Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 62, Number 4, 1994

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042-143X)

EDITORIAL STAFF

MAX J EVANS, Editor

STANFORD J LAYTON, Managing Editor

MIRIAM B MURPHY, Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOARD O F EDITORS

KENNETH L CANNON II,Salt Lake City, 1995

JANICE P DAWSON, Layton, 1996

AUDREY M GODFREY, Logan, 1994

JOEL C JANETSKI, Provo, 1994 ROBERT S MCPHERSON, Blanding, 1995

ANTONETTE CHAMBERS NOBLE, Cora, WY, 1996

RICHARD W SADLER, Ogden, 1994

GENE A SESSIONS, Ogden, 1995 GARY TOPPING, Salt Lake City, 1996

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history The Quarterly is published four times a year by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101. Phone (801)533-3500 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, and the bimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $20.00; institution, $20.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $15.00; contributing, $25.00; sustaining, $35.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00

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THE COVER Bill Woods and his son, Ed, grandfather and uncle respectively of Robert S. Mikkelsen. Bill was an engineer and Ed a fireman. The coal toiuer at Echo City is in the background. Courtesy of Robert S. Mikkelsen.

PETER H. DELAFOSSE, ed. Trailing the Pioneers: A Guide to Utah 5 Emigrant Trails, 1829-1869 JENNIFER RIVERS and FRED R GOWANS 370

STEVEN J CRUM The Road on Which We Came: A History of the Western Shoshone...JAMES A. VLASICH 371

JUAN GOMEZ-QUINONES Roots of Chicano Politics, 1600-1940 RICHARD O. ULIBARRI 372

MATTHEW GLASS Citizens Against the MX: Public Languages in the Nuclear Age...ROGER D. LAUNIUS 373

LEONARD J ARRINGTON History of Idaho. RONALD H. LIMBAUGH 375

ALAN and MAUREEN GAFF, eds. Adventures on the Western Frontier: Major General

John Gibbon DON R. MATHIS 376

In this issue

With the centennial celebration of Utah statehood just a little more than a year away, it is appropriate that historians are showing a renewed interest in the events leading to Utah's long-awaited admission to the union of states. Two of the seven attempts to gain statehood came in the 1880s, but for reasons detailed in the first article, Congress was unwilling seriously to consider either. Focusing on territorial governor Caleb West as a conciliator, and using his split terms to gauge the degree of change, the analysis explains how and why the window of 1890-94 was so critical in Utah's history.

While local politicians were seeking statehood in the 80s, an important facet of Utah's "Americanization" was being shaped on an entirely different level: the antipolygamy campaign launched by the federal marshals and judges, subject of the second article Running the gamut from unlawful detentions to violent encounters, these raids colored the social and political climate of the time They promoted a legacy of distrust on both sides and left a touching record of pathos and emotion

The next selection features a look at one of Utah's most colorful politicians, Frank J. Cannon, and his role in carrying the state's free-silver banner in 1896. His willingness to depart from party allegiance in favor of bimetallism is typical of Utah's electoral behavior in 1896 and goes a long way toward explaining the state's 100-year political traditions.

The final two articles are personal reminiscences. One describes the sights, sounds, earth-rumbling vibrations, and many other enduring memories of a boyhood in one of Utah's busiest and most scenic railroad communities. An award-winning entry in the Utah Arts Council writing competition, it will warm the heart of anyone who has ever harbored a wistful thought of youthful days now gone. The other recalls some amazing World War II experiences by a Utah veteran who managed to find meaning and inspiration in some of life's darkest moments.

iicAo City 6oys Ejj in front of the Courtesy of Robert S. Mikkelsen.

Prelude to Statehood: Coining Together in the 1890s

BY JEAN BICKMORE WHITE

I N APRIL 1893 FORTY-NINE-YEAR-OLD Caleb Walton West was appointed governor of Utah Territory by the newly inaugurated president of the United States, Grover Cleveland. For both Cleveland and West this appointment was the second act in a drama that had begun seven years earlier. In 1886 President Cleveland had appointed West

Dr White is emeritus professor of political science, Weber State University This article is an adaptation of her January 1993 Statehood Day address

to his first term as territorial governor, replacing the unpopular Eli H. Murray. West may have been disappointed with his first Utah appointment; there must have been better political plums for a deserving Democrat than assignment to a bitterly divided territory where many of the leading citizens were in prison or hiding from federal marshals At the time of his first appointment Utah had had twelve different governors in thirty-six years, including four who lasted less than a year and one who lasted only a month.1 West, a lawyer and Confederate veteran of the Civil War, lasted until 1889. After the political winds shifted to the Republicans in 1888 with the election of Benjamin Harrison, West soon was removed by the new president The political winds shifted back to the Democrats in 1892, returning Grover Cleveland

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1 In addition to the twelve who had regular presidential appointments, four territorial governors served interim terms between 1850 and 1886 See Thomas McMullin and David Walker, Biographical Directory of American Territorial Governors (Westport, Conn.: Meckler Publishing, 1984) A short biography of Caleb West is included, pp. 307-8.

to the White House for a second term. Soon after his inauguration, he followed the time-honored rules of political life by removing Republican Arthur L. Thomas as governor and appointing Caleb West for a second term. West was an excellent choice; he already understood the history and problems of the territory and could assist in the final efforts to gain statehood. So in 1893 he found himself again in the governor's chair in Utah.

The differences between conditions in Utah during his first term in the late 1880s and his second term in the early 1890s are striking. In his first term the obstacles to statehood seemed almost insurmountable; by 1893 most permanent residents of the territory recognized that Utah had to have statehood if it was to progress, and old animosities were being papered over to help achieve it. Although the Panic of 1893 loomed on the horizon when he took office and hard economic times persisted for most of his second term,2 the political and social atmosphere in Utah was immeasurably better. West would serve during the crucial last years before statehood—1893, when the vital Enabling Act started through Congress; 1894, when it finally was passed; and 1895, when a new constitution was written and approved by the citizens of the territory.

Governor West, during his first term, was recognized as a mediator. Although he disagreed strongly with the marriage practices of the Mormons and firmly enforced the federally imposed laws in the territory, he was able in the 1880s to begin a process of rapprochement and to foster better understanding between Mormons and gentiles. When he first came to Utah in 1886 from a municipal judgeship in Kentucky, he came in a spirit of conciliation, hoping to persuade the predominantly Mormon population to give up the practice of plural marriage in order to end the bitter struggles that had divided the territory into hostile camps. Visiting with Mormon leader Lorenzo Snow and others who were imprisoned in the territorial penitentiary for violation of the Edmunds antipolygamy law, West offered pardons in return for promises to obey the law.3 The rebuff of this gesture was to be expected in the 1880s, but West had made clear his determination to build bridges rather than widen the

2 For a comprehensive analysis of the causes and impact of the Panic of 1893 on a national scale see Harold Underwood Faulkner, American Economic Histoiy, 8th ed (New York: Harper & Row, 1960), pp 519-29 The impact on Utah is shown in LeonardJ Arrington, "Utah and the Depression of the 1890's," Utah Historical Quarterly 29 (1961): 2-18

:i See Gustive O Larson, The "Americanization" of Utah for Statehood (San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 1971), pp 130-31

chasm between the Mormon and gentile people of Utah. Although he supported measures designed to end polygamy and Mormon political control in Utah, the bridges he helped build during his first term proved valuable when he again became governor in 1893.

In the 1880s the territory was a battleground for two distinct cultures, and the conflicts between them ran far deeper than the controversy over polygamy. Utah was not like territories that had been settled by people of diverse religious faiths and different political parties who could develop over time the institutions that would dull the cutting edges of their differences. Utah was settled by a cohesive group determined to escape the political, economic, and religious systems that characterized the rest of the United States. As historian Marvin S. Hill has pointed out, the Mormon settlers of the Great Basin were united not only by their religious beliefs but by their desire to create a political and economic kingdom of God. They were, he has observed, "set upon separating themselves from American society and awaiting the destruction of all governments that would precede their own rise to power."4 They were convinced that "God would reveal his will to them through their prophet-seer and that thereby they could achieve a godly life in their social, economic, and political affairs."5 To those not of their faith who settled among them in their mountain retreat, this amounted to a rejection of the fundamental tenets of Americanism.6 If the criteria of a democracy, as William Nisbet Chambers has suggested, should include "free entry into the political arena, widespread participation in the political system, effective representation for and balancing of varied interests in the society, open discussion and debate, free elections, government responsive to the judgments of the electorate, and the right to criticize government decisions,"7 then the commonwealth founded by Brigham Young fell far short. If the American economic system presupposed individual enterprise in pursuit of profit, leading ultimately to the common good, the aim of Brigham Young for a centrally planned, self-sufficient Mormon economy was

4 Marvin S Hill, Questfor Refuge: The Mormon Flight from American Pluralism (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1989), p 30

5 Ibid., p 31

6 Robert J Dwyer in The Gentile Comes to Utah, 2d ed rev (Salt Lake City: Western Epics, 1971), p 248, asserted that "the Gentile, with all his failings, his arrogance and self-assurance, had come to Utah as the representative of American political and social morality The Mormon aspiration to 'build a wall around Zion' has proved no more than wishful thinking."

7 William Nisbet Chambers, Political Parties in a New Nation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1963), p. 12.

its polar opposite.8 This economic philosophy, coupled with promotion of the cooperative movement and hostility to importing goods from outside the territory, led to the polarization of Utah's economy. Even after the coming of the railroad in 1869 brought about more trade with other parts of the nation, Utah's economy was essentially what Leonard Arrington has described as a "two-decker economy" until the turn of the century. It was based on traditional agriculture and manufacturing essentially for home use; superimposed onto this was "the essentially non-Mormon colonialistic mining and trading economy which bore kinship to the specialized, commercialized economies of Idaho, Montana, Nevada, and Colorado."9

The willingness of Mormons to submit to church direction in their political affairs through their own political arm, the People's party,10 created considerable animosity among the gentile residents of the territory and seemed utterly un-American to the nation at large. It was easy for the national press to picture Utah as a "theodemocracy" or even a full-blown theocracy, encompassing all significant areas of life and run on the whims of the Mormon hierarchy Their exclusion from political power and limits on their economic opportunity frustrated the gentile residents of Utah and prompted them to seek in the halls of Congress ways to break the political control of the Mormon church. These efforts were aided by the negative national image of the Mormon people, whose practice of polygamy placed them outside mainstream Protestant America It was easy for prominent politicians in both national political parties to picture the territory as some kind of alien intrusion on the national polity and the majority of its people as sw&American if not actually im-American. So vividly was this portrait of Utah and the Mormons painted by the national press that one federal official sent to Utah in the 1880s acknowledged that he had carried to Utah "all the prejudices and hates that had been engendered against Mormonism. . . ."Of his first impression on arrival in Ogden, he wrote:

8 Leonard Arrington brilliantly analyzes the development of the Mormon economy in Great Basin Kingdom (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1958), especially chaps. 6, 7, and 8.

9 Leonard J Arrington, From Wilderness to Empire, University of Utah Institute of American Studies, Monograph No 1, 1961, p 14 Also see Arrington, "The Commercialization of Utah's Economy: Trends and Developments from Statehood to 1910," in Dean May, ed., A Dependent Commonwealth: Utah's Economyfrom Statehood to the Great Depression, Charles Redd Monographs in Western History No 4 (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1974), pp 3-34

10 Not to be confused with the Populist party, the Mormon party was run by the church hierarchy, and good Mormons nearly always voted its candidate—or abstained The lack of a secret ballot during much of Utah's territorial history contributed to the ease with which church leaders could assure their control of elections

Utah Commission from Harper's Weekly, June 20, 1885: Mr. Paddock, Territorial Secretary Arthur L. Thomas, Mr. Ramsey, Colonel Godfrey, Judge Carlton, and Mr. Pettigrew.

I was somewhat astonished to find that the people who lived there looked like other people; that they lived in houses, and wore clothes, and walked about the streets, and went about their business, and appeared not differently from the balance of the people I had seen in the United States.11

The officials sent to Utah as governors, judges, U.S. attorneys, or members of the Utah Commission12—all political appointees— depended on playing to a national audience. Although it is important to note that many were men of integrity who took seriously their obligation to execute the laws fairly, they tended to ally themselves naturally with the gentile population.13 Throughout the 1880s most of them adamantly opposed statehood for Utah and rushed to Washington to oppose every move in that direction. As long as the territory could be kept under federal rule there would be a counterbalance to Mormon political power. The Liberal party, founded in 1870 by the gentiles,14 provided only weak opposition to the Mormon People's

11 Testimony of Judge John W Judd in Arguments Before the Committee on Territories of the United States Senate in Favor of the Bill (S 1306) for the Local Government of Utah Territory, and to Providefor the Election of Certain Officers in Said Territory (Washington, D.C: Government Printing Office, 1892) Copy in Utah State Historical Society Library, Salt Lake City, Pam 1933

12 The Utah Commission was a five-member body created by the Edmunds Act of 1882 to manage "temporarily" all aspects of Utah territorial elections, including selection of registrars and administration of oaths. It lasted until statehood was attained in 1896.

13 The interests of federal officeholders and local gentiles were not always identical Federal officeholders sometimes intended to stay in Utah only temporarily, while many of the gentiles had put down roots, established businesses, and wanted to get along with their Mormon neighbors—while trying at the same time to attain a share of political power in the territory

14 For a history of the Liberal party see Velt G Erickson, "The Liberal Party of Utah" (M.A thesis, University of Utah, 1948) For a more detailed early history of the party in Corinne and Salt Lake City see Brigham D Madsen, Corinne: The Gentile Capital of Utah (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1980), pp 93-118

party;15 it simply did not have the numbers to win elections, particularly after the Utah Territorial Legislature gave women the right to vote in 1870. Consequently, the People's party controlled the one high political office territorial voters were allowed to fill, delegate to Congress. They consistently elected Mormon delegates to every session of Congress, with the exception of Mormon-supported gentile John F Kinney in 1863 And until the late 1880s the Mormon party controlled most of the city and county governments and local judgeships. This, then, was the setting for the bitter political struggle over statehood in the 1880s, the political environment into which Governor West stepped for his first term in 1886. Mormons saw statehood as their only salvation from the rule of carpetbaggers16 and from punitive laws imposed on them by Congress.17

Mormons had sought statehood many times since the settlement of the Salt Lake Valley in 1847. The first attempt in 1849 to create the state of Deseret was rejected, although territorial status was granted in 1850.18 By the end of the 1880s they had elected constitutional conventions in 1856, 1862, 1872, 1882, and 1887 and presented draft constitutions to Congress—all to no avail. They were seemingly at an impasse in their efforts to gain statehood.19

In retrospect, it is easy to see why Congress was not ready to consider statehood for Utah seriously in the 1880s. Hostility to polygamy as an institution had been growing in intensity for several decades.

15 Prior to the formation of the Liberal party Mormon leaders had not needed a political party; electoral matters were simply handled through the regular church organization The People's party was created in response to the organization of the Liberal party in 1870 but was still tightly controlled by the Mormon hierarchy

16 See Everett L Cooley, "Carpetbag Rule: Territorial Government in Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly, 26 (1958): 106-29, for a discussion of some of the difficulties encountered with appointed officials during the territorial period According to Earl S Pomeroy, unrest under territorial status and resentment of appointed officers were shared by other western territories See his The Territories and the United States, 1861-1890: Studies in Colonial Administration (Philadelphia and London: University of Pennsylvania Press and Oxford University Press, 1947), pp 101-8

17 The U.S Supreme Court has ruled that after admission to the Union states may change provisions of their constitutions that were forced on them to gain admission. See Coyle v. Oklahoma 221 U.S. 559 (1911) Both states and territories, however, are subject to the U.S Constitution, laws, and treaties under Art 6, the so-called supremacy clause

18 An account of this first statehood attempt, which contradicts traditional accounts of a constitutional convention, is given by Peter Crawley in "The Constitution of the State of Deseret," Brigham Young University Studies 29 (1989): 7-22

19 In his first inaugural address, Gov Heber M Wells discussed seven attempts to get approval for constitutions for Utah, starting with the first constitution of 1849, which resulted in passage of the Organic Act for the territory in 1850 In addition to those listed by Jerome Bernstein in "A History of the Constitutional Conventions of the Territory of Utah from 1849 to 1895" ( M.S thesis, Utah State University, 1961), Wells included an amended version of the previously rejected 1862 constitution taken to Congress in 1867 See "Inaugural Address" in Report of the Utah Commission to the Secretary of the Interior, 1896 (Washington, D.C: Government Printing Office, 1896), copy in Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City

Since 1862 Congress had attempted to stamp out polygamy, and in 1882 and 1887 passed strong antipolygamy measures that struck hard and effectively at Mormon political power. The Edmunds Act of 1882, making polygamy a felony, not only disqualified polygamists for political office or jury duty but resulted in the imprisonment or exile of many Mormon leaders. It also established a body commonly known as the Utah Commission to assume all duties pertaining to elections, its members appointed by the president of the United States. Until 1893 most of the members of this body came from outside the territory, and their avowed aim was to reduce the number of Mormons on the voting rolls.20 The effects of the Edmunds Act did not satisfy those in or outside the territory who were determined to break the power of the Mormon church. In March 1887 the Edmunds-Tucker Act became law without the signature of President Cleveland. Clearly designed to further limit the number of Mormon voters, this act abolished woman suffrage, which had been in effect since 1870, introduced a test oath to be administered by the Utah Commission, abolished the Perpetual Emigrating Fund Company21 that had brought thousands of European Mormon converts to the Salt Lake Valley, disincorporated the Mormon church, and escheated most of its property to the United States. It was a dark day for Mormons, who felt that gaining statehood probably was the only way to control their destiny.

In the late 1880s statehood was on the horizon for several western states. No new states had been admitted since Colorado in 1876, and Idaho, Dakota, Montana, Washington, and Wyoming were impatiently waiting in the wings. There was a political standoff, because neither Republicans nor Democrats wanted to bring in states that would diminish their power in Congress Finally, in 1889 a compromise brought in Montana, Washington, and Dakota, split into North and South. Utah was left out, despite a major attempt in 1887 to prove that it was ready for statehood. Hoping to have Utah included in an omnibus bill, the Mormon leadership, through the People's party, called for a constitutional convention in 1887. The convention delegation included non-Mormons (as had the two previous

20 See Cooley, "Carpetbag Rule," pp 120-21, for the test oaths administered to voters and methods used to keep down the Mormon vote; also see Stewart L Grow, "A Study of the Utah Commission, 1882-1896" ( Ph.D diss., University of Utah, 1954) Records of the Utah Commission are in the Utah State Archives

21 The elimination of this fund was a prime aim of those attempting to limit the Mormon voting population

constitutional conventions in 1872 and 1882) and for the first time faced realistically the barriers to statehood The constitution produced by the 1887 convention provided for separation of church and state, limited the vote to males, and made bigamy or polygamy a crime punishable by a fine and imprisonment. This document was not accepted at face value by the national press 22 or by Congress when it was carried to Washington. It was buried by the Senate Committee on Territories early in 1888 with this report:

That it is the sense of the Senate that the Territory of Utah ought not to be admitted into the Union as a State until it is certain beyond doubt that the practice of plural marriage, bigamy, or polygamy, has been entirely abandoned by the inhabitants of said Territory, and until it is likewise certain that the civil affairs of the Territory are not controlled by the priesthood of the Mormon Church.23

This statement neatly summarized the feelings of the majority of nonMormons, in and out of the territory, including Governor West The national perception was that Utah had not yet gone through a process called "Americanization" or "Americanizing" to show its readiness for statehood. The governor, however, recognized that changes in the political, economic, and social climate were taking place in Utah and that the slow process of "Americanization" was at least moving along The process was given a nudge near the end of the decade. The escheatment of Mormon church property by the Edmunds-Tucker Act caused great concern. Work on the Salt Lake Temple had been delayed, and Wilford Woodruff, president of the church, feared for the future of the temples already dedicated. Historian Thomas G. Alexander has shown that by the end of the 1880s both Woodruff and the church's apostles recognized that there would have to be changes in the political and economic relationships of Mormons to the larger society.24 Then there were signs that the continuing dis-

22 See Edward Leo Lyman, Political Deliverance: The Mormon Questfor Utah Statehood (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), pp 70-72 This valuable and detailed study documents the behind-thescenes efforts of Mormon church leaders to bring about statehood by working with Republican leaders in Washington and by trying to improve the national image of the church and the territory

23 U.S., Congressional Record, 50th Cong., 1st sess., 1888, vol 19, pt 1, p 2391 For arguments made for and against acceptance of Utah's 1887 constitution see Arguments in Favor of the Admission of Utah as a State. Made before the House Committee on Territories, January 12-22, 1889 (Washington, D.C, 1889), copy in Utah State Historical Society Library, Pam. 1929.

24 For concerns over possible loss of the temples and steps taken to minimize public concern over polygamy see Thomas G Alexander, "The Odyssey of a Latter-day Prophet: Wilford Woodruff and the Manifesto of 1890," Journal of Mormon History 18 (1991): 169-206 A more detailed account of the church's move toward political and economic accommodation is found in Alexander's Things in Heaven and Earth: The Life and Times of Wilford Woodruff, a Mormon Prophet (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1991), pp. 253-59.

franchisement of Mormons might lead to a complete loss of political influence in the territory. Recognizing that the gentiles' virtual exclusion from having a voice in local governments did indeed look unAmerican, the Mormons had invited some gentiles to join a slate called the Citizens' ticket for the Salt Lake City election of 1888; it won handily over the Liberal party slate In 1889 the disfranchisement of many Mormons and the increase in the gentile population combined to produce a significant increase in non-Mormon political power in the two largest cities In 1889 the municipal election in Ogden was won by the Liberal party, though not without charges of fraud and importation of nonresident gentiles to swell the Liberal vote.25 The following year, both Mormons and gentiles were accused of doing everything in their power to win the 1890 municipal election in Salt Lake City by bringing in members of their parties from outlying areas to establish residence.26 The Liberals won the mayoral race and a majority on the city council—a clear shock to the Mormon hierarchy. A second shock in early 1890 was the U.S. Supreme Court decision upholding the Idaho test oath banning those who practiced or advocated polygamy from voting.27 Another grave concern was the introduction in Congress of the Cullom-Struble bill which would have denied the vote to anyone who practiced or taught polygamy Given the national attention to the perennial problem of polygamy and the ongoing argument about Utah's unique political and economic environment, it was no surprise that Utah was not included when Idaho and Wyoming were granted statehood in 1890. Change, however, was in the wind. It would come sooner than many expected.

On September 25, 1890, church president Wilford Woodruff published a Manifesto advising members of the church to refrain from violating the laws of the land prohibiting plural marriages.28 Although

25 There is ample evidence that the gentile vote in Ogden was enhanced by the importation of miners and others from outside the city See Lyman, Political Deliverance, pp 110-12; also Jean Bickmore White, "The Right to Be Different: Ogden and Weber County Politics, 1850-1924," Utah Historical Quarterly Al (1979): 262-63

26 Mormon businessmen were asked to bring in Mormon workers to qualify as residents of Salt Lake City to make up for the disfranchisement of many residents and for the inability of many foreign-born Mormons to gain citizenship because of a court decision early in November 1889 by Judge Thomas ]. Anderson See Lyman, Political Deliverance, pp 110-18; Thomas G Alexander and James B Allen, Mormons and Gentiles: A History of Salt Lake City (Boulder, Colorado; Pruett Publishing Company, 1984), pp 99-100

27 Davis v. Beason, 133 U.S 333 (1890)

28 The Manifesto, approved by a vote of church members at their semi-annual conference in October 1890, did not actually end all plural marriages in the territory See B Carmon Hardy, Solemn Covenant: The Mormon Polygamous Passage (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992), especially chaps 4-9; D. Michael Quinn, "LDS Church Authority and New Plural Marriages, 1890-1904, Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 18 (Spring 1985):4—105.

it did not entirely end the practice of polygamy, it was the single most important act needed to moderate the national crusade against the Mormons and to move the territory toward statehood. It made possible a less vigorous enforcement of the Edmunds-Tucker Act, as well as proclamations of presidential amnesty for the Mormon people in 1893 and 1894

Important work remained to be done, however, to convince the president and Congress that Utah was becoming American enough to merit statehood. In the early 1890s the territory still needed institutions that would permit Mormons and gentiles to work together to create a truly American, pluralistic society and blur the social, political, and economic fault line that divided them The establishment of state-funded schools in 1890, long fought by many Mormons who feared the loss of religious teachings in the schools, was a step in that direction. Utah's school system prior to that time had been a divisive, rather than an inclusive social institution. Poorly financed, sometimes housed in Mormon church buildings, and supervised by a Mormon-dominated Board of Regents, the territorial school system was a patchwork of city, county, and Mormon ward schools of uneven quality Taxes—where citizens would pay them—provided buildings during the later territorial period, but parents generally had to pay fees for instruction and to purchase supplies. Given these conditions, many non-Mormon (and some Mormon) students went to the schools established by other churches, some financed by missionary funds of Protestant churches in order to attract Mormon students.29 Other practices of the public schools also contributed to the alienation of non-Mormon students. During the early territorial period school administrators (who were also Mormon church leaders) promoted the use of the Deseret Alphabet, which had originally been advocated by Brigham Young as a way to enhance the solidarity of the Mormon people.30 School records carefully classified students enrolled as Mormon or non-Mormon, a practice that did not end until statehood. The territorial public schools, then, did not provide a "melting pot" or even a common meeting ground for most children. Some institutions developing in the 1880s did, however, provide meeting grounds for Mormons and gentiles. As early as 1887 Cham-

29 For the difficulties in developing an adequately financed school system in territorial Utah see John Clifton Moffatt, The History of Public Education in Utah (Provo, Ut.: Author, 1946), especially pp 45-51, 117-34

30 Ibid, pp 51-63

bers of Commerce and Boards of Trade were started in Ogden and Salt Lake City by Mormon and gentile businessmen eager to end the economic isolation of the two groups Spearheaded by Governor West, the Chamber of Commerce in Salt Lake City gained the support of both Mormons and gentiles, including businessman and apostle Heber J. Grant as well as the acerbic publisher of the Salt Lake Tribune, Patrick H. Lannan. With a motto of "No politics or religion in the Chamber," the organizers hoped to revive trade, establish home industries, and attract capital and population to the territory.31 By 1892 the chamber was well established as a common meeting place. Generally, however, Mormon and gentile roles in the territorial economy continued to be separate until well into the 1890s. The launching of new enterprises by the Mormon church (in sugar, salt, and hydroelectric power, for example) in response to the difficult economic conditions following the Panic of 1893 forced church leaders to turn to non-Mormon financial sources outside the territory for capital and to modify the goal of local self-sufficiency.32

31 O.N Malmquist, The First 100 Years: A History of the Salt Lake Tribune, 1871-1971 (Salt Lake City, 1971), pp 115-16

32 Leonard Arrington explained: "The second phase in the accommodation of Mormon enterprise to the national pattern is evident in the arrangements made to finance new companies initiated in the 1890s The church, in this phase, did not abandon its role as entrepreneur or innovator, as some Gentile enthusiasts hoped, nor did it relax the interest it had always shown in the development of local resources and the stimulation of home industry, as some Mormons feared." See Great Basin Kingdom, p 386 See also Arrington, "Utah and the Depression of the 1890's," pp 2-18

Patrick H. lannan, left, and HeberJ. Grant, right. USHS collections.

