Utah Historical Quarterly Volume 25, Number 1-4, 1957

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY A. R. MORTENSEN EDITOR

Vol. XXV 1957

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY 603 EAST SOUTH TEMPLE SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH

1957

COPYRIGHT 1957 Utah State Historical Society

C O N T E N T S ARTICLES

Railroad Renaissance in the Rockies,

by Robert G. Athearn

1

The B. H. Roberts Case of 1898-1900, by R. Davis Bitton The Plains of Warsaw, by Claire Noall

27 -

47

Letters of A Proselyte, The Hascall-Pomeroy Correspondence

53, 133, 237, 339

A Constitution for Utah, by Stanley S. Ivins

95

The Mormon Question Enters National Politics, 1850-1856, by Richard D. Poll The Norwegian-Danish Methodist Mission in Utah,

by Arlow William Andersen

.

117 -

—153

Utah, the Mormons, and the West: A Bibliography, A Check List of Theses at the Utah State Agricultural College

163

Utah State Historical Society: Sixty Years of Organized History

191

The Irish in the Building of the Intermountain West,

by Robert J. Dwyer

221

The President's Report, by Joel E. Ricks

259

Lee's Ferry at Lonely Dell, by Juanita Brooks

283

A Local Paper Reports on The Utah War,

by A. R. Mortensen The Mormon Crossing of The United States, 1840-1870,

by Philip A. M. Taylor

319

Is It One World, by William Mulder

359

EDITORIAL

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS HISTORICAL NOTES INDEX

297

189

71, 171, 264, 362 91, 184, 278,

368 371

I L L U S T R A T I O N S

WILSON MCCARTHY, HENRY SWAN, J . FOSTER SYMES,

JOHN EVANS

Frontispiece

MODERN POWER MACHINERY OFF-TRACK EQUIPMENT RESEARCH LABORATORY

DIESEL-ELECTRIC LOCOMOTIVES VISTA-DOME CALIFORNIA ZEPHYRS

Between pages 14 and 15

A CERTIFICATION OF THE TRUE COPY OF THE ENABLING ACT OF

JUNE 16, 1894 JOHN HENRY SMITH, CHARLES S. VARIAN

-

100 101

BOARD OF TRUSTEES DIRECTOR AND ARCHIVIST SENATOR AND MRS. KEARNS SOCIETY BUILDING

Between pages 218 and 219

LEE'S CABIN AT LONELY DELL

283

ALBERT SIDNEY JOHNSTON

298

WILSON MCCARTHY

HENRY SWAN

J. FOSTER SYMES

JOHN EVANS

RAILROAD RENAISSANCE I N THE ROCKIES

BY ROBERT G. ATHEARN*

T N THE fall of 1935, the Denver and Rio Grande Western Rail•*• road made public a fact that for some time had been known in financial circles. It was again in difficulty. To old timers in Colorado and Utah this revelation came as no surprise. Economic distress was no stranger to the road's management; the trouble was chronic.

In its sixty-five year history bankruptcy was a word that had appeared with timetable regularity. Futile attempts to remain solvent were reflected in the steady deterioration of equipment and roadbeds as officials desperately sought to meet obligations. That the "Dangerous and Rapidly Growing Worse," as it was nicknamed, should now appear in federal court to plea for assistance caused no great stir in Denver. In fact, its absence might have been cause for comment.

The great depression had struck down mightier railroads than this and had the little line survived America's deepest economic crisis it would have been newsworthy indeed.

Of considerable interest to the people of Utah and Colorado was the court's appointment of trustees who would guide the insolvent line during its period of financial convalescence. Instead of selecting representatives from the Rio Grande's co-owners, the Western Pacific and Missouri Pacific railroads, or even turning to experienced railroaders for assistance, Federal Judge J. Foster Symes selected Wilson McCarthy and Henry Swan for the trying years ahead. While both men had achieved something of a reputation in their own fields, neither was a railroad man.

Wilson McCarthy, a native of American Fork, Utah, first came to national notice in 1932 when he was appointed by Herbert Hoover as a Democratic member of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. One of the corporation members later revealed that when the name of McCarthy was presented he asked, "Who the •The author wishes to thank the management of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad, particularly Mr. Carlton T. Sills, for complete cooperation in assembling materials for this article. All railroad records, with no exceptions, were made available for the author's free and unrestricted use. The opinions and interpretations resulting are entirely his own. Dr. Athearn is professor of history at the University of Colorado and author of several books and many articles on the history of the American West.

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hell is he?" 1 A year later, when McCarthy resigned to enter private practice in Oakland, California, the questioner knew the answer.

The former stockman, lawyer, legislator and judge from Utah proved to be an able representative of his region and it was with a good deal of misgiving that his colleagues saw him leave. Bankers from all over the nation wrote to him, expressing their appreciation of his outstanding work and sincere regret at his decision to return to private life. Charles G. Dawes, former vice-president of the United States, then head of the RFC, congratulated the westerner for his part "in the great governmental effort to tide the nation over the most severe economic and financial emergency of its existence" and pointed out that "Upon your Board was centered the hopes of a desperate people." Dawes admitted that the work had been trying and that collectively and individually each member "had a hell of a time." 2 McCarthy's co-trustee, Henry Swan, was well known in Colorado. As a young Princeton graduate he had worked with the deputy state engineer in western Colorado surveying irrigation facilities in that area. Later he entered the contracting business, rebuilding parts of the Colorado and Southern Railroad as well as the Denver and Salt Lake line. After his marriage in 1907, Swan turned to selling securities, because it promised a less peripatetic existence, and it was in the financial world that he made his reputation. Like McCarthy, he knew little of railroad management, the problems of rail traffic, or the actual details of a business they now proposed to direct. As the two men faced their task they took a long look at the bedraggled Rio Grande and studied the circumstances that led it to such a low estate.

Ironically, it was not financial starvation alone that sent the Rio Grande to the poor house, but also a bad case of indigestion brought on by gorging. During the twenties the future of the road was threatened by an even smaller and less consequential line, the Denver and Salt Lake (locally referred to as the Moffat). While the Moffat actually ran to nowhere, its tracks ending at Craig, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Reconstruction Finance C poration: Farewell to Honorable Wilson McCarthy as a member of ,!,„ n j September 26, 1933, Washington, D. C. Wilson McCarthy Scrap BookT V n l ? ' Volume I, Denver and Rio Grande Western offices, Denver. ' 2 Letter from Charles G. Dawes to Wilson McCarthy, August 19 1933 c 3P Book in possession of Mrs. Wilson McCarthy, Salt Lake City, Utah. '

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Colorado, there was always the danger that it would find funds to build on into Salt Lake City and offer the most direct rail route west. Vague threat came closer to reality when, in 1928, the Moffat Tunnel was completed,3 eliminating the expensive and weather-plagued climb over Rollins Pass. Encouraged by the reduction in operating cost which resulted from the use of this new facility, the Moffat people proposed to build a feeder line from their main road beginning at Orestod and connecting with the Denver and Rio Grande Western tracks at Dotsero. Once this was effected they could demand of the Interstate Commerce Commission, and probably get, a division of rates on the traffic of the Denver and Rio Grande Western between Denver and Salt Lake City. Then the Moffat could offer service 175 miles shorter between Denver and the Utah capital. No one in the Denver and Rio Grande Western offices needed second sight to foresee the result. Certain ruination lay directly ahead. The only solution was to buy out the potential traffic interlopers.

There was only one difficulty with the purchase plan. The railroad did not have the necessary money. But under the circumstances, with a heavy investment to protect, there remained no choice but to go ahead and plunge. It was not a wild gamble by any means; the Rio Grande had a good deal at stake. In recent years the Moffat line had improved operating results and if the Dotsero Cut-off could be built Denver's dream of a direct transcontinental line would be realized. Rio Grande management saw that if it were to be the beneficiary of this new development fast action was required. Quietly its agents went out in the fall of 1929 and during early 1930, buying up Moffat stock, some of which was purchased in the name of a dummy company. Shortly it was revealed that controlling stock of the Denver and Salt Lake (Moffat) Railroad was in the hands of the Rio Grande.* 3 For years the people of Denver had been interested in burrowing through the massive mountain front in order to eliminate some of the expensive meanderings necessary to get trains across the divide. W. G. Evans, son of an early Colorado governor, and father of John Evans who was to be so prominent in the rehabilitation of the Rio Grande, had long worked toward the realization of this dream. When the Moffat Tunnel Improvement District was established, which provided funds with which to make the bore, it was due in a large part to the persistent efforts of W. G. Evans.

Principal stockholders, led by Gerald Hughes, a prominent attorney who had long been interested in placing Denver on a direct transcontinental route, were willing to sell to a locally owned road and thereby keep the management of Colo-

4

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Just as the purchasers made ready to grasp their prize, they discovered that they held only two of the five voting trusteeships of the Moffat road. The majority of the voting trustees retained a control they could exercise until 1937. The only alternative was to work out a joint trackage agreement with the Moffat people.

After considerable squabbling between William R. Freeman, president of the Moffat, and J. S. Pyeatt, president of the Rio Grande, the trackage agreement was signed in June, 1931. One of its stipulations provided that the Moffat road surrender to the Rio Grande its right to build the Dotsero Cut-off. The Interstate Commerce Commission approved this arrangement, provided that Moffat minority stockholders received the same price paid the majority stockholders in the earlier transaction. To guarantee it, about twenty thousand shares of minority stock were placed in escrow in the Colorado National Bank along with an equal amount of Moffat stock owned by the Rio Grande, as insurance that the buyer would fulfill its agreement or forfeit its own stock. The Rio Grande then proceeded with the construction of the Cut-off, through a subsidiary known as the Denver and Salt Lake Western, organized October 17, 1924.

When the time came for the Rio Grande to make good its promise to buy up the Moffat minority stock, in 1934, it was unable to pay. The RFC, which had loaned the Rio Grande over three million dollars with which to build the Dotsero Cut-off as well as seven and one-half millions for the purchase of Moffat stock, now had to pick up the tab. It had secured its loans by taking the Rio Grande's Moffat stock and, thus the RFC, as the actual holder of the stock, was thrust into the railroad business.

Early in 1935, the Reconstruction Finance Corporation announced that it had taken over what a Denver paper called the "first federally owned, controlled and operated railroad in the United States."5 Not since 1920, when American railroads were turned to private management after World War I, had the government engaged in such operations in the continental United States.

Even in wartime it did not presume to claim ownership. Technically, the Moffat line was held in trust until the Rio Grande could pay rado's principal line at home. Hughes had at one time been offered the opportunity to sell his stock to one of the major lines and had refused when he understood that the purchase was to be made for the sole purpose of allowing the Moffat to run down and eventually be abandoned.

'The Denver Post, February 22, 1935.

RAILROAD RENAISSANCE

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off ten and three quarters million dollars it owed the federal agency.

That such would be the case was not anticipated by observers, who saw little hope for the debt-ridden Rio Grande. The allotted three years, in which it could redeem its purchase, was not enough time and "so the present temporary government ownership and control is considered the same as permanent." 6 While the Denver and Salt Lake did not disappear forever into the maw of governmental control, it would be more than a decade before it was turned over to its bankrupt owner, the Denver and Rio Grande Western.

The RFC's search for a man to head its newly-acquired road was short. Wilson McCarthy's friends in the governmental agency remembered the westerner's fine record at Washington and recommended him for the position. As the year 1934 closed he took up his duties as president of the Moffat, determined to learn all he could about a business that to him was new and fascinating.

By the fall of 1935 it was clear that the Rio Grande could no longer carry the burden it had assumed. Obligations due by the first of the coming year amounted to more than fifty-eight million dollars and there was no means of borrowing enough to make the necessary payments. Faced by a staggering $122,000,000 total debt, there was no alternative but that of bankruptcy.

Not only did the Rio Grande petition the United States District Court for reorganization under Section 77 of the federal bankruptcy act but it also asked that its subsidiary, the Denver and Salt Lake Western, join it in the proceedings. RFC attorneys protested heatedly at this inclusion, holding that the little stretch of road between Orestod and Dotsero, called the Denver and Salt Lake Western, owed it more than three million dollars loaned the Denver and Rio Grande Western to build the Dotsero Cut-off.

Cassius Clay, counsel for the railroad division of the government agency, argued that merely because his organization held a demand note against the D & SLW was no proof that it could not meet its obligations. He did not see how it could also seek refuge in bankruptcy. "The note may not be demanded for ten years," he told the court. "The company has been able to keep up its interest payments and can continue to make payments if the Denver and Rio Grande Western keeps up its lease agreement."

'Ibid.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Judge J. Foster Symes, who was to prove himself again and again to be the Rio Grande's friend, listened to the railroad's counsel who contended that the D & SLW had no assets except the new Cut-off and, valuable as that addition was, it was not sufficient collateral to cover present indebtedness. The court ruled that it could seek the same shelter as its owners.

"The object of this bankruptcy act is to give relief," ruled Judge Symes. "Financially embarrassed corporations may come under it without showing insolvency or bankruptcy. To my way of thinking a promissory note payable on demand is a threatening thing when a company has no means of paying it. Bankers regard companies with much demand paper against them as a bad financial risk." The RFC need not worry, he added; its rights would be recognized.7 The appointment of trustees to manage the Rio Grande next came before the court. The names of Thomas M. Schumaker, chairman of the executive committee of the Western Pacific, and L. W. Baldwin, president of the Missouri Pacific, were suggested. So was that of J. Samuel Pyeatt, president of the Rio Grande. But Judge Symes, a long-time legal figure of Denver, had other ideas. Once before the Rio Grande had come to his court, petitioning for assistance, and he had then listened to those who suggested outsiders as trustees. And now the road was back again, asking for help. Determined that this would be its last appearance in court, Symes turned to local men. He chose Wilson McCarthy and Henry Swan as co-trustees.

McCarthy, in his short time at the Moffat road, was already eliciting the praise of Denver papers for his excellent management.

During 1935 its traffic figures rose sharply as shipments of coal and oil from the company's trade territory increased. The choice of Henry Swan, a highly successful Denver banker, promised bright things for the sad financial condition of the defunct road. It was generally admitted in Denver that the selection of the two men was considered satisfactory by most interested groups, although it was somewhat unexpected.8 A true westerner himself, the crusty judge gathered around him a small group of Denver financiers and legal minds to serve as his advisers in the trying years ahead. Regularly he turned to 7

The Denver Post, November 19, 1935, p. 8.

Rocky Mountain News, November 19, 1935, p. 18.

8

RAILROAD RENAISSANCE

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John Evans, a leading Colorado citizen and president of the First National Bank of Denver. Symes relied heavily upon Evans to assist him in the formation of a workable reorganization plan to support his avowed intention to keep control in the West. Evans, whose family long had been prominent in the development of Colorado, now made his own contribution to the state's history by working tirelessly at the formidable task of reorganization.

Faithful to the court's purpose of freeing the Denver and Rio Grande Western from outside control, John Evans encouraged Symes in his struggle against the persistent efforts of eastern capital to again fix in connecting carriers a foreign control upon the line whose past history had been one of bondage. Faced by the immediate necessity of funds to keep the trains moving, McCarthy and Swan appealed to John Evans for financial help. By the early summer of 1936 he had arranged for the purchase by local banks of trustees' certificates amounting to $1,650,000 in order to meet payrolls, honor unpaid current bills and keep the railroad operating.9 By this means and by selling $450,000 worth of scrap, a total amount of $2,100,000 was raised. Since the railroad was faced by immediate demands for $1,800,000 to meet these payrolls and current bills, it was just a little better than broke when the money was secured.

Upon the appointment of the trustees, Judge Symes publicly promised to formulate a plan that would insure the road against future bankruptcy, guarantee payment of its obligations, and at the same time restore it to a condition that would permit it properly to serve its territory. From the outset, Symes insisted that the road was a western road, drawing traffic from Colorado and Utah, and its management should be composed of local businessmen.

Toward the end of the period of trusteeship he expressed clearly the theory upon which he had operated from the start. "The new management should be made up of western men familiar with the problems of customers living in the territory. The control, as in the past, should not be centered in a group of financial institutions in New York City, the officers of which have never willingly ventured 9 The banks that put up money were: The First National, the International Trust Company, the Denver National and the Colorado National, all of Denver; the First National and the Exchange National, of Colorado Springs; the First National of Pueblo; and the First National of Salt Lake City.

8

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

west of the Hudson and who set foot for the first time on their property when invited on an inspection trip by the trustees.

When funds with which the work might be carried on were available, Symes gave trustees McCarthy and Swan the green light.

