl, 1988), p 48 The term was coined by sociologist William Petersen in 1966

^^PersonalJustice Denied, Report ofthe Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians (Washington, D.C : U.S Government Printing Office, December 1982), pp 295-96

'^oge r Daniels disputes this point in Concentration Camps, USA: "Th e legal atrocity which was committed against theJapanes e Americans was the logical outgrowth of over three centuries of American experience." xiv Drinnon, Keeper of Concentration Camps, also disputes this label, first applied by Eugene Rostow in 1946 in an article bearing that nde in Harper's magazine Drinnon, like Daniels, traces internment to centuries of American racism

' "The impact ofthe Redress movement has stronely affected the way that survivors of America's concentration camps remembe r their experiences Only one of those interviewed did not agree that some form of compensation -was warranted

Elementary i school students at Topaz, 1944-45, with teacher Martha Knight. USHS collections.

she had created the"tree ofTopaz," a demographic profile ofthe camp that resembles the shape of a tree. Kazu lijima remembered with fondness how she and her coworkers did not hesitate once to wake director Charles Ernst at2 am. to teUhim whatwas bothering them and how graciously he received them ^^ There were, all agreed, "good" and "bad" Caucasians, and among the former were those conscientious objectors who were assigned to the camp, like Emil Sekerak, and some truly gifted and dedicated teachers like Eleanor Gerard, Harry Kitano's favorite, who stillattends reunions ofthe high school classes ofthe camp and was at the all-camp reunion held in the Bay Area in 1988 Many remembered Gerard, who married fellow administrator Eric Sekerak, with great affection. ^^

The lives ofthe Nisei ofTopaz demonstrate how the human spirit survives in adversity. These lives also help us to understand the impact of incarceration upon a particular age group, young people in their teens and twenties, and especially the ways in which it could affect their growing up. Coming ofage in aconcentration camp was a painful thing. Young children could probably withstand the experience the best, but even they were traumatized by loss of parents, the breakdown of the family system, and the arbitrariness amd routinization of life behind barbed wire Teenagers were swept into gangs, a phenomenon unknown in prewarJapanese America, and some ran wild in school, while others only profited from their educations by dint of furious self-

^^nterviewswithChiyokoYano, Berkeley, October 28, 1987; Hiromoto Katayama, Berkeley, October 27, 1987; and Kazu lijima, AWC Collection

^•^See Eleanor Gerard Sekerak, "A Teacher at Topaz," in Daniels, Taylor, and Kitano, Japanese Americans, pp. 38-43.

discipline, asdid Shigeki Sugiyama. *^ The rest had, as Fumi Manabe put it, "an attitude problem."

There were also differences in the way males and females reacted. Young girls approaching maturity suffered keenly from the lack of privacy, especially in sanitary facilities. Disruption ofthe family appears to have had a more devastating effect on some of them. Although there were some notably strong women like Mine Okubo, the artist, who cared for herself and her brother, and Faiith Terasawa, who as a single woman worked as a social worker in camp and aided others with her strong Christian faith, the breakdown in family life and the virtual disappearance of the individual home was devastating to women. ^^

Some young women Hke Chiz Kitano found an oudet in pohtical activism in a radical group known ais the Young Democrats where she met her future husband Ernie liyama, but most did not stray far from school orjob. Deviant behavior among women was virtually unknown; theJapanese American social ethic stillprevailed, and the lack of private space curtailed actions as well

Both sexes had to face the issue of renewed discrimination by the white community, something that the Nisei who were not interned (those living in the interior and East) already knew about Salt Lake City's small Japanese American community, for example, was not interned and had long since developed strategies of survival in a Caucasian environment

Some questions applied to both sexes: whether to return with the family to the BayAreaor to strike out on their own to find anew future in a different environment where being Japanese might not matter so much. Findingjobs also was a factor whether to return to the fields and canneries of California or take a chance and do something radically different, as Michi Okamoto did when she went to New York to become an actress. Hardest ofallwas the choice ofwhether to follow parents who had rejected America back toJapan (a place many Nisei had never seen) or to C2ist one's lot with the U.S. despite the anger many felt over relocation. Gender did indeed play a role, posing different questions and choices, but making it easy for neither For noJapanese American internee living through relocation and resetdement were the choices easy ones. The experience marked their lives. *^

* See interview with Shig Sugiyama

^^Interview with Faith Terasawa, San Francisco, November 6, 1987, AWC Collection.

*^See Harry H. L Kitano, "The Effects of Evacuation on theJapanese Americans," in Daniels, Taylor, and Kitano, Japanese Americans, pp. 151-58.

Howard W. Balsley, Dean of Uranium Miners and Civic Leader of Moab

BY RICHARD E. WESTWOOD

Howard W. Balsley. Courtesy of Carol B. Hines

H owARD WARREN BALSLEY, LATELY OF INDIANAPOLIS, stepped off" the westbound train at Thompson's Springs, Utah, one snov^ day in 1908.

Mr. Westwood, a native of Grand County, Utah, is a retired mink rancher now living in Arizona

This tall, studious-looking young man of twenty-two had bought a round-trip ticket from Indianapolis to Salt Lake City. He wanted to visit his sister, Nellie, in Moab before continuing on to Utah's capital city. Nellie and some other Indiana residents had invested in an irrigation project at Valley City, six miles south of Crescentjunction near presentday Highway 191.^

Thompson's Springs, a station for the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad thirty-two miles north of Moab, was the trading post for stockmen who wintered their sheep and catde on the open ranges of southeastern Utah. While awaiting transportation, young Balsley mingled with cowboys, camp movers, sheep herders and freighters, the latter coming to the station for merchandise for people living far from the railroad. He found this group to be friendly, though rough. They fit his picture ofwhat westerners would be like. Finally catching a ride with a young man who had taken his wife to the riiilroad for a trip back to Ohio to visit her family, Howard arrived in Moab on his birthday, December?, 1908

Howard had always wanted to see Salt Lake City and had bought his ticket to go on that far, so after a few days in Moab he boarded the stage and headed back to the railroad station at Thompson's Springs. Because ofthe rough conditions on the stage route, the operators used mosdy tough oudaw horses on their stages. It took several men to hold them long enough to get them harnessed and started on their way.

It was still not daylight when they reached the Colorado River northwest of Moab. It had to be crossed by ferry boat The night had been very cold and when they got to the river they found it frozen over about a third ofthe way from each bank, with open water flowing in the middle. The ferry boat was frozen in the ice. They all had to pitch in, chop the boat out ofthe ice, and make achannel to theopen water. Then the outlaw horseswere herded onto the boat for the start across the river. Two-thirds of the way across the stream they encountered ice again and had to chop their way to the other side. The hosder drove the stage up the steep bank and they were on their way again.

After several enjoyable days touring Salt Lake City, "looking over the many things of unique interest in that most unusual city, with all its

Most ofthe information that follows is drawn from "True Confessions of H W Balsley" (typescript copy dated August 30, 1948j, " Dear Friend" letter containing copy ofa paper presented by Balsley at the local chapter meeting ofthe American Institute of Mining Engineers (typescript copy undated), various newspaper clippings, and miscellaneous documents all within the Howard W Balsley Collection, Utan State Elistorical Society, and from the author's interview with Balsle/s daughter, Carol B Hines, Moab, Utah, October 1988

Howard W Balsley 397

romantic past history," the energetic traveler returned to Moab where he soon became interested in the development at Valley City. The promoter was a man he had known back in Indianapolis The projea boasted a large two-story house and several other houses on about forty acres planted in peach trees. The ground was obviously fertile. Impressed, Balsley invested all his savings in the project He found out later that the treasurer of the project had squandered much of the money on horse races. The promised concrete dam was never constructed. A flood washed out the dirt darnjustwhen the peach trees were about to produce fruit The investors' hopes werewashed awaywith the flood. All the Hoosiers except Howard and a man named Mars Pope returned to Indiana

Howard liked the red rock country and found the people hospitable, so he stayed. The longer he stayed the better he liked it He made the town his home for the rest of his long and productive life, becoming a respected civic leader and a living legend in the mining business

Howard Balsley was born in Connellsville, Fayette County, Pennsylvania, on December 7, 1886. When he was seven his family moved to an unproduaive twenty-acre farm near Seymour, Jackson

Howard Balsley lived in this cabin during his early days in Moah

Photograph by author

County, Indiana. After graduating from high school at Seymour he moved with his folks to Indianapolis. There heworked atvarious factory jobs, earning cis much as $4.50 per week for six eight-hour days. By this means he graduated from business collegewhere he studied shorthand, typing, commercial law, business English, and accounting. Afterward he worked at temporaryjobs that give him varied clerical experience in several lines of business

Nevertheless, Howard found few employment opportunities in Moab that first winter. During his first three months there he made exacdy fifty cents, turning a com sheller by hand for half a day. He said, " Had it not been for the fact that there were lots of rabbits in the country and I was a pretty good shot, I would surely have gone hungry many times during those first few months in the west"

In the spring he secured ajob with an old bachelor farmer named Jed Bardett, who had had one eye shot out by Indians. Bartlett, an eccentric old fellow usually well soaked up in homemade wine, was a veteran of the California gold mines. Every day was payday with him, and each evening, without fail, he would hand Howard a silver doUar. Bardett turned over a spirited team to Howard and started him to work making a deep cut for an irrigation ditch across a piece of ground that was overgrown with willows. When Howard would first get on thejob in the morning the team was so frisky that he could not handle both horses by himself So he would hitch one of them to the slush scraper and work that animal until some of the friskiness was gone and then work the other one in likemanner Then hewould hitch them up together and the workwould progress smoothly until, for no apparent reason, they took a notion to run away. Howard would try to slow them down by lifting up the scraper handles to make it dig deeper into the ground. Often the scraper would catch on a willow root, sending him flying through the air. He said, "Fortunately, the dirt wasn't too hard so I suffered no broken bones—but I did suffer."

After several months of working for the old man, Howard managed to save $30. He used it to go to GrandJunction, Colorado, to file an application for a Forest Servicejob. He passed the Civil Service examination for the position of clerk. The job paid $75 a month.

Howard married Jesse Trout in 1912. With the added responsibility of a wife, he took another Civil Service examination—this time for thejob of forest ranger. Byvirtue of studious preparation and varied field experience, he passed the examination with the highest grade of anybody in District Four, which comprised several states or parts of

states. Thejob offorest rsmger paid $91.66 per month but required him to have horses to ride and pack and the necessary tack to go with them. He also had to furnish his own horse feed, so he did not net much increase in pay. Even so, he liked the outdoor work better.

In 1914, at the age of twenty-eight, he was elected mayor of Moab Then he learned that civil serviuits could not hold public office. Although he never served as mayor, Howard Balsley had by this time clearly distinguished himself as a young man with a future.

While working as a forest ranger Howard became interested in mining^ and began grubstaking vau'ious prospectors. He had been told that in 1879 the Talbot brothers of Paradox, Colorado, just over the Utah state line, had found a fissure vein carrying some odd mineral They assumed it to be silver and had sent a sample of the ore to the American Smelting and Refining Company at Leadville, Colorado, to be assayed The company advised them that the material was not silver, but they had no idea what it was. Howaird also learned that in October

1898 this same fissure was rediscovered by a man named Tom Dolan. Dolan had sent a sample of the ore to the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C, for analysis. Word came back that the ore was highgrade uranium

The so-called fissure vein was located on Roc Creek, just across the La Sal Mountains in Sinbad Valley, Colorado. It turned out to be the famous Rajah mine which eventually produced thousands of tons of high-grade uranium ore. On many occasions while riding in that general area, Howard met strings of as many as fifty burros and pack mules loaded with sacks of ore Most of it was exported to France

In 1898 Messrs Poilot and Voilique, two prominent French scientists, visited southwestern Colorado and southeastern Utah and investigated the uranium deposits kno\\ n to existthere. The Frenchmen proceeded to build amd equip, so far as is known, the world's first uranium concentrating mill It was located near the Dolores River at Camp Snider, San Miguel County, Colorado

Madame Marie Sklodowska Curie, noted Polish physicist and chemist who, with her French husband Pierre, did all her scientific work in France, discovered radium and polonium in uranium ore in 1898. She is credited with having been responsible for the coming ofthe two Frenchmen and the construction of the uranium concentrating mill.