Given the desire for statehood and the need to show the nation that Utah Territory was becoming like the rest of the country, there was still one necessary step, the breakup of the old Mormon and gentile political parties and the development of national parties. In 1888 the Salt Lake Tribune had suggested: "The speediest way for the Mormons to get into the Union is to become Americans, take such interest in American public affairs as will divide them on the lines which divide the people of other States and affiliate them with the great national parties."33 This was not easily done in the 1880s, but a new opportunity arose in the early 1890s. As Richard Poll has pointed out, Republicans had seemed to be more punitive toward the Mormons in the past, working consistently toward destroying their political power. Democrats, such as Governor West and President Cleveland, had been more conciliatory, and at times more lenient in law enforcement.34 Democrats, moreover, had made serious attempts in the 1880s to establish a party organization in Utah. In 1884 a short-lived organization was established, then re-established in 1888 as the "Sagebrush Democracy." The party's nominee for delegate to Congress made a poor showing, and the party did not revive in Utah until 1891 when both Democratic and Republican clubs were organized in Ogden in February.35 In May of the same year a Democratic organization, including prominent Mormons and gentiles, was established in Salt Lake City. Later that month the groundwork was carefully laid by Apostle John Henry Smith and some leading Republican gentiles to form a Republican organization in the territorial capital. In June 1891 the Mormon leadership decided to disband the People's party, which paved the way for a rapprochement between the Mormon leadership, prominent non-Mormon federal officials, and Liberal party leaders and a softening of gentile opposition to statehood. After some delicate negotiations later in the year, Governor Arthur L Thomas and Chief Justice Charles S Zane agreed to send a personal letter along with the church leaders' petition for amnesty to President Benjamin Harrison, urging "a favorable consideration of this petition ,"36 The following year a group

33 Salt Lake Tribune, January 28, 1888.

34 Richard D Poll, "The Political Reconstruction of Utah Territory, 1866-1890," Pacific Historical Review 16 (May 1958): 119

35 Franklin D Richards Journal, February 16 and 21, 1891, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City

36 The petition noted the passage of the Manifesto of 1890 and asked that "full amnesty may be extended to all who are under disabilities because of the operation of the so called Edmunds and

of prominent Mormon and gentile leaders went to Washington, D.C, to seek passage of a Home Rule bill that would have allowed Utahns to vote for their own territorial officials Although Home Rule was strongly opposed by Mormon leaders, who wanted nothing short of statehood,37 the visiting gentiles' fulsome praises of the Mormon people and their emphasis on the changes that had taken place since the Manifesto must have sounded strange to congressmen and senators.38 Only two years before, they had been encouraged to pass even more stringent legislation to curb Mormon political power Much, however, had changed in the meantime

Disbanding the People's party in 1891 raised some fears that most Mormons would flock to the Democratic party, leaving the territory in a de facto Mormon-gentile split.39 To encourage a division of the Saints into the two parties, the church presidency urged Mormon leaders without strong preferences to become Republicans.40 This served not only to create the app>earance before the nation that Utah was becoming Americanized politically, but it also fit into the church presidency's strategy of working with national Republican leaders to further the statehood effort.41 Since Republicans controlled the U.S. Senate until 1893 this seemed like a promising plan. In 1892, however, the Democrats gained control of both the Senate and the House, and Grover Cleveland again became president. In Utah, too, the 1892 election saw Democratic victories, thanks partly

Edmunds-Tucker laws." In addition to their official letter to President Harrison, Thomas and Zane added a personal note suggesting that granting of full amnesty to the Mormon people would cause them to turn to the Republicans "as does the Colored race to Abraham Lincoln " Text of the amnesty petition and the Thomas-Zane letters are in Church, State, and Politics: The Diaries ofJohn Henry Smith, ed. Jean Bickmore White (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1990), pp. 264-66.

37 Ibid., p 269

38 For testimony see Arguments Made Before the Committee on Territories of the House ofRepresentatives on Bill H.R. 524 "For the Government of Utah Territory and to Providefor the Election of Certain Officers in Said Territories, February 10, 1892 (Washington, D.C: Government Printing Office, 1892), copy in Utah State Historical Society Library, Pam 1932

39 These fears were well founded In 1891 elections for the Territorial Legislative Assembly, Democrats polled 14,116 votes, Liberals 7,386, and Republicans 6,613 Again in 1893, Democrats outvoted Republicans by slightly more than 2,000 votes See Utah Commission Minute Book G, pp 196-97, Utah State Archives

40 Several private journals of high church officials recall the concern over creating a more even split between the parties See Franklin D Richards Journal, June 19, 1891: "deemed advisable that political parties may approach near an equality of numbers." Also the Abraham H Cannon Journal, Special Collections, Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, e.g., June 9, 1891: "The danger of our people all becoming Democrats is feared, and the results of such a cause would doubtless prove most disastrous to us, for we would have a repetition of the persecutions which we have endured for 5 or 6 years past It is felt that efforts should be made to instruct our people in Republicanism, and thus win them to that party "

41 This strategy, pursued with national Republican leaders such as James S. Clarkson, Morris S. Estee, James G Blaine, Leland Stanford, and Isaac Trumbo, is carefully detailed in Lyman, Political Deliverance, pp 150-216

to the fact that the majority of Liberals refused to disband their party.42

Newly elected Democratic Delegate-to-CongressJoseph Rawlins, who had left the Mormon faith of his parents but stayed in the good graces of church leaders, lost no time in introducing bills to achieve Utah statehood and to return escheated property to the Mormon church for its "charitable purposes." The latter bill passed both houses of Congress quickly, and substantial amounts of property were restored to the church in January 1894. The Enabling Act providing for Utah's admission into the Union was passed by the House with only two dissenting votes on December 13, 1893. On May 17, 1894, it passed in the Senate, thanks partly to effective behind-thescenes lobbying by prominent Republican leaders wooed by the Mormon church hierarchy. Three days later the House concurred in Senate amendments, and on July 16, 1894, it was signed by President Cleveland.43 The act contained several requirements for the new state's constitution, including a provision banning polygamy "forever," a system of public schools "free from sectarian control," and a guarantee of "perfect toleration of religious sentiment"44—reminders of the long struggle for Utah to become Americanized and ready for statehood.

In a perceptive study of Utah's territorial history, Howard R. Lamar observed that it was unique. "What other territory," he asked, "has been occupied by a federal army? What other continental territory has been the subject of so much special legislation, appointive commissions, and exceptional judicial control . . . has had to abandon cherished domestic institutions by manifesto, formally declare separation of church and state, and deliberately create national parties in order to get into the union?"45 Achievement of statehood was due in part, according to Lamar, "to deliberate change of the unpopular stereotype of the Mormon of the 1850s to that of the solid, energetic, conservative American citizen of the 1890s."46 Perhaps it

G, 196-97

43 Joseph Rawlins's role in obtaining Utah statehood is recounted in Alta Rawlins Jensen, ed., "The Unfavored Few: The Auto-biography of Joseph L Rawlins" (Carmel, Calif.: Author, 1956), and in Joan Ray Harrow, "Joseph L. Rawlins, Father of Utah Statehood," Utah Historical Quarterly 44 (1976): 59-74

44 Utah State Constitution, Article 3

45 Howard R Lamar, "Statehood for Utah: A Different Path," Utah Historical Quarterly 39 (1971): 308

46 Ibid., p 325

42 The Liberal candidate for Congress, C E Allen, polled nearly 7,000 votes, while Democrat Joseph Rawlins defeated Republican Frank J. Cannon by only 2,811 votes. Utah Commission Reports, Book

was also due to the acceptance by Utah's gentiles of the fact that Utah would never be exactly like other states; the political and social culture of Utah would always be unique. Most non-Mormon politicians and businessmen understood that the changes brought about in the early 1890s—the Manifesto, the development of a public school system and a national political party system—were about the best they could get at the time; if they still had legitimate grievances they at least had a foundation for building a pluralistic society within the American Union.

Looking back on the turbulent 1880s when Caleb West first served as territorial governor, one can see the deep divisions in Utah society and how far-sighted those citizens in both the Mormon and gentile camps were who worked for the changes needed to make statehood possible. Looking back on the rapid accomplishment of statehood during the first years of Caleb West's second term in the 1890s, one can see how crucial were those years between the 1890 Manifesto and the final passage of the Enabling Act in 1894

The achievement of statehood did not end all of the divisions and controversies between religious, social, and economic groups in Utah. Ahead lay the divisive hearings over the seating of Apostle Reed Smoot in the U.S. Senate early in the twentieth century. Ethnic rivalries and industrial conflicts arose as the state's population increased and diversified. Still, a decade and a half after statehood was achieved, a gentile who had once been one of its bitterest opponents could say:

In the fierce conflicts that have at times shaken the state as by an earthquake, I have seen Utah emerge each time a little more like the rest of the union And from the experience in which I have been schooled I declare and I believe that Utah can work out her own salvation What we need now more than all else is a spirit of toleration

Out of the flames of the conflict that has caused us such sorrow and filled our hearts with bitterness there is certain to rise a new Utah. . . , 47

The "new Utah" that arose out of the Americanization process of the 1890s was built on a troubled past by bridging deep divisions along political, social, economic, and religious lines. Bringing two competitive cultures close enough together to make statehood possible was not an easy task, but it was accomplished by men and women who cared more about the promise of the future than about nursing old wounds of the past.

4' Judge Orlando W Powers in an after-dinner speech at a banquet for President William Howard Taft at the Commercial Club in Salt Lake City, October 5, 1911, quoted in the Salt LakeTribune, January 5, 1914

Search and Seizure in Utah: Recounting the Antipolygamy Raids

BY TRACEY E PANEK

IN RATIFYING THE FOURTH AMENDMENT OF THE Bill of Rights, the framers of the U.S. Constitution forbade general warrants and declared the right of all people "to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures." Early Americans,

Ms Panek is currently pursuing a master's degree in public history at California State University, Sacramento

Unidentified polygamists' residence photographed by George Edward Andersen and U.S. Marshal Ireland's badge, both in USHS collections.

The Antipolygamy Raids 317

from their experiences as colonists under British rule, well understood the potential of a powerful central authority for such abuse. Before and during the American Revolution colonists frequently witnessed raids on their homes and communities by British soldiers searching for weapons or confiscating trade goods. Many Americans stood helplessly as British troops seized their living quarters, candles, vinegar, bedding, beer, salt, cider, or rum under terms of the Quartering Act of 1765. At sea in 1763 the First Lord of the Treasury ordered the British navy to patrol American waters and search for smugglers importing molasses from the French West Indies. In 1772 the Gaspee, a British naval vessel patrolling Narragansett Bay, inflicted daily outrages upon the inhabitants. The commander seized small boats, and the sailors cut orchards for firewood and helped themselves to livestock As a consequence of such experiences, when the framers of the U.S. Constitution delineated popular rights that the government must never invade they included freedom from unreasonable search and seizure among the first ten amendments, known as the Bill of Rights.

Similarly, members of the 1895 Utah Constitutional Convention understood from first-hand experience the necessity of adopting safeguards against unreasonable search and seizure Utahns had experienced intrusions like the British raids upon the colonists. Mormons practicing polygamy, or plural marriage, in late nineteenthcentury Utah Territory not only drew intense criticism but also stimulated rigorous legal opposition. In the decade prior to adopting the Utah State Constitution statutes outlawing polygamy—like the Quartering Act, Intolerable Acts, and other such measures in colonial times—paved the way for overzealous officials to disregard the fundamental rights of the citizens of the territory. Federal officers, hoping to capture violators of the antipolygamy Edmunds and Edmunds-Tucker acts, commonly invaded the privacy and sanctity of the home, ransacking dwellings and scouring properties, in contempt of Fourth Amendment guarantees

In scope, the antipolygamy raids occurred over a shorter duration and within more confined geographic boundaries than colonial raids In frequency and magnitude, however, the antipolygamy raids proved comparable, if not more widespread, than the various combined raids on the colonies. From 1884 to 1889 the practice of raiding to find polygamists became so far reaching throughout the territory that it extended north to Idaho border towns, south as far

as present-day Washington County and the Arizona border, east to the Green River, and west into Beaver, Millard, and other counties. The antipolygamy raids occurred in the heavily populated urban areas of Salt Lake City, Ogden, Provo, and Logan and also in isolated, rural towns such as Greenville, Deseret, Clarkston, Springdale, and the like. If Utahns during the period did not witness raids on their own homes or in their communities, they most certainly learned of them from neighbors, friends, family, or the press.

First-person and other accounts of the searches, found in the historiography of the "Raid" era, occur spottily and typically within a discussion of the "underground." Although many have studied the lives of those seeking refuge from the law, few have examined the experiences of the Mormons and federal officers in direct confrontation. What were the circumstances of a raid? What methods did federal officers employ as they raided? More important, what were the experiences of those involved in the raids and how did it affect their lives?

The raids shared common features and officers employed many common raiding tactics, but individual raids varied, depending upon location, personality, and other circumstances. Although it is impossible to determine the specific legal procedures officers followed in all cases, it is clear from recorded accounts that officers raided at all hours, with a significant number of raids taking place without search warrants and with unnecessary abuse On the whole, the accounts clearly demonstrate that officers raiding for polygamists violated the constitutional limits outlined in the Fourth Amendment, in spirit if not in law Much like the experiences of the framers of the U.S Constitution, the experiences of the antipolygamy raids most likely colored the perceptions of the members of the Utah Constitutional Convention, providing them with a unique sentiment regarding privacy, sanctity of the home, and protection of the home and person from governmental intrusion.

Viewed with slavery as the "twin relic of barbarism," the unpopular Mormon practice of polygamy faced its first statutory challenge in 1862 when the Morrill Antibigamy Act overwhelmingly passed both houses of Congress. The act prohibited plural marriage in the territories, disincorporated the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and restricted the church's ownership of property to $50,000. Enforcement of the act flagged, however, as the government focused its attention on the Civil War.

Following the war, reawakened outrage at the growing practice of polygamy prompted stricter federal measures The Poland Act of 1874 paved the way for polygamy convictions by eliminating the offices of territorial marshal and attorney general and expanding the powers of the U.S. marshal. It also directed the district court clerk and judicial district probate judge to draw up the jury lists.

By 1882 mounting national indignation at the practice of polygamy led to the passage of the Edmunds Act which declared polygamy a felony punishable by up to five years of imprisonment and/or a $500 fine. In addition, it made polygamous living, or unlawful cohabitation, a misdemeanor with penalties of six months imprisonment and/or a $300 fine. The Edmunds Act disfranchised polygamists and rendered them ineligible for public office. Practice of, or even the mere belief in, polygamy resulted in disqualification from jury duty

In 1887 congressional Republicans, dissatisfied with the Edmunds Act, demanded stricter laws accompanied by vigorous enforcement. After heated debate, Congress adopted the Edmunds-Tucker Act. This statute included provisions mandating the attendance at trial of prosecution witnesses, permitting lawful wives to ignore questions of spousal immunity and testify against their husbands, and requiring all marriages to be publicly recorded.

With the arrival of Charles S. Zane in 1884, newly appointed as chief justice of the Utah Supreme Court, the widespread hunt for polygamists began The U.S marshal and his deputies spearheaded the crusade, arresting and convicting hundreds. By 1885, U.S. attorney W. H. Dickson asserted that "within one year if the present pressure on the guilty is continued . . . the Church will command submission to the laws."1

Many federal officers shared Dickson's optimistic hope that through their efforts to enforce the law plural marriage could be eradicated Deputy Fred E Bennett affirmed, "My business as Deputy United States Marshal consisted largely in arresting Mormons guilty of the crime of polygamy and I found the greatest pleasure in attending strictly to that business." Hunting polygamists also offered pecuniary rewards. For serving any warrant, attachment summons, or other writ, the U.S. marshal received $2.00. Serving a

1 W. H. Dickson to Attorney General Brewster, February 8, 1885, Year Files, quoted in Stephen Cresswell, "The U.S Department of Justice in Utah Territory, 1870-1890," Utah Historical Quarterly 53 (1985): 218

subpoena netted only half a dollar, while summoning jurors drew $2.00. For each polygamist arrested, however, U.S. marshals claimed $20.00, almost one-tenth of their annual $200.00 salary.2

Not surprisingly, then, Mormon homes became the central target of the marshals' attack Lured by money and eager to enforce the law, officers searched the houses of suspected polygamists, their wives, friends, and families, hoping to capture polygamists in residence. For plural wives like Flora Snow Woolley, all homes seemed susceptible to attack. "[Four] deputies began their search for me in Salt Lake beginning in the evening of the day in which they arrested [Mr. Wooley]," Flora recorded, ". . . and continued their search for three days, until seven places had been searched."3 Although individual raids varied, all who endured the invasions suffered a violation of privacy and an intrusion into the sanctity of their homes. Few of those seeking refuge during the raids enjoyed the peace and security typically found at home

Marshals scrutinized virtually all areas of a house during a search. Deputies inspected kitchens, attics, barns, and outhouses, checking in and under beds, laundry, carpets, and "every nook liable to be utilized as a hiding-place."4 One observer recalled a typical raid:

The deputies called at our place about daybreak and came to my window and rapped I asked who was there, but received no answer They then tried to raise the window, when I called again, they said they were officers I asked them to wait until I was dressed, but they said no, or they would break in the door I told them they had better let that out, and they went around to mother's door, which was opened, and father was summoned The deputies next went to the bed of Mrs Elliotts and subpoenaed her Gleason said, with a frightful oath, that he knew there was another woman in the house, and searched in boxes, trunks, etc. 5

In the same raid, another witness recounted:

Deputy Gleason came to my bed and pulled the clothing off me, asking if there was anyone in bed with me. He then went to the fireplace and pulled a sack of straw from there and looked up the chimney One of them next pulled up a piece of carpet, when Gleason asked Thompson if he thought there was anyone under there. Thompson said, "No," and

2 Fred E Bennett, The Mormon Detective (New York: J S Ogilvie Publishing, 1887), p 24, Utah State Historical Society Library, Salt Lake City, hereinafter cited as USHS; Vernal A Brown, "The United States Marshals in Utah Territory to 1896" (M.S thesis, Utah State University, 1970), pp 6-7, 144

3 Florence Snow Woolley, "Memories of the 'Raid'," p 1, Florence Snow Woolley folder, box 1, Woolley-Snow Collection, Special Collections, Harold B Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, hereinafter cited as BYU Special Collections

4 Bennett, The Mormon Detective, p. 74.

5 Deseret News, March 10, 1886

The Antipolygamy Raids 321

Gleason exclaimed, "G d it, we will look any way!" They also looked in cupboards, boxes, trunks, etc. and a small tea chest, but threw nothing out.6

Two marshals suspecting foul play tore up an irregular place in the floor of another home. After ripping through the carpet, the officers attempted to punch through the boards beneath.7 The press outlined the details of a search in another raid:

[Deputy] Collins searched in and under the bed, out in the kitchen, in the washroom, looked inside of a large box in the room, and behind a washboard which was standing against the wall, but not even the signs of a mouse greeted this scrutiny Not being satisfied with this, he went outside and looked in outhouses and through some trees growing near by.8

Officers often had good reason to search for suspects relentlessly. Fugitives sometimes outfoxed the officers, slipping out back doors, climbing inside bins, or constructing elaborate hideaways. "The officers came to the place where he had been hiding in and ran pitchforks in the wheat bins and hay stacks to make sure he wasn't there," Margaret Ballard wrote of her husband's escape "When they found the hole where he had been hiding they cursed and swore to think he had gotten away from them."9 Detailing a fruitless search, a frustrated Deputy Bennett wrote:

[Wjhile Johnny, my partner for the time being, kept a close watch on the store, with orders to take a shot at any one leaving if they would not stop when called on, I went to the house across the street On going round to the back door I found it was admirably adapted to fastening on the outside I shoved a stick through it to prevent its being opened from the inside, and going round to the front I gained admittance, but after a thorough search failed to find the blood-thirsty Dixon. I then proceeded to the other house, and being assured by Johnny that no one had left it, I rapped on the door and was sleepily admitted by Mrs. Dixon No. 1,who protested. ... I searched the house thoroughly, however, and then adjourned to the store . . . [greeted by] about a half a dozen good Mormons who laughingly bid me goodmorning said Old Bill Marler "We expected you last night."10

With scrutinizing searches, however, officers uncovered unexpected hideouts. Deputies discovered suspects behind doors, and in drapes and foliage One deputy spotted Monroe Allred stowed in an

6 Ibid

7 John Brown, p 8, folder 3, box 1, Kimball Young Collection, BYU Special Collections

8 Deseret News, June 3, 1885

'' Margaret Ballard, Autobiography, pp 38-39, BYU Special Collections

10 Bennett, The Mormon Detective, pp 139-40

old bedstead. "He seemed to be considerably suffocated when dug out; he had for barracks to the front of him two large chambers The deputy shoved his cane in between them and punched them until he concluded to come out. . . ."H Joseph Smith Black described the events leading to a capture:

[W]hile I was [outside] waiting there, my daughter went into the house out of breth and said, O! Pa! the marshals are coming up the lane, this was at my daughter Nancies, and she urged me to get out of the way. I went into a secretive place, and the marshals came on and surrounded the house. They searched everywhere, two had given up the search, but Norrell continued although being urged by the others to quit and come on, on several occations they came within 3 or 4 feet of me, while Norrell on his way to their carts, having give up the search, came right on to me, drawing a cocked revolver , 12

Spotting the marshals' notorious black-topped buggy, family members instinctively hid the wanted. Others sent immediate word for them to stay clear of the house "Right while the officers were searching Mother put Vivian out of the window and sent her to warn father," recalled one. Rushing for cover, residents frequently overlooked vital details:

One night when [father] was so sick the deputies knocked at the door. Mother put him into the trundle bed and put we children in bed on top of it, but the deputies were knocking so loud she could not quite finish the job One of father's feet was sticking out and he was too sick to move it and he could not tell her The deputies came in and searched the house andjust as they were going they saw the foot.13

Shortly after a polygamist's arrest, officers commonly raided to subpoena a spouse, family member, or other witnesses to testify against the accused On one occasion, one deputy marshal forced entrance into the home of First Presidency member George Q. Cannon. The deputy entered the room of the bedridden Amanda Cannon, informed her of her husband's recent arrest, and subpoenaed her as a witness. After leaving by the front door, the deputy then reentered through the rear, and served subpoenas on two more women. 14 Alice Dalton vividly recalled the time a deputy subpoenaed a friend:

11 "Arrests in San Pete 1888," microfiche, LDS Church Library-Archives, Salt Lake City

12 Joseph Smith Black, Autobiography, p 100, original spelling retained, LDS Church LibraryArchives

13 Lorenzo Dow Watson Family, pp. 4-5, folder 5, box 3, Kimball Young Collection.

14 Gustive O Larson, The "Americanization" of Utah for Statehood (San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 1971), pp 115-16

One day a U.S.Deputy Marshal rode up in a one horse rig, tied his horse to the hitching post and started toward the house. The first wife asked me if I knew him and I told her who he was. She turned pale and asked me to find her husband and warn him to stay away, but before I could get out of the door the officer walked in and handed her a piece of paper, told her to give it to her husband and walked out She read it and said her husband would never see it, the paper was a subpoena , 15

Ellis Day Coombs remembered officers serving subpoenas on children and adults alike. She recorded of an evening visit at her childhood home, "They did not wait to be asked in, but came boldly into the room. They were U.S. Deputy Marshals and informed Mother that she and Estella, only nine years old, were subpoenaed to appear in court... to give testimony against father."16 In another incident marshals subpoenaed President Cannon's entire household:

Mr. . . . Sanders, the gentleman employed to teach Brother Cannon's children, was the only man on the place at the time, and at first objected to allowing the officers to enter. They claimed to have authority, however, and finally were allowed to come in. They served the subpoenas upon seven persons who were present, including Mr Sanders, the housekeeper, and several children, who were commanded to appear before the grandjury this morning at 10 o'clock.17

Deputies also raided homes to gather evidence and put witnesses under bond to testify at trial Officers entered homes and questioned residents about marital status and living arrangements Babies represented the undeniable proof of polygamy, leaving plural wives with small children in dread of the officers' searches Alma Felt remembered, "My baby wasn't quite two years old, but she was very large for her age, and when [the marshal] pulled the covers of her bed aside, I told him she was three years old and he believed me. But I had to go to court." Abraham H. Cannon returned home one day to discover that marshals raiding his home had arrested Mina Cannon, putting her under $2,000 bond to "appear when wanted."18 Inevitably, the raids evoked distress and fear. Children shied away from strangers, while plural wives separated from their spouses bore the anxieties of the searches alone. Fugitive husbands seldom felt secure under their own roof, visiting their families in disguise

17

18

15 Alice Ann Langston Dalton, p 6, folder 6, box 1, Kimball Young Collection

Hi Ellis Day Coombs, Autobiography, p. 3, LDS Church Library-Archives.