Go ahead, he told them; build up the Rio Grande road. The court would stand behind all reasonable requests. W . W . Sullivan, an examiner of the RFC railroad division, estimated that between fifteen and twenty million dollars would be required to put the Rio Grande and Moffat roads into a condition that would permit them to compete successfully with other carriers. Wilson McCarthy agreed, and announced that he and Henry Swan would spend eighteen million dollars on improvements. Six millions would be at once poured into rebuilding of the physical plant. The road, the roadbed, the right-of-way and the rolling stock were to be put in first class condition.

The program was exactly what Symes wanted. The road had been long neglected and so stringent were its former economies that the accusation of physical danger to the passengers found some basis in fact. Its reputation was such that when in 1936 Henry Swan invited a banker friend to return east from San Francisco over the line, with the hope of getting a loan from him, the "Dangerous and Rapidly Growing Worse" sobriquet rose up to confound the trustee. Upon asking for Rio Grande routing the prospective visitor was told by an official of another railroad that it was the most dangerous thing he could do and he was positively risking his life.11 It was obvious to the court that the first step in restoration of the road was to regain public confidence in it as a common carrier.

Symes approved the proposed expenditures. In March, 1936, he authorized the trustees to proceed with modernization and granted their first request to spend $1,700,000.12 Money to proceed was obtained by the issuance of additional trustees' certificates and with it the trustees commenced to improve " Q u o t e d in Investor's Reader, June 23, 1948, pp. 20-21. Henry Swan praised Symes highly, calling him "the most important factor in the build-up of the railroad and coming out of trusteeship." "His idea was to have a strong railroad, not too heavily burdened with debt, not owned by competitive railroads but in a physical condition that was strong enough to take care of the handling of the traffic and that was the first thing he told us when we were appointed." Interview with the author, August 22, 1956.

"Interview with Henry Swan, August 22, 1956.

"Rocky Mountain News, March 22, 1936.

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the Rio Grande. Ten thousand tons of heavier rails were purchased at once. Five new passenger coaches and three combination lounge and dining cars—all air conditioned—were ordered. Ten thousand dollars were spent for mechanical devices to help load automobiles on freight cars, and another seventy-eight thousand for creosoting ties.13 It was only a beginning. In the spring of 1936 McCarthy promised the people of Colorado, in a speech made at Grand Junction, that in the next few years the Rio Grande would pour millions more into local industry through its purchases of steel, iron, copper, lumber, paint, glass, coal, oil, quarry products, electric energy and other items. There would be no let-up until the once decrepit railroad was in such top condition it could demand and receive its share of transcontinental traffic. Neither of the trustees was a railroad man but both took the position that they had a product to sell and they proposed to merchandise transportation just like any other commodity. In order to carry out such a notion the old shop had to be spruced up, otherwise no new traffic could be enticed.

While McCarthy ran the road, Henry Swan went out and laid his case before every financial group known to him, local and otherwise. In a warm letter to McCarthy, Judge Symes made it clear that this was no penny ante game when he remarked, "Henry's got five million more dollars somewhere and as yet I have not been able to drag it down."1* Before the trustees had finished, the five million, and more, were "dragged down." Over the objections of five big New York trust companies representing bondholders that held mortgages against the Rio Grande, McCarthy continued his improvement program, spending money, as Time put it, "like a drunken gandy dancer."15 Ralph Wann, one day to be a director of the road, but at that time on the side of the so-called "insurance group," said that his people feared the road was being "gold plated," or over-built. Symes, Swan, and McCarthy fought back, insisting upon a complete physical rehabilitation and, as Wann later confessed, "the position of the Denver crowd was absolutely correct."16 During 1937 the court 13

The Denver Post, March 5, 1936.

J. Foster Symes to Wilson McCarthy, January 28, 1939. In the Wilson McCarthy scrap books, Vol. I, Denver and Rio Grande offices, Denver.

"Time, February 17, 1947.

"Interview with Ralph Wann, August 6, 1956.

14

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was petitioned for permission to spend over eighteen million do a in that year alone. As McCarthy explained it, "Our purpose is to improve the Rio Grande consistent with its earning power to a point where it will provide the Intermountain West with a railroad matching the nation's leading carriers."17 More rails, more freight cars, more shop machinery and tools were wanted. Fifteen new locomotives were required. None had been purchased since 1929. Ine equipment would be expensive. Go ahead, said Symes; buy it.

Late in 1938 the court granted the trustees permission to borrow five more millions to retire outstanding trustees' certificates and to proceed with plant improvement.

The move took courage, in the face of economic facts. The same month that Symes indicated his desire to go forward with the reconstruction program, the railroad's annual report was being formulated. It revealed that during 1938 freight revenues decreased nearly 13 per cent, and passenger revenues fell off by 10 per cent.

In all departments there were comparable declines.18 The next year brought little relief. While the downward trend, brought on by a general business recession, halted, no appreciable gains were made.

Total revenues were a little more than 7 per cent above those of 1938.19 McCarthy refused to be discouraged by the cold figures he was obliged to submit in his report. "Business is good," he told reporters. "The outlook for the future is promising and the railroad is getting in line with the trend throughout the nation to have the most modern equipment that can be bought." In a speech at Kansas City he reiterated his optimism to delegates of the American Short Line Railroad Association. "There is real indication that the uptrend is at hand." 20 Certain that they were right, the trustees proceeded, buying four hundred box cars, a hundred automobile cars and fifty gondola cars.21

By January of 1940, McCarthy was talking about a "decided upswing in business conditions which has become prevalent throughout the country and which promises to continue." The road planned to spend three million dollars more during the coming year. As "Rocky Mountain News, December 12, 1936. , f i 1 8 A n , n " a l ReP°n °f the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Company, " A n n u a l Report of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Company 20

Kansas City Times, October 24, 1939. " T h e Denver Post, June 19, 1939.

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before, Symes approved, and again the eastern insurance companies complained bitterly. They wanted the budget reduced by 25 per cent, cutting out such items as the air-conditioning of passenger coaches, the construction of additional signals and other improvements. Judge Symes listened to their objections and then dismissed them.22 By the spring of 1940 the trustees were ready to make the major step of converting to a diesel-powered line. Orders were placed and by the end of the following year the Rio Grande possessed fourteen diesel switch engines and two small stainless steel diesel powered passenger trains. The trains were made up of two units, the front car equipped to carry forty-four passengers and baggage, the second containing eight standard sections, two chambrettes, dinette-observation section and rest rooms. They were named the "Prospector," and the cars bore the names of early pioneers of the region. The "David Moffat" and the "John Evans" ran west from Denver while the "Heber C. Kimball" and the "Brigham Young" made the eastbound run from Salt Lake City. Enthusiastic reporters wrote that the trains, moving along the straightways at more than seventy miles an hour, were "floating, rather, it seemed, than riding the rails." Passengers were protected by a "dead man's button" in the cab that automatically stopped the train within fifteen hundred feet should the engineer take his foot from it.23 The enthusiasm with which the trains were put into service was short-lived. Before many trips were made it was discovered that far from floating along the rails, the under-powered units labored mightily to make the mountain grades. While they proved to be unsuited for use in the Rockies, the small units became popular elsewhere and were the prototype of the modern RDC cars.

Much more successful was the conversion of freight haulage to dieselization. While war emergency passenger traffic was high, it was freight that accounted for a large percentage of the Rio Grande's income. The coming of diesel-electric locomotives to freight trains marked a great advance in efficiency of operation. On the long mountain grades steam engines frequently stopped to dump ashes, 22 Salt Lake Tribune, January 27, 1940; The Denver Post, February 6, 1940; Rocky Mountain News, February 9, 1940.

23 Annual Report of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Company, 1941, pp. 6, 8; Rocky Mountain News, November 18, 1941; Salt Lake Tribune, November 18, 1941.

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clean firebeds, take on coal and water. Diesel locomotives made the pull west of Denver up a steady 2 per cent grade at a uniform speed, eliminating all these stops. Down hill also, there were great savings.

Steam driven trains were obliged to set and release their brakes every two or three minutes. Heated wheels and other forms of braking trouble developed. Stops were made every ten to fifteen miles for periods of a quarter of an hour each to allow cooling. These delays added to the time personnel had to be paid, and they blocked the track for other traffic. Braking by diesel, with the traction motors working against the momentum, eliminated problems familiar to railroaders for more than a hundred years.24 There were other improvements. As early as 1928 the Rio Grande introduced Centralized Traffic Control to the West when it installed equipment on part of the line near Tennessee Pass.

By means of remote control single track was utilized and it proved to be about 80 per cent as efficient as double track. The saving in maintenance and repair was tremendous. So successful was the idea that during the war trustees Swan and McCarthy rushed additions, building up the system until by 1947 the Rio Grande ranked fifth in the United States in miles of C T C track.25 The introduction of "off-track" maintenance equipment provided another avenue of economy. Formerly a great deal of time was consumed in delays when work trains stopped traffic, but by the use of bull dozers, ditchers, and derricks on caterpillar tracks repairs were made with a minimum of traffic delay. Actual costs of operation were also much lower. Under the earlier method it required between forty cents and a dollar to move a yard of earth; now the cost was around five cents. By the end of the trusteeship, the company had purchased $338,400 worth of such equipment, an investment it estimated paid off at least a half million dollars annually in savings. Its effectiveness is demonstrated by the fact that in 1945, 71 per cent fewer work train miles were required than in 1929. Meanwhile the road's track was freed for war traffic, and with a train mile density 58 per cent higher than in 1929, the added utilization was indeed welcome.

Not content with the degree of perfection in their work McCarthy and Swan provided for the establishment of a company "Interview with L. J. Daly, retired D&RGW trainmaster, August in ioeÂŤ ^Investor's Reader, June 23, 1948; Salt Lake Tribune, June 16, 1943

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research laboratory. The move elicited considerable criticism from some of the old hands on the line but when its value was demonstrated beyond question they agreed that again the trustees were right. The origin of the laboratory came out of a problem as old as railroading: the eternal hotbox. Upon investigation it was found that an inferior type of oil was being used; the mistake rectified, hot boxes decreased. From there laboratory scientists proceeded to the investigation of metal stresses, trying to reduce the number of engine side-rod failures and rail breakages. When it was discovered that almost new 112 pound rail developed unexpected kinks, samples were tested in the new laboratory with the result that a new rail was designed. Its thicker web at the top and more steel in the fillet was able successfully to withstand the pounding administered by heavy mountain locomotives. Out of this research came new standards that were adopted by the American Railway Engineering Association in 1946.

By use of the magnaflux, fissures and metal fatigues too minute for the human eye, were discovered. The insides of locomotive fireboxes were studied through polarized glass; so were strains put upon model rails. Result: better and more efficient equipment. "Great strides are being made in equipment studies to decrease weight and increase capacity," said Swan in 1943. "High tensile alloys, extremely light yet stronger than heavier metals, are being perfected, and the fields of plastics, electronics and logistics are rapidly being applied to future rail transportation." He and McCarthy were looking toward the postwar years and the problem of competition with all other carriers during normal peacetime traffic conditions.26 Their willingness to innovate and experiment put them in position to do so.

Part of the program for stronger growth and a more efficient transportation product was pruning. The principal piece of surgery during trusteeship was the elimination of a 125-mile narrow gauge line running from Antonito, Colorado, to Santa Fe, New Mexico.

The change was not effected without complaint. Like marriage, participation in railroad building is sometimes more easily entered than left. Shippers along the road were not interested in the fact that the branch was losing the Rio Grande around fifty thousand dollars a year and needed about a half million in improvements if it were "Interview with Henry Swan, August 22, 1956; Rocky Mountain News, June 19, 1943, August 10, 1945.

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to be continued in use. They at once made the familiar appeal to their senators and "Big Ed" Johnson heard the call. As chairman of the Senate Interstate Commerce Committee he had more than a usual influence in these matters and before long the atmosphere was filled with lamentations about the poor little appendage scheduled for amputation. Along with senators Harry H. Schwartz of Wyoming, Henrik Shipstead of Minnesota, Dennis Chavez of New Mexico, Johnson charged that the Rio Grande purposely had encouraged motor carriers along the line while at the same time wilfully allowing its own service to deteriorate in order to gain approval of the abandonment. They stated openly that the road let perishable freight rot, by contrived delay, making it almost impossible for ranchers to use its service.27 Lamentations, senatorial and otherwise, were of no avail. In 1941 the Interstate Commerce Commission granted permission to discontinue service and the so-called "Chili" 28 line bowed out. With it went some of the folklore contributed by the narrow gauge mountain lines of the West. It was said that this was the road on which the conductor, in the caboose, could borrow the engineer's chewing tobacco plug on one curve and return it on the next, so sharp were the turns. These hairpin curves were reputed to be so tight that the road had to hinge its locomotives in the middle in order to negotiate them. Such tales originated in the tortuous character of the track as it wound through rough mountain country, dipping deep into valleys and rising high over skyline passes. Built only to satisfy a charter requirement that General Palmer's original road extend to Santa Fe, the branch had long since ceased to be a part of the Rio Grande's general plan, and its abandonment was regarded as a necessary part of the railroad modernization and reorganization.29 Meanwhile, other improvements continued to be made on the main line to make it competitive with other transcontinental railroads. Toward the end of the war a new tunnel was constructed at Tennessee Pass, costing a million dollars. While the apex of the "Rocky Mountain News, June 3, 1941.

28 So called, according to Time, because much of the freight hauled was chili peppers. Time, September 15, 1941, p. 17. Old timers on the Rio Grande have another explanation. Great numbers of Mexican-American migrant workers were carried along the route, to places of employment. So standard was their request for food at meal stops that finally the conductors began to shout "Chili" when these roadside eateries were approached.

"Business Week, March 8, 1941, p. 33.

Modern power machinery handles track rehabilitation programs with ease.

Use of off-track work equipment avoids delays to trains.

Rio Grande's research laboratory has pioneered m a n y railroading innovations.

Modern diesel-electric locomotives expedite traffic on Rio Gr?

' i n lines.

Pride of Rio Grande's passenger fleet are the stainless steel vista-dome California Zephyrs.

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15

shaft is 10,242 feet above sea level the roadbed grade was reduced from 4 to 2 per cent, allowing trains to handle any size of load.30 A few months later the Rio Grande was granted the nation's first permit to install radio communications for end-to-end train communications. Not only did it permit cab to caboose contact but train personnel could also talk to dispatchers' offices and wayside stations.31 Wilson McCarthy was not satisfied with mere physical improvement of the Rio Grande system. Looking forward to postwar years of keen competition, and demonstrating his belief that the product he had to sell was transportation, he advocated the railroad's entrance into air line service. In the fall of 1941 he told a group of the Association of American Railroads members that such for some time had been his conviction. He predicted that soon all first class mail would go by air. Noting that on the preceding year air liners carried three million passengers, he estimated that when the war was over this figure quickly would reach at least twenty millions.

Freight would also fly the air ways. "It is transportation that we are selling," he told his listeners. "And whether you push a pen, whether you are a brakeman, a conductor or a signalman, the whole purpose of it all is to sell something just as the merchant has to sell his stock before it becomes obsolete and shelf worn and out of date."32 In July, 1943, the Rio Grande Motorway, Inc., a subsidiary of the D & RGW, formally applied for permission to establish a network of freight and passenger air lines in Colorado and throughout the West. The application stated that at the war's end the railroad company wanted to establish fifteen regular airplane and helicopter lines radiating from Denver. Air, bus, and rail facilities of the line would be so coordinated that passengers might use any or all modes of travel, depending upon their needs or the condition of the weather.

Denver papers were extremely pleased over the proposal and one of them gave high praise to the trustees for their "vision to prepare now for the air-age which is bound to follow the war."33 The Civil Aeronautics Board was somewhat less enthusiastic; it denied the request. While the Rio Grande did not get a chance to ply the air lanes, the attempt underscored McCarthy and Swan's broad 80

The Denver Post, November 4, 1945.

The Rocky Mountain News, February 28, 1946.

The Denver Post, October 3, 1941.

33 Rocky Mountain News, July 7, 1943; The Denver Post, ibid.

31 82

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

and imaginative approach to problems of modern transportation.

Once more the public was treated to new and bold thinking y these pioneers of modern business frontiers. The fact that tneir notions of expanding to the clouds did not meet with governmental approval in no way lessened western enthusiasm for the forwardlooking pair of businessmen.

The principal question that must have crossed not only the minds of Judge Symes and the trustees, but that of all those interested in the Rio Grande, was whether the huge amounts of money poured into improvements would pay off. The discouraging years 1938 and 1939 did not provide a rosy picture but there was no abatement in the management's program of improvement and quest for new traffic. Charles G. Dawes, former vice-president of the United States, and a long-time banker friend of McCarthy's, foresaw the prospect of better times noticed by many others when Hitler's legions marched against Poland in September, 1939. In that month he wrote to his friend, saying: "It would seem that the European conflict should stimulate the railroad business decidedly and, I think business in general." While Dawes expressed a distaste for economic stimulation of this sort, he recognized the impact it would have upon American industry and transportation.34 Within three months the Denver Post announced that "The Denver & Rio Grande Western Railroad is back on its feet." Rising from what is described as "almost a pile of junk" four years before, the road was said now to be one of the most efficient in the nation."