^In Balsley" s own words, " I had not been in the West very long undl I was bitten by the' mining bug* and it seems that once one is bitten, he never fully recovers from the ailment" See "True Confessions," p 12

Madame Curie herself visited southwestern Colorado and the concentrating mill in 1899. She gave the name carnotite in honor of A. Carnot, French inspector of mines, to the type of ore from this area that contains uranium, radium, and vanadium. ^

Some ofthe prospectors that Howard grubstaked just ate the food he provided for them and appropriated the other supplies and equipment to their own personal use, making litde effort to find ore. Others made an honest effort Among the latterwasaman named Charles Snell who was well known for his honesty and integrity. In the spring of 1915 Snell C2une to Balsley and stated that he had just had a dream. In the dream he had plainly seen a yellow circle in a block of white McElmo sandstone, the formation in which true carnotite always occurs. Exposed in that formation were numerous veins of high-grade, uranium-bearing ore. It looked like the Upper Cane Springs Wash area He said he was sure it was uranium and that he could find it

Howard never had much faith in dreams, but knowing Snell to be honest and sincere he bought him everything needed for the prospecting trip. After about ten days Snell returned and stated that he had actually found the yellow circle in the block of sandstone,just ais he had dreamed, and hewas sure he had discoverd a rich uranium deposit He staked five cl2iims in the area in his and Balsley*s names. Later, they located more claims in the area Eventually the Yellow Circle Mine produced over a million dollars worth of ore Unfortunately for Howard, he sold out his interest for a fraction of that before it was fully developed.

On another occasion Howard grubstciked Charlie when he thought he could find some pay ore in Lisbon Valley in San Juan County Six weeks went by without hearing from the man Then Howard received a$27 check from the Sanjuan County clerk He could not imagine what it was for Eventually the prospector showed up and explained: "Well, Ididn't find any ore that Ithought worth locating, but I did find a wolf den and there were six wolf pups in it I killed and skinned them and turned the pelts in to the County Clerk for the bounty of $9 each which the county and state paid joindy for each wolf hide presented—that made $54 and the $27 was your half"

^In 1922 MadameCurieagain visited the United States A number of philanthropic women in this country gave her, in recognition of her wonderful contribudon to science in the discovery of radium, one gram of radium for which they actually paid the wholesale price of $80,000. Radium at that time was retailing for $ 120,000 per gram. Much of this radium came from Balsley s mines and all of it came from Carnotite ore produced in the Colorado Plateau. See "Dear Friend" letter, pp. 12.

Howard Balsley,left,and Wilder Brintoriymining engineer.Midwest UraniumCorp.Courtesy of Carol B.Hines.

Inthespringof1917 Balsleywas.assignedthejobofsurveyingand mappingallareaswithintheLaSalNationalForestthatweresuitablefor homesteading. Hewastomakeawrittenreportoneachtract,citingthe apparent advantages and disadvantiiges from a prospective homesteadefspoint ofview. A soils expert from Washington accompanied him to testthecharacterofthe soil and reporton thesuitability ofthe land for farming in each locality. Howard said, "He used an auger to drillaholeandgetacore. Fromthetasteofthecorehecouldtellifitwas agricultural land"

Bythemiddleofthe summer thetwomen had reached the south side ofthe BlueMountains andwere due togo into Indian country in Allen Canyon next Thiswasthehome ofsome"Bronco" Indians who refused toliveon anyreservatioa The rangersdidn'trelish theidea of enteringlandsclaimedbythefugitiveIndians, butthatwaspartoftheir job.Theyhadproceededonlyabouthalfamilebeforebeing confronted by a rifle-pointing, angry Indian whom Howard recognized as Old

Posey Knowing the man's murderous reputation, Balsley felt that he "died several times during those fleeting moments" that Posey cussed and threatened him. Nevertheless, through verbal reassurance that the government had the Indians' best interest at heart, he mimaged to keep the old man from pulling the trigger. Later, by enlisting the help of Ute leader MancosJim and through some skillful chuck-wagon diplomacy, Howard succeeded in securing enough cooperation from the Indians to complete the survey.

Balsley served nine adventurous years in the Forest Service, rising to the position of ranger-clerk at the salary of$113.66 per month. Then he decided to try something else. Attracted to public service, he applied for and was appointed to fill the unexpired term of Grand County clerk and auditor and clerk of the Seventh Judicial District Court He continued in thosejobs for thirteen years, being repeatedly reelected, generally without opposition He wrote, "The residents of Grand County are about evenly divided as between Mormons and Gentiles, but all of them backed me wonderfully." He resigned in the middle of his last elective term in order to devote idl of his time to mining and buying uranium-vanadium ores and shipping them to Pittsburgh.

In the spring of 1934 Balsley entered into a contract with the Vitro Manufacturing Company of Pittsburgh in which he agreed to supply their requirements for uranium ore The contract specified that he deliver ore running a minimum of 1.5 percent uranium oxide and a minimum of 5 percent vanadium oxide. He then arranged for warehouses or other storage facilities in Blanding, Monticello, Moab, Cisco, Thompson, and Green River in Utah and in Grandjunction, Newcasde, Meeker, Montrose, Naturita, Dove Creek, and Egnar in Colorado. His contract called for shipment in fifty-ton carload lots, so he had to accumulate enough ore to make up that quantity. He bought ore from more than 300 small producers scattered across the Colorado Plateau. He bought ore in any size lots from twenty-five pounds to a carload— and every lot had to be sacked in 100-pound bags. Then he had to blend the various lots going into a carload so that the required minimum grades could be maintained

Small producers and their families had to eat while awaiting accurate assays of their ores from Pittsburgh. Using an electroscope to estimate the percentage of uranium in the ore, Balsley would advance money to these miners. He could only guess at thevanadium content of the ore. Years later he recalled that he "took a considerable loss on that account"

Vitro used theoretosupply potteryand glassfactories with ceramic colors madefrom themineral pigments. Thecompany made twenty-six different shades ofred, green, brown, aad yellowfrom the uranium ore. They also used some vanadium in their ceramic colors. Vitro also extracted vanadium from the ore and sold itto steel mills in the form of vanadic acid.

During the eleven years Balsleywiisaffiliated with Vitro he was the only ore buyer on the Colorado Plateau who paid for both uranium and vanadium in the same ore. He obtained most of the ore from small producers. During that time the United StatesVanadium Corporation, a wholly owned subsidiary of Union Carbide & Carbon Corporation, was operating vanadium extraaion mills at both Urivan and Rifle, Colorado, and the Vanadium Corporation of America had a mill at Naturita, Colorado Both paid only for the ore's vanadium content

During his years in the uranium-vanadium ore business Howard rode the market up and down a number of times. In the early 1900s the only use for the ore was its radium content Miners of the area had developed what they considered agood market for uranium orewhen a rich strike of pitch blende was discovered in the Belgian Congo, and they were out of business overnight Eventually the value of vanadium as a strengthening alloy for steel was discovered Suddenly the miners had a market for their vanadium, but they received nothing for the uranium content of the ore They were beginning to prosper again when, in theearly 1920s,amountain ofvanadium orewas discovered in South America that could be delivered to the East Coast cheaper than from the Colorado Plateau. With that, the local minerswereagain out of business.

Thereafter the market was spotty until early in 1942. In Mayof that year the government set up a corpoiration, designated as the Metals Reserve Company, to procure vanadium in a hurry. Buying stations were set up in a number of locations in the carnotite-producing area of southeastern Utah and western Colorado For a time Howard Balsley was in charge of the station in Moab, located just south of the old cemetery Heand otherswereauthorized toaccept allthevanadium ore they could get that ran 1.25 percent or better in vanadium oxide. The ore from the Moab buying station was trucked 160 miles to a U.S. Vanadium mill at Durango, Colorado.

Allwent well until early 1944 wh<?nthe government realized that it was overstocked on vanadium. It isisued orders to cease buying at midnight on February 28, and the mines shut down again.

In late 1944 and early 1945 the Manhattan District centered at Los Alamos, New Mexico, was busy perfecting the atomic bomb. The government needed uranium badly. After the bombs were dropped on Japan in 1945 the Manhattan District evolved into the Atomic Energy Commission with headquarters in Washington, D.C. In 1945 the commission commandeered all of the uranium in the nation and took over all plants at which uranium for any purpose was being used.

As late asJanuary 1947 no program had been estabfished by the newly created Atomic Energy Commission for handling the uraniumbearing ores of the West After considerable correspondence and many long-distance calls, Howard Balsley and Fendoll A. Sitton, a prominent citizen and ore producer of Dove Creek, Colorado, arranged to meet with the Atomic Energy Commission in Washington at noon on February 14. The commission members proved to havelitde knowledge of uranium. The only satisfaction Balsley and Sitton received was the promise of a full investigation, in due time, ofthe uranium possibilities in southwestern Colorado and southeastern Utah.

Later in 1947 Balsley made another trip toWashington, this time in the company of Ray A. Bennett of Denver. They were told by a man in charge ofthe Geological Division ofthe Atomic Energy Commission, "There just isn't enough uranium in the West to be of any interest We can get all ofthe uranium we want from Canada and South Africa"

Balsley and his associates never gave up in the fight for recognition of the West as a potential producer of uranium. In a letter dated February 7, 1948, nearly a year after his first trip to Washington, he received a modicum of encouragement from Sen. Edwin C. Johnson of Colorado:

Dear Balsley:

Thanks for your good letter. Senator Milikin and I have had a long, hard fight for recognition of our uranium producing possibilities During the past two weeks we are beginning to see our efforts bear ftxiit. You may be certain it makes us feel good and you may depend on us to keep plugging

Finally the Atomic Energy Commission initiated a thorough exploration program in that section of the country, resulting in an unbelievable amount of uranium ore being discovered. This led to the historical uranium boom of the 1950s about which much has been written. During that time would-be miners from all over the country descended on Moab. Most found their way to Bcdsle/s door. They would 2isk him what uranium ore looked like and where to look for it Howard answered their questions honesdy. He certainly knew where to

Howard W. Balsley

look for it, as he had an interest in mining claims allover that part ofthe country.

For many years Howard Balsley kept about a ton and a half of beautiful canary yellow high-grade uranium ore in his warehouse. He said it wasjust too pretty and rare to sell to the mills, so he kept it for sentimental reasons. Emanations from uranium-bearing ore can be picked up from the air with the use of a good Geiger counter or scintillator. On several occasions during the uranium boom planes would circle around his place, picking up those emanations Then the flying prospectors would come to infortn him thatthey had discovered a high-grade uranium mine in his back yard. He would tell them, "Yes, I know, it is right over there in my storehouse"

Howard Balsley did not confine his activities to mining He gave much of his time to the community. He served continuously for forty years asa member ofthe Grand Count}' Boaud of Education. He helped found the Grand County Library and served asamember ofthe Library Board and as secretary for many years. He helped found the Grand County Hospital and Wcisone ofthe original members ofthe County Welfare Board. He was chief benefactor of the Community Baptist Church for more than seventy years; the Fellowship Hall in the educational section ofthe new Baptist (community Church built during the uranium boom was named Balsley Hall in his honor He was a charter member ofthe Moab Lions Club and rem2iined active for fiftytwo years. He was a Mason,joining the:Green River Lodge in 1920 and later becoming a charter member of the Moab Lodge.

Howard Balsley's home in Moab. Photograph by author.

Howard was a kindly man, never forgetting the humble circumstances of his youth. He sometimes took pity on some ofthe poor kids who gathered near the theater in Moab, listening to the sounds ofthe show inside, and bought them tickets to the movie. Many children in Moab had never seen a train Howard would periodically load some of them in his car and take them to Thompson to see the trains.

Howard was a respeaed leader in the mining community. He instituted a class-aaion antitrust suit against Vanadium Corporation of America and United States Vanadium Corporation. These companies had for many years underpaid miners for vanadium ore and paid them nothing for the ur2mium content ofthe ore while selling the uranium to the government The suit covered the sales of ore between Oaober 10, 1938, andMarchSI, 1948. After years oflitigation thecasewassetded in favor ofthe plaintiffs.* OnJune 20, 1962, the court set aside $900,000 for setdement ofthe claims. By 1965more than300 miners or their heirs had shared in the setdement Balsley had spent thousimds of hours in testimony and work on this case. He alsowrote and answered hundreds of letters, almost entirely at his own expense, helping to locate miners and their heirs who were due to share in the setdement

Howard Balsleywas amember ofthe American Institute of Mining Engineers and was recommended for a Hfetime membership by the local chapter. In 1974 he was named Man ofthe Year by the Colorado Mining Association at its 77th Annual Meeting in Denver, an award rarely presented to non-Colorado people.