Deseret News, March 25, 1885

Alma Elizabeth Mineer Felt, folder 7, box 1, Kimball Young Collection; Abraham H. Cannon, Journal, 1859-1896, February 9, 1886, copy of holograph, Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, hereinafter cited as U of U.

and by night "I recall the morning [father] was arrested," wrote one woman, "[S]ister Mary [was crying] ... It had something to do with the deputies. I had learned to fear them because they frightened us in the dark nights when they came to search for father." Afraid of discovery, Thomas Billington Nelson remained in a single room for forty days, "never daring even to part the shade to see the sunlight."19 For Hannah Cooper the experience proved fatal. After witnessing her husband's arrest, she prematurely delivered their baby The trauma led to her death a few days later.20

Although officers focused primarily on homes, deputies also raided trains, roads, offices, and businesses. Marshals questioned railroad conductors and inspected passengers and luggage. Traversing the countryside in pairs, officers monitored well-traveled roads and passageways, frequently arresting polygamists at the side of a road. Officials at church headquarters, including the Gardo House, Church Historian's Office, and tithing storehouses, endured constant intrusions. During one raid Deputy Bennett even searched the well-patronized Zion's Cooperative Mercantile Institution:

... I went through the building until I came to the room in which the trap door leading to the cellar was [The manager] objected to my going further without a search warrant, and as Iwas satisfied that he was at the end of his rope and I had the game treed, I called to an officer whom I had stationed at the back door, to keep his eye on the cellar until I could get a paper strong enough to satisfy Brother P The Commissioners' office was just across the street, and in a few moments I returned with a document calculated to suit even a man as fastidious as he was On opening the trap-door and descending the steps there, crouching in a corner behind some boxes, was my man. 21

Raids on churches also occurred commonly. Invading during meetings, officers could scrutinize virtually all members of the congregation and arrest and subpoena en masse. In a raid on an 1885 regional conference, one deputy marshal walked up to the podium and proceeded to arrest two polygamists and serve subpoenas on the county commissioners.22 U.S Marshal Elwin Ireland led a raid on another church, later reported in the Deseret News:

Library-Archives

20 "Memorial of the Mormon Women of Utah," April 6, 1886, p 6, USHS

21 Bennett, The Mormon Detective, p 39

22 Deseret News, May 20, 1885

19 Juliaetta Bateman Jensen, Little Gold Pieces: The Story of My Mormon Mother's Life (Salt Lake City: Stanway Printing Company, 1948), p 56; Thomas Billington Nelson, Life History, p 2, LDS Church

The raid on the Seventeenth Ward meeting house Tuesday night affords the Tribune much room for mirth It chuckles over the statement that one hundred or more gentlemen who attended the meeting "were met at the foot of the stairs by Marshal Ireland, who permitted them to pass out singly;" gloats over the actions of a fellow by the name of Mix who was "stationed at the rear with orders to stop and detain every man who came from the rear;" and gleefully related how Mix stopped and "collared" Bishop McRae, an old gentlemen of eighty years . . . 2 3

Raiding continually in both rural and urban areas, officers adopted a variety of methods to outwit their prey Typically, they targeted specific individuals or entire communities before a raid, searching several dwellings at a time. This method not only proved efficient but improved the odds of finding suspects. In one raid the deputy searched for a Brother Nelson at Nelson's city address and at the home of two of Nelson's wives before ultimately discovering the suspect at a neighbor's home. In a raid on Franklin, Idaho, Deputy Bennett took the residents "in rotation," searching one home after another. Bennett left town the next day, followed by a convoy of polygamists and witnesses.24

Although they usually traveled in twos and threes, officers raided in posses of as many as five or more when circumstances warranted. One officer typically searched a home while another officer guarded doors and windows At times, however, posses surrounded homes, demanding a polygamist's surrender When Joseph Thurber tried to escape during a raid, officers encircling his home seized him Laura Ann Keeler Thurber recalled:

[The officers] came in on us one morning the 2nd of November 1886 and found us all in bed we got up, and I went to the door and let one in, there were two more out side one at my north window, and one at the south door, Thompson came in, and ask for Joseph of cors I wouldn't tell so he asked to sirch the house an I ask him for his search warrant and he gave it to me, and while I was reading it, Joseph had gone out the window and Sargent stoped him so he came to the front door and Thompson read his paper charging him with living with more than one wife. . . . 25

Eight marshals surrounded the Seventeenth Ward meeting house in Salt Lake City during another raid The attempt failed, however, and all escaped safely. In a dramatic show of force, twenty deputy marshals

23 Deseret News, February 3, 1886.

24 Bennett, The Mormon Detective, pp 219-22, 130, 135

25 Laura Ann Keeler Thurber, Autobiography, pp 22-22A, original spelling retained, BYU Special Collections

raided the Gardo, Lion, and Beehive houses in addition to other church offices. With crowds gazing on the marshals searched futilely for church leaders.26

Anticipating that fugitives would gather with others for recreation or to carry out business or religious affairs, marshals raided homes during family celebrations, holidays, and other events.

Martha Cragun Cox remembered one raid during conference time when the house was full and "many women were finding beds on quilts on the floor." The marshals entered unannounced at eleven o'clock, marching boldly through the house "turning the flashlight into the faces of sleepers." Ellis Day Coombs recalled deputies serving subpoenas on Valentine's Day, "[We] were warming up by the fireplace ready to go to one more place, when there was a knock on the door. We rushed to open the door expecting to find more Valentines, but instead there stood two strange men." Expecting President John Taylor to attend his daughter's wedding, officers planned a raid on the family's reception With the church president warned away, however, the deputies searched in vain.27

Often, officers unsuccessful in an initial raid searched homes repeatedly. Marshals regularly searched the homes of church leaders and other high-profile members of the church. Marshals also repeatedly searched the homes of other elusive polygamists. For the family of Samuel Bateman, bodyguard to President Taylor, the raids occurred not "once or twice, but dozens and dozens of times" in the four years of their father's exile Officers searched the home of the elusive Thomas Billington Nelson over one hundred times, never finding him.28

To supplement their efforts, deputy marshals frequently hired outside assistants. These "special detectives" guided deputies through unfamiliar territory, identified suspects unknown to an officer, and supplied manpower during searches and arrests. Some hirelings impersonated officers and arrested on the pretense of authority, while others questioned children about their parents.29 Still others trespassed into homes searching for suspects Joseph Smith Black observed:

26 Frederick Kesler, Diary, January 20, 1886, U of U; Cannon Journal, February 7, 1886

2' Martha Cragun Cox, Autobiography, p 183, LDS Church Library-Archives; Coombs Autobiography, p 3; John Mills Whitaker, Journal, February 8, 1886, U of U

28 Jensen, Little Gold Pieces, p 106; Thomas Billington Nelson, p 2

29 Deseret News, April 28, 1886

Another mode they had for capturing those they were hunting, was for a stranger to ride into town, looking like a miner or stock man, and they would call at a house and make inquiry about something, and would then serve their papers on those that happened to be there that the[y] wanted for witnesses

In addition to paid assistants, officers relied on outside information to aid them in their searches Gentiles, apostate Mormons, and paid informers apprised officers of the activities of certain polygamists. Informers also notified authorities of suspicious conditions. When advised that one polygamist in hiding returned to his home at daylight to water his animals, officers lay in wait for the suspect at dawn, arresting him in his corral. Flora Snow Woolley narrowly escaped a brush with the deputies after being spotted on the street with a baby. Luck ran out for Joseph Smith Black; officers raided his hideout and arrested him after learning that "a man had been seen at the place."31

To catch polygamists off guard deputy marshals frequently raided homes in the early morning or at night. Deputy Bennett noted of one raid before dawn, "We were in hopes that by arriving thus early we would find him either in bed in one of [his] two houses, or in the cellar."32 Alerting the inmates of their presence, officers rapped on windows or forced open doors. Inside, they arrested fathers in their nightclothes and subpoenaed family members at their bedsides.

Such intrusions proved terrifying to many families. Sleepers awoke and sprang from their beds, while children huddled behind parents Deputies crawled through windows in one morning raid:

The women were compelled to rise from their beds in their night clothes and stand before these men (?) and listen to the reading of subpoenas One young girl being very much abashed rose at their command from bed and fled to another, but again she was made to rise and stand before the law protected pirates until they had served the subpoena upon her It has developed that these outrages were carried out without even a warrant giving the perpetrators the authority. A search was instituted when it was known that Mr Easton was not at home Small drawers to bureaus, washstands, etc. were hauled out and their contents emptied upon the floor.33

30 Black Autobiography, p 9

31 Mary J Bringhurst, folder 3, box 1, Kimball Young Collection; Flora Snow Woolley, "Memoirs," BYU Special Collections; Black Autobiography, pp. 100-101.

32 Bennett, The Mormon Detective, pp 138-39

33 DeseretNews, March 10, 1886

Like early morning searches, night raids also presented the marshals with obvious advantages. Nocturnal searches offered both the element of surprise and the cover of dark Officers who hired assistants found night raids particularly valuable. The darkness ensured one's anonymity, guarding neighbors assisting in an arrest from provoked cattle poisonings, wire fence cuttings, and the like.34 Officers invading at all hours left homes in turmoil and families defenseless. Juliaetta Bateman Jensen recounted the scene:

Mother would hear faintly the buggy wheels in the lane, and then the sound came more clearly as they drove down the hill and around the house She would not know whether it was friend or foe until she heard them pound furiously on the front door and shout for her to open it quickly or they would break it down She would plead for time to get into her clothes, and she lingered long enough to warn the others When she did let them in they searched every nook and corner of the house while their companions stood outside watching. They would throw the quilts back from our bed, and feel between us children frightening us half to death.35

News of a raid spread quickly Friends and family rushed in almost immediately, while others watched for the marauders. Although emotions surged, surprisingly few reacted with violence.

Joseph

Smith Black detailed the events:

[T]he word of alarm would soon spread and lights would glitter in all parts of the town, and perchance if the raid had been successful, the news would soon be conveied from house to house of the capture of some of the most respectable citizens On such occasions excitement would generally run high, and many would be the expressions of indignation, were it not for the wise counsels of more matured minds, many of there raids would ended in a scene of blood as it was hard to see fathers, relatives and friends taken away in such a manner. 36

Depending on the location of a raid, officers employed the methods most effective and best suited to an area When raiding small settlements, for example, officers encountered serious obstacles. Stationed at headquarters convenient to a courthouse, they travelled up to twenty-five miles to reach rural settlements. Additionally, rural Mormon communities resisted attacks, typically banding together to protect polygamists Residents monitored the marshals' activities and signalled at the approach of a buggy or the arrival of a stranger Neighbors also warned off or hid polygamists during raids

34 Bennett, The Mormon Detective, p 49

35 Little Gold Pieces, p 106

36 Black Autobiography, p 98

Teenagers in Clarkston, Utah, trailed the deputies around town In Sanpete County church members surrounded officers who walked into a Sunday meeting; two polygamists escaped through a window while the officers were blocked.37

Marshals countered the organized resistance in rural communities by capitalizing on larger numbers, mass raiding, and odd hours. Marshal Ireland reported that his best hope in rural areas was to strike at an unusual hour and round up residents "like a lot of wild cattle."38 Describing conditions for a common raid on a rural area, Joseph Smith Black noted:

[Officers] would designate a certain number of the brethren that they desired to capture, and three or four of them would come into town during the night and lie in wait at the home of some treator The people reposing in peaceful slumber not cautious of any danger being near, and perchance the husband and father being wearing by camping out, would have repared home for a good nights rest, [to] injoy the society of his loved ones , 39

Marshal Bennett rode all night before raiding the polygamy stronghold of Paris, Idaho When he finally reached the rural settlement, he stopped first at a Brother Budge's homestead. Bennett questioned Budge's wives and searched unsuccessfully for Budge himself He next searched the homes of Brother Stuckie and his wives and continued his search at the homes of other polygamists. By daylight Bennett had arrested four polygamists, before news of the raid had spread.40

Raiding in urban areas had advantages and disadvantages. In cities and towns marshals travelled shorter distances to search a home and enjoyed the benefits of an organized informant network But residents of urban regions profited from an active press notifying them of their rights and denouncing illegal intrusions. One Deseret News article advised:

No officer has the right to force his way into a house without a proper warrant If he attempts to do so he may be treated as a burglar or any other lawless person, and if he has a little sense knocked into him with a club, or what little he has blown out of him with a shotgun, the law will not protect him. . . . 41

38 "The U.S Department of Justice in Utah Territory," p 210

39 Black Autobiography, p 98

40 Bennett, The Mormon Detective, pp 197-202

11 Deseret News, January 27, 1886

37 Joh n E Godfrey, folder 7, box 1, Kimball Young Collection; Coombs Autobiography, p 4

Another article condemning an early morning raid cautioned, "We once more inform our readers in country places where raids of this kind are perpetrated—the ruffians do not attempt them in town— that they are under no obligations, human or divine, to submit to such outlawry."42 Instead of using the tactics successfully exploited in many country raids, officers in towns monitored polygamists, offered hefty rewards, and relied on outside information.

In addition to location, the personality of an officer played a major role in determining the type of raid. Roaming the countryside in constant pursuit of polygamists many marshals grew relentless in their cause. Mrs. Easton "asked [Deputy] Gleason why he pulled the bedding from the bed. He answered: 'By G-d, I found Watson in the same kind of place.' He then said he thought Easton was concealed in a small compass, and that he expected to find him in a similar place, and he was going to get him before he left." Similarly, Marshal Bennett remarked of one drawn-out search for a polygamist, "As Rufe had been seen only a couple of hours before I heard of his arrival, it was evident that he was stowed away somewhere in the town, and it was determined to leave no stone unturned to find him, and put a stop to the long-continued game of hide and seek."43

For some officers, overzealousness turned into flagrant violation of the law. Many marshals illegally entered homes, bursting into bedrooms, crawling through windows, or demanding admittance with cocked revolvers Many, without search warrants, ransacked property and tore up homes. Describing a poignant example of abuse, the press recorded:

The deputy U.S Marshals first appeared at the residence of Mr Goff, on the east side of the river. Mrs. Goff met them at the door, and to their queries replied that her husband was not at home They then demanded admittance to the house, and Mrs. Goff inquired whether they were authorized to do so To this DeputyJ W Franks replied insolently that the only search warrant he needed was an axe with which to break in the door. The deputies then searched the house. . . , 44

In extreme cases some marshals raiding homes brutalized residents. Officers threatened occupants, intimidated women and children, or turned physically violent. Recounting his third arrest, James Bywater wrote:

42 Deseret News, March 10, 1886

43 Ibid.; Bennett, The Mormon Detective, p 38

44 DeseretNews, January 20, 1886

On the night of October 20, between 9:00 and 10:00 p.m., I was made aware, while in bed, that a deputy U.S marshal was seeking admittance I got up and, while dressing, John B McClellan rushed into the bedroom and struck me, he having burst open the front door He handled me roughly, He pulled the bed clothes off my son Alfred, who was also in bed. He dragged me into the next room and then into the room where my wife was He told my wife Hanna to get up, but she wept and said she could not leave her children He yelled, "If you had a thousand children, I would make you get up with him." She was much exercised and cried piteously. This aroused me and I felt like shedding his blood if he proceeded to drag her out of bed, but his partner, a Mr. Butcher, said "Hold on Mac, you are going too far. . . ,"45

While some federal officers employed brutality, others utilized deception On occasion marshals manufactured subpoenas, carrying blank documents to be completed as needed Others used warrants applicable at only one home, to search an entire neighborhood. On one occasion seven officers searched houses, barns, stables, and stack yards, producing only a printed circular offering $500 for the man pictured as their authority.46

Accepting bribes proved lucrative for other officers. Christian Kunz paid Deputy Watson $75, and the deputies "never bothered him again."47 John Larsen purchased a mock trial:

[T]he presidents of the stake came around and said they had made arrangements with the authorities to buy the rest of us off ifwe would surrender. . . . Finally they came down $200 and I went and borrowed the money of Moses Thatcher and gave myself up and paid it to Charley Godwin They took my first wive, a son, and a couple of other witnesses down to Ogden and had a mock trial I wasn't even there, and the witnesses told a couple of white lies and the case against me was dismissed.48

Where certain marshals overstepped the bounds of the law, others, however, moderated their approach. Joseph Smith Black admitted:

In the commencement of the raiding I felt very indignant, and was fully determined to shoot any man that would break into my house in the night But after Marshal Dyer came into office, a more humane cause was pursued, and I had laid my pistols by. . . , 49

45 James Bywater, "The Trio's Pilgrimage: Autobiography of James Bywater," pp 138-39, LDS Church Library-Archives

46 Deseret News, April 18, 1886, June 3, 1885, February 17, 1886

47 History of Bear Lake Pioneers, comp Edith Parker Haddock and Dorothy Hardy Matthews (Bear Lake County, Idaho: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1968), p 366

48 John C Larson, folder 5, box 2, Kimball Young Collection

49 Black Autobiography, p. 101.

Officers well acquainted with those they encountered often tempered their actions. Juliaetta Bateman Jensen remembered one officer who seldom looked "beyond the sugar can" during his visits. A friend of her father, the deputy apologized for the intrusions. Emma Larsen noted that her neighbor, another officer, could easily have caught her father, but "just let him go." On the whole, however, most officers proved unwavering in their resolve. As Anthon Skanchy observed of one, "The deputy could not arrest his [polygamous] fatherin-law, but was vigorous in his pursuit of others."50

The experiences of the antipolygamy raids reached far and wide. As varied among people as among places, the raids ranged from lawful detentions to violent encounters. In their expansive practice of raiding homes, federal officers inevitably drew on tried and true methods. Uncovering creative hideouts necessitated exhaustive and frequently excessive searches of a home Officers preparing for trial searched for witnesses at all hours, hired assistants to ease their workload, and utilized informers' tips. Others, seeking fugitives, searched homes repeatedly, raided during meetings and celebrations, or rode in posses demanding surrender. In rural areas officers raided at unusual hours, arresting en masse. In town they monitored a polygamist's activities, targeting specific homes and people before a search and arrest. For those who endured them the raids proved a haunting experience. "I think my earliest recollection is of the United States Marshals coming The name even has a dread for me now," admitted one. 51

The experiences of the raids were felt deeply by participants on both sides of the law. For deputies struggling to enforce federal rule, duty exacted certain costs "United States officials of all kinds were looked upon with especial disfavor," wrote one deputy, "Every move was watched, and we encountered vindictive looks on every side."52 More than one deputy met with the back of a stiff broom. Others never made it past the front door and a loaded rifle. Hoping to purchase food in an isolated area, U.S. Marshal Ireland was told that "his kind is not wanted here" and refused.53 Few officers could ignore such disdain. A frustrated Deputy Bennett remarked of one search:

50 Jensen, Little Gold Pieces, p 107; Niels Peter Larsen, p 7, folder 5, box 2, Kimball Young Collection; Anthon L Skanchy, p 5, folder 3, box 3, Kimball Young Collection

51 Eli A Day, folder 6, box 1, Kimball Young Collection

>2 Bennett, The Mormon Detective, p 92

53 "The U.S Department of Justice in Utah Territory," p 210

On entering the house I talked to [the plural wife] on various topics, tickled [her husband's] thirty-third child under the chin, and finally told Sister Henderson I would be pleased to meet Sam. Not seeing him.

I gave the house a thorough search This visit was the primary cause of the vindictive attacks made upon me by the Logan Journal and other Mormon sheets, and from that time on I determined to show no quarter, for no matter how civilly and politely officers tried to perform their unpleasant duties, they had nothing to expect but the revilings of the whole dirty crew. 54

Expressing a unified sentiment, Mormon members denounced the raids in general as an invasion of their rights and an intrusion on the sanctity of their homes. In 1885 Mormons assembled in the Salt Lake Tabernacle addressed their concerns to President Cleveland. The formal Declaration and Protest inveighed against the tyranny of federal officials, claiming "values of every kind [were] unsettled, neighborhoods agitated and alarmed and property of the people generally jeopardized "55

Citing the U.S. Constitution, church members criticized the raids as violating their Fourth Amendment guarantee against unreasonable search and seizure The Deseret News concluded:

It may be claimed that the Constitution has reference to unreasonable searches only; and that such searches as [the marshals] have been making in some instances are not unreasonable; but they are nevertheless. As a question of logic: What security would there be in the house, of the person or thing, from search or seizure, if the time and place for so doing were left to the caprice, malice even deliberate judgement of an officer 5 6

As the First Presidency of the church observed during the 1886 General Conference:

What about the fourth amendment to the Constitution, which says "The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated " These [raids] are no fiction but verifiable facts These errors have to be corrected, and it is our duty, so far as it lays in our power ... to sustain the Constitution thereof and to oppose in all legitimate ways any infringement of that instrument. 5 7

The same year over 2,000 women from throughout the territory decried the scurrilous conduct of federal officers:

r'

4 Bennett, The Mormon Detective, p 58

55 Joh n Irvine, An Appeal for Constitutional and Religious Liberty (Salt Lake City: Joseph Hyrum Parry & Co., 1885), p 23, USHS

56 Deseret News, November 25, 1885

57 Deseret News, April 14, 1885

We also direct your attention to the outrages by rough and brutal deputy marshals, who watch around our dooryards, peer into our bedroom windows, ply little children with questions about their parents, and when hunting their human prey, burst into people's domiciles and terrorize the innocent We solemnly protest against these desecrations of our homes and invasions of our rights.58

Reporting to the secretary of the interior in 1887, Utah's territorial governor, Caleb West, confirmed, "It is true, however, that a large majority of the people stoutly and stubbornly affirm publicly and privately, that the enforcement of certain laws is destructive of their rights as free men, an assault upon their religion, and an invasion of the sanctity of their homes."59

Like the American colonists, nineteenth-century Utahns saw themselves as the victims of an abusive central authority. Members of the Utah Constitutional Convention, just as the framers of the federal constitution, approached thejob of setting limits on the government for search and seizure, greatly influenced by their experiences. The constitutional framers saw British rule as tyrannical These early Americans declared their independence and guaranteed their freedom from unreasonable search and seizure in their own unique constitution Members of the Utah Constitutional Convention, however, opted to embrace their political system despite past abuses. Intent on securing future inhabitants from the experiences of the antipolygamy raids, the 1895 convention delegates borrowed the wording of the Fourth Amendment and included their own search and seizure provision in Article 1, Section 14, of the Utah Constitution. Unlike colonial America where governmental abuses led to a revolution, similar abuses in Utah led the inhabitants to cling more firmly to the very principles overrun by corrupt officials. Indeed, Utahns adopted these principles as the foundation for their own state's governmental framework that is now an inextricable part of the Union.

:'8 "Memorial of the Mormon Women of Utah," p 8

59 Caleb W West, "Report of the Governor of Utah to the Secretary of the Interior, 1887," Reports of the Secretary of the Interior 1874-96, p 30, Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City

Utah Maverick: Frank J. Cannon and the Politics of Conscience in 1896

BY LEONARD SCHLUP

TH E PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1896 was a crucial contest in United States history. It constituted a fundamental turning point in American electoral politics and demonstrated the periodicity of political realignment. By 1896 an economic depression had led to an erosion of

Frank J Cannon. USHS collections.

living standards for thousands, including legions of farmers who watched their incomes plummet and their debts skyrocket throughout the course of the national malaise. During this time a crisis of confidence gripped the presidency of Grover Cleveland, an unpopular Democratic chief executive who remained virtually closeted in the executive mansion and shunned by segments of his party. Years of violence, sectional antagonisms, class conflicts, social unrest, political protest, and economic disillusionment, combined with the problems of growing urbanization and industrialization, fostered frustrations and triggered national anxiety in the late nineteenth century These forces climaxed in the campaign of 1896, the most significant election in the Gilded Age, a term coined by Mark Twain to describe a post-Civil War generation characterized by excess. 1

Admitted as the forty-fifth state on January 4, 1896, Utah joined the Union during this climactic year. Its first state delegation to Congress consisted of Sen Frank J Cannon of Ogden, Sen Arthur Brown of Salt Lake City, and Clarence E Allen of Salt Lake City, the representative-at-large. All three men were Republicans chosen to represent a new state that had always been overwhelmingly Democratic, a fact that helped keep it out of the Union for so long. Cannon took his seat on January 27, with his term to expire, as determined by lot, on March 3, 1899.