Between 1935 and 1939 over four hundred bridges were rebuilt or repaired and 114 were eliminated. More than two million treated ties were inserted, almost four million tie plates installed and 239 miles of new rail were laid. New sidings now accommodated longer trains, a total of fifteen new and powerful locomotives were in service while 117 antequated engines were scrapped.

While the road's rehabilitation was remarkable, revenues were not yet enough improved to let the trustees rest easy. Income from freight rose over 5 per cent that year while that from passengers declined slightly. The next year showed the first really marked gain when freight revenue jumped more than 21 per cent and "Charles G. Dawes to Wilson McCarthy, September 8, 1939. Wilson M^n.^-K. Scrap Books, Vol. I, Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad offices Ur ewn T ver i">The Denver Post, January 21, 1940. ' -

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returns on passenger transportation increased nearly 17 per cent.86 McCarthy was extremely hopeful over the turn of events. With a good deal of satisfaction he announced in October, 1941, that the Rio Grande's net income for that month was 69 per cent above that of the same month in the preceding year and higher than any month since 1932. Coal led car loadings for the period, die figure standing at 6,965 or an increase of 2,331 over the previous October.37 America's entry into the war resulted in a sharp business upturn for all railroads, and the Rio Grande was no exception. The region it served anticipated the coming boom when in 1941 the government located a thirty million dollar small arms ammunition plant in the vicinity of Salt Lake City and another at Denver. Former Governor Henry H. Blood, of Utah, revealed McCarthy's interest in the establishments when he wrote, "I shall always remember you as being among those who took hold of the Arms Plant Problem when there seemed little hope of its final realization. You stuck to it until success crowned your efforts. This activity will prove to be a wonderful thing for the state of Utah, and I feel we were right in insisting upon receiving from the government some recognition that would put our state in the front in this undertaking."38 Newspapers were quick to notice the effect of the new traffic.

They noted that the Rio Grande's net operating income for January, 1942, was 161 per cent higher than the same month in the preceding year. By mid-1942 the increase soared to a remarkable 905 per cent. The June figure was higher than that of any month in the road's entire history.39 By the end of the year Colorado and Utah readers learned that their line was setting new records as war business boomed. Net operating income for 1942 was over seventeen millions, as compared to four and a half millions for the preceding year. During the year almost five billion net ton miles were reported, representing a rise of more than 50 per cent. Aside from a new surge in transcontinental traffic, the establishment of local in3e Annual Report of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Company, 1940, 1941.

"Salt Lake Tribune, November 28, 1941.

S8 Henry H. Blood to Wilson McCarthy, September 4, 1941. Wilson McCarthy Scrap Books, Vol. II, Denver and Rio Grande offices, Denver.

39 Rocky Mountain News, February 28, July 28, 1942.

18

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

dustries largely accounted for the change. Twenty-eight new industries, including several large government plants, were located along the line during 1942. Over five and a half million dollars of the new income were received for moving traffic to and from industries or government plants newly located in the area.*0 As the war progressed Rio Grande business made phenomenal increases. Operating revenues, up approximately 29 per cent in 1943, soared to an all-time record of more than seventy million dollars in 1944. The year 1945 climaxed all previous income levels when operating revenues reached close to seventy-five millions.

The importance of war traffic was clearly demonstrated by the 1946 figures which showed a return of roughly fifty-one millions.41 The sharp drop for that year was, of course, expected, but in the decade that followed the war's end even optimists were pleasantly surprised to see operating revenues climb back to near war time peaks and finally surpass them.

Even taking into consideration the artificial stimulus of war time economy, trustees McCarthy and Swan had produced results that amazed long-time acquaintances of the Rio Grande railroad.

In the decade between 1935 and 1945 operating revenues jumped from approximately seventeen millions to seventy millions. At the war's end the railroad employed in Utah alone more than 3,200 people and their pay checks could support a population of nearly 13,000 or about as many as resided in a place like Logan at that time.42 Under the trusteeship the whole nature of the railroad's service was changed. During the thirties and forties the production of coal and metalliferous ores in Colorado and Utah steadily declined. If the road were to survive it had to find new traffic. The solution lay in developing "bridge traffic" from other major roads that wanted transcontinental connections. Back in 1923, traffic originating on the Rio Grande amounted to 84 per cent of its total; by 1945 the figure was only forty-two.43 The war, of course, was of major importance. With the Panama Canal under great pressure by the *°Annual Report of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Ormhativ 1942, p. 8; The Denver Post, May 18, 1943. company, 41 Annual Report of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Cnrnhar,* 1943, 1944, 1945, 1946.

Company, *2Salt Lake Tribune, October 24, 1945.

"Railway Age, April 26, 1947.

RAILROAD RENAISSANCE

19

naval and military arms, and motor transport severely limited because of shortages of gasoline and rubber, railroads came back into their own as carriers. For example, the Southern Pacific's passenger revenue jumped from $24,000,000 in 1940 to $124,000,000 in 1943.

The St. Louis-San Francisco showed an increase of from $3,000,000 to $23,000,000 in the same period.

The war had another influence. Normally, eastbound traffic on the western railroads is heaviest. The Pacific campaigns equalized this and filled the trains headed west. Judge Symes estimated in 1944 that 60 per cent of the inflated earnings of the Rio Grande in the preceding three or four years was "due to Government and war business both freight and passenger."44 It was during these years that the trustees demonstrated to the transportation world that their road was not only capable of providing such service but that it could be done competitively with other lines running through the West. It was a lesson not lost upon rivals, as the Ogden gateway suits after the war demonstrated.

The very success of the Rio Grande's recovery from financial chaos brought additional difficulties and prolonged the period of trusteeship. From the outset Judge Symes stood, like Horatio at the bridge, and fought off hordes of bondholders and stockholders who struggled to retain the status of their investments. At one time he held at bay fifty attorneys, representing many more than fifty interests, as they clamored for his court to overrule the Interstate Commerce Commission's plan of reorganization. They contended that the RFC was getting all the best of it; that by freezing out common stockholders the Missouri Pacific and the Western Pacific would lose their joint control of the Rio Grande; that the road should be returned to its original owners because it was not really bankrupt at all. Recent profits tended to support their contention.

The ICC took the position that the Rio Grande ought to merge with the Denver and Salt Lake to form an independent Rocky Mountain system free from outside control. It advocated the abolition of the common stock equity, the cutting of fixed interest obligations from around seventy-two millions to around thirtyseven millions, and reduction of the annual interest from nearly **Memorandum on Confirmation of Plan, in the Matter of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Company, Debtor. Memorandum of J. Foster Symes, District Judge, November 1, 1954. In Erskine Myer Papers, Denver and Rio Grande offices, Denver.

20

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

six millions to less than a million and a half. Refund the RFC loan of almost twelve millions, said Commission attorneys, and borrow an additional six millions. By this means various obligations might be retired and necessary new working capital would be available.

Representatives of the mortgage holders—insurance companies and eastern banks—objected vigorously. They said that the railroad was worth $215,000,000 and that at such a valuation everyone, including common stockholders, should receive more equitable treatment. The ICC viewpoint differed, by $40,000,000. Its attorneys argued that the insurance groups had placed a valuation upon the road that was far too high;45 that wartime profits were not a true test of the railroad's earning capacity.

By the spring of 1941 Judge Symes recognized the impasse that had developed and handed the case back to the Interstate Commerce Commission for further study. Thus far he had held matters in a firm grip, at one time denying the RFC the right to dispose of collateral put up by the Rio Grande against its loans, and on another occasion voicing strong opposition to the payment of fixed interest charges on the ground that the road could not support such a load. Meanwhile, he continued his fight to free the railroad from outside control. Upon returning the reorganization plan to the Commission he explained his position: The Court is of the opinion that the future of this property will be better assured if it is maintained as an independent unit and the control be not sold to any connecting carrier. These carriers are more dependent upon the Rio Grande than it is upon them. Traffic control through stock ownership is artificial and restrictive in nature and tends to limit the value of the public service which the new company can render, as well as weaken the value of its securities, for "Freight traffic gravitates to the fastest schedule as quickly as water seeks its own level."*6 John Evans, reporting to Judge Symes his recommendations on the organization, had used almost identical language. Evans "Business Week, August 24, 1940, pp. 28-30. " O p i n i o n , i n the matter of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Company, Debtor, March 6, 1941, p. 11. Opinion of J. Foster Symes. In Erskine Myer Papers, Denver and Rio Grande Western offices, Denver.

RAILROAD RENAISSANCE

21

told friends, "if I have made any significant contribution to the railroad, it has been through insistence that complete independence offered the only assurance of future growth and prosperity for the Rio Grande." Early in trusteeship he convinced Judge Symes that independence was the only sound policy. Throughout the trying years he had strengthened Symes in his determination to achieve Rio Grande liberation from control by any other railroad or combination of railroads.

At one point Evans went to New York at Judge Symes' request to advise the chairman of the insurance group that Judge Symes had become convinced that "the Rio Grande must be independent of any other railroad, for such control can only be restrictive." Vividly he recalls the meeting. "What do you or any group out there know about the railroad business?" asked the dictatorial easterner, adding, "That railroad can never stand on its own feet; it must be owned by another railroad or it will have no traffic, and we'll fight to the last ditch to prevent independent operation."

"Regardless of how little you feel we know about the railroad business, I fully concur with Judge Symes in his conviction that anything but independence imposes impossible limitations," Evans countered. "I feel you are wrong, and that the Rio Grande will emerge from trusteeship free to pursue its own destiny."47 Symes struck hard at the practice of milking the company's profits by its former co-owners. In the interest of the public, and that of all the creditors, he felt that some provision must be made "that will obviate the basic causes that in the past have brought financial disaster to this property." He pointed at the trouble: the application of earnings to fixed charges not earned with the resultant deterioration of the equipment and a consequent inability to make net earnings. Avoiding future difficulties would not be hard, "provided the management, like the trustees, has the single purpose of the prosperity of this particular property in mind and does not permit its earnings and traffic to be used and diverted, as in the past, for the benefit of other properties."48 In September, 1943, after seven years of litigation, Symes approved an ICC plan for reorganization. It was the fourth plan con"Interview with John Evans, November 23, 1956.

48 Symes' Opinion of March 6, 1941, pp. 4, 5.

22

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

sidered since bankruptcy in 1935. There had been considerable argument as to whether the Rio Grande should be consolidated with the Denver and Salt Lake road. The Rio Grande and the D & SL continued to maintain separate offices and offer separate service, despite the Rio Grande's earlier attempts at purchase. As a compromise, it was now provided that the roads could be either consolidated or operated separately. What Symes wanted was the end of trusteeship. "This litigation must be terminated," he announced.

"This court is not equipped to run a railroad." The remark must have amused Wilson McCarthy. The Judge had done very well at running it. In fact, at one time, he had written to McCarthy, who was absent, saying, "I took over the railroad this morning. Everybody is reporting to me and when you and Henry return I will be very disappointed if you do not find an improvement in everything but the morale. That will probably be all shot to pieces. Reports of first day under my management show all freight and passenger trains on time and no engine failures."49 Symes' desire to get the line out of trusteeship was prompted more by the remarkable recovery of the Rio Grande than by his own modesty. While he was willing to exercise control so long as it was necessary, he felt that the time for independence was reached.

He had complete confidence in McCarthy and Swan and was entirely pleased by their rehabilitation of the railroad. "When they took it over the railroad was a wreck," he told newspaper reporters.

"There were sections of road on which trains could not operate.

Today the Denver and Rio Grande Western is doing a splendid job as a transcontinental line doing important war work. The railroad will' go back to private ownership in splendid condition with a working force second to none in loyalty and desire to serve the public. . . ."50 But the road was not promptly released from its governmental custodian. The insurance groups fought on, employing every known legal tactic to exercise control, objecting to every cent spent for improvements. Somewhat impatiently, Symes lectured them for their refusal to face economic facts. The security holders had made a bad investment, he said, "and now look to the bankruptcy court to restore value by some sleight of hand or legerdemain, which either ->ej. Foster Symes to Wilson McCarthy, January 28, 1939. Wilson McCarthy Scrap Books, Vol. I, Denver and Rio Grande Western offices, Denver " T h e Denver Post, September 15, 1943.

RAILROAD RENAISSANCE

23

never existed or had been wiped out by mis-management." Admittedly in any reorganization, certain of these investors would suffer.

"The procedure is not one designed to recoup loses," the Judge scolded. "No security holder is getting what he thinks he should.

All have suffered losses. The plan is not the best imaginable—it is the only one of several that have come before the court with the practically unanimous approval of all interested parties."51 On November 29, 1944, the plan of reorganization, already certified by the ICC, was confirmed in the Federal District Court at Denver. Those who opposed it promptly took their case to Judge Walter A. Huxman of the United States Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals, who on May 10, 1945, handed Judge Symes a stunning reverse. Huxman explained his decision: "We think any plan which gives senior bondholders their claims in full by substantially delivering the road to them and gives them surplus cash actually on hand and further enables them to receive in addition the excess war profits which are reasonably sure to come is inherently inequitable and unfair, so long as there are classes of creditors whose claims are not fully satisfied."52 The case was now appealed to the United States Supreme Court, which, in early June, 1946, rendered its decision. By a vote of six to one, the court upheld the ICC plan, reducing the company's capitalization by more than eighty-eight million dollars, wiping out stockholders and satisfying bondholders with amounts ranging from 10 to 100 per cent. It approved the Rio Grande's request for consolidation with the Denver and Salt Lake as well as the appointment of a five man committee to carry out the reorganization. This committee was to be headed by John Evans, of Denver.53 Missouri Pacific and Western Pacific attorneys at once filed a petition in Federal District Court, asking that the plan of reorganization be set aside on the grounds that circumstances were altered by a new and unexpected earning power, making the original plan obsolete. Interest rates were down, they argued; the Geneva Steel plant in Utah was now owned by United States "Memorandum on Confirmation of Plan, in the Matter of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Company, Debtor. Memorandum of November 1, 1944, by J. Foster Symes, p. 15. Erskine Myer Papers, Denver and Rio Grande Western offices, Denver.

52 The Denver Post, May 11, 1945; Rocky Mountain News, May 11, 1945.

53 The Denver Post, June 11, 1946.

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Steel and its operations promised much traffic; and finally* n^ income was up, which in itself altered the former picture.

The bitter rear guard action being fought by o p p f n e ?f S t 0 the ICC reorganization plan annoyed residents of the Rocky Mountain region and their irritation was publicly reflected by a Denver editor. "Any delay now in putting the Rio Grande reorganizatton plan into operation is a disservice to the people of Colorado and Utah," he stated editorially.55 The concern shown was not long lived. In February, 1947, by an eight to one decision, the Supreme Court reaffirmed its decision to return the Rio Grande to private ownership. Justice Stanley Reed, who wrote the majority opinion, overruled a stay order issued November 2, 1946, by the U . S. Circuit Court at Denver.

On April 11, 1947, the Denver and Rio Grande Western emerged from bankruptcy and a twelve year period of trusteeship. A Denver paper hailed it as "Independence Day" for the road which, for the first time in three-quarters of a century, found itself independent and under home management, "being run by outstanding Colorado and Utah men to best serve the public interest instead of the interests of some other railroad or Wall Street powers."56 On that day the reorganization committee, headed by Evans, held a stockholders meeting at which a new board of directors was elected. To the surprise of no one, John Evans became its chairman and Henry Swan head of the finance committee. Even more appropriately, the new board selected Wilson McCarthy as the railroad's new president.

Before concluding their task as trustees, McCarthy and Swan submitted to Judge Symes an account of improvements on the railroad. Reminding him that at the outset of their task he had instructed them to elevate the condition of the road, the men revealed that they had spent $58,000,000 for additions and betterments plus almost $15,000,000 chargeable to operating expenses incident to improvement. In a dozen years the Rio Grande had built or rebuilt a total of 401 new bridges and had repaired more than that number. More than 1,100 miles of rail were replaced, half of which was with new rail. Nearly 500 miles of track were now operated under Centralized Traffic Control.

"Ibid., September 19, 1946.

"Ibid., December 20, 1946.

"Ibid., April 13, 1947.

RAILROAD RENAISSANCE

25

New equipment characterized the Rio Grande. Ninety-three locomotives, fifty-two of which were diesel, had been purchased since 1935. The road owned nearly five thousand new freight cars and five hundred more were on order. Also on order were stainless steel passenger cars to fill the Rio Grande's mileage proportion (22.5%) of a new transcontinental train (the California Zephyr) to be operated by the Burlington, Rio Grande and Western Pacific lines between Chicago and San Francisco.