Years later, Howard's daughter reflected on the many ways uranium touched the lives of people in southeastern Utah:

Mother would make some of these uranium pads—about a foot long— ofground up high grade uranium sewn inside tanned deer skin to put on people's ailments, on their stomach or shoulder—wherever they were ailing, infection toarthritis. Everybody around here used to haveapiece of uranium in ajar of water, and drink that water to cure their ailments

When asked ifthere had been ahigh incidenceofcancer in the area, she said,"I don't know. Alot of those people lived along time. But back then some people died of unknown causes."

Howard Balsley died on April 11,1982, following a short illness, at the age of 95. His daughter overheard someone remark, "That old uranium finally got him."

*U.S District Court for the District of Utah, Central Division, No C-39-58, Howard W Balsley, et al., V Union Ccirbide & Carbon Corporation, Vanadium Corporation of America, and United States Vanadium Corporation, et aL

Boo Reviews J

By

Ernest H Taves, an author of short stories whose work has appeared in Playboy and Galaxy, has written a sequel to his Trouble Enough Joseph Smith and the Book of Mormon (1984) According to Taves, the current work, despite itstide, does not attempt "to present another biography of Brigham Young," nor is it "intended to be a comprehensive history of the Church from the asscissination of Joseph Smith to the completion of the transcontinental railroad." Instead, "this narrative is intended to relate some interesting aspects of Mormon history in this period, as I saw them" (p. 14).

Taves's organizational framework underscores one ofthe basic problems ofthis flawed, superficial, cliche-ridden work The narrative revolves around a hodgepodge of vignettes arranged in roughly chronological order and concerned with such varied topics as the initial migration of Brigham Young and his followers to the Great Basin, the state of Deseret, the formation of the territory of Utah, the handcart experiment, polygamy, the Mormon Reformation, the Mountain Meadow Massacre, and the Utah War of 1857-58.

In relating these and other varied events Taves has drawn liberally from secondary works by certain experts, in particular those of Leonard J. Arrington, LeRoy R and Ann W Hafen, Eugene E Campbell, and Kimball

Young But Taves has failed to utilize the significant worksofother important writers in Utah/Mormon history For (Example, in discussing Mormon polygiimy there is no mention of the writings of Lawrence Foster or Richard S Van Wagoner The author's account of Mormon-Indian relations fails to utilize or even cite the recent work of Lawrence G Coates, Floyd A O'Neil, orHowcirdA Christy Or in discussing such important and sometimes colorful characters as Emma Smith, William Clayton, Jedediah M Grant, Porter Rockwell and Joseph Morris, Taves fails to cite the definitive biographical studies of Valeen T Avery, Linda K Newell, James B Allen, Gene A Sessions, Harold Schindler, and C LeRoy Anderson

Indeed, Taves appears completely unaware of this and other recent scholarship of the so-called new Mormon history But, more serious, the author appears oblivious to what could be termed the spirit of the new Mormon history—that is, the attempt by serious scholars tocareftilly examine Mormonism's past in a thorough, dispassionate manner Instead, Taves's own work has the tone of polemic written by an apparendy disaffected individual Thus, Joseph Smith, in terms of his motives and behavior, is pictured as "curiously indecisive" and "making wild stabs at solutions to problems

This Is the Place: Brigham Young and the New Zion

ERNEST H TAVES (Buffalo, N.Y. Prometheus Books. 1991. 299 pp. $23.95.)

beyond his ability to solve" (p.31)

Turning to plural marriage, it, according to Taves, "became church doctrine asan accommodation tojoseph's physical and emotional needs" (p 147)

Brigham Young(whomTaves patronizingly refers to by his first name throughout the text) does not fare any better The Mormon leader is pictured as vulgar and demeaning in his attitudes, particularly relative to women. In one memorable passage Young is quoted as saying that "all their [women's] counsel and wisdom . . . don't weigh as much with me astheweight of a fly turd," aquote that Taves places in direct, contrasting juxtaposition with an enlightened quote of Charles William Eliot, president of Harvard University, that extols pioneer women as "the most heroic part" of any civilized Western community (pp. 79-80). In discussingthe 1856 handcart disaster in which asignificant number of pioneers perished in the early winter snows, Taves quotes Young as proclaiming that "if any man, or woman complains of me let the curse of God be on them and blast their substance with mildew and destruaion " Taves then editorializes with biting sarcasm: "No sir. Brigham Young could not be accused of mismanagement Didn't gold, silver, houses, and land multiply under his management* Wasn't he the

equal of any financier they [the Saints] ever knew.^ His skirts, he said, were clear of the emigrants' blood" (p. 143). In another place Taves attempts to prove Young's tendency of resorting "to physical violence" and "his ferocious brand ofexhortation" through an analysis of one ofthe Mormon leader's dreams. Taves pursues this tack, despite hisown confession that he "understands full well the danger in the analysis of dreams at a far remove" in "that we cannot be scientific" But then he admits that "here the temptation is too great" Taves then goes on for two pages, characterizing his dream analysis as "an illuminating glimpse of Brigham's mind at work" (p 43-44)

This Is the Place is a seriously flawed work that students of Utah/Mormon history should approach with extreme caution There islitde new information here Individuals interested inthe Utah pioneer period would be much better served by consulting previously published works, particularly, Leonard Arrington's Great Basin Kingdom (1958) and Brigham Your^: American Moses (1985) and Eugene Campbell's, Establishing Zion: The Mormon Church in the American West, 1847-1869 (1988)

One House, One Voice, One Heart: Native American Education at the Santa Fe Indian School By SALLYHYER(Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1990. xii -I- 108 pp. Cloth, $29.95; paper, $22.50.)

When readers thumb through the glossy pages of this slim volume, they will be impressed with the photos that capture changes in clothing, facilities, and activities that span the hundred yearsofexistenceofthe Santa FeIndian School Scenes of litde children in

military uniforms and students captive of a foreign lifestyle give way to the appearance of self-assurance and ethnicpride.Whatappearsatfirstglance to be a nicely designed compiladon of school yearbooks turns out to be a carefiilly developed microcosm of

NEWELLG BRINGHURST College ofthe Sequoias

government policy towards Indian education asrecounted from the Native American point of view

From the time the first nine students enrolled on November 15, 1890, to the 500 students attending today, the Santa Fe Indian School has taken giant steps in the direction of self determination The initial goal of the government's educational policy was to destroy the Indians' tribal identity byhackingaway at cultural roots Uniforms, marching, rigid discipline, segregation of the sexes, and a speak-only-English policy supposedly encouraged assimilation into the white world, though, as interviewees point out, the policy generally failed. Instead, the students often turned to each other and built upon their own cultural values of sharing, cooperation, and respect for authority to weather the storms of cultural genocide.

Bythe 1930sthejohn Collier administration inthe Bureau ofIndian Affairs stirred anew breezeofreform. Regionalidentity, cultural pride, and asenseof community became the focus of ideas that allowed Native Americans to breathe a sigh of relief through self expression Vocational trades, ans and crafts, and athletic programs fostered pride in "Indianness" while preparing a generation for the future Setbacks occurred when, in the 1950s, assimilauonists desired to mainstream Indians into thejob market and terminate the reservauon system Neither plan suc-

ceeded but did encourage theclosingof SFIS for a shon time.

The final period of 1963-90 is best summarized by the chapter heading "This School Belongs to the Pueblo People." The All-Indian Pueblo Council renovated the school's facilities, introduced a curriculum compatible vv^ith Indian goals, insisted on high standards in academic courses, and gavethe NativeAmerican community a prominent voice in decision-making. The result a large student enrollment, a low(4 percent) dropout rate, a steady gain in student achievement, and a strong message that self-determination for Indian peoples works.

Oral interviews and a collection of 1,100 photographs provided the basis from which this study evolved The central narrative voice comes from the population of nineteen pueblos, located primarily inNewMexico, though other tribal groups arealso mentioned Much of the text is anecdotal, derived from thosewho experienced education during the various periods of change Although there is a little nostalgia reflected in some of the testimony, the book is generally balanced in presenting both sides ofan issuewithout being vindictive It is recommended for anyone interested in Indian education and the boarding school experience

ROBERT S MCPERSON College ofEastern Utah-San Juan Campus

The Magnificent Mountain Women Adventures in the Colorado Rockies. ByJANETROBERTSON (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990 xiv-I-220 pp $21.95.)

Thefew Colorado mountains named for women use only a woman's first name rather than her surname This observation symbolizes the rare documentation of women's activities in

those mountains. Janet Robertson has remedied this in her interesting book The Magnificent Mountain Women. Thefirstwomen known tohiketo the summit of some of the state's highest

peaks usually wore uncomfortable and cumbersome clothing, were guided by men, and had to have the determination and spirit to confront prevailing nineteenth-century attitudes not only that such demanding activity was inappropriate for a lady but also that women were not physically capable of it By ignoring or defying the conventions and following the urge that led them toclimb, they became eligible for inclusion in this book There are similarities among the women: many were single at the time of their accomplishment, most were well educated, particularly for the time, and theywere city dwellers. Robertson points out that theywere allwhitewomen there is no documentation of Hispanic, African American, or Indian women climbing mountains although obviously some did

The book is divided into chapters that describe different types of women's mountain experiences The first female achievements as mountain climbers includeIsabellaBird's famous ascent of Long's Peak, Julia Archibald Holmes's extraordinary 1858 climb up Pike's Peak—and Victoria Broughm's lonely hike up thedifficult Long's Peak, another first

As attitudes began to change in the early twentieth century, many more women used the mountains on their own terms Eleanor David Ehrman learned climbing techniques, and she and her male teacher/climbing pcirtner recorded first ascents in the state, including Crestone Peak and Crestone Needle in 1916. And skier Marjorie Perrydemonstrated timeand again that difficult cross-country travel on horseback and skis need not deter a womaiL

At the time of its creation in 1906 Mesa Verde National Park was called the "women's park" because the drive

to create it had been led by women. Virginia Donaghue McClurg and Lucy Peabody, through the Colorado Cliff Dwellers Association, lobbied and raised funds nationally to make the park a reality

For somewomen, Colorado's mountains provided a haven and refuge where they could live an independent life Susan Anderson became Eraser's "Doc Susie." Trziined as a physician at the University of Michigan, one of thirteen women in her 1897 class of sixty-four, she found it difficult to support herself and at one point had to work asanurse After moving to Eraser she served for over fifty years as physician for the entire region. St Louis's Katherine Garetson, after proving up on her Estes Park area homestead in 1917, wrote that if she had known how difficult it would be she would never have attempted it

In the 1880s botany was considered something ofa lady's field. Alice Eastwood took it and made it her own, collecting her first plants in Colorado's mountains. She became curator of botany at the California Academy of Sciences Other "lady" botanists followed, using the mountains as their laboratories.

The final chapter covers the modern recreationists and the growth of technical climbing Itdescribes through the personal stories of individual women the difficulties female climbers experienced in emerging from the shadow of men

This is an interesting and in many ways compelling book By including the stories of many women, it has a cumulative impact; yet it is rich in detail. The censure Julia Archibald Holmes received forclimbingin bloomers and the loneliness of Katherine Garetson's homesteading winters con-

vey thestrength ofcharacter and commitment thesewomen hadtohave.But above all, the sense of danger permeates thenarratives. Caroline Welton and Agnes Vaille died on their climbs, Jean Ruwitch Goresline suffered brain damage inaclimbingaccident, and the high altitude winter research of botanists Katherine BeUHunter and Emily Dixon Fose left them emotionally and physically affected for life.

Robertson's research is excellent, and sheexplainsthedetailsof technical

climbing well At times, though, the transition from onesection to another is confiising

Irecommend thisbooktothosewith an interest in themountains and their ptower over humans and as a compilation of women's commitment to making their way in thehigh country

KATHERINE KANE Colorado Historical Society Denver

Range managers in the West use dramatic words when speaking of the batdetoincreaselivestockforage Trees invade, shrubs take over Plants dominate, compete, decline, and recover from disaster Ecologists once thought of such changes asa stately succession toward "climax" communities Today they see a more complicated world; botanists speak of "vegetation dynamics." Aretrees invading grassland wheretheyhaveneverbeforegrown, or are they simply retaking historic range lost through clearcutting or fire.^

To make judgments about real changes, "repeat photography" constitutes auseful tool. Modem researchers search for the exaa perspeaive of a given pioneer photograph, then match the original with a modern photo of their own. Starding differences inplant communities often distinguish the two photos, inarguably documenting change.