Politician, newspaper editor, and mining entrepreneur, Frank J. Cannon (1859-1933) was the son of George Q. Cannon, first counselor in the Mormon church presidency from 1880 to 1901 and its dominant figure after the death of Brigham Young. The elder Cannon was also an editor, engaged in several financial and industrial enterprises, and served as a territorial delegate to Congress. Inasmuch as he needed to assuage the Democratic sympathies of his constituency, George Cannon, a Republican at heart, normally sat on the Democratic side of the aisle Having been born into this prestigious Salt Lake City political and religious family, young Frank was graduated from the University of Utah in 1878 and followed in his father's footsteps by becoming active in the same professions. After working briefly as a reporter on the San Francisco Chronicle and as a private secretary to John T Caine, Utah's territorial delegate to Congress,

1 Stanley L.Jones, The Presidential Election of 1896 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1964); Gene Clanton, Populism: The Humane Preference in America, 1890-1900 (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1991), pp 148-63; and Elmer Ellis, "The Silver Republicans in the Election of 1896," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 18 (1932): 519-34

Cannon secured election in 1884 as recorder of Weber County. He became editor of the Ogden Herald in 1887 and in the following year established the Ogden Daily Standard, the first Republican newspaper in Utah.2

Cannon entered politics with enthusiasm but soon acquired a reputation for independence. In 1891 he helped to organize the Republican party in Utah and won election to the Ogden City Council, serving as chairman of the committee on public buildings and grounds. When the Republican territorial convention met at Salt Lake City in September 1892, Cannon, who sought statehood for Utah, was nominated to run for Congress Although he reduced the normal Democratic majority, he lost toJoseph L. Rawlins, a Salt Lake City attorney whom he later defeated by 1,800 votes in the Republican sweep of 1894, which heralded the beginning of a political realignment that basically endured until 1932. Cannon served as a territorial delegate to Congress from 1895 until he took his Senate seat in 1896. His maverick stand clearly manifested itself during his tenure in the upper chamber.3

Cannon's brief political career in Utah was intertwined with the money issue. He steadfastly supported the free and unlimited coinage of silver at a ratio of sixteen to one with gold. For Senator Cannon and Utah's laborers and mining investors, free silver promised better times, more employment, increased farm prices, reduced indebtedness, government purchases of the white metal, and an end to the conservative doctrines and influence of eastern capitalists. Cannon saw silver as a social movement and a political response to an economic crisis. Silver offered a panacea to remedy the nation's ills; it symbolized a new order and a return to the historic bimetallic structure of the country. In fact, Cannon attributed the poor financial condition of the nation in 1896 to its monetary system, and he emphasized that it was impossible with the gold standard to bring the country back to its old degree of prosperity.4

Echoing Cannon on this issue, Sen. Henry M. Teller, a fervent Silver

2 Deseret News, July 26, 1933; Charles S Peterson, Utah (New York: W W Norton & Company, 1977), p 88

3 The Frank J. Cannon Papers are at the Colorado Historical Society Library in Denver. The collection deals only with the time period from 1929 to 1934 and contains correspondence, speeches, news releases, manuscripts, and publications Caroline Evans, whose correspondence is an important element in the collection, was secretary of the National Bimetallic Association

4 William V Allen, "Western Feeling towards the East," North American Review 162 (1896): 588-93; Lindley M Keasbey, "The New Sectionalism," Forum 16 (1894): 578-87 The Coinage Act of 1873 had demonetized silver

Republican from Colorado, sought to reassure Cannon's father. "Your son . . . has taken his stand on this question," Teller proclaimed, "and it will be very unfortunate for himself if the State of Utah supports the gold standard candidate The Senator has a great future before him if he is properly supported by his State. He is a son that you may be proud of, and your people ought to be proud of him, as I have no doubt they are."5

By 1896 the frenzied enthusiasm for silver had grown to appreciable heights among various groups "It is almost impossible for one outside the United States to comprehend the force of the tidal wave for silver that is now sweeping over this country," wrote former Ohio congressman Adoniram J. Warner, president of the American Bimetallic Union, to Moreton Frewen, an English economist.6 Devoted followers attached an emotional and religious fervor to the crusade as well as a belief in the triumph of right over evil. One observer commented that "the great silver movement—the movement of the masses against the classes—of God's poor against the rich, has continued to sweep on, gathering force and volume and numbers from day to day."7

Known as Utah's "Silver Senator" due to his advocacy of free coinage, Cannon was one of six delegates from his state who attended the Republican National Convention at St. Louis in 1896 to write a platform and select a ticket The other Utah delegates-at-large were Isaac Trumbo, Arthur Brown, Thomas Kearns, Clarence Allen, and William S. McCornick. After considerable debate, Republican delegates adopted a conservative stand on the currency issue.8 The platform stated: "The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our currency or impair the credit of our country. We are therefore opposed to the free coinage of silver, except by international agreement with the leading commercial nations of the earth."9 During the

5 Henry M Teller to George Q Cannon, September 1, 1896, Henry M Teller Papers, Colorado Historical Society

6 A. J. Warner to Moreton Frewen, June 28, 1896, Moreton Frewen Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C See also James K Jones to William J Bryan, July 21, 1896, and Teller to Bryan, July 15, 20, 1896, William Jennings Bryan Papers, Library of Congress.

7 H. C. Bell to William Lochren, July 14, 1896, William Lochren Papers, Minnesota Historical Society, St Paul See also H E Taubeneck to Ignatius Donnelly, July 5, 1896, Ignatius Donnelly Papers, Minnesota Historical Society.

8 Official Proceedings of the Eleventh Republican National Convention 1896 (Pittsburgh: James F Burke, 1896), pp 76, 96, 86-91

9 Kirk H Porter and Donald Bruce Johnson, eds., National Party Platforms, 1840-1960 (2d ed.; Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1961), p 108

Isaac Trumbo

Arthur Brown

ClarenceE. Allen

Thomas Kearns

William S. McCornick

These men, along with Cannon, were delegates to the 1896 Republican National Convention. USHS collections.

roll call on the question to approve the hard money position, all six Utah delegates voted against adopting the plank. Senator Teller thereupon proposed a substitute for the money plank that read: "The Republican party favors the use of both gold and silver as equal standard money, and pledges its power to secure the free, unrestricted, and independent coinage of gold and silver at our mints at the ratio of sixteen parts of silver to one of gold."10 Cannon supported this proposition, which failed of adoption.

Having completed the platform, delegates turned their attention to the presidential nomination. The leading contenders were Thomas B Reed of Maine, the crusty speaker of the House of Representatives, and William McKinley, former governor of Ohio, ex-congressman, and author of the 1890 tariff. The latter was clearly the frontrunner. Although vacillation and opportunism had marked his record on currency, McKinley, the high priest of protectionism, was one of the most successful politicians of his day His personal popularity, gentleness, and kindly nature contrasted sharply with the acerbic Reed. Moreover, McKinley's powerful campaign manager, Marcus A. Hanna, a prosperous Cleveland iron manufacturer and industrialist, mounted a great publicity and mass marketing effort before the convention In the balloting for president, Utah divided, casting three votes for McKinley and three for Sen. William B. Allison of Iowa, a bimetallist who captured Cannon's support.11

The nomination of McKinley as the party's standard-bearer and the adoption of the sound money platform angered Cannon and other disillusioned silver delegates They decided to walk out of the convention, the first bolt in Republican party history. After an impassioned plea, Senator Teller asked that the young legislator from Utah be permitted to read a statement justifying the reasons for the secession of free coinage Republicans. On June 18, Cannon, a short man physically and somewhat foppish in appearance, mounted the podium to address the convention and give the formal declaration

10 Earl R Kruschke, Encyclopedia of Third Parties in the United States (Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio, 1991), p 156; New York Times, June 19, 1896 The currency dilemma was one of the Gilded Age's most controversial and complicated issues Richard J Oglesby, a Republican governor of Illinois, once remarked: "These Democrats undertake to discuss the financial question They oughtn't to do that They can't possibly understand it The Lord's truth is, fellow citizens, it is about all we Republicans can do to understand that question!" See Adlai E. Stevenson, Something of Men I Have Known (Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Company, 1909), p 346

" Official Proceedings, 1896, p 123; Marcus A Hanna to William McKinley, April 21, 27, 1896, William McKinley Papers, Library of Congress; McKinley to John Sherman, March 22, 1896, John Sherman Papers, Library of Congress; and Herbert D Croly, Marcus Alonzo Hanna: His Life and Work (New York: Macmillan Company, 1912), pp 192-204

of withdrawal.12 His long and emotional speech was a defiant and truculent account of the causes that had compelled the twenty-one silverites to depart. It had been prepared and signed by the secessionists. Delivered in a theatrical manner, Cannon's renunciation speech immediately captivated his supporters and attracted national attention. His manifesto described the depressed condition of the country, harshly denounced the eastern moneyed powers, and sought a redemption of silver as constitutional money Admitting that the minority must bow to the will of the majority, Cannon asserted that he could not abandon his principles for the gold standard, which he believed the people opposed and would be a severe infliction on an already suffering America.13 He could not subscribe to it as an honest man and as a result had to sever his connections with the party The senator said:

We hold that this Convention has seceded from the truth; that the triumph of such secession would be the eventual destruction of our freedom and our civilization To that end the people will not knowingly follow any political party, and we choose to take our place in the ranks of the great mass of citizens who realize that the hour has come for justice Did we deem this issue less important to humanity, we would yield, since the associations of all our political lives have been intertwined with the men and the measures of this party of past mighty achievement But the people cry aloud for relief; they are bending beneath a burden growing heavier with the passing hours; endeavor no longer brings itsjust reward; fearfulness takes the place of courage and despair usurps the throne of hope, and unless the laws of the country and the policies of political parties shall be converted into mediums of redress, the effect of human desperation may sometime be witnessed here as in other lands and in other ages Accepting the fiat of this convention as the present purpose of the party, we withdraw from this Convention and return to our constituents the authority with which they invested us, believing that we had better discharge their trust by this act which restores to them the authority unsullied, than by giving cowardly and insincere endorsement to the greatest wrong ever wilfully attempted within the Republican party, once the redeemer of the people, but now about to become their oppressor unless Providentially restrained.14

12 Elmer Ellis, Henry Moore Teller (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers, 1941), pp 247-84; St. Louis PostDispatch, June 19, 1896; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, June 19, 1896; Washington Evening Star, June 18, 1896; Chicago Tribune, June 18, 1896; St. Louis Republic, June 19, 1896; and Philadelphia Press, June 19, 1896.

13 Louis W Koenig, Bryan: A Political Biography of WilliamJennings Bryan (New York: G.P Putnam's Sons, 1971), p 175; Arthur W Dunn, From Harrison to Harding, 2 vols (New York: G.P Putnam's Sons, 1922), 1: 174—81; Herman H Kohlsaat, From McKinley to Harding (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1923), pp 33-48; and Joseph B Foraker, Notes of a Busy Life, 2 vols (Cincinnati: Stewart & Kidd, 1916), 1:463-88

14 Official Proceedings, 1896, pp 98-100 See also, Deseret Evening News, June 18, 1896 A committee of the withdrawing delegates signed the statement They were Henry M Teller, Fred T DuBois, Frank J Cannon, Charles A Hartman of Montana, Richard F Pettigrew, and A C Cleveland of Nevada

Upon completing the reading of this statement, Cannon shook hands with Sen.John M. Thurston of Nebraska, chairman of the convention, and withdrew from the platform Tears welled in Cannon's eyes as he and his cohorts left the floor on the afternoon ofJune 18. The band played "Columbia," "America," "The Red, White, and Blue," and other patriotic songs,joined in by a grand chorus from the audience. The exodus excited the remaining delegates who attempted to outdo each other in displays of loyalty to the GOP. The bolters included four senators—Teller, Cannon, Fred T Dubois of Idaho, and Richard F. Pettigrew of South Dakota. Idaho and Colorado were the only two states whose entire delegations exited the proceedings.15

Three Utah delegates—Cannon, Allen, and Kearns—joined the procession out of the auditorium. The other three Utah delegates remained in their seats, but Trumbo and McCornick refused to support the platform or the presidential nominee. Senator Brown, who considered the tariff the more immediate issue, remarked that the GOP was not the oppressor of the people. Regretting the departure of his colleagues, Brown contended that the money question could not be resolved at the convention and that only "the test of time" would settle the matter and result in silver's eventual reinstatement Although he did not bolt, Brown repudiated the platform but endorsed McKinley for president.16

Cannon strongly defended his conduct in leaving the St. Louis convention In an interview with a news correspondent he delineated his actions and explained his reasons. Holding no animosity toward Brown and the other two Utahns who stood firm against the separatists, Cannon announced with pride his plan to return home to inform the people that he had fulfilled their instructions to him as a delegate and that he had upheld their trust. "This was a case for every man's conscience," he said, "and for every man's interpretation of the obligations under which he was pledged to his people. But for me any other attitude would have been one of betrayal and cowardice. .. . I have never willfully attempted to mislead nor to counsel submission to wrong."17 For Cannon, secession vindicated his honor

16

" Salt Lake Tribune, June 19, 1896

15 Richard F Pettigrew to Teller, June 28, July 6, 1896, Fred T DuBois to Teller, June 26, 1896, Teller Papers; New York Times, June 19, 1896; Review of Revieius, July and August 1896; and items in the Edward O Wolcott Papers at the Colorado Historical Society and the Richard F Pettigrew Papers, Pettigrew Museum Library, Sioux Falls, South Dakota

Salt Lake Tribune, June 18, 1896; New York Times, June 19, 1896

Upon leaving the convention, Cannon went to Dubois's headquarters at the St Nicholas Hotel There the dissenting silverites discussed the advisability of putting Teller in nomination for the presidency on an independent Silver Republican ticket. Cannon wholeheartedly favored this approach, complaining that the gold Republicans were governed by "an unholy mastership." He argued that the state conventions that had selected them as delegates gave them the power to withdraw from the national convention and proceed in accordance with the wishes of their constituents. He emphasized that it was not necessary to submit to the people the proposal to nominate an independent ticket, for the delegates themselves could make this decision. Maintaining that Teller's nomination would have a "greater sanctity" coming from an independent citizenship than from a convention or political party, Cannon contended that such action would demonstrate "the right of the people to defend their best principles and to select their most trustworthy man to carry out these principles. Any defection from it now would be a signal defeat of the highest morality for which we have striven."18

Cannon recommended that all parties and organizations opposed to the gold standard unite in supporting Teller for president. He had hoped that the Democrats and the Populists—a third party committed to free coinage and other reforms—would also endorse Teller as the fusion candidate for president. In this way the friends of silver would unite irrespective of party, and their formidable strength would assure McKinley's defeat. For his part, Cannon would do everything he could to aid Teller to the presidency.19

Early in July, Cannon journeyed to Chicago to witness the Democratic National Convention From his room at the Great Northern Hotel he apprised his colleagues of the political situation. The nomination of William Jennings Bryan of Nebraska for the presidency, following his "cross of gold" speech, came as no surprise to Cannon and others who had observed the national attention the Nebraskan had gained as a tariff and silver orator and who had read the many editorials after June 1895 demanding him for president

In fact, Bryan had even been in touch with Teller, Cannon, and

19

18 Frank J Cannon to Teller, July 9, 1896, Teller Papers

Akron Beacon and Republican (Ohio), June 19, 1896; Marion Butler to William M. Stewart, June 24, July 6, 1896, William M. Stewart Papers, Nevada Historical Society, Reno; Thomas E. Watson to Butler, July 28, 1896, Marion Butler Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.

other Republican silverites during the struggle over the GOP platform.20

Although Cannon recognized Bryan's loyalty to free silver, he preferred until the end that Teller become a candidate. Cannon feared that a Silver Republican adherence to Bryan's nomination would be both improper and ruinous "The cause of silver cannot be won," he pleaded in a letter to Teller, "if you shall endorse the nomination of the Democratic convention at Chicago. . . . On the contrary it receives a blow from which it cannot recover in its integrity. With a straight Democratic nomination attempted to be centered upon by the Bi-Metallic forces the Republican gold ticket will win." Cannon expressed apprehension that four years of a hard money administration would bring "chaos in the sentiment of the United States" and that "Anarchistic and other tendencies" would "creep to the front... in the fight for what isjust." On the other hand, should Teller permit his nomination by the Silver Republicans and Populists, "regardless of the action of this Chicago convention," the cause of silver would "be much stronger, as concert of action" could be "secured in various otherwise doubtful states and union of forces be obtained upon an electoral ticket" to defeat the gold ticket. Cannon concluded:

I therefore most respectfully urge upon you the absolute moral and political necessity of permitting us to go on with this cause as events shaped by Providence have clearly indicated our path There is no retreat, except by the way of injustice to the trusting people There is no turning back, except by turning our faces away from the mighty cause which should be won this year. That same exalted duty which has carried you into the foremost place in the affections of your fellow-citizens is once more invoked. I could not write thus to you (feeling that I would be guilty of temerity) but for the greatest emergency which has confronted the people since the war. I feel that you are necessarily in that mental attitude which has been occupied by every high-minded and consecrated maker of history in all times—when the fear of permitting your personality to be the instrument of wrong affects your sensitive mind to the degree that causes you to offer self-abnegation in your own loyalty, which to your colleagues may seem a possible sacrifice of the cause. 21

20 Teller to Bryan, July 15, 1896, Pettigrew to Teller, July 6, 1896, Cannon to DuBois, July 14, 1896, Teller to Cannon, August 31, 1896, Teller to Butler, July 15, 1896, Teller Papers; Chicago Daily Tribune, June 2-7, 1895; W J Stone to Bryan, July 14, August 26, 1895, Bryan Papers; James K Jones to J N Camden, May 17, 1896, Johnson N Camden Papers, West Virginia University Library, Morgantown; and Paolo E Coletta, WilliamJennings Bryan: Political Evangelist, 1860-1908 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1964), pp 109-10

21 Cannon to Teller, July 9, 1896, Teller Papers

Both the Populists and the National Silver party convened in St Louis from July 22 to 25 to select their standard-bearers. Ratifying the Democratic decision earlier that month, these two minor parties chose Bryan as their presidential nominee. Although Cannon would have preferred Teller as the candidate, he acquiesced in the decision of the delegates to unite behind Bryan in an endeavor to defeat McKinley, the gold standard, and the evils of plutocracy. Privately, Cannon at first entertained reservations, for the victory of righteousness in the Chicago convention was not by itself conclusive proof of the repudiation by the Democrats of the men and influence that had recently been dominant in the party's management. 2 2

Cannon's conscience commanded his course in 1896. Silver for him was a symbol of revolt, a moral question, and a sacred dogma. The white metal would redeem an overburdened people and end the influence and organized greed of gold barons on the government. He stressed to the true believers that justice was on their side and that currency reform represented the cause of the people It constituted a contest for industrial independence and for freedom from the domination of foreign powers and foreign capital. Cannon could not possibly conceive how justice would fail or how wrong could prevail in such a battle. While not overlooking the necessity for other reforms, Cannon concluded that they were not as pressing in 1896 as the financial question, which he regarded as the paramount issue at that critical period. The campaign between McKinley and Bryan was more than a contest about the character of the candidates; it signaled a crusade by a consolidated group of bimetallists, on the one hand, against a platoon of gold monometallists, on the other. Cannon claimed that the victory of the money power in the GOP involved the desertion of the cause of the people in all respects by the leadership of the Republican organization and marked its transformation from the party of Lincoln formed on Jeffersonian principles into an asset of modern commercialism. The duty was clear. Because liberty itself was at stake, silverites had to rescue the nation and prevent the great experiment of freedom from losing its glory.23

22 Gold Democrats assembled at Indianapolis in September to nominate Sen John M Palmer of Illinois as their candidate for the presidency See John M Palmer, Personal Recollections ofJohn M. Palmer (Cincinnati: Robert Clarke Company, 1901), pp 589-619

23 William Jennings Bryan, The First Battle (Chicago: W.B Conkey Company, 1896), pp 178-87 For Cannon, the election of 1896 marked not just a change of presidents and parties but, with Bryan's nomination, a generational shift as well

The plea of the silverites failed to convince a majority of Americans. McKinley triumphed on election day in 1896. He carried 23 states having 271 electoral votes. The story was dramatically different in Utah, where McKinley trailed Bryan badly. In fact, Bryan crushed his Republican opponent in the Beehive State, receiving 64,607 (82.7%) votes to 13,491 (17.3%) for McKinley. The outcome in his home state pleased Cannon, but Bryan's decisive defeat nationally left no doubt about the public'sjudgment of his candidacy.24

After the election Cannon again concentrated on his Senate duties. His intense opposition to the Republican-sponsored high protectionist Dingley Tariff of 1897 antagonized not only some Utah Republicans but also the national leadership. It further confirmed his reputation as a political maverick. The senator also visited China and Japan on a fact-finding mission to study their methods of using silver. In addition, while in the Senate, Cannon liked to speak on the greatness and beauty of the American West. To enable Americans to learn more about their country, he proposed that Congress set aside several acres near the Capitol on which a relief map of the Union could be constructed with paths separating the states. His colleagues quickly rejected the idea.25

After serving a short term, Cannon ran for re-election to the Senate backed by a combination of Silver Republicans, Populists, and a Cannon faction of the Democratic party (Cannoncrats) He was unsuccessful in his bid for another term. State legislators ultimately chose Thomas Kearns in 1901 to fill the vacancy caused by the failure of the 1899 legislature to elect a U.S Senator.26 In 1900, the year McKinley signed the Gold Standard Act, Cannon joined the Democratic party and supported Bryan for president. Cannon concurred that the "Democratic Party as an organization has set its face against the influences that threaten us. Let us join hands with the progressive and dominant element of the Democratic Party, preserving it from all menace of reaction within, and aiding it to win a glorious victory for liberty and self-government."27 The former senator served as Democratic state chairman of Utah from 1902 to 1904,

24 Carolyn Goldinger, ed., Presidential Elections Since 1789 (4th ed.; Washington, D.C: Congressional Quarterly, Inc., 1987), p 110

25 New York Times, July 27, 1933

26 William Howard Taft to George Sutherland, September 10, 19, 1922, William Howard Taft Papers, Library of Congress; Taft to Sutherland, July 2, 1921, George Sutherland Papers, Library of Congress

-' Cannon and others to Teller, March 4, 1901, Teller Papers

at which time he attended the Democratic National Convention at St Louis

In 1909 Cannon moved to Denver, Colorado, where he engaged in newspaper work and mining. But his interest in silver continued throughout his life He served as president of the National Bimetallic Association and as chairman of the International Silver Commission, demonstrating once again his total dedication to silver while continuing with his campaign for its remonetization Cannon believed that the Great Depression, which started in 1929, would end if the nations adopted a silver monetary system. In February 1933 he severely arraigned Sen Carter Glass of Virginia, charging him, as President Woodrow Wilson's second secretary of the treasury, with smashing the world price of silver in 1919.28

Cannon's independent stand in politics prevailed as well in his religious views. In April 1914, at a large meeting in Carnegie Hall, Cannon formally denounced Mormonism. Having taken an earlier stand against certain policies of the Mormon church at the time of the seating of Sen. Reed Smoot, Cannon renounced his allegiance to the church because of "the crime of polygamy and the treason of a temporal kingdom in a free republic."29 Cannon was excommunicated and ostracized for championing what he considered the political and social liberties of the Mormon people and for attacking the policies of Joseph F. Smith, a Republican and the president of the church.

The former senator's break with the Mormon church resulted from several factors. For one thing, his political independence while in Utah had antagonized Mormon leaders, who had aligned themselves with Republican policies, the railroad lobby, the sugar trust, and the so-called Gilded Age plunderbund, a term referring to a league of commercial, political, or financial interests that exploits the public Moreover, in his speeches and writings, Cannon had castigated the Mormon hierarchy for interfering in the political and judicial process in Utah. He claimed that its leaders had broken their covenant to the nation and betrayed the trust of the people under

28 New York Times, July 27, 1933

29 Ibid See Frank J Cannon and Harvey J O'Higgins, Under the Prophet in Utah: The National Menace of a Political Priestcraft (Boston: C. M. Clark Publishing Company, 1911); Frank J. Cannon and George L Knapp, Brigham Young and His Mormon Empire (New York: Fleming IL Revell Company, 1913) The papers of Sen Reed Smoot are in the Special Collections Division of the Harold B Lee Library at Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah

their despotic and "absolute political power in Utah."30 Cannon's estrangement from the church was also an important ingredient in his drift into maverick status.

Cannon's life was inextricably linked to certain important social and political developments of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. He lived during a time of change when industrialization and urbanization imposed enormous economic and social transformations on the United States, resulting in a more heterogeneous society Like many a persistent dissenter before him, Cannon lived to see the dawn of a new political day that brought his brand of pragmatism back into fashion. Indeed, his career in politics had begun with political adjustment in the 1890s, and his life ended in 1933 with President Franklin D. Roosevelt's new Democratic realignment Ironically, Cannon died one month after FDR took the United States off the gold standard. Cannon's role in the presidential election of 1896 was, therefore, but one important part in the life of a fascinating figure in Utah history.

30 Cannon and O'Higgins, Under the Prophet in Utah, pp 19, 397

For additional information on Cannon and Mormonism, see LeonardJ Arrington, The Mormon Experience: A History of the Latter-Day Saints (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1979), pp 247-48; Wallace Turner, The Mormon Establishment (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1966), pp 79, 183-90, 273; and LeonardJ Arrington, Brigham Young: American Moses (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1985), pp 400-01, 424-26

Growing Up Railroad: Remembering Echo City

BY ROBERT S. MIKKELSEN

HAVING GROWN UP WITH THE SOUNDS OF A CLOSE-PASSING FREIGHT, I felt my usual tug of nostalgia as I listened to one go barreling by that had me stopped at a Union Pacific railroad crossing. The ground-shaking rumble, the whine of iron wheels on rails, the creaks, rattles, and metallic squeals were all indelibly familiar. But some basic sound that

Dr Mikkelsen is an emeritus professor of English, Weber State University This article won first prize in the 1994 Utah Arts Council's Original Writing Competition, personal essay category

The author, right, on his eleventh birthday with his Jriend Gene Roberts. Photographs are courtesy of the author unless credited otherwise.

used to be there, one just below the threshold of memory, was missing. For several days I could not recapture it. Then, while I was driving along a highway that parallels a stretch of Union Pacific tracks, I saw, rather than heard, what it had been.

Rails in today's Union Pacific tracks are laid in quarter-mile lengths, leaving only eightjoints in a whole mile of track. When trains made the sound I was trying to remember, they were laid in thirtynine-foot lengths, the joint between two rails on one side of the track occurring at the exact center of the rail on the opposite side. You would hear the two wheels on one side of a four-wheel set click-click over ajoint; then, nineteen and a half feet later, hear the two on the other side click-click over one At a slow speed the sound was click-click click-click click-click click-click. Faster it became a constant clicketyclickclicketyclick—the underscoring rhythm that Union Pacific trains made when I was a boy.

Recalling that vintage American sound brought back a host of other memories from my boyhood in Utah's oldest railroad town, Echo City. All that remains of the town now are a scattering of artifacts—the schoolhouse, the church, two cafes, and a few houses. The town itself, with all its noise and grime and vitality, has been gone for forty years. It vanished completely when the great age of railroad steam ended. But none of us who were kids in the old town will ever forget it or wish we had grown up somewhere else

Echo City began no differently than dozens of other end-oftrack towns that sprang up along the Union Pacific line in 1868-69.1 have a blurry photograph of the first Echo City: a dozen tents with board fronts, all lined up on a muddy street alongside the tracks. But unlike most of those "hell-on-wheels" camps, Echo City became a permanent railroad town

What made it thrive was the grade between Ogden and Evanston, Wyoming. Gaining 2,500 feet in only seventy miles, it is one of the steepest on the line. Eastbound locomotives hauling loads would use two-thirds of their coal and water getting up the first forty miles to Echo City To refuel them for the next thirty miles to Evanston (which were even steeper), a coal tower and a water tower were built at Echo City. The rest of the town grew around them.