To protect the new trains, and in the interest of economy, other improvements were made. The installation of slide detector fences, the widening of cuts, and the purchase of off-track equipment, meant increased efficiency and more perfectly maintained schedules.

Along the track were new and modern depots at nine important cities, improved round-house facilities costing nearly a million dollars, and terminal improvements at all principal terminals.57 In addition to such tangible additions the trustees could point to sweeping changes in personnel methods and relations. That indifference no longer characterized Rio Grande attitudes was demonstrated in the care with which new employees were selected, the development of an aggressive, long-range advertising program, and efforts to stimulate local agricultural and industrial development.

From a moribund railroad, whose employees frequently gave only the minimum compliance, there had sprung a revitalized business organization staffed by young, imaginative and alert railroaders.

It was this that Wilson McCarthy and Henry Swan handed back after a dozen years of careful rebuilding and polishing. Always the trustees refused credit, again and again referring to Judge Symes as savior of the home railroad of Colorado and Utah. For the first time since its founding, the Rio Grande was soundly organized, ready to reap the rewards of independence.

The Rio Grande, with the men who had so successfully molded it from a derelict to one of the most modern railroads in the country at its head, turned its attention to the further development of an area rich in economic potential. How eminently they succeeded 57 Final statement of account of Wilson McCarthy and Henry Swan, Trustees of the property of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Company, and dieir trusteeship of the Debtors Estate from November, 1935, to 12:01 A. M., April 11, 1947. In the District Court of the United States for the District of Colorado; in proceedings for the reorganization of a railroad; in the matter of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Company, Debtor No. 8669.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

is no more eloquently portrayed than in the road's annual reports which reveal a peacetime business surpassing the artificially stimulated wartime traffic by a substantial margin. And as residents of the region watch the "Grande Gold" and black diesels whisk heavily laden bright new freight trains through mountain passes, or stop to admire the shiny California Zephyr as it makes its way, every seat filled, to the Pacific Coast, they are proud, for no longer is their railroad a "bankrupt hunk of rusty junk." The "Dangerous and Rapidly Growing Worse" is no more.

THE B . H . ROBERTS CASE O F 1898-1900

BY R. DAVIS BITTON* JANUARY 25, 1900, the House of Representatives by a vote ^-^ of 268 to 50, refused to seat Brigham Henry Roberts, congressman-elect from the newly-admitted state of Utah. The events leading up to that exclusion illustrate a period of significant transition. For the last decade of the nineteenth century in Utah was one of momentous change, a period in which were caught up together the problems and conflicts of the nineteenth century and the promise of the twentieth. The transition from pre-Manifesto to post-Manifesto social orientations, the mollifying of the bitter Mormon-Gentile conflict, the mass shifts in political loyalty accompanying the rise of national parties in Utah, the advancement from territorial status and carpet-bag government to statehood and selfgovernment—all these threads converge in the B. H. Roberts' case of 1898-1900. /^\N

I Roberts was born in Warrington, Lancashire, England, on March 13, 1857. His parents were converts to the Mormon Church, and in 1862 his mother with two of the youngest children left for Utah.

He followed in 1866 and joined the family in Bountiful, Utah, where he worked on the farms and in the mines of the territory. At the age of seventeen, Roberts was apprenticed to a blacksmith, thus following the trade his father had practiced in England. In 1877, with only a modicum of secondary school background, he entered the University of Deseret, from which he graduated as valedictorian in 1878. That same year he married Louisa Smith.

For most of the 1880's Roberts was engaged in missionary work. At the age of twenty-three, he was called on a two-year mission to the Mid-western and Southern states. When this mission was completed, he was immediately called on another mission, and, still in his twenties, was named as mission president. In 1885, just before he was transferred to the British Mission, he took as his second *Mr. Bitton has done graduate work at the Brigham Young University and is currently working toward his doctorate at Princeton University.

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wife, Celia Dibble, by whom he was to have eight children. In the British Mission he edited the Millennial Star for two years. Upon his return, at the age of thirty-one, Roberts was named to the First Council of Seventy.1 This return from England coincided with perhaps the darkest days of the Church in Utah. According to the provisions of the Edmunds-Tucker Act of 1887, the Church was disincorporated; much of its property was seized; and a new test oath, by which voters were to deny practice or advocacy of polygamy, resulted in a denial of the franchise to thousands of Mormon voters. Many prominent Mormon leaders went into hiding; others were tried and consigned to the penitentiary. Among the latter group was Roberts, who on April 29, 1889 was arraigned and pleaded guilty to the crime of unlawful cohabitation. He was sentenced to four months in the penitentiary.2 It was in reaction to these trying conditions that the Woodruff Manifesto, which formally brought to an end the contracting of polygamous marriages in Utah, was unanimously sustained at the October 1890 general conference of the Church.

The Manifesto resulted in significant political changes in Utah.

Until this time the political parties in the territory had been divided along religious lines, with the People's party constituted primarily of Mormons and the Liberal party representing the Gentile element.

In June 1891 the People's party disbanded, and its members were divided along national party lines. Although the Liberal party, suspicious of Mormon intentions, hung on until 1893, it too finally disbanded. Thus was introduced a new era in Utah politics.

Roberts was among those who allied themselves with the Democratic party. The Democrats at this time were clearly the strongest party in Utah, and Democratic leaders, attempting to gain support for statehood from the national party, confidently promised that Utah would be a Democratic state. Democratic optimism was short-lived, however; for when the Liberal party disbanded in 1893 and its leader, Judge O. W . Powers, on whom little love was wasted by the Mormons, assumed a place of leadership in the Democratic ir This biographical information was taken from the article, "Roberts, Brigham Henry," in Dumas Malone, ed., Dictionary of American BiograPhv V'(16 vols Scribners, 1935), XVI, 3 f.

2 Records of the Third District court of Utah Territory as cited by the Salt Lake Tribune, October 12, 1898.

T H E B. H. ROBERTS CASE

29

party, many Mormons were loathe to support the Democrats. Also contributing to a mass exodus from the Democratic party were the economic collapse of 1893 and the commercial policies of President Cleveland.3 Thus it was that the Republicans, who had polled only 6,613 votes in the election of 1891, doubled their support in 1892 and by 1894 had 21,343 votes, which were sufficient to elect the Republican delegate to Congress.

The following year Roberts was selected as the Democratic candidate for Congress. It was during this campaign that a great deal of excitement was caused by the Thatcher-Roberts incident.

The incident began when Roberts and another high Church official, Apostle Moses Thatcher, were censured by the presiding officials of the Mormon Church for seeking public office without first consulting their colleagues about the advisability of dividing their energies between church and state affairs. The Democrats were quick to raise the cry of "church influence," but as Roberts later said: Undoubtedly President [Joseph F.] Smith was right in reproving these brethren for their derelection of duty in the respect named; for the right he claimed for the church authorities to be consulted under such circumstances and by men holding such relationship to the organization as did the two candidates criticized, was reasonable. The derelection of the two brethren undoubtedly arose, however, not through wanton disregard of their superior officers or disrespect for the church, but through the confusion which at the time prevailed in regard as to what was to be the attitude of high ecclesiastics of the church respecting political office holding.4 Although defeated in this election, Roberts ran well ahead of his party and also was encouraged by the fact that his marital affairs did not become a campaign issue.

Utah became a state in January 1896, but it was not until two years later that Roberts again expressed interest in becoming a candidate. In the summer of 1898 he paid a visit to James H. Moyle, a prominent Utah Democrat and next chairman of the state party.

3 Glen Miller, "Has the Mormon Church re-entered Politics?" The Forum, XX (1895), 501 f.

4 B. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 vols., Salt Lake City, Deseret News Press, 1930), VI, 331.

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When Roberts indicated that he again had ambitions for Congress, Moyle opposed the idea. But when others in the party who thought that he planned to nominate Roberts threatened him, Moyle angrily reversed his position and decided to go ahead with the nomination.

Later, at a Democratic dinner in one of the Salt Lake City hotels, Roberts was discussed and, with the exception of Moyle and former delegate Rawlins, was unanimously opposed as a candidate. Rawlins thought that the clouds had blown over and that the marital status of Roberts would not be an important issue.5 Perhaps he too had been encouraged by Roberts' comparative smooth sailing in the 1895 campaign.

But times had changed since 1895. During the summer of 1898, a Salt Lake City lawyer by the name of A. T. Schroeder had published articles in the Kinsman, a small anti-Mormon newspaper in Utah, charging that the Mormons had reverted to polygamy. This same man published a small sheet called Lucifer's Lantern, in which he harrassed the Mormons and insinuated that they were practicing polygamy as strongly as ever. Even more important than these periodicals, however, was the meeting of the State Presbytery at Manti on August 29. The Presbytery drew up a list of six charges against the Mormon Church, 6 the most important of which were probably (1) that unlawful cohabitation had resulted in more than one thousand births since statehood and (2) that polygamy was flourishing, with no attempt being made to enforce the law. Although the Deseret News did not hesitate "to deny in toto the assertions made,"' the charges received wide publicity.

It is related of "Christian" missionary work in heathendom that a polygamous chief, converted to one of the numerous modern religious sects, was instructed that he could not receive baptism until he had separated from all his wives but one. After a time he returned to the minister and announced himself a monogamist. Being questioned as to what he had done with his plural wives, he promptly replied, "Me eat 'em." Do our Christian friends (?) ex5 From Moyle's diary as quoted in Gordon B. Hinckley, James Henry Moyle (Salt Lake City, Deseret Book Company, 1951), 230 ff.

6 The Presbytery's full statement is given in the Salt Lake Tribune, September 1, 1898.

'Deseret News, September 1, 1898.

T H E B. H. ROBERTS CASE

31

pect the Mormons to summarily dispose of their plural families to please the Presbytery?8 When Roberts' desire for the Democratic nomination became known, there were other omens of trouble. In Cache County the old "church influence" controversy threatened to erupt. 9 The Tribune, which during the campaign of 1895 had never mentioned Roberts' marital status, served notice that it too had changed. In a September 6 editorial, it said that "if men are nominated of whom nothing can be said except they are prominent for nothing except positions in the Mormon church, and who are believed to be lawbreakers every day, that will be a notice not only to the people of Utah, but to the United States, that conditions have really not changed, but that one purpose has been adhered to from the first, and that the rank and file of the Saints are ready now to carry it out." This time the Tribune was not planning to deal gently with Roberts.

II It was in this climate of opinion, with feelings high and charges of reversion to polygamy coming from all sides, that on September 13, Moyle rose to his feet in the state primary convention and nominated Roberts. His closing words were: It is our bounden duty to place in nomination only the best, the strongest, the most eloquent, the best-equipped man that can be found in the State. If such are our desires, if such are the lofty purposes that animate us, if such are the considerations that actuate us, then I say, fellow delegates, that there is but one man in all Utah that so perfectly fills the place as does that favored son, stalwart, peerless, matchless speaker, the "Blacksmith orator" of Utah, B. H. Roberts.10 The nomination was applauded by the Democratic Herald, which said, "in all probability the opposition will make a personal fight upon Mr. Roberts, for which he is doubtless prepared. The Herald will defend his democracy and the political rights of the 8 Ibid., September 3, 9 Salt Lake Tribune, 10

1898.

September 1, 1898.

As quoted in ibid., September 15, 1898.

32

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

people he represents."11 The Tribune, in its September 16 edition, jubilantly inserted the Herald statement in about five places throughout the paper, commenting that "it will defend what is not going to be attacked, but won't defend him from 'personal attacks,' knowing apparently that there is no defense. . . . It is a prudent limitation, and one whose prudence will become more and more evident as we progress with the campaign."

Thus began a furious and incessant campaign on the part of the Tribune which was not to abate until the eve of the election.

Not a day passed that the editorial page did not carry an article against Roberts; on some days there were two or even three such articles on the same page. The front page was decorated with vicious political cartoons which, capitalizing on the supposed recent birth of twins to one of Roberts' wives, portrayed the candidate in all sorts of embarrassing situations. The Tribune left no stone unturned in its search for reasons why Roberts should not be elected. The chief reasons, as they developed through the campaign, were as follows: 1. Roberts owed a "higher fealty" to the Mormon Church.

"Were he in Congress, a desire on the part of the church chiefs would be more to him than any claim of the Government of the United States. A request by ten thousand of the business men of Utah would, at a single intimation from the head of the dominant church here, be ignored by him." 12 2. Roberts was a law-breaker and, if elected to Congress, "could not take the prescribed oath without committing perjury."18 3. Roberts had devoted almost all of his time to church affairs and therefore was deficient in his knowledge of government.14 4. Roberts had opposed woman suffrage.15 It was for this reason that a letter from Susan B. Anthony, published in the Tribune on November 3, urged the women of Utah not to vote for him.

"Salt Lake Daily Herald, September 15, 1898.

"Salt Lake Tribune, September 17, 1898.

"Ibid., October 11, 1898.

"Ibid., September 18, 1898.

"Ibid., October 22, 1898.

T H E B. H. ROBERTS CASE

33

5. Roberts had opposed an eight-hour day for labor and therefore should be opposed by Utah labor.16 6. The election of Roberts would be considered a breach of faith by those who granted Utah statehood.17 7. The election of Roberts would influence public opinion against Utah and dissuade business interests from establishing in Utah. 18 8. The election of Roberts would have a disastrous effect on Mormon missionary work.19 This last point was mentioned only once, but it shows how far the Tribune which was anything but interested in the success of Mormon missionaries, was willing to go in its attempt to influence the Mormon voters.

What was being done meanwhile to defend Roberts from these blasts? One turns in vain to the Deseret News for a defense. In contrast to the vigorous, outspoken editorial policy of the Tribune, the News tried to remain aloof in the campaign and let the "party organs" argue it out. Its milk-and-water editorials have little appeal today, and that some of its readers then were impatient with its refusal to take a stand is indicated by a Herald statement: "The News seems to be in mortal terror of mentioning the Tribune by name. It beats around the bush, soars in the clouds, does everything but say in words what it hopes its readers will infer."20 The Herald, on the other hand, despite its original intention not to discuss Roberts' personal life, not only raised its voice in a vigorous defense but took the offensive against the Republican candidates. With reference to Roberts' supposed "higher fealty," it asked why the same charge would not apply to John Henry Smith, an apostle, and Alma Eldredge, president of Summit Stake, both of whom were supported by the Tribune. 21 With reference to the charges of unlawful cohabitation, it reminded its readers that during the constitutional convention it was the Tribune editor who was loudest in declaring that the only requirement for statehood was "Ibid., September 28, 1898.

"Ibid., October 5, 1898.

"Ibid., October 1, 1898.

"Ibid., October 4, 1898.

20 Salt Lake Daily Herald, September 30, 1898.

21 Ibid., October 1, 1898.

34

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

diat die contracting of plural marriages should cease." About Roberts* supposed inabdity in government, the Herald quoted previous Tribune editorials in praise of Roberts and criticized its "forked tongue."28 But newspapers were not the only antagonists. During the campaign the sectarian churches began to be more vociferous and more specific The Presbyterian Synod of Utah, meeting at Ogden in October, made charges of reversion to polygamy and included in dieir resolution a call for agitation and a memorial to Congress.24 Later that same month the Congregational Association of Utah drafted a bold resolution which made indirect but unmistakable reference to Roberts. The people were urged by the resolution to elect only candidates who were "law-abiding and whose private lives are in accordance widi the laws of the State and in agreement with the pledges made to Congress leading to the admission of Utah." 25 It was such sectarian agitation which, in the long run, had the greatest influence on the ultimate outcome of the case.

Early in the campaign the opponents of Roberts began thinking of possible courses of action should he be victorious at the polls. Warren Foster, the Populist candidate, indicated "a possible fight in Congress . . . in the event of Mr. Roberts' election."26 On October 5, the Tribune, fearful of a Roberts' victory, editorialized: If Mr. Roberts is elected he will be denied a seat in Congress. Mr. Cannon was denied diat seat 18 years ago, though the Southern members in that House were disposed to help him on the grounds that die Saints were being persecuted by carpet-baggers. There will be nothing of that kind in dais case. The record will be the thing to judge by, and there will be protests from every outside church in the Union against his admission, and Congress will not seat him.

Protesting the election was therefore not a last-minute maneuver adopted only after the votes were counted.

"Ibid. ^Ibid., October 8, 1898.

2 *Salt Lake Tribune, October 18, 1898.

"Ibid., October 27, 1898.

2e Ibid., September 18; October 16, 1898.

T H E B. H. ROBERTS CASE

35

Just before election day, two influential leaders in Utah tried to sway the voters from Roberts. Governor Heber M. Wells stated that "a vote for Roberts is a vote against Utah," 27 and not less a Mormon leader than George Q. Cannon stated that "any man who cohabits with his plural wives violates the law." 28 With frequent charges being made against Roberts at this time, such a statement as Cannon's could hardly be calculated other than to decrease public support for him.