Veblen and Lorenz have assembled 69 matched pairs of photos from the northern Front Range of Coloradoincluding Rocky Mountain National Park In thirty additional pz^es of text

liiey offer a clear summary of current iihinking about plant community dynamicsandforest ecology, alongwitha careful introduction tothenaturaland human history of their study area Their writing is straightforward—not highly technical butwith notouchesof lighter personal narrative Their bibliography quickly leads thereader tothe crucial primary sources

The matched images givethereader an exhilarating sense of time-travel The originals mosdy date from the years following white setdement inthe Front Range: 1880-1915 These old photographs show mining towns that no longer exist and montane forests devastated by fire and logging, particularly in the mining areas The modern photos make clear that fire suppression aaivities in the twentieth century have allowed the forests to regenerate even-aged stands (mosdy 60-100 years old) far denser than their 1880 counterparts (And they show, too, how susceptible these newly dense stands areto spruce budworm.)

Lodgepole pines have increased in abundance sincethebigfiresofthe last

The Colorado Front Range: A Century of Ecological Change By THOMAST VEBLENand DIANE C. LoRENZ.(Salt Lake City University of Utah Press, 1991. xvii -I- 186 pp. Paper, $19.95.)

century. Ponderosa pines have increased at the expense of grasslands, evidently linked to a combination of causes: overgrazing in the nineteenth century; awetter climate favoring pines over drought-resistant grasses; and the new fire regime. In higher subalpine spruce-fir forests, more old trees (at least 200 years in ag^ survive.

Some sites have changed in species composition, gradually moving through successional stages; others have the same species seen in the pioneer photos Elevation and moisture gradients have affected such changes just as ecologists predict

The authors emphasize that firesuppression activities in our own era may powerfully affect the forests

Before settlement, frequent ground fires set by lightning or Native Americans kept the stands open but did not kill mature trees

With modem fire control, small trees flourish; any fire today has sufficient fuel to carry the flames into the crowns of larger trees, ravaging the stand

Although this book will not excite its readers, its unique documentation of change provides valuable information to anyone interested in the ecological history of Front Range forests aswell as critical data for those managers who must decide the future of those forests

STEPHEN TRIMBLE Salt Lake City

In the foreword to this book Sterling McMurrin focuses the reader's attention on the key issues of B. H. Roberts's life and identifies him as the primary intellect in Mormonism's second generation. And though he was a man who lived much of Mormon history, Roberts's own skills and materials were too limited for a definitive effort to explain Mormonism in its broad historical and intellectual setting

Roberts wrote \\\s Autobiography at the end of his long and illustrious life from the biased perspeaive of the best-informed student ofMormon history and theology anywhere in the early 1930s, as evidenced by his masterful A Comprehensive History ofthe Church. His Autobiography thus becomes a history of his history in the Mormon church.

For example, at the ageof four years, Roberts was left in England with an abusive Mormon family when his mother emigrated to Zion; however, from them he learned how to survive in

a hostile world There he first heard his "soul voice," and there he learned first of early Mormon history

Roberts notes episodes of crossing the ocean, the trip west to the Missouri River, his barefooted trek to Zion, his reunion with his mother, and their abject poverty in thepromised land He would spend threeyouthful years in the Oquirrh mining camps before he came under a benign patronage that moved him toward his course in life as a scholar, church missionary, and leader

Once Roberts learned to read, a new world opened to him. He briefly covers thesewatershed years, noting his studies, the powerfril influence ofJohn R. Park, and the impact of the challenging young peoples' study group, a precursor of the YMMIA. Roberts emerged as a leader wherever intellect and logic came into play.

Readers simply become aware in his Autobiography that he is married. Family life and details seem too incidental for

The Autobiography of B. H. Roberts. Edited by GARYJAMES BERGERA (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1990. xviii -h 266 pp. Paper, $12.95.)

mention, though henotes the influence ofAposde Erastus Snow and his second wife on him, seeing therein for the first time in his life a loving husband and wife relationship Roberts married a second wife soon afterwards.

Roberts's first mission call to Iowa came in 1880 He soon moved to the Southern States Mission where he later served as aaing mission president while still a very young man. It was he who retrieved the bodies of the three slain elders, includingjohn Gibbs, who had first cometo hisattention on board ship en route toAmerica. And who but one possessed with a sense of history would have have thought to have his picture taken in the disguise he used to get through hostiles to retrieve the elders' bodies.^ That picture graces the cover of his Autobiography.

Roberts elected to use the speaker's podium to present his message His public lectures and debates began his work of studying and writing to defend his own and his church's beHefs. In a debatewith Parson Alsop he first heard arguments made by Alexander Campbefl against the Book of Mormon Roberts would later write his own three-volume defense of that scripture in his New Witness for God. . . .

Poverty faced Roberts and his families always. Though he was offered non-church options for making a living he chose to write for church publications, and he accepted additional church callings. He was a Seventy. Proudly he sawhisworkasa missionary and mission president as a "divine" calling, and he guarded that definition for the Seventy vigorously

While president ofthe Eastern States Mission he organized a centennial celebration of the visit of the Angel Moroni to Joseph Smith He introduced new and better training to pre-

pare his missionaries to preach the gospel, not, however, without challenges from fellow general authorities

Roberts wrote at length on his political life First was his part in the Utah Constitutional Convention where he jirguedagainstwomen'ssuffrage within the Utah State Constitution. He was ;dso concerned with the role of church leaders in the political process, feeling that he had been viaimized by it To him the worlds of religion and politics were separated completely

He also explained and defended himself as the polygamist denied his seat in Congress. His rejection was a bitter pill, so he took pains to note that responsible, respectable voices nationally had defended him

Roberts continued his church writings His study guide for the Seventies reflects hisintellectual prowess but also histheological maturing He felt keenly the need to present and defend Mormonism openly, logically, and rationally. He chose not to ignore problems hesawwith daims somechurch leaders made for Mormonism. However, he was unable to sell his rational defense approach to fellow general authorities. He was a remarkable Mormon

Roberts wrote his Autobiography as "sacred history." That is, for him, God clearly participated in the affairs of mankind with the church of Jesus assigned a particular latter-day role. Roberts sawhimselfasan" instrument" guided by his "soul voice" to serve in his church and to keep God's message to the world clear, rational, and defendable This is the B H Roberts readers discover in this Autobiography. The private man, father, husband, and citizen must be discovered elsewhere.

MELVINT SMITH Mount Pleasant

So Much to Be Done- Women Settlers on the Mining and Ranching Frontier. Edited by RUTH B MoYNiHAN,SusANARMiTAGE,andCHRiSTiANEFiscHERDiCHAMR(Lincoln:Universityof Nebraska Press, 1990 xxii -I-325 pp Cloth, $32.50; paper, $12.95.)

In 1977 Christiane Fischer edited a collection of excerpts from the autobiographical writings of twenty-five women who lived in the nineteenthcentury American West Most of the textswere from rarelyavailable printed sources; some were from manuscript collections. Fischer's purposewastoZ^^ Them Speakfor Themselves most of them ordinary women but "rich and complex personalities"; most of them constricted by imposed or internalized ideas about traditional womanly behavior, though"few could be described as submissive."

Now, several years later, Fischer Dichamp, with collaborators Moynihan and Armitage, has coedited another suchcollectionofwritings ofeighteen other western women, most of them Anglo-American intruders on Indian and Hispanic lands. (Different pages from Sarah Winnemucca Hopkins's autobiography, Life among the Piutes, are included in both texts). This collection becomes, then, a companion to the previous volume, both making more accessible westering women's diverse voices—sometimes poetic, sometimes humorous, sometimes frustrated—for use in classrooms and just as a good read.

In the years between volumes a plethora of texts about women in the West have been published, many of them listed in the helpful, though highlyselected, bibfiography of So Much to Be Done. Freed from ruling paradigms of historical inquiry by the new social history's excavation of daily life and provoked by the new considerations of gender as a category of historical analysis, scholars have used materials such

as these women's writings to rethink notions about frontier individualism and family cooperation and diversity of cultures

So much, in fact, has been written that the introduaory pages offered by the editors seem spare and tentative, descriptive rather than analytical, and limited as a guide to that foreign place that isthepast Protesting that no single interpretation can encompass all of western women's experiences, the editors suggest their selected texts support Julie RoyJeffrey's conclusion that Anglo women in the West refused to give up notions ofViaorian domesticity and Sandra Myers's conclusion that westering women were often nonconforming and adaptive. (Jeffrey and Myers are both editors of the series in which this book is published.)

As she did in her previous text, Fischer Dichamp notes that in the women's narratives men often appear only peripherally These women are v^iting about their own activities as primary, male endeavors are secondary. This iswomen's world past, maybe even the female frontier Glenda Riley proposes as an interpretive framework Certainly it is a world complex, crazy,' sorrowflil, heroic, funny-a world that needs to be taken into account by all wanting a more honest, a more complete understanding of this place the West

The editors have presented one interpretation of the woman's West in their few comments and in their selection of texts They propose that the woman'sWest isaplace of5o Much to Be Done. These western women cb, work, and go west for the same reason as

men in quest of economic opportunities These women sustain their households with productive and reproductive labor, are vital participants in family economies, and are essential creators of community

And yet, with the editors' selection of texts by women on the frontiers of the mosdy male occupations ofmining and ranching, we are left wondering if mining and ranching communities offered women more economic opportunities, more leewayfor entrepreneurial strategies than did farming or military or urban frontiers. And the whole competing for resources with Native Americans and other non-Anglo western women is not even considered by the editors.

Nonetheless, Moynihan, Armitage, jmd Fischer Dichamp have found wonderful narratives for us And for all the popular attention given to Johanna Stratton's Pioneer Women, a 1981 text that used a collection of 800 women's narratives to describe the woman's West, Moynihiin, Armitage, and Fischer Dichamp were correct not to repeat Strattons' error of overexplaining and overanalyzing those narratives The nzirratives are their own best reason for being published This selection of texts is less wide ranging than Fischer's previous volume, but it isjust as lively and provocative.

KATHRYNL. MACKAY Weber State University

Book Notices m& g< ^

The Ute of Utah Lake By JOEL C. JANETSKL (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1991 xiv-h 81 pp $20.00.)

The Ute ofUtah Lake isasynthesis ofthe sparse ethnohistoric, ethnographic, and archaeological data on the protohistoric inhabitants of Utah Valley. This short compilation and interpretation byjoelJanetski is useful for avariety of reasons but primarily because it helps significandy to reduce the bias in the historical record of Native American groups in the Great Basin Archaeological evidence increasingly suggests the Basin hunter-gatherers ranged from highly mobile, thinly scattered people

living in small groups to virtually sedentary groups in comparatively densely populated regions. Unfortunately, due to the early usurpation of the most productive and well-watered areas by Euro-Americans, we know little about the more complex end of this continuum, and the image of dirty, disreputable, "digger" Indians is the one most commonly portrayed.

In areas like Utah Valley where rich lacustrine and riverine resources are concentrated, such an image is badly distorted Janetski, as havea number of other recent researchers, suggests that factors of transportation and storage are the principal ones that mediate

mobility and group size. That is, sedentary populations are found where storable resources occur in tightly packed arrangements that reduce the costs of transporting either products to people or people to products. Janetski contends that fish and to a lesser extent marsh plants from Utah Lake are resources that supported one of the densest, most sedentary populations in the eastern Great Basin

Janetski thoroughly reviews the evidence for fishing and how lake resources were used by the Utah Valley Utes Combined with a less detailed discussion of information on material culture and social features (much of which is available elsewhere) of the "Timpanogots," this discussion provides a useful counterpoint to the prevailing bias

The Owl on the Aerial: Poems and Diaries of Clarice Short. Edited by BARBARA J DuREE. (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1990. 186 pp. $14.95.)