By 1880 Echo City had a huge steam-driven pump to fill the water tower from the Weber River, a depot, a switch yard, a turntable for locomotives, two sheds for section gangs and signal maintainers, houses for railroad workers, a hotel, a school, and a church The

structure that completed the town was a giant water softener tank that kept the hard Weber River water from leaving scale in boilers It was finished in 1926, the year I was born. I expanded the town's population to 153.

My earliest and most enduring memories of Echo City are of the grand old steam locomotives that were always somewhere in our town yards. Joe E. Collias, author of The Last of Steam, believes that they were the most human of all man's creations. I doubt that any of us in Echo City regarded them as human, but it would have been hard not to feel they had life. When I was five I saw one in the Ogden roundhouse waiting to be repaired. Its fire had been pulled and its boiler drained It looked dead I wanted to get away from it

Their massiveness, their billowing smoke, their clouds of steam, their headlights tunneling through the dark, the blurred motion of their wheels and side rods, even their sheen of oil and coal dust have been captured in countless photographs. I do not have to depend on memory to picture how they looked.

But only memory brings back their smells and sounds and feel. Hot metal and oil were their essence, often overpowered by a dense coal gas that made you hold your breath until it cleared, leaving a thick aftertaste. If you were standing close enough, a steam blow-off could drench your clothes and burn your nose and throat. And they

Echo City ca. 1925.

routinely showered you with hot, sulfury cinders. (A few always got down your neck before you could pinch your collar tight. A hot one in your eye would stick to the eyeball. The only thing that would lift it off was the charred end of a sharpened matchstick.)

I can still hear the clanking of their rods, the heavy grind of their drivers, the beat of steam exhaust pistoning up their stacks. Even an engine waiting on a sidetrack was busy with sounds (We rarely called them locomotives; for us they were simply engines.) There would be little rolling surges in its boiler, the clunk of air compressor pistons working, and the constant hiss of steam escaping from somewhere. A deep glow was always in the firebox, a breath of smoke exhaling up the stack. When an engineer invited you up into the cab you could feel an occasional shiver through the steel plates under your feet. Alive. There was no other way to think of them.

By the time we were old enough for school we kids in Echo City felt gratitude as well as affection for the old steam engines, for we knew by then that they were what had created jobs for our fathers, brothers, and uncles Engineers, firemen, pumpers, coal tower operators, telegraphers, signal maintainers and section hands—none of them would be needed without engines and trains. And we would not have our town.

I was in the first grade when I heard a mean woman on Our Gal Sunday (an old radio soap opera) say that Sunday had been born on the wrong side of the tracks. In Echo City both sides of the track were okay to be born on, so I could not figure out what she meant. I finally decided it was just one of those things adults sometimes said that kids were not supposed to understand. By the time I knew what the expression really meant, I also knew that people who went by appearances would think our whole town was on the wrong side of the tracks. Our most socially enterprising building was a crumbling, twostory brick hotel with peeling wood trim. All the railroad buildings were a dingy Union Pacific yellow, and the looming coal and water towers were a dull, smoky black. A haze of coal smoke usually hung over the town, and cinders got into everything, even the roots of our lawns. And to the despair of Echo City's wives and mothers, their husbands and children usually looked a little sooty.

The only thing in our town that bothered us kids were our houses. Made out of clapboards and either painted with "U.P. yellow" or covered with tarpaper, they were not as nice as the houses in neighboring towns But, as we were often told, they were roofs

over our heads. And we were constantly assured that houses were not as important as steadyjobs. That's what our town had. A lot of towns with better houses did not

The paychecks our fathers brought home every two weeks were barely big enough to feed and clothe us—something else we heard a lot—but they were "regular." That seemed to make up for their size. Our parents had a saying that could have been our town motto:

"Uncle Peter [our slang for Union Pacific] keeps us, but he keeps us poor." But if our parents sometimes felt that the railroad kept them poor, we boys never did. It kept us rich in things to do.

The cinders that permeated the town gave us a double sport playing field—basketball and marbles—that our friends in neighboring towns envied About half the size of a regulation basketball court, it was located at the west end of town just beyond the depot's

An all-day marble game is about to begin on the combination marble field and basketball court.

freight platform Its cinders (an accumulation of sixty years) were over a foot deep, packed hard and smooth by the iron wheels of baggage carts.

You could dribble a basketball on our cinders almost as well as you could on a gym floor. The only thing bad about them was that they got imbedded in your knees and elbows when you took a hard fall on them. Having them tweezered out hurt, but that was nothing compared to the swabbing with turpentine that followed. Our mothers had gallons of it, compliments of the Bridge and Building Gang It was the disinfectant they trusted

Those cinders also made the greatest surface that marbles have ever been played on. Marbles were seasonal, played every spring just after the snow had melted. That was when cinders were the softest and most resilient. Your taw would roll absolutely true on them, and you could control its momentum perfectly On spring cinders we could hit another player's taw with regularity six feet away and knock marbles out of a ring twelve feet in diameter. With up to a dozen of us playing, a single marble game might go on for several days before it could be finished. I remember winning a three-day game that had built up a pot of 163 marbles.

Since the mainline eastbound track was one of the boundaries of our playing field, both basketball and marbles were constantly interrupted by trains. All play had to be suspended while they were moving. That was a rule that had been pounded into us, along with two others: make sure you have plenty of time before you cross a track on which a train is moving toward you, and don't crawl under or climb over any train, moving or stopped. They were unwritten rules that were never challenged. And nobody in Echo City was ever injured by a train.

We were constantly warned that one of our favorite railroad toys—the track torpedo—was dangerous. But that just added to the fun we had with it. Track torpedoes were percussion caps that clipped onto the ball of a rail. They were always set in twos, three joints apart, on the engineer's side of the track When they went off they signalled him that a dangerous track condition or a stalled train was close ahead.

Made to explode under the impact of a locomotive pilot wheel, they were difficult to detonate off the track They had to be placed on an unyielding surface and struck with something that could deliver a sledgehammer blow. And when they exploded you wanted to

be well back from their flash and flying bits, for they packed nearly as much power as a dynamite cap.

We invented a way to explode them that never got us hurt and made a great game. We called it "bomber." Our main source for torpedoes were trainmen's flagging kits, left unwatched where we could get at them We never dared take more than one or two torpedoes at a time, so we had to save them up. Four or five were enough for a game. We always played bomber high in the sandstone cliffs on the west side of Echo Canyon, about a mile from town. (We needed to be that far away. The sound of a torpedo really carried, and adult ears in Echo City knew it when they heard it.) Our "range" was a smooth, wide ledge at the base of a hundred-foot cliff. We placed our torpedoes on the ledge about six feet apart, climbed to the top of the cliff where we could look down and see them, and made our bombs. These were rounded quartzite rocks weighing between ten and twenty pounds with crackerjack whistles taped to them. Even when a bomb missed, it sounded great whistling down to the ledge When it hit a torpedo, there was a big orange flash and a magnificent boom that reverberated among the cliffs. (Echo Canyon was named for the clarity of echoes given back by these cliffs.) Bomber A secret game that only Echo City boys knew how to play.

And we may have been the only boys who used railroad ties for building blocks. A communal tie pile at the east end of town kept us supplied with them. We built an elaborate fort out of them that we used for slingshot warfare in the summer (our ammunition was crab apples, cherries, plums, and small clusters of red currants, elderberries, or haws) and snowballing in the winter. We also built a very private railroad tie clubhouse as far up Echo Canyon as we could drag the ties. (A used railroad tie weighed between 80 and 100 pounds.)

And on the Weber River, where it bent in closest to town, we made our Mississippi River rafts These were twenty- to thirty- tie rafts, big enough for a shelter and a dirt fire pit. When we had got all the fun we wanted out of collecting our cargo—we trapped furs on the upper Missouri and made whiskey in our secret Tennessee stills—we took it down the Big Muddy, clear to New Orleans (a landing about three miles below town). Our abandoned rafts became fence posts after they reached Henefer, a small farming town a couple of miles farther down the river.

Every town has a rite of passage through which little boys can become big boys. Ours was, I think, unique. It required you to scale a

vertical iron ladder to the top of the water tower and sit there, a hundred feet above the town, for a timed ten minutes The rite had to be performed at night, very quietly, under a vow of secrecy. Climbing that cold iron ladder in the dark with sweaty hands was only slightly more dangerous than having your parents find out you had done it

Some of the men in Echo City played a game more secret and forbidden than any of ours We boys could not participate in it or even watch, but we knew what it was and enjoyed vicariously its brash daring. It demanded a very special set of circumstances that rarely occurred

First, there had to be a wooden, wine tank car in the middle of a long eastbound freight Second, the freight's helper engine had to be at the rear of the train. Third, the train had to pull into town after midnight but at least an hour before dawn. There was an Ogden dispatcher who would send word when a train meeting all these requirements was coming. Then, if it was a dark night, the game was on.

The head engine of an eastbound freight has stopped just around Pulpit Rock Curve. Its helper engine is at the coal tower. At thefar left is the smokestack of the pumphouse. The wine gang would strike somewhere along this stretch of track. USHS collections.

Growing Up Railroad 357

It began when the freight's head engine left the coal tower and pulled slowly around Pulpit Rock Curve. It would stop when the helper engine whistled, signalling that it had reached the coal tower. By then most of the train would be in Echo Canyon, well away from town. And waiting for the tank car to stop would be Echo City's crack wine gang, armed with braces, half-inch bits, pre-shaped hardwood plugs, hammers, shovels, and gallon lard cans

As soon as a lard can brigade was formed and ready, two or three holes were drilled through the oak staves in the bottom half of the tank The stream of "California red" that shot from each hole would fill a gallon can in seconds. After all the cans had been filled, plugs were hammered into the holes. Swelled with wine they wouldn't leak, even under tremendous pressure. When the train got underway again, making enough noise to muffle the sound of shoveling, the spillage was covered with dirt from the roadbed. (But never all of it. For several days the site would look and smell as if a huge vinegary animal had been slaughtered there.) After the caboose was safely by, a toast was always drunk to Uncle Peter's bounty. As the most sordid secret our town ever had, the wine gang may have attested more to our innocence than our depravity.

The sport that boys, girls, moms, dads, and even grandparents participated in was ice skating. We skated from the time the ice froze solid enough to hold us until it slushed up in the spring The Echo Reservoir, a mile or so east of town, was our favorite ice, and when we were out on it we looked like a Currier and Ives print, all of us with stocking caps and long scarves, one arm behind our backs, cruising gracefully on those wonderful old clamp-on skates with curved up blades. And we could take pride in being good skaters.

In addition to the usual pleasures of skating, there was a special one for us—time away from the railroad. It felt good to be totally caught up in an activity that had nothing to do with railroading, to have no more of it in our lives than an occasional steam whistle a long mile away. It was like time apart from someone you live with and love, but need to get away from once in a while.

But my most vivid skating memory is not of being on the Echo Reservoir, blissfully away from the railroad, but of getting back to town and our pumphouse. The pumphouse was a long, narrow building with a concrete floor and railroad tie walls. A locomotive boiler and firebox sat in one end, and bolted to the floor in the other was a huge steam pump that sucked water from the Weber

River and pumped it up into the water tower. A work bench with several vices mounted on it ran along one wall, and tools of every kind were shelved handily above it. A hose coupled to a live steam pipe was our all-purpose cleaner; we used it for everything from the grease on our engine blocks to the creosote in the knees of our overalls. And curtained off in one corner was the town's only hot shower. (Scalding hot You always turned on the cold Weber River water first.) There was also a valve you could turn to shoot steam out of the shower head It relieved congestion in a lot of Echo City chests Workshop, bathhouse, vaporizer, and steam cleaner, our pumphouse was indispensable.

On Saturdays we skated from early afternoon until well after dark, long enough to burn up all our heat cells, and then we faced a mile walk through the snow, usually into a wind blowing up Weber Canyon By the time we got to the pumphouse we were in the first stage of hypothermia. Crowding inside (there might be as many as twenty of us) we circled the boiler, getting as close to it as its heat would allow. I will always be able to see the light from the firebox dancing on the ceiling, smell the beads of creosote that had sweated out of the walls, and hear an occasional rumble in the boiler loud enough to drown out our voices.

Once I wrote an essay about our pumphouse for my seventhgrade teacher. I said that sometimes it took care of us like a big womb, a simile she said was "very inappropriate." But she had never been with us on a freezing Saturday night when we huddled against the boiler and drew in its humid warmth. I still think our pumphouse was the closest thing to a womb a town ever had.

Another popular pastime in Echo City was celebrity watching. The luxurious Union Pacific passenger trains that carried America's rich and famous back and forth across the country not only passed through our town but, if eastbound, stopped in it long enough to coal and water.

Once in a while a famous face would be spotted on a daytime train, but most sightings were made on summer evenings after dark, when we gathered on the depot lawn where we could relax on the cool grass and give passengers a thorough scrutiny About twenty car lengths back from the coal tower, the depot lawn was perfectly positioned to place us alongside the dining car and lounge car when they came to a stop. They were always the last two cars in the train, both brightly lighted.

We would skim the windows of the dining car and then concentrate on the lounge car. A lighted lounge car was always a good show. Just at dark it would be full of passengers—smoking, drinking, conversing, flirting, primping, modeling their clothes, and trying not to stare at each other too obviously They watched themselves more intently and covertly than we did. (We never felt like waifs looking through a bakery window We weren't that sure we wanted to be like the people we saw If we had their money, would we act as silly and showy as they did?)

Most of the celebrities we saw were movie stars, and Echo City girls were the first to pick them out They were avid readers of magazines like Silver Screen and Photoplay, and they recognized instantly any actor or actress whose picture they had seen. Our parents were better at identifying the occasional politician, and we boys knew our sports heroes. An up-to-date list of sightings was posted in the depot. I personally saw Silvia Sidney, Claudette Colbert, and Jack Dempsey. The sighting that caused the most excitement in town was

Echo City's classic depot is now a senior citizens' center in Coalville, Utah. Erom the depot lawn Echo residents often sawfamous people in the dining and lounge cars.

Eleanor Roosevelt. She was still being talked about a week after she had been seen on Challenger #10's diner, eating what looked like a salad.

It was an eastbound passenger train that brought me my first love, about noon on July 25, 1939, two days before my thirteenth birthday. I was standing outside the window of the depot agent's office, checking to see if my new bicycle had arrived, when I saw her get off No conductor or porter was there to help her down She was

the most beautiful girl I had ever seen. She was tall, at least 5'5", with marcelled blonde hair and blue eyes. She wore a blue dress with a pleated skirt and matching pumps that had heels so sharp they sank into the cinders. She had a perky hat with a veil and a genuine alligator purse She had been crying but looked mostly mad by the time she got to the depot. I followed her into the depot waiting room. She went straight to the ticket window and bought a one-way ticket to Los Angeles. The name she gave was Ginger Jones. When the depot agent asked her where her baggage was, she said, "On that train," and waved in the direction of the eastbound passenger, which by then was on its way out of town. "I'll get it taken off at Evanston and have it put on your train," the depot agent told her "If you can," she said, like it didn't matter much, and went and sat down.

Being in the waiting room with her was making me a little dizzy, so I went out on the depot lawn. I knew why she had gotten off the train the way she did. Somebody on that train had been going to do something bad to her, or make her do something bad. She got off to

Eastbound passenger train #14 taking on fuel from Echo City's coal tower.

save her virtue. That had to be it. I would watch over her until her train came.

At one o'clock she walked up to the Echo Hotel, where she ate a toasted cheese sandwich, drank a cup of coffee, and bought two magazines—True Confessions and Spicy Detective. She read them in the waiting room, sighing a little at something in True Confessions. From outside—I was leaning casually against the wall next to a window—all I could see of her was her back. It was really pretty. At two-thirty she asked the depot agent something and got an answer that seemed to shock her a little When she came out and turned south, I knew what he had said He had told her the depot did not have an inside toilet I thought she would like the outside one It was the nicest one in town, a big, roomy four holer, two in the women's side and two in the men's. The women's side had a strong inside latch, and it got scrubbed clean once a week. But when she saw it she said, "Good gawwwd."

I wished she hadn't sworn, but it didn't change the way I felt about her When she went back into the waiting room, she gave her hands an elegant little wash in the drinking fountain, the only running water in the depot, and went back to her reading. The depot agent stopped the second section of westbound #9 for her at fourthirty. I got as close as I could to the waiting room door when she left the depot. I wanted a last smell of her perfume. But I got much more than that. When she passed me, she reached out and touched my shoulder. "Goodbye, Kid," she said, "you can go home now." My new bicycle seemed unimportant when it came the next day

That isn't all of the story. Two months later I saw her in a chorus line in a big Hollywood musical I went back to see it three times to make sure it was Ginger For several years I sat through every musical that came out of Hollywood but never saw her again. Or forgot her.

My boyhood officially ended three months after Pearl Harbor. That was when the Union Pacific, hard pressed to keep its tracks maintained under the huge increase in traffic created by the war effort, decided to let high school boys who could pass a railroad physical work weekends and summers on section gangs Ten-hour days, forty-three cents an hour Money like that and a chance to be "workin' on the railroad," were irresistible. Section #430 (the 430th section gang west of Omaha) hired me to work weekends in March of 1942. For me playtime in Echo City was over. From then until I graduated from North Summit High School, I spent my weekends

and summer vacations working on the five miles of track west of Echo City.

On June 3, 1944, a small group gathered by the depot to see me off to Navy boot camp on westbound #21. I knew I would miss my family and friends, but I did not expect to miss Echo City. I thought the Navy would make me too sophisticated to miss a cindery little railroad town, but I was dead wrong. I missed everything in it, from the grindstone in the pumphouse that I sharpened myjack knife on to our lighted Christmas star that hung on the coal tower. I would choke up when I remembered how a puff of engine smoke would turn the Star-of-Bethlehem into a shapeless blur.

It was during South Pacific sessions of "what I miss most about my home town" that I realized how deeply the railroad had become part of me. Sailors who missed ordinary American things, like the smell of burning leaves in the fall or Saturday night dances, could not understand how badly I wanted to see rails in the summer sun, so bright they hurt your eyes, or hear a spike being driven by somebody who could handle a maul.

When I returned to Echo City in 1946 it was the same town I had left. Everything I had missed so much was still there. But I knew it would not be for very long. New technology had taken away our town's future. More and more diesel engines, which did not need to refuel in Echo City on their way from Ogden to the Wyoming plains, were hauling both passengers and freight. The age of railroad steam was coming to a close In the spring of 1960 Echo City coaled and watered its last Union Pacific locomotive.

I was there, standing on the depot lawn with my mother and dad, watching it go through town. When it whistled away from the coal tower, bound for Cheyenne and the cutting torch, we knew our wonderful old town was going with it. There was nothing we were able to say to each other as it disappeared around Pulpit Rock Curve But a lot to remember

Ray Griffiths.

The Fall of the Philippines: A Reminiscence of World War II

BY RAYGRIFFITHS

RAY GRIFFITHS JOINED THE ARMY TEN MONTHS before the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor and the Philippine Islands where he was stationed. He fought in the American retreat down the Bataan peninsula; and when others were taken prisoner and sent on the one-hundred-mile Bataan Death March, Griffiths made his way to the island fortress of Corregidor where he continued to fight for another

This interview was part of a joint oral history project conducted by the Utah State Historical Society, Weber State University, and California State University, Fullerton It is part of collection B-195 in the USHS library, Salt Lake City

month. When Gen. Jonathan Wainwright was forced to surrender Corregidor on May 7, 1942, Griffiths, along with 15,000 other American and Filipino defenders of the fortress, were taken prisoner by the Japanese. In this excerpt from an interview with Robert Tesch, conducted on September 6, 1971, Griffiths recounts the fight to defend the Philippines, the food shortages and disease that plagued the American army, his treatment during forty-two months of captivity by the Japanese, his self-liberation in Japan, and his return to the United States His account depicts the horrors of war in graphic detail. Unlike most soldiers who had had enough of army life by the end of the war and were anxious to resume their lives as civilians, Griffiths chose to remain in the army He retired as a sergeant major to his home in Sunset, Utah, after a distinguished military career.

I enlisted in the Army on the 12th of February 1941 ... at Fort Douglas, Utah, and was sent to Angel Island . . . in . . . San Francisco Bay, and then on the first of April .. . I went to the Philippine Islands . . . Corregidor We hit there in the hot season and there had been no rain for months Everything was brown I imagine the temperature was over a hundred degrees. Most of the time it was . . . out on the drill field. . . .

Sergeants screaming all over, training us.

Just prior to the start of the war we were reassigned. I was with the 60th Coast Artillery and an antiaircraft unit We were assigned to a communications position and . . . left Corregidor on the third of December 1941. We arrived on Bataan the same day. My brother [Lloyd Griffiths] was with me on Corregidor until I was sent to Bataan. It's only four and one-half miles across the bay We took up positions on Bataan after we'd taken machetes and chopped our way into the jungle and made ourselves a home We had to set up tents there. It was actually [December 8] ... in the Philippines that our company commander called us together in the mess area and announced that we were in a state of war with Japan. I think most of us knew it was coming, but we didn't know when

Most of the troops were ill prepared as far as equipment was concerned. Though we had a lot of ammunition . . . the weapons. . . . were of real old vintage World War I types, and the antiaircraft guns were not capable of reaching the Japanese horizontal bombers. A lot of the ammunition was so old that it actually was defective. It wouldn't even fire, and [with] the hand grenades, for example, you might get a "kill" out of every five It had been in warehouses since 1916 and 1917

Thejapanese came ashore in the Philippines at Subic Bay [on Luzon at Lingayen Gulf—the first group near Davao on Mindanao two days earlier]. There were eighty transports full of Japanese troops and that made the odds about 19 or 20 to 1 American We had a lot of Philippine troops, both the scouts and constabulary They seemed rather inadequate, es-

pecially the constabulary. They were like a reserve force, and they really didn't have adequate training. General MacArthur [had] started to train these people late in 1940. Though he made a real effort in that short period of time, they just weren't ready. The scouts were very valiant people. They tried hard, but the constabulary, being just civilians brought into the military, . . . were frightened; they were young, and they weren't very well equipped. They had the old Enfield rifle. We had the old Springfield rifle. While our arsenals were full of the Ml rifle, the Grand modern rifle, we still had the old Springfield bolt-action rifle.

With these eighty transports of Japanese, our commanders tried to call in navy submarines, airplanes, and so on, but it was futile because we just didn't have them. The PT fleet tried to come in . . . and . . . were turned back because of the Japanese navy. . . . The Japanese kept advancing with superior air, superior artillery, superior numbers. . . .

We would dig in every five kilometers and then ... go back . . . [and] the fresh forces, the reserves, would take the brunt of the attack while we dug in five kilometers to the rear. It was an effective method of delaying, but people were already saying that you couldn't defend the Philippines. They finally went down from Bataan and gathered up medics, finance people, ordnance people, quartermaster people, army air corps people, and navy personnel—we had a navy battalion trained as infantry They picked up everybody that they could, gave them a rifle, [a] minimum amount of instruction, and then they became infantry and they were all put up on the front lines

They were claiming that Corregidor was impregnable Generally speaking, morale in American fighting men then was high, though later on [it suffered] When the food started to disappear we were fed twice a day, early morning and late at night, with a can of water to survive on all during those hours Then malaria, dysentery, malnutrition started to take its toll Cholera [and] every kind of disease that's with ajungle we would contract.

I think the thing that bothered us the most was the fact that we didn't have enough niceties We could live on rice and gravy and meat, but we didn't have a can of beer or pop or the cigarettes we wanted All these things you had to find or catch up with You could go out and trade For example, you could trade a carton of cigarettes for a brand new Garand rifle This was a rifle that fired eight rounds semi-automatic, just as fast as you could pull the trigger The Filipinos had these; we didn't This bothered us quite a bit Also you could find food, but we needed things like sugar and better logistical support We got soap We weren't actually filthy we were able to wash [but] we ran out of toothbrushes and things of this nature. . . . Then came the [radio] announcer from San Francisco telling thejapanese that you can't bomb Corregidor; it's impregnable. Go ahead and bomb . . . if you can. . . . We loved to hear the music and we liked to hear the news, but we really didn't want anybody boasting about how superior we are when we were getting our tail whipped. .. . If they'd have told it like it was . . . and if we could have got some support. . .

good fighting troops with modern weapons and ammunition. We really didn't mind going without food, but . . .just the fact that somehow they could find bundles for Britain and [only] a schnitzel [chip] for Bataan, that's the way we figured it.

The Japanese broke through and were coming across the airstrip and it looked like ants crossing the sidewalk We pulled the antiaircraft guns . . . out with tractors and laid them on the road and just direct fired. . . . They throw steel balls, flak, and we were busting these flak charges right over their heads about twelve feet off the ground and . . . knocking them down like flies and they came right across again in force screaming "Banzai." There's a . . . ridge on Bataan that the Americans or the allied forces got credit for killing 35,000 Japanese in ten days They stacked up . . . fence and barbed wire entanglement. The Japanese bridged that wire with their bodies screaming at the top of their lungs always And after ten days we withdrew because [of] . . . the stench of the bodies of the Japanese We couldn't stand the smell—you had to put your gas mask on to breathe—and the huge blowflies. If you had a scratch on your body, you had to get it treated so those blowflies wouldn't give you big tropical ulcers. . ..

It was a nightmare We all earned our money; we were getting 21 dollars a month. But a lot of people actually went out of their head; they lost all control of their emotions Of course they were wounded and hurt, too, and they were sick, a lot of them.

They finally routed us out, chased us all the way down to Marvales. Finally we got the word that we were on our own. We were to make our way the best we could, individually or together, to Corregidor. The road was full of buses and tanks and trucks and wrecked cars and . . . jammed up, so we ducked down through the jungle and we were able to catch an army engineer boat... to Corregidor. Then we were assigned to a twelve-inch mortar battery. We'd never had any gunnery or training on those mortar batteries, so with just a few hours training, our first mission was a 48-round salvo. We had four guns and we salvoed twelve times . . . big projectiles to stop the Japs from advancing down Bataan. But when we got on Corregidor we were targets for the Japanese planes and artillery. Their canton was only about four and a half miles from Corregidor. There . . . [were] fantastic numbers of artillery shells that those people fired daily to try to get us out of there. It was a regular nightmare. My brother was hit on the fifth of April. . . . with a bomb and was injured quite badly. He was in the hospital and. . . . bandaged ... up pretty good. He got home OK. He got through.