But all efforts of Republicans, Congregationalists, Presbyterians, and die Salt ITke Tribune to the contrary, on November 8, 1898 Roberts received 32,316 votes, compared to 27,108 for the Republican Eldredge and only 2,025 for the Populist Foster. The following day a Tribune cartoon, showing Roberts dancing into Washington, was accompanied by the following jingle: Hal Hal Hal There's My Pa, He'll Go to Washington, But He Won't Take Ma. The battle was ostensibly over. Popular opinion had decided the issue; Roberts was victor.

The campaign issues were too deep-rooted, however, to be resolved so easily. The former intimations of protesting the election were more than "sounding brass." On December 6, 1898, a body of prominent Salt Lake City clergymen joined in a lengthy protest of the election. Making specific charges against Roberts and deploring his election as a breach of promise by Utah, they called "most earnestly upon the people of the United States to join us in a strong protest to Congress against the admission of the member-elect from this state." 29 The ground had been prepared by the previous Presbyterian and Congregationalist agitation, but this protest of the Ministerial Association was destined to have by far the widest influence. It was sent to religious bodies all over the country. They responded by circulating petitions and drafting memorials to Congress. All during 1899 the agitation continued, and when Congress convened on December 4, 1899, it was greeted by petitions which "Ibid., November 5, 1898.

Ibid., November 7, 1898. soSalt Lake Daily Herald, December 7, 1898.

28

36

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

were later described as "piled up there in front of the Speaker's desk 7 or 8 feet high, wrapped about with die national colors, said to contain 7,000,000 names."30 To estimate the effect of such a public demonstration one needs only to realize that a petition signed by a like percentage of the national population today would contain well over 15,000,000 signatures.

HI On December 4, 1899, when Roberts presented himself for swearing in as representative from Utah, Robert W . Tayler (R) of Ohio arose and objected on the grounds of Roberts' previous conviction for unlawful cohabitation. He also indicated, although he did not wish to defend the point, that there was some doubt about Roberts' naturalization. As an indication of the gravity of the question, Tayler pointed to the memorials "from over 7,000,000 American men and women, protesting against entrance into this House of the Representative-elect from Utah." 31 Thomas C. McRae (D) of Arkansas also objected. In addition to attacking polygamy as an institution, he charged that Utah by electing Roberts had violated "the fundamental compact made by his State with her Government." 32 This question of compact was later to become one of the fundamental issues in die controversy.

The next day provision was made for three hours of debate, half to be controlled by Tayler and half by James D. Richardson (D) of Tennessee. Tayler discussed the following questions: Can Congress impose qualifications other than those listed in die Constitution? Has Congress imposed such qualifications? Has Congress, independent of any previously enacted law, die right to impose a qualification when a member-elect comes to the bar? Can the question of his eligibility be raised when he comes to the bar to be sworn, and can he be required to stand aside until the House shall have investigated the question of his right to take a seat? Tayler, in a lengthy argument from precedents, answered all these questions in the affirmative.83 80 Thetus W. Sims of Tennessee in the Congressional Record, 55 Cong.

1 sess. (1900), XXXIU, Part 2, p. 1176.

"Ibid., 5.

"Ibid.

"Ibid., 38 ff.

T H E B. H. ROBERTS CASE

37

Richardson did not seek to establish Roberts' ultimate right to retain his seat in the House. He did feel, however, that Roberts was entitled to be sworn in, and then "if found guilty as charged, he can be removed from the House in an orderly and becoming fashion."34 The main issue, as it was now developing and which later was to divide the committee, was not a choice between accepting and rejecting Roberts, but a choice between means of rejecting him. Tayler stood for excluding, Richardson for expulsion after swearing in.

When Richardson yielded thirty minutes to the gentleman from Utah, Roberts asserted that, although he had in fact pleaded guilty to the charge of a misdemeanor twelve years ago, two presidential amnesties and statehood had removed any disqualifications which hindered him then. He called attention to the fact that members of the House, as part of their congressional immunity, could not be arrested for a misdemeanor, yet they were seeking to deny him admittance to the House "upon allegation of some one that I am guilty of a misdemeanor."35 Referring to the charged breach of compact, he said that since statehood the administration had appointed to federal offices in Utah men against whom charges of unlawful cohabitation had been made; and so the administration was just as guilty as anyone of breaking the compact. Referring to the mammoth petition, he suggested that most of the signatures had been collected in Sunday Schools. He also read a letter used in collecting signatures for the petition indicating that those who had signed could sign again. In concluding his remarks Roberts said, "In asking for my political rights upon the floor of this House I do not champion the cause of polygamy. . . . I am not here to represent polygamy, I am not here to advocate it, I am not here to ask a repeal of the provision in the constitution of my State which places that practice now under the ban of constitutional provision as well as under statutory law."36 The arguments thus far had been on a rather high plane, confining themselves to the legality of the case. Fitzgerald of Massachusetts, however, indignantly condemned Mormonism as "the curse of this country to-day. It is nothing else than legalized licentious"Ibid., 44. a ÂŤIbid., 48.

8 ÂŤ7bid., 49.

3S

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

ness and corruption." For several minutes he lashed out at the Mormons in this manner. 37 It was finally decided to create a special committee on the case of Brigham H. Roberts, which would examine the case in detail and then report back to the House. Included on the committee were representatives Robert W . Tayler (R), Charles B. Landis (R), Robert P. Morris (R), Romeo H. Freer (R), Smith McPherson (R), Samuel W . Lanham (D), Robert W . Miers (D), Charles E. Littlefield (R), and David A. De Armond (D). The party affiliation of these committee members has little significance to the case. In deed, neither the voting in committee nor the final voting in die House was along party lines.

It was in the committee, of course, that the case received its thorough investigation. Roberts was not represented by counsel but sat in on the hearings himself, asking questions of others, and presenting his own case. Although not a lawyer and occasionally slightly handicapped by that fact, he spared no energies in studying die precedents and qualifying himself thoroughly to discuss die issues as they would arise. Chief counsel for the opposition was die Salt Lake City lawyer and editor of Lucifer's Lantern, T. S. Schroeder.

Roberts on one occasion showed his contempt for Schroeder and his supporters in these words: I call your attention to the class of people who are, I will not say persecuting, because I have a sort of contempt for that word, and do not propose to plead persecution, but those who have hounded me to the direshold of the House of Representatives? Who are they? Are they the bankers, the merchants, the lawyers, the representative people of the State of Utah, or are they confined exclusively, with die single exception of a tenth-rate lawyer who is without standing in his own state, to missionaries sent from the Eastern States to convert the "heathen Mormons," and having been opposed by one native to the faith of the Mormon religion now pursue him to the doors of the House of Representatives? Is not the class entirely confined to them? Where are

"Ibid., 51.

T H E B. H. ROBERTS CASE

39

the petitions from the representative classes of the State of Utah? 38 The questionability of Roberts' naturalization, though it was mentioned repeatedly during the hearings, was never urged as a sufficient reason for excluding him. The committee did, however, seek to determine the truth of the basic charge that Roberts had been living in open violation of the law. Affidavits were collected, witnesses were called. One of the witnesses reported seeing a picture of Roberts in the home of one of his polygamous wives. Another reported seeing Roberts in the company of one of the wives. A Dr. Wishard reported that Roberts had introduced one of the wives to him as "Mrs. Roberts"—to which Roberts replied that relations were such between himself and Wishard that he would hardly have introduced anyone, let alone his wife, to Wishard. 39 When one of the memorials charged not only three but four marriages, Roberts replied, "I challenge name, place, and all there is connected with it, because it is not true in any particular."40 The charge was frequent that Roberts did not deny his guilt, but he did in fact specifically deny contracting any plural marriages since the 1890 Manifesto. He also pleaded not guilty to the charge that he had lived in polygamous relations, in violation of law, since his plea of guilty in 1889.41 He maintained that since he had not been convicted of any crime since 1890, the various affidavits were not sufficient for conviction.

Roberts insisted that vindication of the law had never been the object of his opponents. If he were guilty of the charges, he said, then he was equally guilty during the election of 1895. Yet no one had sought to indict him then. Also, since the campaign of 1898, during which the charges were made, he had been constantly before the public, had walked the streets of Salt Lake City in broad daylight. Yet no one had sought to indict him. Only in the fall of 1899, when he had left for New York, did someone enter charges of adultery against him. Roberts immediately wrote a letter to the prosecuting attorney, expressing his willingness to return to Utah if S8 House of Representatives, "Special Committee on the Case of B. H. Roberts, Hearings, January 4-5, 1900" [Washington, Government Printing Office], 206.

88 Ibid., 184 ff.

40 Ibid., 192.

"Ibid., 175.

40

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

necessary. That he had not been required to do so was proof to Roberts that there was not sufficient evidence for conviction.4' Perhaps more important, however, were the basic legal issues which developed during the hearings. Chief of these were the following: (1) How did Section 8 of the Edmunds law affect Roberts' eligibility? (2) How was this eligibility affected by the presidential amnesties? (3) How was it affected by the enabling act and statehood? (4) What was die compact between the United States and the people of Utah, and was that compact violated in the election of Roberts? In an attempt to give a fair presentation of both the Schroeder and Roberts' positions, each of these issues shall be discussed separately.

1. The Edmunds law. Section 8 of the Edmunds law, which during the hearings was quoted and requoted, reads as follows: Sec. 8. That no polygamist, bigamist, or any person cohabiting with more than one woman, and no woman cohabiting with any of the persons described as aforesaid in this section, in any Territory or other place over which the United States have exclusive jurisdiction, shall be entitled to vote at any election held in any such Territory or other place, or be eligible for election or appointment to or be entitled to hold any office or place of pubUc trust, honor, or emolument in, under, or for any such Territory or place, or under the United States.43 The contention of Schroeder was that under the provisions of this section the citizenship of Roberts had been impaired and that it had never been restored to its former condition. The phrase "under the United States" came in for considerable discussion. Although he recognized die difference between a territory and a state, Schroeder maintained that since Washington D. C. was "under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States," any office held there would still be included in the intent of the Edmunds Act.44 Roberts maintained that the entire Edmunds law was limited to territories. Senators and representatives were not, he contended, "Ibid., 194 f. " A s quoted in Ibid., 128.

"Ibid., 135.

T H E B. H. ROBERTS CASE

41

offices "under the United States" and therefore would not be affected by the Edmunds law.45 2. The presidential amnesties. In 1893, as a result of a plea from the general authorities of the Mormon Church, an amnesty proclamation in behalf of those imprisoned for unlawful cohabitation was issued by President Benjamin Harrison. They were granted amnesty "upon the express condition that they shall in future faithfully obey the laws of the United States, hereinbefore named, and not otherwise." This proclamation was reaffirmed by President Grover Cleveland in a similar statement.46 Schroeder held that since both amnesties were "expressly conditioned on compliance with the law," Roberts' eligibility remained just as though they had never been issued.47 Roberts agreed that the amnesties required compliance with the law. But those pardoned were not required "to set the town crier at work," nor were they required to go before a court and make a statement. How, then, was compliance with the terms of the amnesty to be judged? There were two evidences: (1) If there had been no accusations before the courts, or prosecutions, the fair presumption was that the law had been observed. (2) If an individual had enjoyed publicly the advantages that would come from the amnesty, the presumption was that he had complied with its terms.

Both of these evidences applied to Roberts.48 3. The enabling act and statehood. The enabling act of 1893, which allowed Utah to prepare a constitution for statehood, provided for a new registration of voters to be administered by the Utah Commission. In doing this the Commission changed the oath taken by voters and left out any reference to polygamy. This not only enabled such men as Roberts to vote, but also to act as delegates to the constitutional convention. Whereas Congress could justifiably prescribe qualifications for territorial elections, Utah, when admitted as a sovereign state, prescribed the qualifications for its own electorate.

Again there was no such disabling clause as that of the Edmunds law.

Schroeder held that the enabling act required citizenship as one of the prior qualifications for voting, and if the citizenship of "Ibid., 200 f.

"Amnesties cited in Ibid., 15 f. ÂŤ7Jbid., 164 ff.

48 Ibid„ 204 f.

42

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Roberts had previously been impaired, statehood was hardly calculated to restore it. In this connection, it should be remembered that Schroeder had made a distinction between citizenship in a state and in the United States. The Utah laws might make it possible for Roberts to exercise some of the rights of citizenship, but as far as the United States was concerned, his citizenship was still impaired.49 Roberts insisted that the intent of Congress in the enabling act was "to remove disabilities that had been created by the Edmunds law."50 He cited an attempt to make the enabling act inclusive of those disabilities and concluded that in rejecting that attempt Congress showed its intent.

4. The compact. Schroeder indicated that there were two interpretations as to the nature of the compact between the United States and Utah. One was that only new polygamous marriages were to be prohibited. The other maintained that unlawful cohabitation also was included in this compact. In an attempt to establish that Congress was led to believe that Utah promised to cease both new polygamous marriages and unlawful cohabitation, Schroeder quoted statements from the following Mormon leaders: S. F. Richards, Wilford Woodruff, Joseph F. Smith, George Q. Cannon, Lorenzo Snow, and Apostle Lund. All these statements taken together constitute the "promise" of Utah. The sending to Congress of Roberts, an open and flagrant violator of the law, is a distinct breach of "these promises." That the enabling act itself does not mention unlawful cohabitation is accounted for, said Schroeder, by the fact that Congress believed such relations to have been discontinued.51 Roberts considered the discontinuing of unlawful cohabitation to have been not at all part of the compact. The best way to find out what a compact is, he said, is to go to the compact, whereupon he reread the crucial clause of the enabling act: "Provided, that polygamous or plural marriages are forever prohibited." He noted that there is no clause requiring the disruption of family relations and at the same time rejected Schroeder's explanation for that omission. For if it were believed that unlawful cohabitation had ^Ibid., 124 ff.

50 Ibid., 206.

"Ibid., 140 ff.

T H E B. H. ROBERTS CASE

43

been discontinued, it also was believed that the contracting of new polygamous marriages had been discontinued. The omission of reference to the former, therefore, was expressly so as not to press "too hard upon the people who were involved in those relations."52 He quoted from the proceedings of the constitutional convention to show that the Utah legislators understood the enabling act to pertain to future marriages only. "That part of the law that would tend to disrupt the relations of the past was knowingly, purposely, and publicly omitted from the provisions that was meant to meet the demands of the United States on the part of the people of Utah." 53 That these proceedings were available to the president of the United States and that he nevertheless accepted the Utah Constitution as fulfilling the requirements showed conclusively that the people of Utah had satisfactorily met the demands of Congress.

With rare exceptions Roberts was treated cordially by the committee. Some of his views were favorably received and eventually found their way into the minority report. By the same token, Schroeder was at times hard pressed by members of the committee.

The end result of the deliberation, however, was to split the committee simply on the means of sending Roberts back to Utah.

On January 23, 1900, the Roberts' case was again opened on the floor of the House. Tayler, representing the majority, asserted that Roberts should be excluded for three reasons: (1) his violation of the Edmunds law; (2) his declarations, words, and acts showed that he considered himself to be above the law; and (3) in sending Roberts as representative-elect from Utah the people of that state had violated the compact with the United States. The majority rejected Roberts' plea of innocence to the charge of unlawful cohabitation since 1889. Referring to the second wife, Celia Dibble, whom Roberts married "about 1885," Tayler said, "With her he has lived ever since. She has borne him six children, the last of whom were twins, born in 1897. This woman he married with full knowledge of the law, openly, publicly, notoriously holding her out as his wife and rearing children by her." 54 Roberts also was charged with marrying a third wife, Dr. Margaret Shipp, although he claimed that this marriage occurred before 1890.

52

Ibid., 216.

"Ibid, 221.

"Congressional Record, 56 Cong, 1 sess. (1900), XXXIII, Part 2, p. 1074.

44

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The minority of the committee, comprised of Littlefield and De Armond, took direct issues with two of the above three charges.

The Edmunds law, they said, applied only to territories and since Utah had become a state had no application to Roberts. As for the supposed violation of compact, the minority replied: The idea of a compact or contract is not predicable upon the relations that exist between the State and the General Government . . . The condition upon which Utah was to become a State was fully performed when she became a State. . . . No power was reserved in the enabling act, nor can any be found in the Constitution of the United States, authorizing Congress, not to say the House of Representatives alone, to discipline the people of the State of Utah, because the crime of polygamy or unlawful cohabitation has not been exterminated in Utah. 55 They also attacked the basic assumption of the majority that die House could add qualifications for membership to those listed in the Constitution. The minority conclusion, however, was simply that Roberts should be admitted and then immediately expelled When Roberts was given the floor for the last time, although he certainly realized the hopelessness of his case, his sense of humor was still intact.