Students and others whose lives were touched by a remarkable professor of English atthe University of Utah (194675) will be moved and enriched by the intimate self-portrait of Clarice Short found here. Almost 100 pages of selected diary entries cover some forty years of her life. The poems, almost fifty, take their place beside an earlier collection. The Old One and the Wind (1973).

The diary selections etch themselves into thelandscape ofthe heart A failure in her first teaching positions and in her first attempts to publish poetry and the fhiits of her scholarship Short endured and shetriumphed—quietly Tested by fire, she spoke with such authority that, without intending it or even being aware of it, she assumed for many

students the mantle of a guru Fortunately, her values were rock solid: The great literature of the past is worth studying and reflecting upon In this endeavor, or any other, only your best efforts will suffice

Barbara Duree, Emma Lou Thayne, and others involved in the production of this book deserve the thcmks of Short's many admirers. Nevertheless, one must register a major complaint As a person who, like Matthew Arnold, "saw life steadily and saw it whole," Short and the reader would have been better served had her life as revealed in the diaries been left in chronological wholeness instead of chopped into sections labeled teacher, sportswoman, traveler, etc It is disconcerting to keep jumping back and forth in time, especiallywhen one ofthe important points ofShort*slife ishow shewove its diverse threads into an apparently seamless whole.

Unitarianism in Utah A Gentile Religion in Salt Lake City, 1891-1991. By STAN LARSON and LORILLE MILLER (Salt Lake City: Freethinker Press, 1991 xviii-I-381 pp. $24.95.)

The Unitarian faith goes back to at least the sixteenth century when King John Sigismund of Transylvania provided for religious toleration and established a Unitarian church under an edict issued in 1568.The establishment ofa Unitarian society in Salt Lake City occurred more than three centuries later when a group of forty-six Utahns met attheWalker House, alocal hotel at 246 South Main, on February 24, 1891, to draft and sign a constitution This beautifully designed and published book is a fitting tribute to a group that has made significant contributions to the state of Utah

Theauthors, StanLarson and Lorille Miller, have documented both the successes and scandals that are the Unitarian history in Utah. They have alsoprovidedafascinatingglimpse into a religion that"... ispart ofa tradition of truth-seeking based on human reason... manifest in positions that do not coincide with orthodox Christian doctrines about God and Jesus of Nazareth" (p. 1). The book is divided into two parts, the first half is a chronological history of the church from its founding to the present, whilepart two includes twenty-three sermons by all but one of the twenty-four Unitarian ministers who have served the Utah church since 1891 The sermons deal with awide range of theological topics, but the importance of ecumenicalism, individual conscience, and social responsibility are constant threads throughout both the history and the sermons

Utah Birds: Historical Perspectives and Bibliography. By WILLIAM H BEHLE (Salt Lake City: Utah Museum of Natural History, 1990.xvi-h355 pp. $25.00.)

Behle, a retired professor of biology at the University of Utah, has written several books on birds in Utah This one begins with the DominguezEscalante expedition in 1776when the first white men penetrated into northeastern and central Utah The Spanish fathers noted a few birds along their route In about 1824 mountain men recorded casual observations of birds that they encountered Mentions were also made byJohn C Fremont's party and travelersontheirwayto California Other important observations were made by the Stansbury party in the springof 1850and intheearly 1870sby

naturalists attached to the King, VV^heeler, and Hayden surveys

Also discussed in this excellent book are early Utah naturalists, local museums' contributions, egg collectors, crganizations such as the Utah Audubon Society, Intermountain Chapter of (hooper Ornithological Club, Utah Nature Society, and others, and information on ornithology and ornithologists at various universities in Utali.

Blood on the Moon: Valentine McGillycuddy and the Sioux. By JULIA B. MCGILLYCUDDY (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990 xix -I- 291 pp Paper, $10.95.)

First pubhshed in 1941, this reprint is a lively narrative of Valentine McGillycuddy's life in the West between 1874 and 1919. He served as an army doctor and so witnessed, or discussed with participants, many of the major events involving the Sioux campaigns to include Gen. Crook's Battle of the Rosebud, the cavalry's starvation march across the Dakotas, the Custer fight, the killing of Crazy Horse, and the flight ofthe Cheyenne.

The book's central focus is on McGillycuddysserviceastheSiouxIndian agent on the Pine Ridge Reservation from 1879 to 1886. The story, sympathetically told by his second wife, Julia, portrays his valiant efforts to combat the corruption of white prof iteers, pork barrel politics ofthe Indian Ring, and local white antagonism while wresding with the problems of a defeated people unused to living in confinement on areservation. McGillycuddy established an Indian police force, prevented military interference, verbally and psychologically battled Red Cloud for control, instituted a farming program, and developed a

tight-fisted approach to running the daily affairs ofthe agency. According to the author, he was too successful, and though exonerated byfrequent investigations, was removed for political expediency.

This book isrecommended for those interested inan insider"sviewof setding the Sioux on reservations, the subsequent cultural impact, and the government's role in this process

Bounty: A Harvest ofFood Lore and Country Memoriesfrom Utah's Past ByjANErALM ANDERSON. (Boulder, Colo.: Pruett Publishing Co, 1990 xiv -I- 177 pp $16.95.)

This nifty litde book approaches Utah's past from theperspective of food and the social traditions revolving around growing, preparing, and eating it Food lovers and those who remember grandmother's spice cake with misty eyes and watering mouth will find Bounty a real nostalgia trip It is loaded with historic photographs (55), anecdotes, home remedies, remembrances, and, of course, recipes

Joseph Smith's New York Reputation Reexamined By RODGER 1. ANDERSON. (Salt Lake City Signature Books, 1990 vi-l- 178 pp Paper, $9.95.)

Rodger Anderson, a graduate in philosophy from the University of Utah, is a freelance writer specializing in nineteenth-century religions. Since

the early 1830s Mormons and nonMormons alike have tried to make sense of the recollections of Joseph Smith's neighbors in New York These recollections, along with Smith's autobiographical accounts, are important sources and comprise almost everything known about Joseph Smith's youth and his family during the 1820s. Anderson includes transcripts of these firsthand reminiscences(someofwhich are published here for the first time), evaluates the validity of their claims, and discussesthedebatesthatthey have started

This study attempts to analyze the testimonials collected by Dr Philastus Hurlbut, Arthur Buel Deming, and William and E L Kelley as well as recollections of Lucy Mack Smith and William Smith.

Wilford WoodruffsJourrml, 1833-1898, an Index: Typescript Volumes 1-9, 29 December 1833 to 2 September 1889. Edited by SUSANSTAKERcind BRENTD CORCORAN.(Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1991.xxxii -h274 pp. $75.00.)

This work is an index to the ninevolume set thatwas published between 1983 and 1985 by Signature Books and edited by Scott G Kenney It has both topical and name entries arranged letter-by-letter alphabetically Besides the index, this volume contains a chronology of Wilford WoodrufPs life

INDEX

Italic numbers refer to lUustradons

Abbott, Nettie, and Farmington WSA, 16

Abbott, Thomas M., and cattle in Ogden Canyon, 16

Adams, Marie, WWII worker, 142

Ainge, , at Carnegie Quarry, 243

Akiya, Karl, Topaz resident, 382

Albright, Horace, NPS director, 252

Allen, Rep., and Mrs. C. E., and suffrage, 43

American Can Co., Ogden business, 56

American Fork, Utah, feud of, with Lehi over sugar factory, 191

American Museum of Natural History, and dinosaurs, 256-57

American Smelting and Refining Co., 369, 370

American Woman Suffrage Assn., and Utah, 35, 39

Anderson, Agnes, marriage of, 193

Anderson, Clinton, U.S senator, 232

Anderson, June, and WWII, 144

Anderson, Macel, WWII worker, 143

Antelope Jake, Gosiute leader, 291

Anthony, Susan B., and suffrage in Utah, 34, 41, 43

Antiquities Act of 1906, 222

Architecture of Scou & Welch, 104-22, 104-5, 108, 109, no, HI, 112, 117, 118, 119, 121

Army Air Corps See U.S Air Force

Arnold, Henry "Hap": and Manhattan Project, 341, and missiles, 347

Aspinall, Wayne, congressman, and Canyonlands, 240

Atomic Energy Commission, and uranium industry, 404

Austin, George, and sugar industry, 193, 200

B

Babbiu,AlmonW.:andJ W.Gunnison, 273, 273 n 20; lecture of, 181; and stage route, 179

Badger, Carl A., state legislator, and child labor, 69,69

Balsley, Howard Warren, uranium miner and Moab civic leader, 395-406, 395, 397, 401, 405

Balsley, Jesse Trout (wife), 398

Balsley, Nellie (sister), 396

Bannock Indians, 149, 154, 160, 161-63

Bardett, Jed, Moab farmer, 398

Bear Lake, 151, 153

Bear Lake monster, S E Tillman's account of, 148, 151-52

Beaver Chronicle,, 15

Beaver County: Lee trail in, 6; non-Mormons in, 67; United Order in, 7

Beaver County Woman Suffrage Assn., 6-21

Beaver Stake Academy, 15-16

Beck, John, and sugar industry, 190, 192, 193

Beckwith, E G., and Gunnison massacre, 284-85

Beecher, Harold K., architect, 121

Beecroft, J W., cartoonist, 44

Belljiap, WilHam W., secretary of war, 296

Bellows, John, and Stansbury expedition, 283, 283 n 42

Bennett, Ray A., and uranium 404

Bennett, Wallace F., U.S senator, and Canyonlands, 218-19, 221-11,222, 225, 227-41

Benton, Thomas Hart, and railroad, 281, 281 n. 38

Bernhisel, John M.: as delegate to Congress, 271, 271 n 13, 273, 279; and horticulture, 183

Beveridge, Albert, Indiana senator, and child labor, 57

Bible, Alan, U.S senator, and Canyonlands, 230, 232

Biclkley, Jane, and Beaver WSA, 14, 7 5

Bicdey, W G., and Beaver WSA, 13, 14

Bingham High School, design of, 115, 118, 122

Bingham Junction (West Jordan), Utah, beet-cutting station at, 200

Birnie, Rogers, and Wheeler Survey, 150

Blake, James, geologist/physician with Stansbury expedition, 275, 275 n 25

Bosone, Reva Beck, Utah congresswoman, and Echo Park dam, 76

Boiiworth, Mary Ann, child worker, 58

Boi:hweil Mining Co., 204

Bourne, Emmeline Hess, and Fjirmington WSA, 17

Bourne, John A., Farmington mayor, 17

Boyer, Sarah A., and suffrage, 43

Bradley, L D., Nevada governor, 288

Bradshaw, John F., cattle feed lot of, 196

Bradshaw, Richard, cattle feed lot of, 196

Bridger, Jim, 269, 269 n 8

Brigham Young Express and Carrying Co., 179

Br gham Young University, 294

Bnnton, Wilder, mining engineer, 401

Broadbent & Son, Lehi merchants, 193

Br 3wer, David, Sierra Club president, and Canyonlands, 226, 239; and Echo Park dam controversy, 73, 86

Brown, Byron W., and sugar industry, 193

Browning, William, 2u-chitect, 121

Bruhn, William, and Canyonlands, 227

Buel, Cynthia, lone woman in Universal Scientific • Society, 180

Bidlock, Thomas, and Pomological Society, 182

Bureau of Land Management, and Canyonlands, 225

Bureau of Reclamation, and Echo Park dam, 74, 77, 79, 82, 83, 84

Burr, David H., and stage route, 179

Burton, Laurence, Utah congressman, and Canyonlands, 236-37, 240, 241

Bush, Vannevar, and U.S missile research, 347

Butcher, Devereux, publisher, and Canyonlands, 226

Bywater, Annie H., ZCMI clothing factory manager, 64-65

Campbell, Robert L.: and DA and MS, 185; and schools, 179

Candland, David, lecture of, 181

Cannon , Sen and Mrs Frank J., and suffrage, 43

Cannon , George, Qj, and sugar factory, 191, 200

Canyonlands National Park, controversy over, 21642,27 6, 229

Carnegie, Andrew, and dinosaurs, 245, 251, 253

Carnegie Museum , quarry of, at Dinosaur N.M., 243, 244-59

Carrington, Albert: biographical data on, 266, 268 n 7,266', 276 n 26; letters ofj W Gunnison to, 267-83; role of, in Stansbury expedition, 26567