We got word that Corregidor would surrender at 12 o'clock. The Japanese marched us down to bottomside (on Corregidor there are three levels: the topside, middleside, and bottomside). Bottomside was the docks and the Melinda Tunnel. In the tunnel they had a hospital, . . . ammunition and food and storage. The navy had ... a gasoline storage tunnel and people worried about that blowing up. But they marched us down and put us in a big area and we really thought that they were going to shoot us.

They had machine guns set up. . . . But we didn't realize we were waiting for General Wainwright to come out. When the general came out, I was the one that called attention and gave the man a hand salute and everybody else saluted. We almost got our heads knocked off for that because his head was down and he was crying and when I called attention and gave him a salute, he popped his head up and walked down there. He was pretty well, but he was a beaten man.

I really didn't understand the consequences. Had the Japanese elected to, right there they could have done something to me, but they didn't. Then they herded us into a barbed wire . . . [enclosure]. Some . . . who had tattoos, the Japanese figured . . . were gangsters from Chicago. They said, "Chicago, NewYork, gangster." . ..

We had to bury the Japs that we'd killed coming in on Corregidor and [they] were underwater, lying on the beaches, thousands of them We had to pile them up, and by this time the sun and the weather had made things rather undesirable They took part of the man's body and cremated it They had a ceremonial platform built and the arm had to be amputated and burned and they put the ashes in boxes and little bags; then they burned the rest of them Our troops, our American troops, were thrown down a gully and gasoline was put on them and they were cremated, but there was nothing saved. I saw a lot of grown men crying, and . . . crying when the Japanese pulled our flag down and stomped on it and spit on it and urinated on it, and we stood and cried. After we had endured all the hardship, we still loved our country.

A lot of people got real sick. . . . People raided the warehouses and . .. the mess halls. They would break open five-gallon cans and make fritters—a fritter is a gob of dough . . . [fried] . . . like a doughnut. . . . That fried food was very greasy and it made them vomit and gave them diarrhea. . . . Some figured that they were fortunate to find a lot of sugar and they made goopy sweet dishes and this bothered them too. Somebody must have sold the army a million cans of Vienna sausage because that is all anybody could find. They were eating Vienna sausage, fruit out of the can, all kinds of grease stuff, anything they could get their hands on, and this caused problems.

A few days later they . . . loaded us onJapanese boats and took us out to the big ships. They took us then into Manila and about a half a mile offshore . . . they made us get out and make our way in to land. Though the water wasn't too deep, a lot of the guys had a barracks bag loaded with contraband or food. Sick for a week [and] with a heavy load on their back, a lot of them drowned. . ..

Then we were put into Billabid prison. . . . the [Philippine] government prison they used to put the federal prisoners in, political and otherwise, in Manila. . . .Then they. . . . took people in groups of five hundred or better from there and put them into bigger camps. I went up to [Camp] O'Donnell first . . . [where there were] six to seven hundred Americans dying a day from malnutrition, starvation, sickness, all kinds of things Then I was transferred down to Camp One, and the death rate stopped or

lowered considerably, but in this prison camp we had a lot of people with diarrhea and dysentery, malaria In the hospital they had a ward called the Zero ward. When you were so sick that theJap doctor figured you were going to die, you went into the Zero ward People were actually bleeding from every mucus-forming membrane, and in that blood . . . maggots They couldn't eat and they lay in their defecation and blood and mucus on a mat. I was assigned to the burial detail that had to go in there and get those people We put eighty in a grave, about twenty-eight inches deep with about twelve inches of water. We put live American prisoners in their graves forced byJapanese bayonets You had to push them down with a pole to make them stay and you dumped bodies on top of bodies and covered them up with dirt, and that's the God's truth

The second of November I left Camp One on a detail .. . to Osaka, Japan. We were put on a ship and we were something like sixty-two days from the Philippines toJapan. We were chased all over the Pacific with American bombers or torpedoes. We went into Formosa where ... no Caucasians had been for . . . many, many years. We were the first ones in there, our shipload, and we saw Formosans and it was very, very beautiful. We only stayed there a little while. . . .Then we went... to Korea and . . .were dropped off at Seoul and . . . marched through Seoul up to Chosen Reservoir area and all the way through the Koreans were spitting at us and throwing rocks and hitting us with sticks. ... A detail there . . .was digging a tunnel by the freedom bridge and there are graveyards up on top of that tunnel today.

Finally we got to Osaka. ... on Thanksgiving Day in 1942. The people were still sick. I carried a chief petty officer . . . almost two miles to get him down to this camp because he was so sick. . . . We were worked from daylight till dark in ... an Osaka steel mill. . . .We had aJap with a bayonet on us all the time. A lot of us worked rolling . . . armor plating twelve hours a day. They gave us rice and soup for breakfast, rice and soup for lunch, and rice and soup for dinner, and they might, if you behaved yourself, give you a rice ball during the day. If you worked hard and . . . were on a hardworking detail, they issued you ten cigarettes a month and . . . paid you ten cents. . . . Food was sparse, and we were fed sweet potato vines, dried onion soup, fish heads ... it was a candidate for a garbage can, but we ate it and were damn glad to get it. We all suffered from malnutrition. . . .we got big . . . splotches on our skin and our mouth and tongue. But then finally somebody discovered that if you ate the orange peelings . . . [and] the stuff you make bread with, yeast. . . [you] . . .were able to get rid of it. So you'd see us all out there picking up orange peelings from the ground. . ..

I was inJapan almost three years We were forty-two months prisoners . . . Eighty-nine days prior to the end of the war. ... we were moved ... to Oyama, and there we were stevedores on the ships as they came in There is where the American planes first appeared to us. They would come in and shoot those rockets and bomb those boats and blow the hell out of everything and we'd just stand there and cheer. The Japs would hit us on the head...

We, myself and Alvey Smith, jumped over a fence and made our way to Tokyo When I went into the railroad depot in Oyama I told them that I was there as an inspector for General MacArthur We'd heard by rumor that MacArthur was in Tokyo, but we didn't know A [guard] actually gave me his pistol and a box of food and a bottle of Sake, and showed me what train to ride on. We rode . . . with a company of Japanese soldiers with weapons, and a company commander who had moved all his troops back two seats and made sure that these American victors from MacArthur's headquarters were safe. I lied to them through my teeth and took advantage of them everywhere I turned. We got to Tokyo finally and went into the headquarters. We had jumped the fence the sixth of September. We were greeted by American officers and we were talked to and we had to take an oath that we wouldn't reveal certain things. Life magazine tried to interview us, but they couldn't do that. They fed us breakfast and sent us on down to Yokohama. The nurses deloused us, took all our clothes; we bathed and were given some new clothes. Then we were sent out to Kimpo airfield and from there .. . to Okinawa. From Okinawa we were flown to the Philippines and I was checked into the 313th General Hospital. I had a lot of dental work done . . . and I had malaria. . . . They fattened me up. .. . In the meantime my brother had flown back to the States. I followed on a vessel. . . . The thing that kind of got to me, we went up into Canada—we had some Canadian prisoners—and when we got to Vancouver every whistle and bell and every siren blew and the people were screaming and waving and everything. We ended up going into Seattle, and there was an old lady on a fork lift and that was all that was there for that ship full of American prisoners. It was like sneaking us in and . . . nobody along the street that even turned their head and looked at us. I wondered what the hell I'd gone through.

I was in the hospital for several weeks at Fort Lewis They had a recruiting officer come in to talk to the troops to see if anybody wanted to reenlist listened to him for a while, he was a first lieutenant There was a big room full of people I [had] about three rows of ribbons on and rows of stripes on my sleeves and overseas bars and all and I stood up and I said, "Lieutenant, is there any way we can get you to quit talking about it and give me the papers so I can sign up?" Everybody just gasped They didn't believe that after all that service I was ready to go again I had about twenty guys follow me At that time I made up my mind there was no better way that I could serve my country than to prevent what we'd gone through and to actually get in there with both feet and do it again

This excellent volume is modeled after the American Guide Series that was printed in the 1930s and 1940s by the Federal Writer's Project. In the original series various tours along major thoroughfares were described by the view seen from the highways at different points of interest Such motorcar excursions identified landmarks, towns, and historical sites and included anecdotes pertinent to the areas Trailing the Pioneers follows this same pattern in that automobile trips are presented for exploring the Spanish, Bidwell-Bartleson, and pioneer trails and the Hastings Cutoff and Hensley's Salt Lake Cutoff. Each route is examined by an authority who has made notable contributions to chronicling the history of Utah.

The descriptions of each trail and tour are preceded by a short historical perspective, covering the discovery/ opening, purpose, and importance of that roadway to Utah during the years of its use. Each author then presents the automobile trek, explaining to the reader exactly where to start, the direction to travel, the distance, and what can be seen from various points along the way Optional excursions are also described for those who choose to leave the beaten path Other helpful items mentioned include road conditions and the availability of gas, food, and lodging

The explanations of both the history behind the trails and the vehicle tours themselves are exceptional, especially when accompanied by the descriptive maps and pictures The prevalence of these items not only renders the sites, landmarks, and territory accessible but also makes it easy to see the course of the trails and where they exist in relation to the major highways of today.

One of the primary strengths of Trailing the Pioneers is its use of primary documents and excellent bibliography. The narrative draws extensively from the journals of those that actually traveled the emigrant pathways, which is impressive The bibliography, although it contains only selected material, is annotated and describes the contribution that each source makes to our knowledge of the overland trails traversing Utah

Utah State University Press should be complimented for its work on Trailing the Pioneers as it fulfills its purpose to update and document the new information that has been discovered since the printing of Utah: A Guide to the State in 1941 Noting not only changes in landscape but also in scholarship, this guidebook is a ready reference for the status of the commercial and emigrant trails in Utah.

Written for the 1994 convention of the Oregon-California Trails Associa-

Trailing the Pioneers: A Guide to Utah's Emigrant Trails, 1829-1869. Edited by PETER H. DELAFOSSE. (Logan: Utah State University Press with Utah Crossroads, Oregon-California Trails Association, 1994. xii + 132 pp. Paper, $9.95.)

tion in Salt Lake City, this work provides a scholarly contribution to the understanding of the role of Utah's historical trails. It is valuable not only because it makes history accessible to those who might otherwise ignore it

but also because it is the only current volume of its kind in print today

JENNIFER RIVERS FRED R GOWANS Brigham Young University

The Road on Which We Came: A History of the Western Shoshone. By STEVEN J. CRUM (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1994 xii + 240 pp $29.95.)

By now most people have reached their conclusions about what is labeled "new western history." It is either viewed as the first inclusive look at the American West or abhorred as a tunnel-visioned, guilt-tripping exercise designed to place all of the blame for the region's problems on white males. Critics feel that the politically correct crowd, while further opening up the region to a different version of scrutiny, has also harmed the process by added new meaning to the phrase "selected bibliography." Some of those who question their methods wonder if indeed their version is "new" and in fact "history." On the other hand, the new westerners emphasize the story of the damage done to the environment and the native inhabitants of the region by the pioneers moving west that they fear has been overlooked. Obviously, what's needed here is balance. Both sides have something important to add to our expanding sense of the trans-Mississippi West, but less contention and more objectivity would enlighten all of us. Indeed, in recent years there has been far too much "divide" and too little "conquer."

A recent publication that has taken a step in the right direction is Steven Crum's book, The Road on Which We Came: A History of the Western Shoshone. This thoroughly researched, evenhanded work relies on solid professional training and is further en-

hanced by the fact that the author is a Shoshone who is well trained in his craft More important, there is no angry tone in this account Rather than alienating the reader, the author sets him or her at ease For example, he recognizes the current trend to label the original inhabitants of this country as Native Americans, but he also realizes that many people, including those on reservations, commonly use the term Indian, and so he refers to the latter designation throughout the book. In addition, he cites the fact that placing them front and center in a comprehensive story is not really a recent trend but actually something that was initiated a generation ago. Finally, Crum is balanced in his approach to whites When they are clearly helping the Shoshone people, he gives them credit; when not, he appropriately points out their shortcomings

Crum divides his book into seven logical sections focusing on prehistory, early contacts, reservation and nonreservation Shoshone, the New Deal era, the termination period, and recent events up to 1990 It is important that he emphasizes the nonreservation group since they made up twothirds of the tribe It is also significant that a large part of the volume deals with the twentieth century—an era often overlooked by Indian historians. In fact, the longest chapter deals with

the shortest period—the 1930s This is proof, once again, thatJohn Collier, in spite of his deficiencies, provided the most dynamic change in policy in the long period of Native Americanfederal government relations Most important, the Shoshone are the main actors in this play. They and not the government agencies, determined their own course of action, approving or rejecting programs and policies as they saw fit.

This reviewer hopes that future works in western history keep on the path that Dr Crum takes Rather than the one-sided view of many earlier histories or the contentious observations of recent accounts, neither of which provide accuracy or objectivity, his

work demonstrates how professional history should enlighten and educate its reader In addition, Crum places these events squarely in the context of general American history, and this approach should greatly aid the novice in Shoshone history. Five excellent maps and several photographs should also help The only real problem with the book is the final chapter, which could have been divided into two sections and covered in more detail Still, this should be considered a definitive history of a people who have never before had an all-inclusive account.

Kudos for Crum

JAMES A. VLASICH Southern Utah University

Roots of Chicano Politics, 1600-1940. By JUAN

(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994 xiv + 540 pp Cloth, $40.00; paper, $19.95.)

Juan Gomez-Quinones is a professor of history at UCLA and has previously written a volume on Chicano politics—Reality and Promise, 1940-1990 (UNM Press). That volume described the development of Chicano politics from the period immediately preceding World War II until the 1990s. The present volume provides context by outlining the whole course of Chicano history from its beginnings to that prewar period

This work is well done and badly needed as it fills a great void in the history of the Mexican-American population; neither Mexican nor United States national histories have adequately treated the development of this population Moreover, it is ambitious, as it attempts in one volume to trace the birth and growth of Chicanos over a period of 350 to 400 years. In this reviewer's opinion, the ambition is realized through the au-

GOMEZ-QUINONES

thor's close adherence to his purpose. Through the development of three primary themes he accomplishes his aim

The three themes he carefully develops are a reconstruction of the political history of Mexican-Americans in what is now the U.S. Southwest, a look at diversity among MexicanAmericans as it relates to politics, and a look at ethnicity as it relates to Mexican-Americans and the relationship of this ethnicity to politics Since the Mexican-American population is a significant minority, no study of ethnicity would be complete without an appreciation of this group.

In terms of scope, this work begins with a description of the populations that melded to produce the MexicanAmerican This description includes the Native American peoples from the valley of Mexico and the Indian populations of the Southwest. To these, in

turn, were added the Spanish conquerors and their retinues Whether they were Peninsulares, Criollos, or African slaves, they all became part of the great amalgam that produced the Mestizo To a large extent, this is a story of the process of Mestizaje. The Mexican-American population was and is distinctly Mestizo The Spanish colonization of the Southwest was accomplished primarily by Mestizos. Only a few Europeans were part of these colonizations and, over the more than two centuries between the colonization of these northern departments of Mexico and the U.S concjuest, they were absorbed into the Mestizos

The author develops a strong case that this process of Mestizaje must be well understood if anyone is going to be able to understand the MexicanAmerican population This is the beginning of understanding, but there are other factors to be considered, including the vicissitudes of the frontier, the short Mexican national period, and the North American captivity and subsequent domination/consolidation Of particular concern to the au-

thor, and rightly so, is the period following the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo This treaty, which provided a basic statement of protection for the civil rights of Mexican-Americans, was negated in significant ways as they had to endure economic pillage and exploitation, social discrimination, cultural suppression, and economic displacement These conditions form the basis for their story from 1848 to the 1990s, augmented by the immigrant stream that has added numbers to the population that was here at the end of the war with Mexico. It is in this milieu that Gomez-Quinones must trace the evolution of Mexican-American political development. This he does carefully and truthfully. Some of his conclusions may be disturbing, but one must remember this is more than an anthology.

The author has been careful to include his conclusions, provide excellent footnotes, and list a good bibliography There is also an index, but one wishes it was more complete

RICHARD O ULIBARRI

Weber State University

Citizens Against the MX: Public Languages in the Nuclear Age. By MATTHEW GLASS (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993 xxiv + 188 pp $29.95.)

Citizens Against the MX is a sometimes exciting, sometimes unnerving, and sometimes infuriating but often provocative book. The author uses some of the tools of the "new historicism" and the deconstruction of texts to analyze the efforts of several citizens' groups in the Great Basin in the late 1970s and early 1980s to defeat the proposal of the U.S. Air Force to base a new ICBM in the region The Air Force said the new ICBM, called

the MX for a time but later named by Ronald Reagan in 1981 the "Peacekeeper" to emphasize its deterrent capability, would ensure the safety of the United States from the Soviet threat Deploying it in the Great Basin made sense, said the Air Force, because of its vast expanse of under-populated and under-used federal lands. The MX project also offered jobs to the region, something that was attractive to many politicians and business

leaders. In spite of this, a coalition of divergent interests—principally ranchers, environmentalists, Western Shoshones, and Mormons—organized to oppose the deployment and persuaded the Reagan administration to site the MX elsewhere.

Glass's efforts to analyze this important episode in western and U.S. history is only partly successful His first three chapters describe reasonably well the opposition to the MX in the region. In them he makes good use of interviews with key opponents of the MX and of records from groups organized to battle the Air Force. These are the most useful portions of the book His last three chapters seek to deconstruct the public discourse and analyze the successful opposition of citizens to government initiatives Using especially the theories of Jurgen Habermas, Glass finds that there is a way for citizens to affect the debate over public policy

At the same time, however, Glass never makes any serious attempt to present either the Air Force perspective on the effort or the positions of other federal agencies, none of which was monolithic and sometimes stood in opposition one to another. Glass tried to explain away this fact in his introduction by commenting that he was unable to contact any Air Force personnel because "if still in service, [they] had taken up subsequent assignments in other parts of the country" (p. xxii). This is an unsatisfactory answer, for virtually all of them could have been reached by telephone simply by obtaining their assignment numbers from Headquarters USAF's personnel office In addition, the author could have benefitted substantially from documentary research at the Air Force Historical Research Center in the Air University in Montgomery, Alabama, where official

records are maintained As a result, this is a highly one-sided and far from definitive discussion of the episode.

Indeed, the author even seems to offer conclusions that are not supported by the evidence when dealing with the government's attitude about MX basing One example from p 102 should suffice for what seems to be a pattern that arises every few pages In 1980 Undersecretary of the Air Force Antonia Chayes replied to an anti-MX editorial written by University of Utah law professor Edwin B Firmage in the Salt Lake Tribune with a handwritten note to the paper. Glass uses that note to support something that at least the portions he quoted did not demonstrate. In it Chayes applauded the "positive and stimulating" dialogue the Air Force was engaged in with the citizens of the region. She added, "We are making every effort to consult with the leaders and citizens of the potentially affected areas so as to devise approaches to this vital national undertaking which are compatible with local concerns and values After all, the Air Force's mission in strategic defense, as in all other areas, is to protect our way of life." In the next paragraph Glass concludes on the basis of the discussion of Chayes's note that she attempted "to disqualify Firmage as an authoritative source on the real meaning of U.S. strategic policy" and that it "sounded persuasive because it posited a gap between the knowledge available to citizens and that available to the genuine experts." I do not see how the quoted portions of Chayes's note provide evidence for Glass's conclusion.

The full story of the MX basing controversy has yet to be written When it is, Glass's work will be an important reference point for his analysis of the opposition groups and how they planned and accomplished their

task It will also include a reasoned analysis of the position and perspective of the Air Force and other governmental, business, and political interests who played in the controversy. Most important, it will explore the question of technocracy and its place in modern American society, a fasci-

nating question that Glass did not consider despite its centrality to the MX fight in the Great Basin.

ROGER D LAUNIUS NASA ChiefHistorian Washington, D. C.

History

By LEONARDJ ARRINGTON Idaho Press and Idaho State Historical

ofIdaho.

Along with parades and fireworks, Idaho in 1990 celebrated its statehood centennial by commissioning a native son to write its history A well-known regional historian born and raised in a Mormon farm community near Twin Falls, Leonard Arrington combines professional expertise with personal experience in this wide-ranging survey.Jointly sponsored by the Idaho State Historical Society and the University of Idaho Press and funded by a special act of the Idaho State Legislature, this handsomely bound and cased set is a tightly woven historical tapestry of people, places, and events

Both history and reference guide, this work benefits from the author's professional training and maturity as a senior scholar with many years of teaching experience Drawing upon the voluminous publications of state historian Merle Wells and other specialists and incorporating his own extensive work on Idaho economic history, the author follows a familiar American story adapted to meet harsh local conditions: how Idahoans met the challenge of free enterprise by converting what early travelers considered a sagebrush wasteland into a productive agricultural empire.

As might be expected, Arrington is at his best in describing Idaho's economic development He exposes the

2 vols. (Moscow and Boise: University of Society. 1994.xxx +961 pp. $45.00.)

dichotomy of Idaho's individualist ethic and its dependence on federal aid in developing its three biggest industries: agriculture, mining, and forestry He also makes apparent the ironic contradiction between the strident anti-Mormonism of Idaho's nineteenth-century political leadership and the essential contribution that Mormon immigrants made in the development of towns and farms in the Upper Snake River Basin

In a broad summary chapter, perhaps his best interpretive effort, Arrington concludes with an appropriate centennial theme: unification after 100 years of desultory development A century of road-building and other improvements have diminished the physical barriers that once divided Idaho In the author's view, the state has also integrated psychologically by developing a regional identity, with Salt Lake City and Spokane at last giving way to Boise as Idaho's dominant commercial and political power

Writing with both grace and tact, the author is careful to provide a balanced perspective. His view of the Bear Creek Massacre, for instance, the largest Indian slaughter in U.S. military annals, is equalized first by acknowledging modern criticism for the indiscriminate killing of women and children and then by noting the

contemporary praise for what was once considered "proper punishment" for marauding Indians. His coverage of the Coeur d'Alene mining troubles in 1892 and 1899 and the subsequent events leading to the Steunenberg assassination and the later trials is short and devoid of finger-pointing. However, the author often downplays or sidesteps controversial issues. He mentions the emerging environmental movement of the 1960s but does not develop the subject other than to say that the issues were "complicated." The section on Japanese-American relocation glosses over the rampant racism that characterized Idaho's reaction to Pearl Harbor and notes the "blessing in disguise" by which relocation forced internees out of cultural isolation. Other racial issues are dismissed with a vague generalization: "As elsewhere, some prejudice and discrimination existed" (vol. 2, p. 289).

Designed for general audiences and students, the narrative studiously avoids technical jargon While the writing style is clear, it is also occasionally simplistic It is not very enlightening, for example, to learn that 312pound fur trader David Mackenzie

was "a large man," or that "gold is very heavy," or that women leaders "have helped to make Idaho a better place to live." The statement that some hardrock miners were frustrated by "sulphurets" (i.e., sulfides) is unfathomable without a brief explanation of the difference between freemilling and refractory ores. Speaking of Chinese miners, the term "tong" is not synonymous with "company." Describing Southern treatment by Congressional Radicals as "far more severe" than U.S postwar treatment of Germany and Japan seems antiquated in view of recent Reconstruction historiography

Despite some limitations, this is a prodigious effort to incorporate two centuries of development into a single narrative history. All the noteworthy events are here, and most of the notable personalities. The publishers also deserve applause for an attractive layout, with helpful illustrations at the end of each chapter, and a text font that is easy on the eye.

RONALD

Adventures on the Western Frontier: Major General John Gibbon. Edited by ALAN and MAUREEN GAFF. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994. xvi + 256 pp. $24.95.)

This work consists of ten selections written byJohn Gibbon about his service with the U.S. Army in the West during the last half of the 1800s. Eight of the articles have been previously published in five different periodicals. Additional works by him have been published but are not included in this compilation. The articles develop three themes related to Gibbon's life: Military families moving west to Camp

Floyd, Utah Territory; the grandeur of the pristine West; and military-Indian affairs related to the Sioux and Nez Perce wars and their aftermath.

Adventures on the Western Frontier begins with Gibbon's previously unpublished letters which describe his overland trip accompanying families posted to Camp Floyd in 1860 Unfortunately, letters written about the journey from Fort Bridger to Camp

H LIMBAUGH University of the Pacific Stockton, California

Floyd have been lost They would have been of great interest to readers in Utah had they been included His letters tell of little-known details of routine followed by civilians and soldiers as they moved together—yet apart, across the plains.

Gibbon took Nicholas Biddle's journal of Lewis and Clark's expedition with him to Utah It was his constant companion in his subsequent movements about Idaho, Montana, and Wyoming He frequently referred to that expedition, the route it followed, the adventure it was Whether exploring, hunting and fishing, or pursuing Sioux and Nez Perce, Gibbon referenced Lewis and Clark in the same area he was passing through.

The descriptive prose Gibbon used painted word pictures of the West worthy of a travel brochure designed to lure tourists there. He wrote of rushing crystal clear streams, invigorating mountain air, and the wonders of Yellowstone's geysers and the fragile formations deposited by their eruptions. He described catching trout with mouths "large enough to take in your hand."

Gibbon never let the exigencies of the military campaign interfere with his sportsman's quest for fish and game. In the midst of chasing Sitting Bull he hunted buffalo Tracking the Nez Perce under Chief Joseph he frequently cast his fly upon the water to reel in the prize offered so abundantly in streams of Idaho and Montana Grouse, venison, antelope, buffalo, fish of all varieties, and berries were all sought as the soldiers under Gibbon moved through the field. Being a trooper with him had certain fringe benefits not enjoyed by those under the command of others in locations distant from the West.

His account of the actions of his command along with Crook, Terry,

and Custer in the Sioux War of 1876 is straightforward military reporting. It is valuable in that it is a narrative by one of the principal leaders of the campaign who was privy to the plans and orders of the same His account of the rescue of Reno's survivors, the burial details, and the withdrawal from the Little Big Horn to pursue the Sioux is fascinating

Matters of control, small insignificant things to soldiers of that time but of great interest to readers of our day, are explained For example, he tells how pack animals were trained to respond to the bell The lead mule carried the bell; others dutifully followed When morning round-up came, he wrote, "it is only necessary to sound it [bell] to assemble every mule belonging to that particular train."