I find myself in the position where one could say, with some propriety, perhaps, "a plague on both your houses" [laughter], since the propositions of both minority and majority reports equally propose my undoing.

The situation, however, may not be altogether without its advantages; for if the minority can convince the House, as I confess it has me, that I ought not to be excluded, and, on the other hand, if the majority can convince the House, as it has me, that I can not be expelled [laughter], it seems to me that matters would fall out about as I would have them, and I think substantial justice would be done. [Laughter and applause] 56 55 "Case of Brigham H. Roberts, of Utah," House of Representatives, 56 Cong, 1 sess. (1900), Report No. 85, Part 2, p. 71 ff.

"Congressional Record, 56 Cong, 1 sess. (1900), XXXIII, Part 2, p. 1101.

T H E B. H. ROBERTS CASE

45

He said that he was not there as a representative of the Mormon Church. To think that he was elected by the Mormon vote as against the Gentile vote was erroneous. "I carried," he said, "every gentile stronghold in the State of Utah." 57 Roberts' concluding remarks, although not concerned with the fundamental legal aspects of the case, provide a good example of the oratorical flourishes he was capable of rendering.

Some of the papers in discussing the Roberts case have said, "Brand this man with shame and send him back to his people." Mr. Speaker, I thank God that the power to brand me with shame is something quite beyond the power of this House, great as that power is. The power to brand with shame rests with each man and nowhere else. I have lived up to this day in all good conscience in the harmony with the moral teachings of the community in which I was reared and am sensible of no act of shame in my life. Brand me with shamel Why, if you finally determine either to exclude or expel me, I shall leave this august Chamber with head erect and brow undaunted and walk God's earth as the angels walk the clouds, with no sense of shame upon me. [Applause on the floor and hisses from the gallery.]

And, if in response to the sectarian clamor that has been invoked against the member from Utah, you violate the Constitution of your country, either in excluding or expelling me, all the shame that there is in this case will be left behind me and rest with this House.58 The affectionate appelation, Utah's "blacksmith orator," was not misapplied.

The House, however, was little swayed by Roberts' remarks.

Not to be outdone by the Utahn, H. Henry Powers (R) of Vermont replied to Roberts' reference to the Constitution as follows:

" I b i d , 1103 f. In Lucifer's Lantern, September, 1899, Schroeder claimed that the Gentiles who supported Roberts were: those who wanted to raise the issue; those who thought that his election would do harm to the Mormon Church; those whose zeal for the silver cause was greater than their hatred of Roberts; and those who considered Mormon polygamist Roberts to be less of an evil than his opponent Eldredge, a Mormon and former Danite.

B8 CngressionoI Record, 56 Cong, 1 sess. (1900), 1104.

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Well, if that sermon had been preached to us by somebody who was not himself trying to break down those bulwarks, it would have a great deal more force. For one I am perfectly willing to risk the ship of state. . . . It is true, sir, that in sailing over these troublesome waters the timbers of the old ship may creak, the cordage may in some parts of it snap, the crew may murmur, but of one thing I feel well assured, that the old ship of state will never be swallowed up in the miry waters of Salt Lake. [Laughter and applause.] 59 When a vote was finally called, the minority resolution to admit and then expel Roberts was defeated by a vote of 244 to 81 with 29 not voting. The majority resolution to exclude him from the House passed resoundingly—268 ayes, 50 nayes, and 36 not voting.

In retrospect it is easy to chide Roberts for attempting the impossible. To the modern reader, gifted with hindsight, the outcome of the Roberts' case was never in doubt. It must be remembered, however, that Roberts' decision to run for office was made in the wake of the 1895 campaign, during which no charge of ineligibility had been made. He was encouraged also by former delegate Rawlins, who, experienced in politics on the national level, was confident that Roberts would have no difficulty in taking his seat in Congress.

It must be remembered that his decision to run occurred before his Utah opponents had set off the national agitation which culminated in the flood of protests to Congress. Such public pressure, impossible as it is to assess precisely, must have been tremendous. Had it not been for this irresistable tide of public opinion, the position of the minority, which, in the writer's opinion, was strong and welltaken, might well have prevailed. And had Roberts once been seated, it was generally conceded that the necessary two-thirds vote for expulsion would have been difficult to muster. From the mid1898 perspective, therefore, perhaps Roberts' hopes were not entirely without foundation.

"Ibid, 1125.

T H E PLAINS O F W A R S A W

BY CLAIRE NOALL* T N THIS, the atomic age, why should one listen for voices from •^ old houses or see gaunt images of a peeled people, driven from Missouri, welcomed to the open doors of the homes along the first streets of Quincy, Illinois, more than a hundred years ago? Why should I, as I drove along the Mississippi River north of Quincy in a high-powered car of today, listen for the long past crack of a gun on the plain above Warsaw, or see the burning haystacks and red-embered homes of a near-by settlement on Bear Creek? Why should I hear from the opposite bank of the river the screams of four men, once kidnapped from Bear Creek, stripped and beaten in Missouri?

Acts of hatred are best forgotten in favor of kinder, broader deeds. And for me, the slow wheel of time does reveal the hand of friendship between the Mormons and the "old settlers" of Hancock County before the voice of hatred worked among them. And certainly as I drove up the river, I saw the first landowners in their interesting homes at Quincy and Warsaw, planning for a prosperous future in shipping and industry. I felt the warmth of the handclasp extended to the Mormon exiles from Missouri, so soon to turn cold. At the same time I heard in the distant West of the Great Basin the words of a leader forgiving those men at Carthage jail for their coldness. He even forgave, though some of them lynched his friend, Joseph Smith. I saw that leader's hand extended in a Mormon meeting as, with measured words, he found remission for the men of violence on that historic grey-clouded afternoon in June, 1844.

As my husband and I ambled north of Quincy along the beautiful stretch marked with its tree-shaded roadside tables beside the Mississippi, I almost lived the historic drama of human relations.

When Thomas C. Sharp and his partner purchased the frontier

•Mrs. Noall is a prominent writer on various aspects of Utah history and a contributor to many periodicals, including her article on "Mormon Mid-wives" in Utah Historical Quarterly, X (1942).

[A version of this piece appeared in The Bulletin (Warsaw, Illinois), November 15, 1956.—Ed. note]

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newspaper, the Western World, they changed the name to the Warsaw Signal. Mr. Sharp, or Tom as he was called, at first defended the Mormons against other frontier newspaper attacks. He welcomed the newcomers on the river. But when he saw the Mormon military display in connection with the religious rites of laying the chief cornerstone for a new temple, he began to take thought over this Army of Israel in spanking gilt-trimmed uniforms of blue broadcloth. When he felt the arms of the Mormon political power working against him with its unified vote, his editorials questioned the extension of religious influence into civil patterns.

He received a reply from the Mormon prophet couched in terms that somehow lacked both the voice of high prophecy and the dignity of leadership on a religious plane. The insulting message was published in the Signal with a mocking rejoinder, bawdy in this hour, bitter in the next—and then violent with outraged feelings, whose final indulgence sought mortal violence through the death of Joseph Smith.

As we drove up the river, I saw the Mormons, gaunt and shivering, their feet bleeding from their forced trek east across Missouri in mid-winter of 1838-39, welcomed to the snow-bound doors of Quincy. I saw Quincy, with Warsaw, turning against the Mormons. I saw and heard the mass meetings along the river in Hancock County after the bloodshed was over, plotting further violence until every Mormon in Illinois should be driven into the winter storms of the Iowa plain.

Under "Father" Isaac Morley, the Mormon settlement south of Bear Creek refused to give up its holdings and withdraw to Nauvoo, as advised by the Church in the face of Warsaw-led arson, "wolf hunts" for humans, beatings, and possible murder. The plan to burn all the outlying Mormon villages was repeatedly announced.

During the summer of 1845,1 a year after the Prophet's death, the so-called mob hurled the charge of horse thief against the Mormons of Morley Settlement; but no such challenge was ever proved.

Tom Sharp and his neighbor, Colonel Levi Williams of the state militia at Green Plains, between Warsaw and Morley Settlement, managed to procure through their followers among the various militias indictments against most of the Twelve Apostles in Nauvoo.

J For a brief contemporary account of events related here, see Irene Hascall Pomeroy's letter of July 4, 1845, page 69 of this journal.

T H E PLAINS OF WARSAW

49

Nor were any of these charges proved, such as the false accusation against the Twelve for printing bogus money. Nevertheless, the lives of Brigham Young and his cousin and counselor, Willard Richards, and others of their quorum were suddenly threatened more pointedly. Thomas Ford, the governor of the state, finally advised against the arrest of Brigham and his associates lest the Mormons have no one to lead them out of Illinois.

Still the burnings on the prairie near Warsaw seared die night sky. In the late summer of 1845, Brigham Young refused any longer to submit to this oppression. He called out a company of the Nauvoo Legion, now disfranchised by the state legislature, to defend one of the Mormon towns. The note was intercepted. The town was burned, and Brigham Young and Willard Richards, clerk of the Twelve who also signed the military order, were indicted for treason.

The fury of the mob rose with renewed violence. Jacob B. Backenstos, the new sheriff of Hancock County, tried under direction of the governor to maintain the peace. Jake was accused of being a "jack" Mormon. Indeed, he numbered among his posse the notorious Mormon, long-haired Porter Rockwell with his braids, his young hand, and his sure aim. Backenstos rode to Warsaw with his men in an effort to squelch the "wolf hunts" of the mob, whose quarry was any Mormon found at large and alone or even in a small group. When, at Warsaw the sheriff's party faced raised gun barrels, bayonets, and bowie knives, the mounted men retreated.

They were followed. Backenstos gave the order to fire. He himself took aim. Frank Worrell, guard at Carthage jail when Joseph Smith was assassinated, dropped from his horse, dead.

This was the final act needed by the mob to force the departure of the Mormons from Illinois.

Governor Ford sent a detachment of the federal army to Nauvoo to repress the Mormons and to maintain the peace between the factions, though he had more than once declared his intention to be fair to both sides. Brigham Young and his associates signed an agreement with Colonel Hardin of the federal army and Judge Stephen A. Douglas, former friend of the Mormons, to withdraw from Nauvoo by the spring of 1846. But spring would lend protection to the exiles. And the mob felt restive against such kindness of the elements.

50

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The danger to the lives of Brigham Young, Heber C Kimball, and Willard Richards increased. They, with the rest of the Twelve, realized that they could not remain in Nauvoo in safety until spring.

The promise could be violated at any moment.

The story of how on February 4, 1846, the first wagons in the exodus crossed the mighty river on open rafts or flatboats with huge chunks of ice swirling past, is well-known. But not many people have today interspersed their reading of nuclear energy with the words hidden away in the Journal History of the Latter-day Saint Church in Salt Lake City, spoken on July 24, 1850 by Willard Richards. He stood in the bowery, a walled-in shelter on what is now known as Temple Square, addressing his people: . . . Few, comparatively, have been the actual murderers of the Saints . . .

Men cannot fight truth, life, or salvation without a medium of communication; consequently, when the truth was proclaimed by the Prophet, and men wanted to oppose and fight it, they had to oppose and fight those who believed and received it, who obeyed and practiced it; and thus those receiving the truth, were made the medium of violence against the truth. . . . It has not been, it is not against the Saints, as in individuals, that the sword has been drawn. . . . The only way to get at the truth or falsehood . . . that is in a man, is through the medium of die man himself; hence every man is responsible for his own belief, faith, practice; and the spirit he harbors within himself, whether it be good or evil . . . 2 True, in this speech Richards finally denounced the actual murderers; but when notifying the Church of Joseph Smith's death at Carthage jail, he wrote to Nauvoo that the people of Carthage expected the Mormons to rise, but he had "promised them no."

The next day from the steps of the Prophet's home, he reminded his people that he had pledged his word and his honor for their peaceful conduct. And when writing the news of Smith's death to Brigham Young then near Boston, Willard Richards said the blood of martyrs does not cry from the ground for vengeance; vengeance is the Lord's.

2 Joumal History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, July 24, 1850, in Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City.

T H E PLAINS OF WARSAW

51

With a thought of the mystery that lies in the hand of the Lord, as I drove up the Mississippi in September, 1956, I recalled the friendship offered the weather-pounded Mormons at Quincy.

I remembered the friendship at first offered by Tom Sharp from Warsaw, and I heard the blast of the shot that killed Frank Worrell.

I saw the burning homes that preceded that shot. I heard the cries of the four Mormon men across the river, stripped and beaten. I pondered the drama of human conflict and trusted that out of the hatred existing in the world today such thoughts as Willard Richards expressed may again be heard. I hoped that their spirit would extend around the world today as it did in his time. As editor of the Deseret News, he mailed a printed copy of his speech to his world-encircling foreign correspondents, the Church missionaries in Australia, New Zealand, India, Turkey, Africa, and all the European countries from Spain and Italy to the North Cape.

On the Mississippi that day in Hancock County, I heard the plains of Warsaw repeating their story of the past. I saw an ailing man—Willard Richards—addressing his people in Salt Lake City in 1850. I heard him seeking wisdom from a higher power.

LETTERS OF A PROSELYTE T H E HASCALL-POMEROY CORRESPONDENCE

INTRODUCTION T N THE middle of the nineteenth century America was moving west.

•^ It was commonplace for individuals and families to uproot, to leave home, to leave the near and dear and familiar, with confidence that a new and better life could be found. Little people were caught up in the surge of movement—economic, political, and purely personal motives propelled them. If some of these same people were swept along by a religious appeal, they were doubly driven.

Here in the letters of Irene Hascall Pomeroy and her mother, Ursulia B. Hascall,1 is recorded in miniature a large sweep of American history. The letters are full of the dreams, faith, and hopes of the writers; yet, they are universal in that they express the dreams and yearnings of countless others. Though universal in appeal, the letters are intensely personal and reveal that their newly-found faith, Mormonism, formed the warp and woof of the lives of Irene and Ursulia.

The years during which these letters were written, 1845 through 1854, were for the Mormon Church critical years of decision. The Prophet and his brother Hyrum were dead! The Church, temporarily leaderless, was threatened with destruction from within and without.

Pillaging, burning, and desecrations forced the Mormons to abandon their city of Nauvoo before they were ready. Under the leadership of Brigham Young the exodus took place, and the great trek across [The original Hascall-Pomeroy letters are in the possession of Mr. C. Corwith Wagner of St. Louis, Missouri. He graciously permitted copies to be made for publication by this Society. Many other items of great historical signficance have been obtained through the generosity of Mr. Wagner.

Albert E. Smith, a great-grandson of Ashbel and Ursulia B. Hascall and a grandson of Thales Hascall, cooperated extensively in the preparation of these letters for publication. Mr. Smith was county agricultural agent in Utah for many years, and is now professor emeritus of Utah State Agricultural College.—Ed. note] 1 The name of Hascal, Hascall, Hascaul, Hascol, Hascole, Hascoll, Haskal, Haskall, Haskil, Haskill, Haskol, Haskoll, Haskul, Haskull, Haschal, Haschall, Haskel, Haskell, Heskil, Heskill, Huskill, and spelled in various other ways, is more universally and presently characterized by the form "Haskell." See Lake B. Noyes, The Ancestral History of the Pioneers of Deer Isle and Their Descendants (n.p, n.d.).

54

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

the plains was accomplished. Although the Saints reached their haven, the first few years were precarious ones. Much unrelenting toil, faith and courage were required in order to bring stability and security to the new "Zion."

With her pen Irene captures the emotional climate in Nauvoo as the Saints feverishly endeavor to finish building their temple, but she also records the minutia of daily life. In addition, many people prominent in the affairs of the Church, then and later, are introduced. Ursulia's letters written from the "Camp of Israel" to family members in Massachusetts depict the misery and suffering of many, but still reflect the courage and fortitude of the people as a whole. The trip across the plains and, finally, life in the Valley of the Great Salt Lake is vividly portrayed by both Irene and her mother.

Irene, a bride of a few months, and her husband, Francis M. Pomeroy, left North New Salem, Massachusetts, for Nauvoo early in May, 1845. They traveled by way of Hartford, Connecticut, down the river, across Long Island Sound to New York; to Philadelphia; then by rail and canal boat to Pittsburg; on down the Ohio to St. Louis; and up the Mississippi to Nauvoo, arriving there late in the same month. On March 12, 1846, nearly a year after Irene's departure, Ursulia B. and her twelve-year-old son Thales2 followed. They went by boat from Boston to New Orleans, and up the Mississippi River to Nauvoo where they joined Irene. The husband and father, Ashbel Green Hascall, went with Samuel Brannan and his party on the ship Brooklyn which sailed for San Francisco on February 4, 1846. His family never saw him again, however, for he died before reaching Great Salt Lake City.