Caruthers, M., militia leader, 313

Cates, Louis C , Utah Coppe r executive 111, 114

Cedar Fort (Cedar City), settlers at, defy B Young's military orders, 312-14

Central Utah Project, 262

Chadwick, Nelda, WWII worker, 135-36

Chandler, Zachariah, interior secretary, 296

Chapman , Oscar, interior secretary, and Echo Park dam , 74-75, 77, 79, 82

Chicago World's Fair, 1897, Lehi sugar displayed at, 194

Child labor, 1880-1920, in Utah, 3, 52-71, 52, 5 7, 61, 63, 65, 71

Christensen, Renee, and WWII, 136-37

Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: and child labor, 66; and intellectual life, 164-88; Stegner's assessment of influence of, 226-27; and sugar industry, 190, 192, 195, 201; and working women , 131, 132-33, 144-45; and wome n suffrage, 4-21, 23-31, 33-42. See also Mormon s

Clark, Amasa Lyman, Farmington leader, 1 7

Clark, Ezra Thompson , 17

Clark, Lucy A., and Farmington WSA, 13-14, 17, 17

Clark, Mary Elizabeth, and Farmington WSA, 17

Clark, Mary S., and Farmington WSA, 17

Clark, Morris, and sugar industry, 204

Clearfield Naval Supply Depot, WWII workers at, 124, 135, 137, 365, 369, 370, 371, 372, 374, 379

Clements, Gilbert, lecture of, 181

Cleveland, Abner C , rancher, 288, 294, 297

Clyde, George D., Utah governor, and Canyonlands, 219, 221-22, 222, 225, 227-38

Colorado River, and Moab ferry, 396

Colton, Don B., Utah congressman, and Dinosaur N.M., 255-56

Coombs , Elizabeth Walker, and Farmington WSA, 18, 18

Congressional Union, and woma n suffrage, 43 Conservation movement, and Echo Park dam, 7286

Copperton, Utah, 7 72, 113-15

Cordova, Florence Ellis, W^WII worker, 726 Council House, 169

Council of Fifty, 169

Cousins, Phoebe, and suffrage in Utah, 37

Cowles, George, and W. Woodruff, 172, 173

Cowles, Solomon, and education, 172

Cox, R Lavaun, oil executive, 221

Cudahy Packing Co., wages at, 138

Curie, Marie S., and U.S uranium , 399-400

Cusachs, Phillip, artist, i\, 42

Cutler, Thoma s R., and sugar industry, 190, 193, 200, 201, 202

Davis, Elisha, and sugar industry, 193

Davis, Jas., 314

Deep Creek, Utah, and White Pine War of 1875, 286-99

Deloney, Martha A., wife of J W Gunnison, 266, 284-85

Deloney, W G (brother), 285

Delta, Utah, and Topaz, 386

Dennis, Joh n H., 292

Denver & Rio Grande Railroad, and Uinta Basin, 245

Deseret Alphabet, 178, 180, 182

Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society (DA and MS), 177, 183-88

Deseret Chemical Depot, 367

Deseret Horticultural Society, 184

Deseret News: and Canyonlands, 229; and LDS church, 226

Deseret Theological Institute, 17 7, 181

Deseret Typographical Society, 177, 181

DeVoto, Bernard, and Echo Park dam controversy, 72-86, 74

Dinosaur National Monument : and Echo Park controversy, 73-86, 72, 78; history of, during 190956, 27 5, 243-63, 243, 250, 253, 261

Doerr,John , NPS naturalist, 259-61, 262

Dolan, Tom , and uraniu m 399

Douglass, Earl, paleontologist with Carnegie Museum , 245-50, 246, 252, 254-59, 263

Drinnon, Richard, andJ A relocation, 381

Drury, Newton, NPS director, and Echo Park dam , 77, 79

Dugway Proving Ground , 355, 367

Dussler, Byron, draftee, experiences of, at Wendover, 335-36

Dyer, E H., & Co., and Lehi sugar plant, 190, 19293

Echo Park da m controversy, 72-86, 78, 262-63

Economy: at turn ofthe century, 55-56; and WWII, 123-45

Edmunds-Tucker Aa, 5, 37, 41

Education: and compulsory school attendance, 68; and school building design, 114-22 See also Woodruff, Wilford

Eggert, Charles, film producer, 234

Eijima, Mari, Topaz resident, 385, 389, 391

Eisenhower, Dwight D.: and Echo Park dam, 84; and NPS, 80

Eitel McCuUough Radio Tube Plant, and WWII, 370, 377, 379

Eldredge, Horace S., and manufacturing, 187

Elks Club Lodge, design of, by Scott & Welch, 109

Ellerbeck, Thomas W., and DA and MS, 185 Emigration Canyon, experimental farm in, 185 Ent, Uzal, general, and Manhattan Project, 34142

Equal Rights Banner, Beaver WSA newsletter, 10-13

Ernst, Charles, Topaz director, 393

Escalante Nadonal Monument, opposition to, 217 Evans, A J., LDS stake president, 202 Evans, Mosiah, Lehi mayor, 200

Fabian, Harold, State Parks director, 218

Farmington City Woman Suffrage Assn., 6-21

Farmington, Utah: agriculture in, 7-8; United Order in, 8

Farnsworth, , and Beaver WSA, 13

Fauntleroy, C E., and Manti parachute factory, 370

Fernley, Edward, Beaver councilman, 15

Fernley, Mary, and Beaver WSA, 13, 15

Fillmore, Millard, and Utah, 270 n 11, 280 n 36

Fillmore, Utah, 269, 269 n 10

FirestoneTireCo.,designof, by Scott & Welch, 1089, 108, 122

Fish, Joseph, Beaver resident, 7

Fisher, Walter, interior secretary, 249

Fitch, Asa, NY hordculturalist, 183

Fort Douglas, and Wendover Field, 334

Fort Hall, 149, 756, 156-58, 161-63,265,295,29697

Fort Halleck, 290

Fon Utah (Provo), and Indian-white conflia, 301-9

Fotheringham, Matilda, and Beaver WSA, 14

Fotheringham, Willi^un, and Beaver WSA, 14

France, William, lecture of, 181

FrankLeslie's IllustratedNewspaper, cartoons satirizing suffrage and polygamy in, 32, 34

Freeman Apartments, design of, by Scott & Welch, 108

Freeman, Orville, secretary of agriculture, 219

Frost, Kent, tour business of, 217

Fujita, Tad, Topaz resident, 390

Galloway, Marie W., WWll worker, 141

Gardiner Lithographers, child workers at, 67

Gardner, James H., and sugar industry, 192-93, 201,202

General Refractories, 196

Geneva Steel, post-WWII operation of, 131

Geriird, Eleanor, Topaz teacher, 393

Gheen, Levi, Indian sub^ent, 290-92, 294, 299

Gilhim, F Victor, artist, 41,M

Godbeite movement, 168, 169

Godbe, William S., marriage of to Charlotte Ives Cobb, 23-24

"Goodrich, Elder 'Dad,'" at dinosaur quarry, 250

Goodwin, Abijah, Lehi marshal, 194

Gosiute Indians, effects of 1875 White Pine War on, 286-99, 286, 289, 295

Grand County Courthouse, Moab, design of, by Scott & Welch, 120

Grant, George D., militia leader, 303-5

Grant, Heber J., and Mormon-gentile cooperation, 187

Grant, Jedediah M.: and Polysophical Society, 182; sermons of, 168; and stage route, 179

Grant, Ulysses S Ill, and Echo Park dam, 82 Great Depression, effect of, on military, 333

Great Salt Lake, and Stansbury expedition, 265

Green River, Utah, rocket launching site near, 23839

Grimshaw, Jonathan, lecture of, 181 Gunista, Gosiute leader, 291 Gunn, John, and experimental farm, 185 Gunnison, John Williams, 264; death of, 265, 267, 284-85; and Great Lakes survey, 272; letters of, to A Carrington, 264-85

Gutman, Hans, and Wheeler Survey, 158, 159, 163

HHada, John, Topaz resident, 387

Hara, Hannah, Topaz resident, 387 Harris, Ray G., general, speech of, at Hill AFB, 378

Hawkins, Thomas, lecture of, 181 Hay, William, and women's rights, 33 Hayashi, Tad, Topaz resident, 388 Hebrew School (LDS), 174

Helper Civic Auditorium, design of, by Scott & Welch, 120, 727

He5s, John W., LDS stake president, 18

Hess, Julia, and Farmington WSA, 18

Heywood, Joseph L., 269, 269 n.9

Heywood, Martha Spence, and killing of Indians at Nephi, 315

Hibi, Hisako, Topaz resident, 392

Hibino, Nobu Kumekawa, Topaz resident, 391

Higbee, Isaac, Fort Utah leader, 301-2, 306

Hill AFB (Hill Field): and control of west desert range, 354-59; dwarfs working at, during WWII, 373; employee services and morale at, 377-79; women workers at, in WWII, 124, 135, 127-29, 132, 137, 142

Historiography: and isolationist mode of viewing Utah's development, 164-70, 187-88; review of early works in, 164-68

Hodge, David, and sugar industry, 202

Holdsworth, Bill, sugar beet worker, 7 9^

Holland, W.J., Carnegie Museum director, 247-54, 256

Hooker, William J., Kew Gardens chief, 183

Hooper, William Henry, delegate to Congress, 2425

Horseshoe Canyon pictographs, 242

Horspool, Eliza, child worker, 58

Howd, Lucinda Morgan, and Beaver WSA, 15, 76

Howd, S G., Beaver councilman, 15

Hoyt, Vdlmer, Denver Post publisher, 82

Hunter, Edward, DA and MS president, 184

Huntington, Dimmick, amd Indians, 302

Hurt, Garland, and st^ e route, 179

Hyde, John, leaure of, 180-81

Hyde, Orson, LDS apostle, 270, 270 n.I2

Ickes, Harold, and Escalante N.M., 217

lijima, Kaz, Topaz resident, 382, 393

liyama, Ernie, husband of Chiz Kitano, 394

Ingalls, M. W., and sugar industry, 200

International Smelting and Refining Co., 369

Ito, Kiyo, Topaz resident, 390-91

Jaeger, George, 12th Infantry officer, 290-92, 295, 298

Japanese American Citizens League (JACL), and redress, 383

Japanese Americans, 385, 393; efferts of incarceration at Topaz on, 380-94; and redress movement, 383-84, 383 n 12; as WWII workers, 373

Jenkins, Ellen, WWII worker, 142

Jennings, James E., and sugar industry, 193

Jennings, William, SLC mayor, and mining, 169 Jensen, J C , marriage of, 193

Johnson, Edwin C , Colorado senator, and uranium, 404

Johnson, Lyndon B., and Canyonlands, 242

Jones, Louissa, editor, Eqiial Rights Banner, 11,13

Jordan River, and Stansbury expedition, 265

Joseph, Chief, and retreat of Nez Perce, 154, 160

Julian, George W., and woman suffrage, 33-34

KKane, Thomas L., 280, 280 n 36

Kampf, Dr., Wheeler Survey mathematician, 150

Katayama, Hiromoto, Topaz resident, 392

Kawaguchi, Tom, Topaz resident, 390

Kay, , at Carnegie Quarry, 243

Kay, Leroy, Carnegie employee, 258-59, 260-61

Kearns Army Air Base, 729, 366-67

Keiokan, Abu, Topaz resident, 386, 387

Kennecott Copper Corp., 369

Kennedy, Joh n F.: and Canyonlands, 227; and Echo Park dam, 82

Keppler, Joseph, German cartoonist, 35, 36

Kesler, Frederick, and manufacturing, 187

Kimball, Heber C , 175, 182, 276, 276 n 29

Kimball, Hiram, stage operator, 179

Kimball, William, at Cedar Fort, 312

King, David, Utah congressman, and Canyonlands, 219, 222, 224, 227, 231, 235-36

King, William H., and 19th Amendment, 49

Kinney, Joh n Fitch, and stage route, 179

Kirby, Charlotte Ives Cobb Godbe, 22; correspondence of, with W Woodruff, 23, 24-31; and woman suffrage, 23-31