In reflection, Gibbon was one of those experienced Indian fighters who expressed dismay that the U.S. government could be so provocative and inhumane to Indians. He had been wounded by Nez Perce at the Battle of Big Hole, yet he later became a fast friend of their Chief Joseph after their futile flight toward Canada in 1877 His comments on war, weaponry, and training of soldiers are thoughtful

The editors of Adventures on the Western Frontier have demonstrated once again that well-written primary sources such as Gibbon's experiences, skillfully compiled, are as interesting and possibly more fascinating than later historical interpretation To one who has had a life-long passion for field work in appreciating history, this book has ignited the flame to march again where Gibbon had such vivid experiences.

DON R MATHIS Carmichael, California

Book Notices

Life on the Black Rock Desert: A History of Clear Lake, Utah. By VENETTA BOND KELSEY. (Provo, Ut.: Kelsey Publishing, 1992 192 pp Paper, $9.95.)

Developing from a railroad sidetrack south of Delta, Clear Lake was soon a reasonably prosperous ranching community with its own school, hotel, warehouse, and train station. Its fifty-year history is chronicled in this engaging little book which relies mostly on first-person accounts by people who lived there to carry the story The tales of everyday comings and goings, of personal achievements and frustrations, are well complemented by many excellent photographs

practices, and different breeds of cattle, the managers guided Bell from its frontier legacy through the vicissitudes of depression and drought to a modern market-based commercial enterprise

Much more thanjust a business history, this work can be read with profit by anyone interested in cattle ranching in the West.

Long Vistas: Women and Families on Colorado Homesteads. By KATHERINE HARRIS. (Niwot: University Press of Colorado, 1993 xvi + 216 pp $24.95.)

Bell Ranch: Cattle Ranching in the Southwest, 1824-1947. By DAVID REMLEY (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993 xvi + 393 pp $39.95.)

Originally three-quarters of a million acres in size, the Bell Ranch of northeastern New Mexico is one of the largest and oldest cattle operations in the American Southwest It produced its own literature, art, architecture, and history, all carefully chronicled in this detailed history. The heart of the study is the period 1894-1943 and the evolution of Bell methods under three enlightened and dedicated managers Experimenting with new technology, rangeland

This excellent work provides both more and less than the subtitle suggests; more in that it includes much useful data and many worthy generalizations about men, less in that it strains at times to keep its findings confined to homesteading models when such findings appear to apply to farm or ranch work everywhere. But women as homesteaders and as homesteaders' wives are the primary focus, and the author displays fine skill in weaving demographic and other statistical data with personal and family histories to tell a fascinating story. Her thesis that homesteading opened a new era of power for single women but encouraged subtle rather than radical alterations in gender roles has the ring of credibility and is well supported by her case study.

Readers of thisjournal who are curious as to how and why the experi-

ence of Utah women homesteaders differed from the national model generally will find Chapter 6 particularly interesting, and anyone who has ever looked at how women on the frontier have been treated in literature and history will appreciate the fine overview in the introduction.

the San Jacinto Ranch near Jackpot, Nevada, in the summer of 1992 with measured drawings, photographs, and oral histories The result is this brief but attractive booklet, projected as the first in a series of similar projects.

The Architecture of Immigration: Documenting Italian-American Vernacular Buildings in Utah and Nevada. By THOMAS CARTER (Salt Lake City: Graduate School of Architecture, University of Utah, 1992. 19 pp. Paper.)

Looking at Carbon County, Utah, and Eureka County, Nevada, the author and his graduate students have included drawings, photos, and narrative to support the thesis that the architecture of Italian immigrants displays variety and considerable distinction but has to be carefully looked for to be seen. This pamphlet is reprinted from the larger study, Old Ties, New Attachments: Italian-American Folklife in the West, published by the American Folklife Center in 1992.

Tall Sheep: Harry Goulding, Monument Valley Trader. By SAMUEL MOON (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1992. xviii + 250 pp. $24.95.)

Harry Goulding and wife Mike operated a trading post, located on the Utah-Arizona line in Monument Valley, from 1925 to 1963 A sharp observer of Navajo lifestyles and folkways, as well as an articulate story teller, Harry is the primary respondent in this predominantly oral history. Mike also chips in, as does a small cast of other local characters, including Barry Goldwater, in recounting experiences and observations of how New Deal stock reductions, World War II, uranium, and much else affected Navajo life Author Moon plays an important role as well, offering welcome interpretation and context along the way

Designedfor Work: The SanJacinto Ranch of Elko County, Nevada. Edited by THOMAS CARTER and BLANTON OWEN (Salt Lake City: Graduate School of Architecture, University of Utah, 1993, 30 pp Paper.)

The Western Vernacular Architecture Program of the U of U's Graduate School of Architecture documented

Anthropologists as well as historians will find much to value in the book, as the testimony includes tantalizing glimpses of Navajo child nurturing, folk medicine, and weather ceremonials. And Utahns generally will be surprised at the aggressive action taken byJ. Bracken Lee, not yet governor, in securing money to support schools in the area. "He was a tiger," Goulding recalled. "I think he had two tails!"

INDEX

Italic numbers refer to illustrations

Agricultural College of Utah (ACU), 1905-7 consolidation controversy at, 204-21. See also Utah State University

Agriculture: and Daggett County homesteaders, 132-48; and Indian farms, 154, 157, 159; and Japanese American evacuees, 255-58

Aird, Robert B., 1923 adventure of, in San Juan County, 275-88, 275, 277, 279

Allen, Clarence E., congressman, 336, 338, 339, 342

Allison, William B., U.S. senator and bimetallist, 340

Allred, Monroe, and antipolygamy raids, 321

American Bimetallic Union, and silver, 338

American Fork Canyon, CCC camp in, 262

Ames, Babe, Dutchtown resident, 68

Ames, Dolph, Dutchtown miner, 53, 69, 69

Ames, Kate Brandt, 69, 70

Ames, Katherine, Dutchtown resident, 68

Ames, LaVern, Dutchtown resident, 68

Anderson, Nell, Dutchtown resident, 69

Anunomah, brother of Chief Walker, 183

Arapene, Ute leader, hunting grounds of, 157-58

Armstrong, George, Indian subagent, 159-60

Armstrong, John Christopher, member of 1849 Pratt expedition, 176-78, 186

Arnold, Josiah, captain in 1849 Pratt expedition, 172

Astrology, interest in, in southern Utah, 76, 78-82, 85

Azrael, astrologer, 78, 80, 85

Ballard, Margaret, and antipolygamy raids, 321

Ballard, Melvin J., and Ensign Peak, 12

Baskin, Samuel, rabbi, 14-15

Bateman, Samuel, bodyguard of John Taylor, 326

Bear River Bird Refuge, and CCC, 264

Beardsell, M., wagon train of, 178

Beck, Christine Caroline Holl (mother), 54

Beck, George (brother), 56, 60

Beck, Gottlieb (cousin), 56

Beck,Johannes (father), 54

Beck, John, Tintic mining entrepreneur and sponsor of LDS converts, 54, 56-58, 60, 62, 64, 66

Beckwith, Edwin, plant collector, 126

Bennett, Fred E., deputy U.S. marshal, and polygamy raids, 319, 321, 324-25, 327, 329, 332

Bennett, Samuel, and G Hurt, 168

Biessenger, Thomas, and Dutchtown colony, 56, 57

Big Rock Candy Mountain, 174, 7 76

Bishop, Francis M., topographer, and 1871-72 Powell expedition, 124, 128

Black Hawk War, 241

Black, Joseph Smith, and antipolygamy raids, 322, 326-29, 331

Blood, Henry H., governor, and CCC, 262

Blue Goose, dance hall in Keetley, 253-54

B'nai Israel congregation, and proposed Ensign Peak cross, 15

Booth, Matilda, mother of T E B Steele, 83-85

Botany, and E P Thompson's 1872 plant collecting, 104-31

Boy Scouts, and Ensign Peak, 10, 11

Bradshaw, Ira E., Hurricane settler, 237, 244

Brand, Annie (Anna), and Dutchtown, 60-62, 66

Brand, Margaretha, and Dutchtown, 62

Brand, Elisabeth Allebrand, German immigrant in Providence, 58

Brand, Elisabetha, wife ofJakob, 60-62, 65, 66-68

Brand, Jakob: Dutchtown resident and mine foreman, 58-70, 59, Register Book of, 54, 55, 61,64

Brand, Kate (Katherina), and Dutchtown, 60-62, 66, 69

Brand, Martha, and Dutchtown, 62, 66

Brand, Tillie (Mathilde), and Dutchtown, 61,66-68

Brandeli, T., LDS missionary in Germany, 57

Brand[t], Charly, and Dutchtown, 63, 65, 66

Brand[t], Emil (Emile), and Dutchtown, 60,61, 65,68,69

Brandt, Gladys, daughter of Jules, 67

Brand [t], Gottlieb, Dutchtown miner, 53, 60, 65, 68-70

Brand[t],Jake (Jakob), and Dutchtown, 61,68,69

Brand[t],Jules (Julius), and Dutchtown, 61, 67,68

Brandt, Martha Anderson, wife of Jules, 66, 67

Brandt, Orson, son ofJules, 67

Brandt, Robert J. "Bobby", son of Gottlieb, 70

Brems, Franz, German immigrant in Lehi, 54, 56-58, 60

Brems, Fred (son), 60

Brems,John (son), 60

Brems, Peter (son), 60

Bridger, Jim, warning of, about Utes, 152

Brohm, Franz, German immigrant, 62

Brom, Franz, German immigrant, 60

Brown, Arthur, U.S senator, 336, 338, 339, 342

Brown, D S., and Keetley ranch, 259

Brown, John, captain in 1849 Pratt expedition, 172, 176-77, 181, 184, 186

Brown, Lorenzo, mission of, to Las Vegas, 155

Bryan, William Jennings, 1896 presidential candidate, and silver, 343-46

Buchanan, J. A., and Keetley ranch, 259

Buchanan, James, and Utah Expedition, 163

Budge, , Paris, Idaho, polygamist, 329

Bullen, Herschel, state senator, and ACU controversy, 217-18

Bullion-Beck Champion Co., 64, 66

Bullion-Beck Mine, Tintic Mining District: cave-in at, 67-68; and 1893 strike, 64,

66; and German immigrants in Dutchtown, 54-70

Bullock, Thomas, and predator control, 27-28,30-31,34,40

Burgess, Emma, and Virgin River settlements, 226-27

Burgess, Thomas, and Cotton Mission, 224, 226

Burke, Charles, and Cotton Mission, 233

Burr, David A., surveyor, 158, 160

Burr, David H., territorial surveyor, 158, 162

Burton, C S., and 1893 Eureka miners' strike, 64

Butler, John, and G. Hurt, 163-64, 166

Bywater, James, and antipolygamy raids, 330-31

Byrnes, James F., and CCC, 267

Cache County: and Agricultural College consolidation controversy, 204-21; German immigrants in, 57

Cache Militia (Minutemen), 38

Cache Valley: Indian conflicts in, 38-39; predator control in, 26, 33-35, 38-39, 41

Cahoon, Reynolds, hunt judge, 28, 30-32

Caine, John T., delegate to Congress, 336

Cajon Ruins, Hovenweep National Monument, 286-87

Campbell, Robert Lang, clerk with 1849 Pratt expedition, 171-72, 178, 180, 180, 182-86, 188, 189

Cannon, Abraham H., and antipolygamy raids, 323

Cannon, Amanda, and antipolygamy raids, 322

Cannon, Frank J., newspaperman and U.S senator, career of, 335-48; and Mormonism, 347-48; and silver issue, 337-38, 340-48

Cannon, George Q.: and antipolygamy raids, 322-23; as editor, businessman, and politician, 336; and Eureka miners' strike, 64; sermon of, 231

Cannon, Mina, and antipolygamy raids, 323

Carrington, Jane, plant collecting of, 126

Carver, John Edward, Ogden minister, 18

Casias, , Mexican migrant, 247

Carruthers, Matthew, 74

Cheetham, Albert, stepson of J Steele, 84 Cheetham, Charlie, stepson of J Steele, 84 Cheveriches, Ute band led by Chief Walker, 152

Chick's Cafe, 251

Chipman Mercantile, and CCC, 262 Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: and Ensign Peak cross proposal, 13-16; and Eureka miners' strike, 64, 66; federal laws affecting, 307, 318, 324-26; and predator control, 27-28; Swiss-German Mission of, 54, 56-57; as a theocracy, 304 See also Cotton Mission, Council of Fifty, Mormons, People's party, Polygamy, and names of individual Mormons

Citizens' ticket, Mormon-gentile group, 309

Civilian Conservation Corps: activities of, in Utah, 261-74, 261, 268, 272; and construction of camps, 262-63, 270; economic impact of, 270-74; erosion and flood projects of, 263-64; and WWII, 264-70, 274

Cleveland, Grover: Mormons protest to, 333; national unpopularity of, 336; and Utah statehood, 300-302, 307, 313, 314

Cluff, Henry, ranch of, 247

Cluff, Kerzia, ranch of, 247

Coalville, Utah, Echo City railroad depot in, 359

Cody, William A., provost marshal at Fort Douglas, 22

Coleman, Guy, Midway theater owner, 254

Collett, Sylvanus, Cache militia office, and predator control, 34, 35, 38-39

Collins, , deputy U.S. marshal, 321

Colorado River: and 1871-72 Powell expedition, 104—31; and Flaming Gorge Dam, 142

Columbus, mining claim of D Fisher, 247

Comes, Albert, and Dutchtown, 63

Conover, Peter, and 1849 Pratt expedition, 181

Coombs, Ellis Day, and antipolygamy raids, 323, 326

Cooper, Hannah, and antipolygamy raids, 324

Cooper, R C , mayor of Vernal, and CCC, 273

Cope, Gordon, WPA artwork of, 9

Corn Creek, Indian farm at, 157

Cotton Mission, 224, 226, 239, 241, 244

Council of Fifty, and predator control, 27, 31-32,37

Cowley, Matthias F.: and Ensign Peak flag story, 7-8; and J Steele, 88

Cox, Martha Cragun, and antipolygamy raids, 326

Craig, C L., interpreter for G Hurt, 157

Crandall, Verne, and Keetley ranch, 259

Cuffs, Edward, Hurricane settler, 236

Cullom-Struble bill, 309

Cumming, Alfred, and G Hurt, 168

Cummings, B F., explorations of, in Idaho, 162

Cutler, John C , governor, and ACU consolidation controversy, 207-9, 213, 215, 218

Dagget County, homesteading in, 132-48

Dalton, Amanda, and antipolygamy raids, 322-23

Daly Mining Co., 247

Davies, Benjamin, superintendent of Indian Affairs, 169

Davis, Bill, rancher, 248

Davis, Bob, rancher, 248

Deer Creek Dam, and CCC, 264

Dellengaugh, Frederic Samuel, artist and topographer with 1871-72 Powell expedition, 107-9, 111, 115, 117-18, 121, 125,127

Democratic party: and Mormons, 312-13; and silver, 343-46; at turn of the century in Utah, 336

Denver, J. W., commissioner of Indian Affairs, 163,168-69

Deseret Alphabet, 310

Deseret Farmer, offices of, moved from Logan to SLC, 215-17; role of, in ACU consolidation controversy, 212, 215

Deseret News: and ACU consolidation controversy, 214; and antipolygamy raids, 324-25, 329-30, 333; and Ensign Peak, 5-7, 12-14, 19, 25; and Eureka strike, 66; and papermaking/printing, 42-52; and southern Utah settlements,232

Deseret Typographical Assn., first annual meeting of, 49

Dickson, W H., U.S marshal, and antipolygamy raids, 319

Dingley Tarrif of 1897, 346

Dodds, Pardyn, and 1871-72 Powell expedition, 109, 112, 115-18, 121

Drakeford, Brother, 83

Driggs, Sterling G., and 1849 Pratt expedition, 181

Dubois, Fred T., U.S. senator, and silver, 342-43

Duffin, James, Utah legislator, 87

Duggan, John, miners' union secretary in Eureka, 64

Duncan's Retreat, Utah, Virgin River community, 225, 226-28, 227, 229, 230,233

Dunn, Loren C , and Ensign Peak, 25

Dunn, William H., murder of, 88

Dutchtown, Utah, Tintic Mining District colony, history of, 53-70, 53, 59, 63

Dyer, , U.S. marshal, and antipolygamy raids, 331

Echo City, Utah, railroad town, reminiscence of, 299, 349-62, 351, 353, 359, 360

Echo Hotel, 361, Echo Reservoir, ice skating on, 357-58

Edmunds Act, 307, 317, 319

Edmunds-Tucker Act, 307, 308, 310, 317, 319

Elkhorn School, 253

Elkhorn Telephone Co., Wasatch County ranchers' organization, 248

Elliott, John Milton, congressman, friend of G Hurt, 150-51,160-61

Enabling Act, 302, 314-15

Ensign Peak: commercial exploitation of, 19-24, 20, contoversy over proposed cross on, 13-16; history of, 4-25; and KKK, 20-21; monument on, 17, 17-19; programs held on, 10-12, 25; story of pioneer flag raising on, 6-10

Ensign Peak Inc., 25

Eureka, Utah: Dutchtown colony in, 53-70; miners' strike in, 64, 66

Evans, David, and mining in Eureka, 56

Everett's Ice Cream Parlor, 251

Eyring, Henry, LDS missionary in Germany, 57

Farmington, Utah, CCC in, 261

Farnsworth, Philo T., and Eureka strike, 66

Felt, Alma, and antipolygamy raids, 323

Fennemore, James, photographer with 1871-72 Powell expedition, 109, 115, 117,120-21

Fetchner, Robert, CCC national director, 267

Fewkes, J W., Smithsonian ethnologist, 285,287

Fisher, Annie McMillan, wife of George, 251

Fisher, Bert, son of Donald Gail, 248

Fisher, David, prospector and developer of Keetley, 247

Fisher, Donald Gail, rancher and developer of Keetley, 247-49, 253-55

Fisher, George A., editor, forest ranger, politician, and developer of Keetley, 247-59, 252

Fisher, Luvernia, wife of Donald Gail, 247-48

Fisher, Neil, son of Donald Gail, 248

Flaming Gorge Dam, construction of, 141-42, 147

Flaming Gorge National Recreation Area: creation of, 142-43; Swett homestead in, 132, 148

Fly, Captain, wagon train of, 178-79

Forney, Jacob, and G Hurt, 168

Fort Lemhi, Idaho, Mormon outpost, 162-63

Fort Utah (Provo), Pratt expedition preached at, 174

Fox, Ruth May, and Ensign Peak, 10

Franks, J W., deputy U.S marshal, and antipolygamy raids, 330

Fremont, John, plant collecting of, 126

Fullmer, David, and 1849 Pratt expedition, 172, 174, 185

Fullmer, John S., Nauvoo Legion officer, and G Hurt, 165

Gambling, 254

Garrity,Joe, Eureka barber, 65

Gates, Susa Young: as ACU trustee, 213; and Ensign Peak flag story, 9-10

Gaunt, Matthew, weaver, 46, 47

George, Allen, 22

German immigrants, history of, in Dutchtown mining colony, 53-70

Gessel, Katherine, German immigrant in Providence, 58

Giles, John D., Pioneer Trails official, 17

Glass, Carter, secretary of the treasury, 347

Glazier,Joan (daughter), 250-51

Glazier, Myrle (wife), 250-51

Glazier, Penrod (son), 250-51

Glazier, Richard, Park City mining official, 250-51,254

Gleason, , deputy U.S marshal, and antipolygamy raids, 320-21, 330

Goblet of Venus, 281

Godwin, Charley, bribery of, 331

Goold, Oliver Ames, Boston astrologist, 81-82, 85

Goshen, Elmer I., Congregationalist minister, 14

Gould, Samuel, and 1849 Pratt expedition, 173

Grafton, Utah, Virgin River settlement, 225, 226-27, 227, 229, 230, 240, 240-42

Grant, Heber J.: and Ensign Peak, 12, 18; as LDS apostle and businessman, 311, 311

Gray Herbarium, Harvard U., E P Thompson plant collections at, 105, 129-31

Gray, Martha B., daughter of Gottlieb Brandt, 70

Green, Elvira, Swett child delivered by, 133 n 2

Green, Ephraim, gunner and captain with 1849 Pratt expedition, 172

Green family, Daggett County homesteaders, 133

Green, Herman H , SLC commissioner, 23

Greendale, Daggett County, homesteading in, 132-33, 136, 139-40, 143, 145

Griffiths, Lloyd, brother of Ray, 364, 369

Griffiths, Ray, WWII reminiscence of, 363, 363-69

Gunnison, John W., massacre of, and his party, 151-53

HHaddock, Lon J., secretary, Manufacturers' and Merchants' Assn., 12-13

Haight, Isaac C , captain in 1849 Pratt expedition, 172, 181, 185, 185-87

Hall, Alfred, and Hurricane Canal, 244

Hall, Arthur, and Hurricane Canal, 244

Hamblin, Jacob, Kanab home of, 125

Hamblin, Louisa, wife ofJacob, 125

Hames, Feb H., CCC recruit, 272

Hancock, Charles B., Nauvoo Legion officer, and G Hurt, 165

Hanna, Marcus A., McKinley's campaign manager, 340

Harne, John, and mining in Eureka, 56

Harrison, Benjamin: and Mormon amnesty, 312; and U.T., 301

Hatch Act of 1887, 206

Hatch, Jeremiah, and Indian farming, 154

Hattan, Andrew J., cook and boatman with 1871-72 Powell expedition, 109, 117

Heber Exchange, 250-51

Heber Valley, settlement of, by Mormons, 246

Henry, William, member of 1849 Pratt expedition, 184

Higbee, Lorine Lamb, Toquerville resident, 72

Higbee, Rhea (daughter), 72

Higbee, Richard (husband), 72

Hillers, John K., boatman and photographer with 1871-72 Powell expedition, 109, 113-15, 112, 113, 117, 119, 121

Hinckley, Gordon B., and Ensign Peak, 25

Hinton, Thomas M., first Hurricane settler, 223, 235-37

Hinton, Vera (daughter), 235-37

Hollis, Thomas, and papermaking, 46-52

Home Rule bill, 313

Homesteading, experiences of Swett family in, 132-48

Honda, Kaoru, baseball team captain, 2518

Hooper, William H., U.T secretary, and G. Hurt, 168

Hopi Indians (Moqui), ruins associated with, 110-11

Horn, Joseph, captain with 1849 Pratt expedition, 172, 174

Horton, Mrs , Elkhorn School teacher, 253

Howard, Thomas, Papermaker, 45-52

Howland, O. G., murder of, 88

Howland, Seneca, murder of, 88

Hunt, Jefferson, wagon road of, in southern Utah, 178

Hunt, Marion, forest ranger, 277

Hunt, Paul, mine executive, 254

Hunting: control of predators by, in early Utah, 26-41; and list of 1848-49 hunting teams, 29

Huntington, Dimick B., interpreter with 1849 Pratt expedition, 172, 174, 183-84, 184

Hurricane Canal Co., 222, 224, 234-45

Hurricane, Utah: community building in, 1860-1920, 222-45; and Hurricane Canal, 224, 234-35; leadership in, 243-45; origin of settlers of, 234, 236; population of, 225, 240; and Virgin River, 243

Hurt, Elizabeth Crabtree (mother), 150

Hurt, Garland: biographical data on, 149, 149-51, 165, 169-70; as Indian agent, 153-69; relations of, with B Young, 149, 151, 153, 156-65

Hurt, William D (father), 150

Husted, S., doctor in Silver Reef, 87

Ideal Theater, Heber City, 151

Imlay, J W., and Hurricane Canal, 244

Inter-Mountain Republican, and Ensign Peak, 12-13

Ireland, Elwin, U.S marshal, and antipolygamy raids, 316, 324-25, 329, 332

Iron Mission, 188

Irvine, Thomas, and predator control, 34

Ismay Trading Post, Colorado, 287

Isom, Samuel, LDS bishop in Hurricane, 243-44

Isom, Thomas, Hurricane settler, 236, 244

Isom, William, and Hurricane Canal, 244

Ivins, Anthony W., and Ensign Peak, 12, 18

Ivins, Mrs , St George resident, 122

Jackman, P A., and G Hurt, 168

Jackson, Elda, teacher at Elkhorn School, 253

Jackson, Victor, teacher at Elkhorn School, 253

James, Richard, and G. Hurt, 161

Japanese Americans: hostility toward, 256-57; WWII relocation of, to Keetley, 255-58

Jennings, Schuyler, member of 1849 Pratt expedition, 178, 184, 185

Jensen, Juliaetta Bateman, and antipolygamy raids,328, 332

Jenson, Andrew, and Ensign Peak, 8-9, 11

Jepson, James, Jr., Hurricane settler, 223, 235,238,239,241,243,244

Jepson, William, and papermaking, 51-52

Jerico, Juab County, CCC camp near, 270

Johnson, Aaron, Nauvoo Legion officer, and G Hurt, 165, 166

Johnson, George, and 1871-72 Powell expedition, 120,121

Johnson, Lyean, Pleasant Grove mayor, and CCC, 272

Johnson, William Derby, Jr., topographer with 1871-72 Powell expedition, 109, 112,113, 125

Johnson, Zeke, San Juan guide, 276-77, 280

Johnston, Albert Sidney, and G. Hurt, 167-68

Jones, Dan, and 1849 Pratt expeditiion, 183, 184, 186

Jones, Stephen Vandiver, topographer with 1871-72 Powell expedition, 109-13,115-17,120, 128

Jordanelle Dam, 246, 259-60

Kanab Canyon, 112, 113

Kanab, Utah: as base camp of 1871-72 Powell expedition, 107-8, 112, 116, 117, 124, 125, 127; early description of, 107