Irene was a daughter of Ashbel Green Hascall and Ursulia B. Hastings of North New Salem, Massachusetts. The English ancestors of the Hascalls came to America in 1649, and Benjamin Hascall, Irene's ancestor, fought in the battle of Bunker Hill. Ashbel was the owner of a large tract of farm and timberland from which he secured an income as a millwright.3 2 Thales H. Haskell later became a prominent scout and missionary to the Indians. He pioneered southern and southeastern Utah, northern Arizona, and southern Colorado. See "Journal of Thales Haskell," Utah Historical Quarterly, XII (January-April, 1944), 69-98.

8 Noyes, op. cit., 5; Thales Hastings Haskell, "Autobiography" (for the years 1834-1909), MS, 2. Typescript copy in the possession of A. E. Smith, Salt Lake City, Utah.

LETTERS OF A PROSELYTE

55

As a result of L.D.S. Church missionary activities in and near New Salem, many converts were made, among them the following families to which these letters refer: the Hascalls, including Irene and her mother; the Ponds; the Farrs; the Woodburys; and the Aikins. One special friend of Irene's, Emeline B. Woodward, was baptized a member of the Church on the same day as were Irene and her mother, March 1, 1842. Emeline later became the wife of Daniel H. Wells, and was a noted writer and leader among Utah women.4 Colonel Wilson Andrews, 5 to whom many of these letters are addressed, was Ursulia's brother-in-law; he was married to Samanthy Hastings, her sister. Irene, therefore, is the cousin of his children, Ophelia, Waldo, and Phoebe, who are mentioned. Another cousin, Caty, or Catherine R. Hascall, was the wife of Thomas H. Woodbury who is the son of Jerimiah Woodbury. 6 While she was in Nauvoo, Irene had an apartment in the home of Stillman Pond.7 Since Jerimiah also had a son, Stillman, this may be confusing to the reader.

In the summer of 1844, Irene met and married Francis Pomeroy.

His conversion and their marriage is described as follows: A church conference was held at Petersboro, New Hampshire, on July 12, 13, and 14, which he [Francis] attended, and after hearing Brigham Young, Orson Pratt, and the local elders speak, he was fully converted and asked Brigham Young to baptize him. Before the three-day conference had concluded, he had seen Brigham Young again—and this time Elder Young had performed the marriage ceremony for Francis Martin and Irene Ursulia Pomeroy. It was during this conference that the news of the martyrdom of the Prophet and Patriarch at Carthage, Illinois, reached Elders Brigham Young and Orson Pratt.8 *New Salem, Franklin County Massachusetts, Vital Records of New Salem to the End of the Year 1849 (New Salem, The Essex Institute, 1927), 127; Augusta Joyce Crocheron, Representative Women of Deseret (Salt Lake City, 1884), 62-71; and Andrew Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia (4 vols. Salt Lake City, 1901-36), II, 731-34.

B VitaI Records of New Salem, 54.

6 Frank Esshom, Pioneers and Prominent Men of Utah (Salt Lake City, 1913), 1259.

7 Ibid, 1107.

8 Frank Pomeroy, "Genealogy of the Pomeroy Family," Improvement Era, LV, (February, 1952), 124-25.

56

U T A H HBTORICAI. QUARTERLY

The Pomeroys were of French and English origin. Early emigrants from this family came to America in the seventeenth century and setded along die seacoasts of Massachusetts and Conneckut.'

Some members of the family later became seamen, and Francis was one of mem. He sailed for seven years and eventually became first mate on a whaling vessel.1* "^"bile on one of his voyages, he was shipwrecked off the coast of Peru. After being rescued by Peruvian seamen, be remained for two years in Peru before finding passage to the L'nited Stares During that time he learned to speak the Spanish language, which proved useful in dealing with Spanish traders in Utah in later years.

Irene became the mcdier d eight children. 11 At the time of die "move south" to avoid Johnston's Army, she suffered a burned hand which did not heal, and as a result she had to have her arm amputated. The shock undermined her health, and she died at age thirty-six in 1561 at the home of her life-long friend, Emeline B. Wei's. Lrsu'ia then took full charge of the children and kept the familv together in Salt Lake City until Francis became well located in Paris, Idaho, where, in 1564. he had gone into partnership with Charles C. Rich in a saw- and gristmill business.11 Ursu.ia remained in Paris until the time of her death, August 5. 1575.

Francis continued in the milling business in the Bear Lake country until 1S77 when he moved ro Arirena with most of his family. There be became one of the original pioneers of Mesa Gnr. B He died February 2S. 1SS2, leaving many descendants who have become leaders and prominent men in the West.

The letters total twenty-four in number and bear dates between May. 1545 and August, 1554. They were delivered by chance travelers, L-D.S. Church messengers and by mail. Eleven are dated at Nauvoo. Illinois, two at Camp of Israel, and the orher eleven at Great Salt Lake City. L'tah Territory. In the interest of clarity some minor changes have been made in the use of capitals and the addition of periods. In the main, however, punctuation and spelling are •History «nd Genaafas? of Ai Ponsr-j* FJ-.I."\ " vols- Sah T»fc» Gw, 1912).

"Zola R. Cole, "Biography of Vrsul:* HaskelV MS, 1 Typescript eopr in the possession of Mrs. Zula R. Cole, Logan, Utah.

"Esshom, oj>. m 11J"7.

"Zula R. Cole. "Sketch of the life of Irene Haskell, \T:te of Francis M. Pomeroy," MS, 3. Typescript copv in possession of Mrs. Zula R. Cole. Losan, Ubk, "James H. McCIintock, Mor-r.on Settlement in A-ipwj (Phoenix 1921), 111

LETTERS OF A PROSELYTE

57

essentially die same as in the originaL The five letters here reproduced constitute the first installment. The remaining letters will appear in subsequent issues of the Quarterly during 1957.

I Addressee:

Mrs. Ursulia B. Hascall North New Salem Franklin Co. Mass.

Postmarked: Pittsburgh Pa^ May 14 [1845] Pmladelphia May 5th [1845] Mother I suppose by this time you [would] like to know how we prosper. W e are now in P., waiting for cars. W e arrived at New York from Hartford 4 o.clock friday morning on Steamer Globe a very pretty boat; we had a beautiful time on die water it was quite calm; W m & bis wife thought I would be seasick crossing L. L sound but I was not in die least, I liked it very m u c h When we arrived at N. Y. we ^ent to the Prophet Office1* saw Elder Brannan and wife but did not see Parley Pratt (we might have started immediately for Philadelphia but if we did we could not have time to go to the Office at all we chose rather to remain untfll next morning. W e went to a Hotel on Washington St. It was a beautiful day. W e walked around the city unrill [space cut out] saw very many curiosities, went [letter cut] Office received considerable instru [letter cut] that stays at New Y. in place of B [rannan?] while B. remains at Singsing.35 He gave us several books to distribute and one to send you. He pasted the wrapper on for me <T mailed it at N. York). Purchased five boxes of pills for one dollar. He thought a few potions would be sufficient to place my blood in a heakhful condition. He said I was bQlious but nothing seated. W e visited '"The Prophet was a •x'eeldy periodical published in the interests of the Church in New Ycri City from May IS, !:— to May 2*, 15^5. It -wss succeeded by the Xeu. York Messenger •jrkich ran for r^rer.— - n— bers, the last issue appearing November 15, 1845. Parley P. Pratt azd Samuel Brannan -zere t i t e r ? of both papers at raritus times. Andre-s- Jenson, Encyclopedic Hirtor-j of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Dz-j Saints ("Salt Lake City, 1941), 579; 68L -'"Brar-ches of the Church were :trrr.ed during 1S33 at Singsiiiz, in New Jersey, at Brooklyn and at other places en Long Island." Pariey P. Fratt, The Autobiography of Parley Porter Pratt (New York, 1574;, l i s .

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Bowling Green, Castle Garden, Croten &c.16 Saturday morning we came here where we remained over Sabbath. W e stopped at one of the City Hotels. Here I learned some City fashions, eating eggs in a wine glass and the like but did not practice. Perhaps you would like to know what we had to eat; for dinner we had Roast Beef Roast Lamb Boiled Fowl Boiled Ham Shad Greens several kinds of desserts Cranberry Pie Custard Pudding &c. Saturday afternoon we went around the City, I will tell Thales 17 some things I saw. I saw a little dog not so big as Frolic with but two legs. Never had any fore legs could not walk at all, Saw a sheep with five legs a rooster with three a chicken with four legs & four wings, a bear a Turkey buzzard Turtle dove Rattle snake white mouse Alligator Monkeys Bald Eagles &c. &c. Sunday morning after breakfast we went in pursuit of a Mormon Meeting [and] found one. Elder [Jedediah M.?] Grant Presiding had a first rate meeting.

I saw but one old man and one old woman amoung the whole but what sung. Elder Grant preached concerning baptism for dead.

He said we need not be afraid of being left without a leader while either of the twelve or one seventy left. There are now twenty five seventies most of them at Nauvoo.

Johnstown, May 10 Saturday after we have just crossed the mountains in cars; we actually passed through one of the Allegany mountains. It was so dark I held my hand close [to] my eyes but could not see it.

I presume it was the same place Mirancy went through. We are now waiting for the freight cars to unload into the boat. W e came from Phila- to Columbia in cars (we sent another paper from there) from Columbia to Hollidaysburg by canal, from Hollidaysburg here by cars. W e did not go in a section boat.

16 BowlIng Green is a triangular bit of park at the foot of Broadway in lower Manhattan. Its use as a village green and parade ground dates from early Dutch occupancy of New York. Castle Garden is a large circular building in Battery Park at the tip of Manhattan. It was built as = fort in 1807. Subsequently, it served a variety of public uses, including a landing place and temporary headquarters for immigrants. The Croton Aqueduct for many years was the main water supply for the city of New York.

"Irene's brother. See Introduction p. 54 above.

LETTERS OF A PROSELYTE

59

Monday afternoon May 12th This is your birthday I believe. W e are now on the canal.

We expect to arrive in Pittsburg18 tomorrow evening; we shall then take steamboat to St. Louis. It will probably take more than four or five days from Pittsburg.

We have had first rate journey so far. Had no accidents lost none of our baggage neither has any one stole any of it. Our journey has been much more easy and pleasant than I anticipated. I am no more tired than when I left home. I live as easy as I please; while on canal we board ourselves. W e can have almost any thing we wish to eat; we buy considerable milk; where we are now eggs are four cents a dozen & thirteen for a dozen; we see very beautiful land and flowers you know not how good land looks; it is very beautiful. Grain is headed and I have seen some grass mown.

Love to Father, Thales & Grandmother 19 We received a card from Elder B. as the prophet mentioned placed ourselves in care of Harnden & Co., paid our fare to Pittsburg which was nine dollars apiece without baggage; our baggage weighed five hundred and fifty. We are going through another mountain. We have got through. I stood on deck while we were going through. The water from a well above dropped on me. Give love to all the girls, to Uncle Sam's family, Uncle Wilsons, Uncle Bens, Uncle Jacob's Mrs. Clarks, Mrs. Russels, W m & Clarissa and finnally every one.20 W e have not been obliged to [be] in doors but about fifteen minutes on account we have had two little showers. We have had an excellent journey so far. Tell Father no one has cut open our bale yet; but we have not got there. I have oranges in abundance. I shall send this from Pittsburg.

Love to Ophelia in particular.

[Irene Hascall] "Irene and her husband, Francis, traveled from Philadelphia to Pittsburg via the "Philadelphia Portage and Canal System," which was 320 miles long.

It consisted of horse drawn cars of the Philadelphia and Columbia Railroad to Columbia, then canal boat to Holidaysburg where the Allegany Portage Raiway began and which carried them to Pittsburg. See Ray Allen Billington, Westward Expansion (New York, 1949), 336.

"Ashbel Green Haskell, father of Irene; Thales Hastings Haskell, brother of Irene; Phoebe Page Hastings, mother of Ursulia Haskell.

20 Thales Haskell lists his father's brothers and sisters as: Rebecca, Samuel, Johnathan [died early], Catherine, Jonathan, Sally, Benjamin, and Jacob. Thales Haskell, "Autobiography," MS, 1.

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II Addressee:

Mr. Ashbel G. Hascall North New Salem Franklin Co., Mass.

Postmarked: Nauvoo 111., June 4 [1845] Monday June 2d [1845] Dear Parents I have been in the great and beautiful city of Nauvoo one week. I arrived Saturday night at one o'clock. I did not go to see Roselle21 but husband did. We found a company of Mormons on their [way] to Nauvoo (eight in the company).

As there would not be a safe place to leave our things at Alton, It was twenty miles into the country where Roselle lived so we could not take them with us; and we all thought it best for me to keep on with the company; we had a very pleasant time and did not lose any of our things neither did any one steal them. We had an excellent journey not one stormy day on the road. Husband arrived Tuesday evening. He saw Roselle and one of his aunts but did not see Frank.22 They have not heard from him, think perhaps he has concluded not to go. I think perhaps we will make Râ&#x20AC;&#x201D; a visit before winter. She wanted very much we should.

I cannot wait any longer before I tell you what a beautiful place Nauvoo is. I was very much surprised to see such a pretty city. I thought it would look like poordunk or something similar.

But I cannot describe the beauty of it on paper. I presume every one would not think it so pretty but it is the prettiest place I ever saw for a large place; as far as we can see either way are buildings not in blocks like other cities but all a short distance from each other. The ground between them is all cultivated it looks like a perfect garden.

We have commenced housekeeping. W e have part of Br. Ponds house. It is quite convenient. We have a very pretty room with three windows, front entry and outside door and backdoor, a cupboard, closet and fireplace. It is quite a pretty house but not all finished. Made of bricks, four windows in front below and four half ones above. It is situated on Munson street23 in one of 21

Roselle Pomeroy, sister of Francis.

"Frank Pomeroy, brother of Francis.

See map of Nauvoo in B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 vols., Salt Lake City, 1930), II, 200.

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61

the pleasantest parts of the city not much more than one fourth mile from the river. W e can see the boats as they pass. Tell Grandmother I can stand in the front door and count 40 quite large trees and more than 50 about as large as the maple trees in the garden and at the back door they are so near together I cannot count them, besides woods on the other side of the river as far as we can see there are woods also out back of the city.

I have been to view the Temple. It is a splended building. The top stone was laid with Praises and Hosannas the morning before I arrived and that day they rested from their labors. The roof is partly on. It never went on so fast before. Half has been built since Joseph was killed. It was not expected the stones would all be laid until fall. They are now encouraged and think they will be able to have meetings and commence endowment before snow falls. More than three hundred are at work on it and the rest help by paying their tything &c. The Nauvoo house goes on too the dom [dome?] [is] omitted until the temple is finished.24 I have been to meeting in the grove both sabbaths. Such preaching we do not have in New Salem. I delayed writing on account of the trial of the murderers at Carthage. 25 It is thought the murderers are at liberty; all is peace and harmony here; they say we need not fear the mobbers for they fear us much more than we do them; they send out spies and guards to see if the Mormons are not coming to mob them but they need not be alarmed; we expect the temple will have to be completed with a sword in one hand and tool in the other. The twelve are all here but Elders Pratt and Woodruff and six of them near us, in the same neighborhood. I have seen all that I am acquainted with; went and stayed with Catherine two nights she is quite happy and is well. I had a first rate visit, Tuesday about ten o'clock. She said she "guessed" our mothers did not think we were together gathering strawberries on the prarie.

I4 The cornerstone for the Nauvoo Temple was laid April 6, 1841. Under the direction of Brigham Young, the building was rushed to completion and was privately dedicated April 30, 1846, with public ceremonies taking place the followng day. Endowments and other sacred ordinances took place prior to the dedication as early as December, 1845. The building was destroyed by fire in October, 1848.

25 The trial of the murderers of Joseph and Hyrum Smith took place during the latter part of May at Carthage, Illinois. They were acquitted on May 30, 1845.

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I told Thomas [Woodbury] 26 W m wished him to write the new teachings. He said, "tell William the new teachings are if he stays there he will go to hell." Cate was very much pleased with her presents. She could wear her dress without altering except the tuck. Emeline27 is well and teaching school in private family.

She is quite fleshy. They appear to like her very much. Mrs Brimhall is well and doing well. Has everything [she] needs, "sendfs] love." Mr Aikins family are well. Mr Aikin and Calvin have been teaching school. They live nearly a mile from here. Mr Buss family are all well, Mrs Fleming has been quite sick but is some better.

Mr Buss makes chairs and is doing well I believe; we have bought some of him. The rest of your acquaintance are all well excepting Sister Pond, has not been very well since her child died. Wm Smiths wife is dead. Elder Farr is married and is one of our nearest neighbors.