Kirby, John , mine owner, 24

Kirkham, James, and sugar industry, 200

Kirkham, Utah, beet dum p at, 7 95

Kirdand, Ohio: education in, 173-74; LDS temple in, 7 77

Kitano, Chiz, Topaz resident, 387, 394

Kitano, Harry, author, and JA relocation, 381, 387,393

Kletdng, Richard K A., architeaural firm of, 106-7

Komas, Richard, Uintah Ute, 297

Kondo, George, Topaz resident, 391

Knight, Martha, Topaz teacher, 393

Kuchler, Rudolph, state senator, and child labor, 69, 69

Labor, and WWII, 123-45. See also Child labor Lane, Franklin K., interior secretary, 251

Lannan, Patrick H., and Mormon/gentile cooperation, 187

Leathers, Albert, prospector, 287-88, 292-93

Lehi Banner, and sugar industry, 192, 195-96, 197, 201

Lehi Catde Feeding Co., 196

Lehi Choir, 191

Lehi First Ward Chapel, 204

Lehi Glee Club, 191

Lehi Silver Band, 191

Lehi Sugar Factory, history of, 189-204, 189, 199, 201, 204

Lehi Sun, and sugar industry, 202-3

Lehi, Utah: economy of, 196-97; selection of, as sugar factory site, 191

Lehman, Absolem, rancher, 290, 292

Lemmon, Dorothy, WWII worker, 134

Leonard, Clara, and Farmington WSA, 16-17

Leonard, Sister, and woman suffrage, 9

Liberad party, and woman suffrage, 4-5, 12

Lion and Beehive houses, 7 69, 169

Little, James A., at Cedar Fort, 312

Loyd, Sherman, Utah congressman, and Canyonlands, 236-37, 241

Lockwood, Belva NcNall, suffrage leader, 27, 37, 39,41

Long, Milhe, Wrwil worker, 143

Long, Oren, U.S senator, 232

Louie, Will, architect, 121

Lyman, Amasa, LDS apostle, 7, 265

Lyman, Francis M., LDS apostle, and woman suffrage, 9-10

Lyon, John , lerture of, 181

Maeser, Karl G., and BYU, 16

Maeser, Reinhard, Beaver principal, 15

Maeser, Sarah Caroline, and Beaver WSA, 13, 15

McCarthy, Joseph R., and B. DeVoto, 81

McClure, , and Wheeler Survey, 158, 159,163

McKay, David O., and Canyonlands, 235

McKay, Douglas, interior secretary, 80, 83, 85

McLean, Grace M., V^W^II worker, 135

McNally, Gloria, V^WII worker, 136

Manabe, Chitose, Topaz resident, 390

Manabe, Fumi, Topaz resident, 388, 390

Mancos Jim, 402

Manhattan Project: training for, at Wendover, 34145; and uranium, 404

Manti, Utah: and Indian-white conflict, 315; parachute factory in, 103, 137

Marsac School, Park City, design of, by Scott & Welch, 118

Martha Society, and WWII, 127

Marti, Rosina, widow, 53

Masland, Fraink Jr., and Canyonlands, 217-18, 219,223

Mather, Stephen, NPS director, 254, 255, 256

Maw, Herbert B., governor, and WWII, 124, 133, 366, 369-70, 376

Mayer, Hy, illustrator, 46

Meeker, Nathan C , and irrigation, 186

Metals Reserve Co., 403

Metcalf, Lee, U.S senator, 232

Midvale Junior High, design of, by Scott & Welch, 115

Millard, Mary, and Farmington WSA, 7 7, 17

Miller, Ann Christenson, and Farmington WSA, 18

Miller, Helen Mar Cheney, and Farmington WSA, 18,79

Miller, Jacob, school superintendent, 18

Mills, Andrew, and W Woodruff, 172-73

Mining, and uranium industry in se Utah, 399406

Minorities, as WWII workers, 371-74

Minute Women, and WWII workers, 127

Mitchell, F A., and DA and MS, 185

Moab, Utah: civic organizations in, 405; and development of uranium industry, 399-406

Moffat, David, Denver businessman, 245

Moore, David, Weber milida leader, 314

Morgan school buildings, design of, by Scott & Welch, 119-120, 7 79

Morgan, John T., antisuffrage resolution of, 37

Mormons: in Cache Valley and so Idaho, 150-51, 154; and Indians, 293, 295-97, 300-319; and mining, 169. See also Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and names of individual Mormons

Morris, Elias, and sugar industry, 191, 193

Morris, R M., and Gunnison massacre, 284

Morris, Thomas, congressman, and Canyonlands, 240

Mojs, Frank E. "Ted," U.S. senator, and Canyonlands, 217-19, 222-25, 224, 227-42, 241

Mower, Odessa Young, WWII worker, 142

Murdock, Abe, congressman, and WWII industries, 370

Murdock Academy, 16

Murdock, Caddie, and Beaver WSA, 16

Murdock, Cliira, and Beaver WSA, 16

Murdock, John Riggs, LDS bishop in Beaver, 7, 16

Murdock, M E., and Beaver WSA, 13

Murdock, Mary, and Beaver WSA, 16

Murphy, Dan, rancher, 293

Na^ata, Maya, Topaz resident, 388-89

Nakagawa, Kitty, Topaz resident, 388

Nakahata, Don, Topaz resident, 89

National American Woman Suffrage Assn (NAWSA), 42-44, 44, 48

National Park Act of 1916, 223

National Parks Advisory Board: and Canyonlands, 217-18, 223; and Echo Park dam, 73-74

National Park Service: and Canyonlands, 218; and Dinosaur N.M., 244, 249, 251-63; and Echo Park dam, 74, 77, 79, 81

National Woman Suffrage Assn (NWSA), and Utah, 34, 36, 37

National Youth Assn., and WWII, 726

Native Americans: white conflict with, 293, 295-97, 300-319; as W^W workers, 372-73 See also various tribes

Nz.vajo Indians, 84

Ntilson, , at Carnegie Quarry, 243

Nelson, N O Manufacturing Co., warehouse of, designed by Scou & Welch, 108

Nelson Ricks, Creamery, dfesign of, by Scott & Welch, 108-9, 122

Nephi, Utah, and Indian-white conflict, 315 N(;uberger, Richard, and Echo Park dam, 84 N(;z Perce Indians, 154

Nielson, Retha, Hill Field employee, 124, 143

Oaata, Chiura, Topaz resident, 392

Ogden, Utah, in 1876, 762

Ogden Air Materiel Area (OAMA), 367; and Wendover range, 356; women employed at, 124

Ogden Arsenal, 367, 369, 370, 378; women employees at, 124, 126, 128, 129, 138, 142

Ogden High School, WWII training at, 376, 377

Ogden Packing and Provision Co., 56

Okamoto, Michiko, Topaz resident, 382, 389, 394

Okubo, Mine, Topaz resident 391-92, 394

Olcott, Harriet M cartoonist, 45, 47

Olpin, A Ray, U of U president, and Canyonlands controversy, 234

Olsen, C.J "Chet," director, State Parks, 218 Olsen, Ruth, WWII worker, 123 Owens, Mary, W^WII worker, 127

Palmer, Clarence L., Utah CIO president, and women workers, 134

Park City High School, design of, by Scott & Welch, 115, 116

Park, Harriet, cartoonist, 45

Paul, William, lecture of, 181

People's party, and woman suffrge, 4-5, 12

Peterson, M. Blaine, Utah congressman, and Canyonlands, 219, 222, 224, 227

Pioneer Park (Old Fort), experimental farm at, 185

Pitkin, Timothy, Connecticut congressman, 172

Phelps, W. W.: lecture of, 181; translation of petroglyphs by, 272-73, 273 n. 18

Philosophical Society, 180

Patterson, E R., and sugar industry, 200

Pleasant Grove, Utah, beet-cutting station at, 200

Polygamy, 279; effect of, on family life, 58; and woman suffrage, 24, 32, 33-42, 35, 38, 40

Polysophical Society, 177, 181-82

Pomological Society, 182

Pope, Mars, Moab resident, 397

Posey, 401-2

Powell, John Wesley, and Gosiutes, 296-97

Powell, Thaddeus, and sugar industry, 193

Pratt, Orson, 282, 282 n. 41; and Deseret Alphabet, 178; lecture of, 181

Pratt, Parley P.: and Indians, 302; sermon of, 168

Pratt, Romania B., and suffrage, 30

Provo, Utah: beet-cutting station at, 200; and Topaz, 386

Price Masonic Temple, design of, by Scott & Welch, 109, 709

Public Works Administration (PWA), Utah buildings fimded by, and designed by Scott & Welch, 117-22, 118, 119, 121

Quarantine Gardens, 185

Racker, Harold, death of, 201

Racker, William E., and sugar industry, 190, 193

Rainbow Bridge National Monument, 219

Reed, George, child worker, 60

Reese, Enoch, and DA and MS, 185

Reliance Manufacturing Co., Manti plant purchased by, 370

Remington Arms Co., 369-70, 376; women employees of, 124, 133-34, 136-37, 141

Republican party, 1894 platform of, in Utah, 195

Richards, Daniel B., attorney, 53

Richards, Emily S., and suffrage, 28 n 10, 43

Richards, F L., militia chaplain, 313

Richards, Samuel W.: and Deseret Alphabet, 178; and Pomological Society, 182

Richards, WQlard, 278, 278 n 32; and Indians, 302-3

Richardson, Darwin, lecture of, 181

Richmond Community Center, design of, by Scott & Welch, 120

Riverton School, design of, by Scott & Welch, 115 Robey, Pearl H., commander of OAMA, 356

Rock, Mary Ann, wife of A Carrington, 266

Rockefeller, John D Jr., and NPS, 80

Rocky Mountain Packing Co., wages at, 137

Rogers, Aurelia S., and Farmington WSA, 18, 79, 19

Rogers, Leone, and Farmington WSA, 19

Romney, George, ZCMI director, 53

Roosevelt, Franklin D., and WWII, 333, 370, 381

Roosevelt, Theodore; and child labor, 53-54; and national monuments, 222

Rostow, Eugene, and JA relocation, 384

Salt Lake Chamber of Commerce, formation of, 187

Salt Lake City, and woman suffrage, 7, 8

Salt Lake Council of Women, survey by, of working women, 132

Salt Lake Masonic Temple, design of, by Scott & Welch, 105, 107, 109-10, 770

Salt Lake Shriners' Hospital, design of, by Carl W Scott, 121

Salt Lake Tribune, and Canyonlands, 220-21, 229, 235

Salt Lake Umbrella Works, child workers at, 62

Saunders, Paul H., i67, 364; WWII experiences of, 361-64

Saville, James Maurice, child worker, 60

Saylor, Charles F., agricultural agent, 196

Schofield, John M., military commander in San Francisco, 288-90

School for Elders (LDS), 174

School ofthe Prophets (LDS), 174

Science and technology, development of, in territorial Utah, 164-88

Scott & Beecher, architectural firm, 121

Scou & Welch, architectural firm, 104-22, 70-7-5, 70*, 709, 770, 777, 772, 77 7, 118, 119, 121

Scott, Arlie Johnson, wife of Carl W., 106

Scoot, Carl W.,107; architecture of, 104-22

Scott, Carl Walter, architect, son of Carl W., 106, 121

Scott, Dudley Arline, daughter of Carl W., 106

Scott, Louie, and Browning, architectural firm, 121

SculpturedEarth, film on Canyonlands, 234-35

Secrist, Jacob, Farmington businessman, 19

Secrist, Monica, and Farmington WSA, 19

Seixas, Joshua, teacher, 174

Sekerak, Emil, WWII conscientious objector, 393

Shaw, Anna Howard, suffrage leader, 43

Sheets, Elijah F., and DA and MS, 185

Shimanouchi, Midori, Topaz resident, 391

Sierra Club: and Canyonlands, 226, 239; and Echo Park dam, 73, 86

Sigma Chi, chapter house of, designed by Scott & Welch, 107-8

Silder, Ralph, cartoonist, 45, 45

Sitton, Fendoll A., Colo, uranium producer, 404

Slavery, and Ute Indians, 308

Smith, Darold G., gunnery range commander, 335

Smith, J L., at Cedar Fort, 312

Smith, Joseph, teachings of, 173-76

Smith, George, USGS employee, 251

Smith, George A.: lecture of, 181; ais military leader, 310-14, 313, 317-18; and sugar industry, 200