Kane, Thomas, and B. Young, 36

Kanosh, Pahvant chief, and Gunnison massacre, 153

Kay, Mary Elizabeth Stapley, granddaughter ofJ. Steele, 89

Kearns, Thomas, as 1896 GOP convention delegate, 338, 339, 342, 346

Keetley Green Waves, Japanese American baseball team, 258

Keetley, John Jack," pony express rider and mining engineer, 247

Keetley, Utah: history of, 246-60, 246,

249, 256, 259, Japanese American colony in, 255-58; and mining, 246-51; townsite of platted, 251

Kerr, WilliamJasper: ACU president, and consolidation controversy, 205-6, 290-21, 210, as 1895 Constitutional Convention delegate, 211

Kigalia Ranger Station, 279, 280, 285, 285

Kimball, Heber C: and arsonists, 156; and 1849 Pratt expedition, 172;and Ensign Peak flag story, 6; and predator control, 28

Kinney,John F., delegate to Congress, 306

Kleinman, Arch, 81

Kraus,Julius, German immigrant in Providence, 64

Krauss, Charlotte Catherine Allebrand, German immigrant seamstress, 58

Krauss, Heinrich Karl, musician and carpenter, 58

KSLRadio, 9

Ku Klux Klan, Ensign Peak used by, 20-21

Kunz, Christian, and antipolygamy raids, 331

Land Grant Act of 1862, 206

Langston,John, and Hurricane Canal, 244

Lannan, Patrick H, 7Mbune publisher, 311,311

Larsen, Emma, and antipolygamy raids, 332

Larsen,John, and antipolygamy raids, 331

Larson, George, C, forest supervisor, and CCC, 272-73

Lautensock, Christina, German immigrant, 57

Lautensock, Peter, German immigrant carpenter in Dutchtown, 54, 57, 58, 60, 64

Leany, William, murder of, 87-88

Lee,John D.: censure of, by militia, 38,1 39; members of hunting team of, 29; and Mountain Meadows Massacre, 164; and predator control, 26-33, 37

LeFevre, Reba Roundy, great-granddaughter ofJ Steele, 88

Lehi, Utah, German immigrants in, 56-58, 60

Lemon, Alexander Abraham, member, 1849 Pratt expedition, 173

Lenzi, Charles Roy, Keetley resident, 249, 252

Liberal Party: and 1892 election, 313-14; founding of, bygentiles, 305-6; successes of, 309

Lincoln, Almira H, botanist, 126

Lowry,John: and G Hurt, 168;as member of 1849 Pratt expedition, 185

Logan Chamber of Commerce, and ACU controversy, 217

LoganJournal, and ACU controversy, 217-19

Lucine, Davis County, CCC camp near, 270

Luke, Ray, CCC recruit, 273

Luke's Hot Pots, Midway, 250

Lund, Anthon H, and founding of ACU in 1888

Lund, Emil S. state legislator, 14, 15

Lyman, Richard R., and Ensign Peak, 12

MacArthur, Douglas, and CCC, 266

McClellan,John B.,deputy U.S. marshal, and antipolygamy raids, 331

McConkie, Oscar W., and Ensign Peak, 12

McCornick, William S., banker and president, ACU Board of Trustees, and consolidation controversy, 205-6, 272, 213-15, 218-19; as 1896 GOP convention delegate, 338, 339, 342

McEntee,James M., CCC national director, 268

McKinley, William: as 1896 GOP presidential candidate, 340, 343-46; and gold standard, 347

McMillan, Carl, death of, 255

McRae, ,LDS bishop, 325

Maeser, Karl G, andJohn Beck, 54

Manypenny, George W., commissioner of Indian Affairs, 154, 159-61

Marcy, Randolph,journey of, to New Mexico, 167

Marler, Bill, and antipolygamy raids, 321

Marshall, George C, and CCC, 266

Martin, Harold,journalist, and CCC, 269

Matson, George, member of 1849 Pratt expedition, 185

Matthews,Joseph, captain with 1849 Pratt expedition, 172, 174, 185

Maw, Herbert B.,and KeetleyJapanese American colony, 257-58

Maxwell, William, and Indian farming in Utah County, 154

Medicine, early practice of, in Utah, 73-78, 84, 87, 88

Meeks, Priddy: doctor in Parowan, 73-75; and hunting, 36; seer stone of, 78

Merrill, Joseph F., director UU School of Mines, 216 Merrill, Lewis A., editor, DeseretFarmer, and ACU/UU consolidation controversy, 212-20

Mexican Hat, Utah, trading post at, 281-82, 284-85

Midgley, Waldo, WPA artwork of, 9 Midway Irrigation, 248

Mikkelsen, Robert S., reminiscence by, of Echo City, Utah, 349, 349-62

Miller, Annie B., daughter of Gottlieb Brandt, 70

Miller, H. W., and 1866 LDS conference in St. George, 231-32

Mining: development of, in Park City area affected Keetley, 246-51; and German immigrants, 53-70

Mormon Battalion, J Steele member of, 72, 87

Mormon Fundamentalists, and Ensign Peak, 21

Mormon Reformation, 162

Mormons: and astrology, 76, 78-82; antiCatholicism of, 16; and antipolygamy raids, 316-34; Christianity of, defended, 14; conflict of, with gentiles, 63-64, 302-3, 308-9; and home industry, 42-52, 303-4; Indian missions of, 155; and millenialism, 154-55; patriotism of, 5-12; and politics, 312-13; and predator control in early Utah, 26-41; relations of, with Indians, 38-39, 149, 152, 154-56, 166; reverence of, for church authority, 231, 233, 243-45; and southern Utah settlements, 222-45; symbolism of Ensign Peak for, 4-25 See also Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Polygamy, and names ofindividualMormons

Monument Valley, 275, 280-83

Moon Lake Electric Co., 144

Morgan, Nicholas G., Sr., and Ensign Peak memorial, 24

Morley, Isaac: and G Hurt, 168; as judge of hunt, 28, 31-32

Morrill Antibigamy Act, 318

Morris, Harry, Wasatch County rancher, 248

Morriss, Nephi L., and Ensign Peak, 12

Morse, William A., Parowan doctor and astrologer, 73-74, 76

Mountain Bell,248

Mountain Meadows Massacre, 164

Mount Ellen, Henry Mountains, named for Ellen Powell Thompson, 131

Mount Nebo, 1849 ascent of, 174

Mount Trumbull, ascent of, by 1871-72 Powell expedition, 114-15

Murbarger, Nell, roving reporter, 72

Murdock, Abe, U.S senator, and Keetley

Japanese American colony, 258

Murray, Eli H., territorial governor, 301

Naegle, John Conrad, Lehi farmer, 56

Natural Bridges National Monument, 276, 278, 279, 280

National Bimetallic Assn., 347

National Silver party, and 1896 election, 345

Nauvoo Legion, 26; activities of, during Utah war, 163-64; and G Hurt, 165-66; role of members of, in predator control, 37

Nebeker, John, and Virgin River land survey, 241

Nelson, Thomas Billington, and antipolygamy raids, 324, 326

Newell, John M., 1923 adventure of, with R B Aird, 275-88, 283

Newman, Glen, CCC recruit, 273

New Park Mine, 247

New York Public Library, E. P. Thompson diary at, 105, 108

Nibley, Charles W., and proposed Ensign

Peak cross, 13-16

Numerology, 80

Nunn, L L founder of Deep Springs College, 287

Ogden Bay Bird Refuge, and CCC, 264

Ogden DailyStandard, founding of, by F J Cannon,337

Ogden Herald, F.J Cannon editor of, 337

Ogden, Utah: Chamber of Commerce in, 310-11; description of, 304-5; and politics, 309,337

Olds, Arthur, 76

Olds, Charles Andrew, and J Steele, 76 Ontario Silver Mining Co., 247

Pace, Nancy, SLC councilwoman, 25

Pack, John, 30; censure of, 38-39; members of hunting team of, 29; and predator control, 27-33, 37

Pahvant Indians, and Glunnison massacre, 151-53

Panic of 1893, 302, 311

Papermaking in early Utah, 42-52

Paris, Idaho, as polygamy stronghold, 329 Park City, Utah, and mining, 247 Park Utah Mining Co., 247, 249

Parleys Canyon, 1849 road work in, 172

Parowan Gap, petroglyphs at, 179-80

Parowan, Utah, early doctors in, 73-74

Pendleton, Calvin Crane, doctor in Parowan, 73-74

People's party: disbanding of, 313; as Mormon political arm, 304—6

Perpetual Emigrating Fund Co., abolished by Edmunds-Tucker Act, 307

Pettigrew, Richard F., U.S. senator, and silver, 342

Phelps, W W., topographer with 1849 Pratt expedition, 172, 174

Pierce, Franklin, and G. Hurt, 151

Pignanelli, Frank, state legislator, 25

Ping, C. L., Pvt., 22

Pipe Spring National Monument, and 1871-72 Powell expedition, 112-14, 114

Pleasant Grove, Utah, CCC camp in, 267-70, 272

Pocketville, Indian nickname for Virgin City, 242

Poland Act of 1874, 319

Politics, and F.J Cannon's career, 335-48

Polygamy: abandonment of, for statehood, 302-3, 308-10; federal laws against, 306-7; and federal raids, 316-34

Populist party and 1896 election, 345

Posey War, 275-76

Powell, Bramwell (brother), 106

Powell, Emma Dean (wife), 105-7

Powell, John Wesley: 1871-72 expedition of, 105-7, 706, 125-26; and murder of expedition members, 88; and USGS, 131

Powell, Mary Dean (daughter), 107

Powell, Walter Clement (cousin), boatman and photographer, 105-9, 113-14, 116,124, 127-28

Powell, William Paul (nephew), 706

Powers, Orlando W., judge, and Mormongentile conflict, 315, 315 n 47

Pratt, Orson, and Indian missions, 155

Pratt, Parley P., 777; 1849 expedition of, 171-90; road building of, 172

Printing, early industry of, in Utah, 42-52, 43

Prohibition, in Wasatch County, 254

Prostitution, 253

Providence, Utah, German immigrants in, 57, 58, 60

ProvoDaily Enquirer, and ACU controversy, 214

Provo River Project, and CCC, 264

Pugh, Edwin, Fillmore house of, stoned, 161

Pugmire, Joseph, and G Hurt, 168

Purbelow, horse thief, 174, 179

Rainbow Bridge, 276, 281, 282

Rasmussen, Henry, WPA artwork of, 9

Rawlins, Joseph L., delegate to Congress, 314, 337

Ray, John, and Indian farming at Fillmore, 154

Red Lake Utes, 125

Reed, Thomas B., and 1896 GOP convention, 340

Reeve, Robert Warne, and Virgin River settlements, 226-28, 231

Reeve, Thomas, leader in Hurricane, 228, 243, 244

Republican party: and Mormons, 312-13; and silver, 337-46; and tariffs, 346; in Utah at turn of the century, 336

Rice, William, rabbi, 14—15

Richards, Lee Greene, WPA artwork of, 9

Richards, Willard: and 1849 Pratt expedition, 172; and Ensign Peak, 6; and predator control, 28; and printing, 44

Ricks, Joel, Sr., and predator control, 35 Ricks, Thomas E., 35; as Cache militia officer, 38; and predator control, 34-35

Roberts, B. H , and Ensign Peak flag story, 8, 10

Roberts, Bryan, Toquerville resident, 81

Roberts, Gene, 349

Roberts, Sidney, and papermaking, 46-47, 51-52

Rockville, Utah: and Cotton Mission, 226; population of, 225, 227-39, 240-41; and floods, 227, 233, 242-43

Romney, L C , SLC commissioner, 24

Roosevelt, Eleanor, on train at Echo City, 360

Roosevelt, Franklin D., and CCC, 261-63, 267, 274

Ross, Orville, Elkhorn graduate, 253

Roundy, Priscilla Parrish, Kanarraville resident, 78

St George, Utah, 227; ca 1876, 723; E P Thompson's description of, 122; population of, 225

Sagebrush Democracy in 1888, 312 Salt Lake City, 4, 300-301; and history of Ensign Peak, 4—25; and Liberal party, 309

Salt Lake City Chamber of Commerce, 24, 310-11

Salt Lake City Commission, and Ensign

Peak, 13-16, 23-24

Salt Lake County, CCC in, 262

Salt Lake Herald/Herald-Republican: and ACU consolidation controversy, 213; and Ensign Peak, 5, 7, 13

Salt Lake Real Estate Board, and Ensign

Peak land sale, 24

Salt Lake Telegram, and Ensign Peak, 23

Salt Lake Temple, work on, halted, 308

Salt Lake Tribune, and ACU consolidation controversy, 214; and Ensign Peak, 6-7, 24; and statehood, 312

Salt Lake Valley, predator control in, 26-38, 40-41

Sanders, Mr., and antipolygamy raids, 323

San (uan County, 1923 adventure of Aird and Newell in, 275-88, 279

Sanpete County, Indian farm in, 157

Savage, Levi, and J. Steele, 83-84

Scheid, Karl A., SLC commissioner, 14-15

Schettler, Paul, and mining in Eureka, 56

Schiess, John K., LDS missionary,57

Schmidtt, Elizabeth Brand, German immigrant, 58

Schmidtt, Marzelus, German immigrant, 60

Schneitters Hot Pots, Midway, 250

Schooler, Stubb, Keetley resident, 255

Schoonover, Eldon, CCC recruit, 273-74

Scott, Helen, Dutchtown resident,62

Scott, John, Nauvoo Legion leader, 38

Scott, Marshall, pursuit of horse thief by, 174, 179

Shearman, W H , SLC commissioner, 14, 15

Shields, Dan B., U.S attorney, and Japanese Americans in Keetley, 255-56

Shunesburg, Utah, 227; and Cotton Mission, 226; population of, 225, 229, 230

Silver, politics of, 337-38, 340-45

Simons, E. W., CCC foreman, 266

Skaggs, O P., Park City store of, 251

Skanchy, Anthon, and antipolygamy raids, 332

Slack, Martin, and Hurricane Canal, 244

Smart, Thomas, ACU trustee, 213, 219

Smith, George Albert, and Ensign Peak, 12, 18

Smith, John Calvin Lazelle, Parowan settler, 73

Smith, John Henry, and Republican party, 312

Smith, John L., and predator control, 30

Smith, Joseph, and Council of Fifty, 27

Smith, Joseph F., policies of, attacked by F.J Cannon, 347

Smithies, James, and predator control, 36

Smoot, Reed: controversy over seating of, in Senate, 315, 347; and forest management, 13

Smoot, William C A., and Ensign Peak flag story, 6-7

Snow, Erastus, and southern Utah settlements, 2332

Snow, Lorenzo, imprisonment of, 302

Snow, Warren, and G. Hurt, 168

Sons of the Utah Pioneers, and Ensign Peak, 24

Southern Utah: 1849 exploration of, by Pratt party, 171-90, 775; and 1871-72

Powell expedition, 104—31; and Virgin River settlements, 222-45

Spanish Fork, Utah, Indian farm near, 158, 159, 760, 163-67, 765

Spencer, Arthur, trader at Mexican Hat, 284

Spencer, Helen (daughter), 284

Spencer, Midora (wife), 284

Spendlove, Joseph, Hurricane settler, 236

Springdale, Utah, 227; and Cotton Mission, 226; and flooding, 242; population of, 225, 229, 230, 240-41

Stansbury, Howard, plant collecting of, 126

Stanworth, E N., and Hurricane Canal, 244 Stapley, Charles, Jr., Toquerville winemaker, 81

Stapley, James S., 82

Stapley, William B., grandson of J Steele, 89

Star of Utah mine, 247

Statehood, social and political compromises leading to, 300-315

Steele, Catherine Campbell (wife), 77, 72, 82

Steele, John, Toquerville doctor, magician, and patriarch, 3, 71, 71-90, 89

Steele, John Alma (son), 80-82, 81

Steele, Robert Henry (son), 75

Steele, Tamer Elizabeth Booth (second wife), marital difficulties of, 82-86

Steele, Young Elizabeth (daughter), first Mormon child born in Utah, 72, 88-89, 89

Steptoe, Edward J., and Gunnison Massacre, 151

Stevens, Minnie Deserett (daughter), horoscope of, 82

Stevens, Nephi (son), 82

Stevens, Olive DeMill, Orderville resident, and astrology, 82

Stewart, James Z., and Ensign Peak cross proposal, 16

Stohl, Lorenzo, ACU trustee, 213-14

Stout, Hosea: and Pack/Lee controversy, 37-38; and predator control, 31

Stuckie, , Idaho polygamist, 329

Sugar House, mill in, 46

Swett, Alma Thomas (son), 133 n. 2, 735

Swett, Elizabeth Ellen (mother), 134

Swett, Emma Eliza Osiek (wife), Daggett County homesteader, 132-48, 735

Swett, Idabell (daughter), 133 n. 2, 735, 136

Swett, Irma Eliza (daughter), 133 n. 2, 134, 735, 136-37

Swett,Jim (brother), 133

Swett, Lewis Lyman (son), 133 n 2, 735, 141,143, 145-46

Swett, Mary Elizabeth (daughter), 133, 735, 145-46

Swett, Merne (daughter), 133 n 2, 735

Swett, Myrle Augusta (daughter), 133 n. 2, 735, 136

Swett, Oscar, Daggett County homesteader, 132-48, 735

Swett Ranch/Homestead, National Register site, 1909-70 history of, 103, 132, 132-48, 733, 138, 142, 146

Swett, Verla Farnsworth (daughter), 133 n. 2, 735

Swett, Wilda Beverly (daughter), 133 n 2, 735, 143, 144

Taylor, John, and antipolygamy raids, 326

Taylor, Samuel, member of 1849 Pratt expedition, 189

Taylor, Sonny, freight wagon of, 59

Teller, Henry M., U.S senator, and silver, 337-38, 340-45

Temple Square, 48; papermaking on, 46-49

Thatcher, Moses: and antipolygamy raids, 331, and predator control, 34

Theuer, Fredriech, German immigrant, 60

Theurer, J., LDS missionary, 57

Thomas, Arthur L., territorial governor, 302, 305, 312

Thompson, Almon Harris, geographer with 1871-72 Powell expedition, 105-27, 106, 131

Thompson, Charlie, gambler, 254

Thompson, Ellen Powell, 104, 106; 1872 diary and plant collecting in Utah of, 104—31; map of area, collected plants in, 770; and suffrage movement, 131

Thomson, Samuel, medical techniques of, 74-75

Thurber, Joseph, and antipolygamy raids, 325

Thurber, Laura Ann Keeler, and antipolygamy raids, 325

Tilby, Marirrus, Dutchtown resident, 68, 69

Tilby, Maurice, 70

Tilby, Vincent M., Dutchtown resident, 69

Tintic Mining District, history of Dutchtown in,53070

Tischner,Johann, German immigrant blacksmith, 63

Tischner, Michael J., Dutchtown miner, 53,57

Tischner, Rosalia, Dutchtown resident, 62

Tischner, Therisa, German immigrant, 63

Tissard, A., French artist, 774

Titt, William, foster son of P Meeks, 78

Todd, Letitia, niece ofJ Steele, 80

Tooele County, CCC camps in, 270

Topaz, Utah, 2581

Toquerville, Utah: life and career of J Steele in, 71-90; winemaking in, 81

Transportation, and life in a railroad town, 349-62

Trumbo, Isaac, as 1896 GOP convention delegate, 338, 339, 342

Tsujimoto, Masao, and Keetley farm, 256-57

Union Pacific Railroad: and Echo City, 349-62, 356, 360, and Park City, 251

United Israel of America, flag of, on Ensign Peak, 21, 22

United Park City Mines Co., 249-50

U.S Bureau of Land Management, and CCC, 263

U.S. Constitution, and illegal search and seizure, 316-34

U.S. Forest Service, and CCC, 2631, 271

United Veterans Council, and Ensign

Peak plaque, 19

University of Utah, and consolidation controversy, 205-9

Utah: early economy of, 303-4, 311; Mormon-dominated schools in, 310; and statehood, 336; territorial politics in, 300-315

Utah Commission, 305, 305, 307

Utah County, CCC camps and projects in, 262-64, 267, 273

Utah Expedition, effect of, on G Hurt, 163-67

Utah Home Builders Assn., and Ensign

Peak land sale, 24

Utah National Guard, and Ensign Peak, 5, 18-19, 24

Utah Power and Light Co., 248

Utah State Capitol, 4, 11; murals in, 9

Utah State Constitution, and illegal search and seizure, 317, 318, 334

Utah State University (Agricultural College of Utah), 203, 204-5; 1905-7 consolidation controversy at, 204-21; as a land grant college, 206, 210

Utah Territorial Legislature, home industry encouraged by, 44

Utah Woolgrowers Assn., lobbyist for, 248

Ute Indians (also Utahs): and arson, 156; and farming, 154, 157; lifestyle of, at Utah Lake, 152; and slavery, 152-53; and settlers, 38, 152

Van Frank, Roger M., architect, 24

Veyo, Utah, CCC camp in, 268

Virgin City, Utah, 227; and Cotton Mission, 226; population and demographics of, 225, 228-30, 240-41; settlement of, 227-28, 232-33; and Virgin River flooding, 227, 233, 242

Virgin River, flooding of, 223-28, 233, 237-39, 241-43

Von Baur, Rudolph, Dutchtown teacher, 64

Wada, Fred, leader ofJapanese American colony in Keetley, 255-58

Wadsworth, , member of 1849 Pratt expedition, 184

Walker (Wakara), Chief: death of, 152, 153; negiotiations of, with B Young, 174; and Parowan Gap, 179-80; and Pratt expedition, 183; and slavery, 152-53

Walker, Lucille, and CCC, 271

Walker, Thomas, forest ranger, 271 Walker War of 1853, 150

Warner, Adoniram J., congressman, and silver, 338

Wasatch County: Japanese American colony in, 255-58; andjordanelle Dam, 246, 259-60; organization of, 246 See also Keetley, Utah

WasatchWave, and prohibition, 254

Washington County, growth and stability of Mormon settlements in, 222-45

Washington CountyNews: Hurricane described in, 237, 239; and Virgin River flooding, 242-43

Watkins, Arthur V., U.S. senator, and reclamation, 142

Watson, , deputy U.S marshal, bribe of, 331

Watson Sereno, botanist, 130

Wells, Heber M., and Ensign Peak, 5, 15

West, Caleb Walton, territorial governor, and antipolygamy raids, 334; and founding of ACU, 206; role of, in statehood, 300-315

West, Chauncey, member of 1849 Pratt expedition, 181, 189

West High School, and Ensign Peak, 21

Wetherill, John Oljato trading post of, 282

Wheeler, Mary Powell, 706

White, James, and G. Hurt, 161

Whitney, Orson F., speaker at WWI rally, 11

Widtsoe, John Andraes, educator and LDS apostle, and ACU consolidation controversy, 205-6, 209-21, 218

Wild, A B., Nauvoo Legion officer, and G Hurt, 165

Williams, , member of 1849 Pratt expedition, 181

Williams, Thomas, and predator control, 32, 33

Williamson, J H., remedy of, for horses, 76

Willis, Sidney, member, 1849 Pratt expedition, 181

Wilson, Morris, Hurricane settler, 239

Winsor, Ansom, and Virgin River settlements, 230

WTitwer, Joseph, and Hurricane canal, 244

Woman suffrage in 1870, 306

Wood, George, murderer, 89

Wood, Wilford C , Bountiful furrier, 24

Woodbury, R. P., and Hurricane Canal, 244

Woodruff, Wilford: and Edmunds-Tucker Act, 308; and Ensign Peak flag story, 7,

9; and Eureka miners' strike, 64; and Manifesto, 309-10, 314-15

Woolley, Flora Snow, and antipolygamy raids, 320, 327

Wooten, Lyman, Wasatch County rancher, 248

Workman, A. J., Virgin City settler, 232-33

Workman, Amos, and Hurricane Canal, 244

Workman, Charles, and Hurricane Canal,1 244

World War I: food production during, 23; patriotic rally for, 11

World War II: and CCC, 264-70, 268, 274; effect of, on Keetley, 255-58; and railroads, 361-62; reminiscence of, 363-69

Wright, Marcellus, Hurricane settler, 238-39

Young, Brigham: and Chief Walker, 174; and Cotton Mission, 224, 226, 239; and Deseret Alphabet, 310; as divinely inspired, 231; economic philosophy of, 303-4; and 1849 Pratt expedition, 172; and Ensign Peak flag story, 6, 7, 9; and Fort Lemhi, 162-63; and home industry, 44; and Indians, 149, 152-53; and papermaking, 47, 48, 52; and predator control, 27, 28, 36; relations of, with G Hurt, 149, 151, 153, 156-66; sermon of, 154; as territorial governor, 151-53, 157, 159-60, 163, 169

Young, George Cannon, architect, and Ensign Peak monument, 17

Young, Lorenzo, and predator control, 36

Young, Richard W WWI general, speech of, 11-12

Young, Wilson, Keetley Scout leader, 254

Zane, Charles S., U.T. chief justice, 312, 319

Zenny, Alfred, and 1871-72 Powell expedition, 120

ZCMI, search of, for polygamists, 324

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Department of Community andEconomic Development Division of State History

BOARD OF STATE HISTORY

MARILYN CONOVER BARKER, Salt Lake City, 1997 Chair

PETER L. GOSS, Salt Lake City, 1995 Vice-Chair

MAXJ EVANS, Salt Lake City Secretary

DALE L BERGE, Provo, 1995

BOYD A BLACKNER, Salt Lake City, 1997

DAVID D. HANSEN, Sandy,1997

CAROL CORNWALL MADSEN, Salt Lake City, 1997

DEAN L MAY, Salt Lake City, 1995

CHRISTIE SMITH NEEDHAM, Logan,1997

PENNY SAMPINOS, Price, 1995

THOMAS E. SAWYER, Orem,1997

JERRY WYLIE, Ogden, 1997

ADMINISTRATION

MAXJ EVANS, Director

WILSON G MARTIN, Associate Director

PATRICIA SMITH-MANSFIELD, Assistant Director

STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managing Editor

DAVID B. MADSEN, State Archaeologist

The Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history. Today, under state sponsorship, theSociety fulfills itsobligations bypublishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials; collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live up to itsresponsibility of preserving therecord of Utah's past

This publicadon has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of me Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Tide VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 The U.S Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs. If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C 20240