Smithsonian Institution, and Utah dinosaurs, 24952, 258, 259

Smoot, Abraham O., sheep imported by, 186

Smoot, Reed, and 19th Amendment, 48, 49

Snelgrove, C. W., child worker, 67

Snell, Charles, uranium prospector, 400

Snow, Eliza R., and Polysophical Society, 181-82

Snow, Lorenzo: education of, 173; and Polysophical Society, 181-82

Snow, Zerubbabel, 276, 276 n. 27

Social Hall, 182, 183

Solomon, Gosiute Indian, 288

South High School, design of, by Scott & Welch, 70-7-5, 105, 107, 115, 116, 77 7, 122

Southern Utonian, Beaver newspaper, 7

Southwick, Edward, state senator, 202

Spanish Fork Junior High, design of, by Scott & Welch, 115

Spanish Fork, Utah, beet-cutting station at, 200

Spiritualism, 268, 268 n 6, 271-72

Split Mountain dam, 74

Springville, Utah, beet-cutting station at, 200

Staines, William C , and Pomological Society, 182

Standard Parachute Co., WWII factory in Manti, 103, 124, 7i6, 137, 370, 377, 378

Standiforth, Harriet, and Farmington WSA, 1920,20

Stansbury, Howard; 1849-50 expedition of, 26467; family of, 267 n 5

Stanton, Elizabeth Cady, and suffrage in Utah, 34, 43

Stayner, Arthur, horticulturist, 190

Steed, Athelia, and woman suffrage, 9

Stegner, Wallace: and Canyonlands, 226-27; and DeVoto, 85-86

Steptoe, Edward J., and W Woodruff, 180

Stevenson, Adlai E., and Echo Park dam, 84

Stiles, George P., and stage route, 179

Stone, Lucy, suffrage leader, 30-31, SI, 35

Stow, Marietta, suffrage leader, 38

Straus, Michael, Bureau of Reclamation commissioner, 79

Sugar industry, 189-204

Sugiyama, Shigeki, Topaz resident, 390, 394

Sumner, Edwin V., and White Pine War, 295-96, 298

Suyemoto, Lee, Topaz resident, 387, 389-90

Swain, Veda, WWII worker, 136

Takahashi, Tomoye, Topaz resident, 389

Talbot brothers, Colo, prospectors, 399

Taisuno, Dave, Topaz resident, 392

Taylor, John: and business, 187; and Timesand Seasons, 176

Terasawa, Faith, Topaz resident, 394

Thomas, Elbert D.: defeated in senate reelection bid by W F Bennett, 221; and WWII industries, 370

Thomas Peck and Sons Trucking Co., 204

Thompson, Lillian, WWII worker, 143

Thompson Springs, Utah, D&RGW station at, 39596

Tilibets, Paul W., pilot, led atomic bomb training at Wendover, 341-45, J^-i

Tillman, Samuel E., biography of and account of 1877 Wheeler Survey duty, 7-76, 146-63

Times and Seasons (LDS), 176

Tintic school buildings, design of, by Scott & Welch, 115, 118, 118-19

Toby, Gosiute Indian, 287, 291-92, 294, 295, 297,298

Toland, James, prospector, murder of, 287-88

Tell, Roger, NPS employee, 256

Tooele Army Depot (Tooele Ordnance Depot), 369, 371, 376, 379; bombs from supplied to SAC, 351; workers at, 124, 128, 134, 135, 137, 138, 139, 143

Topaz, Utah, S80, 385, 393; size of, 381; study of effects of incarceration at, 380-94

Trane, Fred, and sugar industry, 193

Treadwell, John, Conn, governor, 172

Tyler, Daniel, and Beaver WSA, 15

Tyler, Ruth W., and Beaver WSA, 15, 7 5

Uchida, Yoshiko, Topaz resident, 392

Udall, Stewart, interior secretary, and Canyonlands, 218-42,220, 2-77

Uinta Basin: and Dinosaur N.M., 243-63; economy of, 245

Uintah-Ouray Reservation, 295, 296, 297

Underwood Tariff of 1913, and sugcir industry, 201

Union Carbide & Carbon Corp., 493

U.S Air Force, training range of, in Utah, 332-60, 332, 335, 347, 349, 359

U.S Army, 8th Infantry of, stationed near Beaver, 7

U.S Forest Service, employees of, 79, 398-99, 401-2

U.S. Navy, and west desert range, 355-56

L.S. Steel's Geneva works, 369

L nited States Vanadium Corp, 403, 406

Universal Scientific Society, 177, 180-81

University of Utah (Deseret): beginnings of, 177-79; and Canyonlands, 223, 230, 234-35; and dinosaurs, 253-54

Untermann, G E., and Vernal museum, 258-62

Upper Colorado River Basin Storage Project, and controversial Echo Park and Split Mountain dams, 74-86

Uranium mining: interest of French scientists in, 399-400; in se Utah, 399-406

Utah Army Service Forces Depot, 367

Utah Bombing and Gunnery Range. See Utah Test and Training Range

Utah Copper Corp., 369, 370; buildings designed for, by Scou & Welch, 7 7 7, 111-14, 772; clubhouse for employees of, 777, 111, 113, and Copperton, 7 72, 113-14

Utah Field House of Natural History (Vernal), 25862, 262

Utah General Depot, 124, 367

Utah Horticultural Society, 177, 184

Utah-Idaho Sugar Co., 201, 294

Utah Lake, and Stansbury expedition, 265

Utah Oil Refinery, 131, 369

Utah Petroleum Council, 221

Utah Quartermaster Depot, 367

Utah Slaughtering Co., 196

Utah State Parks and Recreation Commission, and Canyonlands, 218

Utah Sugar Co., and Lehi factory, 190-204

Utah Territory, intellectual traditions in, 164-88

Utah Test and Training Range, USAF facility in western Utah, 332-60

Ute Indians, and slave trade, 308

Utsumi, Robert, Topaz resident, 387

Vallez, Henry, and sugar industry, 200

Vanadium Corporation of America, 406

Vernal Chamber of Commerce, 254, 255

Vernal Commercial Club, 254, 255

Vernal, Utah, museum in, 254-63

Victory Highway, 254-55

Vitro Manufacturing Co., 402-3

von Braun, Wernher, rocket scientist, 346

Wakasa, James Hatsuaki, shooting of, at Topaz, 382

Walcott, Charles, museum director, 250-52

Wales, J A., cartoonist, 36-37 '

Walkara, Ute leader, 302, 316, 317, 318

Walker, A B., cartoonist, 45

Walker, Mary, suffrage leader, 37-38

Walker War, 316-18

Wallace, George B., and experimental farm, 185

Ward, Barney, and Indians, 302

Watt, George D.: and Deseret Alphabet, 178, 180; and Pomologicid Society, 182

Watts, Vie Carter, WWII worker, 729

Webb, Dora, WWII worker, 133

Webb, Walter, Lehi Banner editor, 192, 195

Webber, Thomas, ZCMI manager, 52-53

Welch, George W., architect and state representative, 104-22, 707

Welch, Theda Knight, wife of George, 107

Wells, Daniel H., 269, 269 n. 9, JO^; and Indians, 302-7, 314, 318; sermons of, 168; and stage route, 179

Wells, Emmeline B.: feud of, with Charlotte Kirby, 24, 26, 28; and suffrage, 5, 8-9, 11, 12, 26, 36

West Jordan Junior High, design of, by Scott & Welch, 115

Western Union, messenger boys of, 65

Wendover Field, 367; atomic bomb training at, 342-45; early development of, 334-41; missile testing at, 345-51; as post-WWII training center, 351-60; and NASA, 358

Wheeler Survey, S E Tillman's account of, 14663

White, Charles D., LDS official in Beaver, 16

White, David, USGS employee, 252

White, Mary A., president, Beaver WSA, 8-9, II , 12, 16

White Pine War of 1875, 286-99, 286, 289

White, Theodore, E., Smithsonian employee, 259

Whidock, Delia Cox, WWII worker, 7^6

Whittaker and Dallas cigar factory, child workers in, 52

Williams, Maudie L., WWII worker, 133, 135

Wilson, Bates, park supt., 217, 218, 242

Wilson, J R., Utah AFL secretary, 134

Wilson, Woodrow, and Dinosaur N.M., 251

Winder, John R., and DA and MS, 184-85

Woman suffrage: Beaver and Farmington associations for, 4-21; and Charlotte Kirby, 23-31; depictions of in popular art, 32, 33-51, 35, 38, 40, 41, 42, 46, 47, 48, 49, 51; and woman's sphere, 10-12

Woman Suffrage Assn (WSA): branches of, in Utah, 5-21; and Charlotte Kirby, 23-31

Women, as WWII workers, 103, 123-45, 371

Woodruff, Aphek (father), 171, 173

Woodruff, Azubah Hart (stepmother), 171

Woodruff, Bulah Thompson (mother), 171

Woodruff, Eunice (half-sister), 172

Woodruff, Noadiah (distant relative), 172

Woodruff, Ozem (uncle), 172, 173

Woodruff, Philo (half-brother), 172

Woodruff, Thompson (brother), 172, 183

Woodruff, Wilford, 29, 164, 179; and Charlotte Kirby, 23-31; life of, as a case study of intellectual traditions in territorial Utah, 170-88; and sugar industry, 190-92; and woman suffrage, 9, 23-31

Woods, Rhoda Maria, wife of A Carrington, 266 Works Progress Administration, and dinosaur quarry, 257

World War II: employment in defense industries during, 123-45, 365-79; housing and transportation problems during, 366, 374-75; JA relocadon during, 380-94; and POWs, 368, 371, 373;

reminiscence of, 361-64; and Wendover, 33246

Yamanaka, Morgan, Topaz resident, 382, 390

Yano, Chiyoko, Topaz resident, 392-93

Young, Augusta Adams Cobb, fifth wife of B

Young, 23

Young, Brigham: cartoons satirizing, 32, 34; and Deseret Alphabet, 178; aind Gunnison massacre, 284-85; home and office of, 769, 169; and Indians, 301-19; and manufacturing, 187; and

mining, 55, 169; and Morrisite War, 16; and stage route, 179; and Stansbury expedition, 265; sermons of, 168; and Universal Scientific Society, 180, 181; and woman suffrage, 9

Young, Harold E., child worker, 60

Young, Willard, and Wheeler Survey, 157, 757

Young, Zina D H., and suffrage, 5, 9, 11, 27, 30

Youngberg, Hazel, child labor researcher, 62, 67

ZCMI: child workers at, 52-53, 59-60, 64-65; imports of, 187

Membership

in the Utah State Historical Society is open to everyone We invite you to join.

If you are already a member you may use the blank or piece of plain paper to purchase gift memberships, or fill in the "Share the Wealth" coupon and we will send those you list a special invitation to join the Society.

MEMBERSHIP APPLICATION

Membership Secretary

Utah State Historical Society

300 Rio Grande Salt Lake City, Utah 84101

Please enter my membership in the category below for the calendar year 19 I understand that I will receive Utah Historical Quarterly, the Newsletter, and Beehive History for that calendar year. I have enclosed a check or money order in the amount indicated:

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Please invite the following persons to join the Historical Society:

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UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOARD OF STATE HISTORY

MARILYN CONOVER BARKER, Salt Lake City, 1993 Chairman

PETER L. GOSS, Salt Lake City, 1995 Vice- Chairman

MAX J EVANS, Salt Lake City Secretary

DOUGLAS D. ALDER, SL George, 1993

LEONARDJ ARRINGTON, Salt Lake City, 1993

DALE L BERGE, Provo, 1995

BOYD A. BLACKNER, Salt Lake City, 1993

HUGH C GARNER, Salt Lake City, 1993

DEAN L MAY, Salt Lake City, 1995

AMY ALLEN PRICE, Salt Lake City, 1993

PENNY SAMPINOS, Price, 1995

JERRY WYLIE, Ogden, 1993

ADMINISTRATIO N

MAX J EVANS, Director

WILSON G MARTIN, Associate Director

PATRICIA SMITH-MANSFIELD, ^i5«tanf Director

STAN FORD J LAYTON, Managing Editor

DAVID B MADSEN, State Archaeologist

The Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history Today, under state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials: colleaingnistoric Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library. Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's pasL

This publication has been funded with the assistance ofa matching grant-in-aid from the Department ofthe Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as iimended

This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 ofthe Rehabilitation Act of 1973. The U.S. Department ofthe Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or ifyou desire lurther information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S Department ofthe Interior, Washington, D.C 20240