I suppose you would like to know how I look keeping house, well I look pretty slick excepting the floor. It has rained a little and it is covered with tracks of black mud. Clarrissa will know how. W e think we will not have a stove [?] till cooler weather.

It is very warm today. W e have bought a real pretty baker. Emeline let me have her table. She said she rather I would have it than not.

We have things convenient to cook with. There is a cellar kitchen with a stone fireplace well and oven in it where I can wash and bake if I wish. W e have a supply of provision for the present so I think there is no danger of starving. Flour is 3.75 per barrel butter 8 to 10 [cents] lb, eggs 4 to 5 cents a dozzen, sugar 10, molasses 40 cents per gallon, pork 5 cents per lb, milk 2 or 3 cts per qt, corn 37Vz, potatoes 25 and dry goods as cheap as in New Salem. I suppose they will say, Yes all cheap but where do they get any thing to buy with.

Any one that will work can have things to eat drink and wear. F. has not engaged any work yet. He and Br Pond are going 28 The "Record of Marriages" in Vital Records of New Salem, p. 127, for May 8, 1842 shows: Woodbury, Joseph J., "Elder" and Mary Ann Lindsay of Petersham; Thomas II., "Elder" and Catherine B. Haskell; William H., "Elder" and Clarissa H. Browning.

"Haskell, "Autobiography," 2, "My only sister Irene, eight years older than I, and myself, were sent to the village school until I was ten years old.

Sister Emeline B. Wells was a chum of my sister Irene and attended the same school with us at that time. Braiding palm leaf hats was our spare time occupation and I was saving all the money earned to buy me a pony."

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up the river tomorrow after a raft of timber wood &c. He will probably work on the temple considerably. You need not worry at all about us. W e shall get along first rate if well we are both well yet.

The times are much better hear than I expected. Hats sell well here now. All the merchants agreed not to bring any from St. Louis and all the people wish are braided here from 37 to 50 number 4 others in proportion.

I have scarcely room enough left for love respects and compliments. Give them to all and tell them I am contented and happy and do not wish to return. No I would not live in New Salem for the whole town unless I could have a band of Mormons with me and hardly then. Mother if it is a possible thing you must come.

Love & Affections Irene Tell Father to come to and Grandmother I am not Homesick.

Francis sends love. Give my love to all that wish it. Br Pond and Girls send love. They are building a wall 14 feet high I believe enclosing 7 or 8 acres but does not take in the city buildings.

They are building an arsenal also. Within the wall will be all kinds of flowers and trees. Tell Thales to take good care of Billy Ora and the chickens. As soon as convenient you must write. They did not cut open our great bale. I did not break my looking glass.

2 of those small plates and 4 saucers were broken and one of those little glass plates all rest safe, Love to all III Addressee:

Mr. Ashbel G. Hascall North New Salem Franklin Co. Mass.

Postmarked: Nauvoo Ills. July 13 [1845] Sunday evening July 6 [1845] Dear Parents I think you would like to hear from us again by this time; at any rate we should from you. The fourth of July is just past. I suppose there were balls, tea parties and the like in the east, but here there were nothing of the kind. The Mormons think the liberty and independence of the United States has been too long trampled upon to be celebrated; about two hundred and fifty

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little boys were out dressed in uniform. They train every week. They look very beautiful.

July 12th Saturday I am well and enjoy myself. I am truly happy. It seems if you were here it would be almost heaven on earth. I think I am as well as when at the east. I have not had even a bad cold since I left home, but with F. it does not agree as well to be in this climate.

He went the river for a raft of timber and wood and was exposed by working in the water and soon after he returned he was attacked with billious fever but Brandreths pills and emetic onions with the elders soon restored him. He has not yet regained his former strength but works some cutting up his raft &c. He thinks it would be quite good business to raft timber. He has worked on the temple some.

It is very excessively warm at present. Nearly all that work out of doors are obliged to stop work in the middle of the day; the thermometer stands between ninety and one hundred in shade and one hundred forty five in sun. The corn is so high we can [look] out upon the city and see the tops of the houses. For curiosity I will go and measure a stalkâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;it measures eleven feet and a half.

I presume I could find one twelve feet. Sister Pond has just brought an ear and laid [it] beside my letter it is as long as this sheet and large enough to roast or boil. We have had green corn hear several days green peas shell beans new potatoes &c. For my supper I am going to have some blackberries and milk. I have had as many as I could eat today. They bring them into the city to sell from the prairie. I "guess" you would like to know if I have as many little messes as I did at home. I do. I have butter sugar lard eggs molasses raisins &c. We have a quart of milk every day of Edithia Anderson.

We talk of having a cow of our own. F. has gone now on the prairie to see about one and to get six hens of brother Woodbury.

Catherine is well and the rest of them well except Stillman. He is about the same as he has been. Sister Brimhall has just call to see me. She sends love and says let nothing hinder you from coming to Zion. Brother Buss family are well. Elder Aikins and all with whom you were acquainted. I have seen none of Elder Harris family. Emeline is in tolerable health. She received a letter from Pallas and Lucy a short time since. The temple grows very fast.

Elder Hyde has gone to purchase canvass for the outer court or tabernacle [to] spread in front of the temple for meetings. They

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expect to commence giving endowments in a few weeks.28 The steeple of the temple is some distance above the roof. W e hear the laborors sing and shout as they raise the timbers. Our meeting ground is now in a grove opposite the temple church. Hundreds of people I never saw before as attend meeting. How limited is your knowledge of the doctrine of Christ. If you could here the preaching from the stand you would think all you did know was sectarianism. I am in a very great hurry because the mail goes out tomorrow, Samuel Aikin was baptized this week.

Love to all to every one. Tell Thales to come out here and join the trainers. Tell him to write to me a letter and you write too if you have not. I have not received even a paper. Write all the news. I shall write to Ophelia next in a few weeks.

Love Love Irene I will write to you often. Prepare to come. I would like to have Grandmother eat supper with me.

IV Addressee:

Mrs. Ursulia B. Hascall North New Salem Franklin Co. Mass.

Postmarked: Nauvoo Ills. July 30 [1845] Saturday July 26 [1845]

Dearest Mother I have received a letter from you today; with what joy did I receive it. I went out amoung the corn it was so high it seemed like going into a grove. I have not cried so much about home since I left Mr Smiths Big Waggon, but I did not weep because I wished to return (far from me); it was because you were not here. I think if you were here we would have a little heaven below. You asked me if you and Thales were to come alone what you would find for employment. You need not think about that if you can only get here. If you have not one cent you will be provided for. Husband thinks he can take care of us all, if he is well and I think so too. Provisions you know are much cheaper here than at the east. The crops are expected to yield abundantly a8

See note 24 above.

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and groceries about the same. I think you could find something to do. You can make men's straw hats. They sell for a dollar apiece cash. Straw is very plenty and you can braid as well as the best and sew them too. I believe Thales may take care of my Cow and Hens go to school (tell him the scholars have one playday every week) and have a real trainers cap (not an old hat with a feather in it) and some white pants trimmed with red. you must come Mother. It will be perfectly right if you come and leave everything that you cannot get to come with you and every body. We have had our patriarchal blessings and mine says I will be the means (if faithful) of having all my living and dead friends in the first resurrection, so if you have to leave Father and Grandmother there is a way they can be saved in the first resurrection. Every one has to be tried and make a sacrifice like faithful Abraham when he offered his son Isaac. If we give up to the Lord and do like him we shall be blessed as he was. I think this must be yours. You need not worry about father we will have him saved. Tell him he will be much safer as to the Indian's if he is with the Mormons than he will [be] there for great judgments are coming on the gentile world and those who wish to escape must flee and they have already commenced fires mobs destruction of crops, rumors of war. Sister Pond says tell him there is no people so friendly to the Mormons as the Indians.

It says in the bible there will be safety in Zion and Jerusalem and in the remnant which the Lord our God shall call which is the Indians.29 I have written so much and have written nothing but about you coming to Zion. It is what occupies my thoughts most and all I have to trouble me, but I think there will be a way for you to come by spring. Make preparations to come early on account of low water. You can come much cheaper if you come in high water. I presume there will be some one coming that you can come with. If there is not you can come alone. Husband can meet you or some way. Get ready and some way can be contrived. You need not buy anything that you have to pay money for; you can get them just as cheap here. Money is better than anything else to bring. Don't try to bring any furniture except a bed and clothing.

You can bring your crockery or not just as you wish. Tell Father 29 According to doctrine as recorded in the Book of Mormon, the American Indians are the descendants of a branch of the House of Israel, who fled under the leadership of Lehi from Jerusalem just prior to its destruction in 600 B.C.

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to come with you and if he does not like he can go where he does like to stay. Well I will write about something else now I think.

Sunday morning We are well contented and happy. Husband [has] nearly regained his strength. When I last wrote he had been sick with billious fever. I suppose you have received it by this time. I have not had even a bad cold since I left home. I think I shall not go to meeting today. I have been every sabbath when there was a meeting. It has rained one or two sabbaths so we could not meet in the grove. The Temple progresses finely the roof is nearly shingled the frame work of [the] steeple is nearly as high from the roof up as the body of the Temple. They expect to commence the endowment this fall. Concerning the dedication I do not know when or how it will be. The Saints never were prospered as they are at present. The city looks like a garden almost. Things grow so beautifully and every lot is cultivated. Yesterday I had some peas corn squashes new potatoes. Edithia Anderson sent me the peas and corn. We had cucumbers and squashes more than a week ago that we planted after we came here. Tell Thales I have six hens one which looks very much like his and I call it Thale's Pullet.

We expect to have a cow tomorrow or next day. He must write me letter and send by those that are coming if he has time before they start and you too and all that will. Sister Pond says tell William and Joseph to bring "lots" of leaf and she will braid hats this winter to pay. We think there will be a market for them in St. Louis next season.

Tell Grandmother if she was here she could [eat] as many blackberries as she wished. Francis went the other day and picked our water pail full and some more. Catherine was out and made me a visit Friday with Thomas Stillman and her little girl. She is tolerably well. The people are all well with whom you are acquainted I believe. Stillman Woodbury is not well yet he has a lame side.

Emeline is well. Elder Harris family have had a letter from James.

He had shipped for three years. Mother Pomeroy did not feel very bad she said Francis always had come back and she thought he would now.

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I will send you a neighbor30 with this; the times and seasons81 have not been printed they are behind on account of paper or some such reason. I braided a number four double brim for a shoe maker and he made me a beautiful pair of Kid shoes. Francis I expect will go out on the prairie to work this week. We live very comfortably and if he is well we shall get along first rate. You must write when you can. Send me some papers. I would like first rate to read a Greenfield paper. Send a Prophet or Messenger821 suppose it is now.

W e do not take them. I shall write as often as I have any news.

I would like to take a peep at Mirancy (Tell Ophelia I have commenced a letter for her.

We wish to be with the twelve you know but we are at liberty to stay if we please. Joseph preached just before he died that this city would be head quarters, but there is a time when the Saints will enter the secret Chambers for the scourges and judgements to pass through and purify even this city but when I do not know.

Love to all. W e send love to you all in particular.

[No signature but in the handwriting of Irene] V Addressee:

Miss Ophelia M. Andrews North New Salem Franklin Co. Mass.

Postmarked: Nauvoo Ills. Sept 21 [1845] [July 4, 1845] Beloved Cousin It is independence day.33 We celebrated that day in the east but we think now the independence of the United States is too near gone to raise the flag of liberty, if not of the whole community, of the mormon people. If we could be in each others society today I think we would enjoy independence in the superlative degree. If we were at New Salem I think we would ramble through the woods and over the hills and dales of some of "The Nauvoo Neighbor was a weekly paper published from May 3, 1843 until the exodus of the Mormons from Nauvoo early in 1846. John Taylor was editor.

"The Times and Seasons was published monthly and semi-monthly from November, 1839 to February, 1846. It was the organ of the Church and ran through 131 numbers or six volumes.

82 See note 14 above.

3a In the proceeding letter, dated July 26, 1845, Irene states that she had commenced a letter to Ophelia. This is perhaps the one started on July 4.

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the rocky pastures; or perhaps we might open our Commonplace Book or write a piece of poetry or composition. What fine timesl All this is passed; perhaps forever.

If you would step into Nauvoo, enter at the lower landing, pass up Main St then Munson St until you came to a one story and half brick house very pleasantly situated between two others of similar description. Step into the front entry open the door on the right (without knocking) there you would see Irene; it is not yet three months since we parted but it seems a long long while.

I am very happy and contented but have not forgotten old friends.

Well after we had talked over things which have transpired since our separation we would "take a walk." Where would we go; to view the great and beautiful temple. O now I think! W e would go down to the beautiful Mississippi and take a pleasure ride; we think some of going this afternoon. Will you join us? If not otherwise engaged, I think you would gladly.

Sabbath morning Sep, 21st I think you must excuse me this once for delaying so long this letter as I never did before. I never before commenced a letter without finishing it immediately. I would think tomorrow perhaps there will be a better opportunity.

It is, has been so very warm it was as much as a Yankee would like to do to keep from "roasting." I have been engaged in domestic affairs this morning; but thought I must omit some things until I could finish this letter as the mail goes out this afternoon. I have delayed sending it of late on account of the persecution which has been raging against the "Mormons" in the neighboring villages.81 I presume you have seen the accounts in the daily papers. I believe in most instances their lives have been spared but they have burned their houses their barns filled with grain and drove those out that were sick and not able to get out without help exposed to die hot sun. Such cruelty! The mob said they were going to drive every Mormon from the state. They could [not] raise force enough to attack the City so they took the adjoining towns. One hundred and twenty teams were sent from here to Lima36 to rescue the 8 *Anti-Mormon violence was resumed in September, 1845, which led to the exodus of the Saints from Nauvoo early in 1846. For an explanation of these events 110 years later, see Claire Noall, "The Plains of Warsaw," pp. 47-51 this journal.

35 The Morley Settlement where much of the anti-Mormon activity took place was located in Lima Township, Adams County, and about 25 miles south of Nauvoo.

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people and bring them with their goods and grain to Nauvoo from the hands of such a band of ruthless Mobbers. They were so enraged at the Sheriff36 because he took measures to stop them from burning and destroying that he was obliged to come to Nauvoo procure one or two hundred armed horsemen to protect himself and family to Nauvoo for safety. He has removed his family here as the only safe place; but the mobbers under force of the law have been compelled to disperse though not until several of them were killed.

I think I have written as much of this as will be interesting to you.

I have been quite well and healthy ever since I have been here; husband was sick when we first came but he is now quite well.

How I wish you could make me a visit, what happy times we would have. I made a visit last week to Cousin Cate's on [the] prairie. She has a fine son born 11th Sep. She calls his name John.

Mr Woodbury's family all have the fever and ague or chill fever but are none of them very sick. Mr Aikin's family are well I believe generally. Mrs send love to Grandma Andrews in particular and all other friends. All the people from New Salem are generally well. Mr Ponds family all well. Abby sends love and Lizzy. Abby wishes she could see you a little while but shall [she?] has changed like all others although she is not married but still there is a little Abby left yet. I have not and will not I think at present if ever.

Emeline is well is teaching school has thirty or forty schollars [at] dollar and half per week. She is same as she used to be though not quite.

I received a letter from Mother the fourteenth. She wrote Mirancy was going back. Perhaps you will go to. I would [like] to have you take a trip up the Mississippi and make me a visit.

I shall be too late for the mail if I write much longer and I want to write a line for Mother. I hope when you write me you will finish your letter the same month certain. Write all news. I hope you get along with your school pleasantly and other matters. Love to all. Love to you and Uncle Oliver especially.

[No signature but in the handwriting of Irene] [Letters to be continued in the April issue] "â&#x20AC;˘Jacob Backenstos, sheriff of Hancock County, obtained for himself a secure place in Mormon history by his defense of law and order in these troubled times. See Roberts, op. cit., 473-83.

REVIEWS A N D RECENT PUBLICATIONS Ru/us B. Sflge, His Letters and Papers, 1836-1847; with an Annotated Reprint of His "Scenes in the Rocky Mountains and in Oregon, California, New Mexico, Texas, and the Grand Prairies." Edited

by LeRoy R. Hafen and Ann W . Hafen. (2 Vols., Glendale, California, Arthur H. Clark Company, 1956, 353; 361 pp. $19.00) For the fourth and fifth volumes of the series, The Far West and the Rockies, which they have in process, the Hafens and the Arthur H. Clark Company elected to center on Rufus B. Sage and his Scenes in the Rocky Mountains, first published at Philadelphia in 1846.

Sage was a New Englander who ventured as far west as Ohio in 1836. There he taught school for a month, then took a job setting type on the Marietta Gazette, and subsequently for another Ohio Valley newspaper. In 1838 he and a partner descended the Mississippi with a boatload of ice, but the speculation did not pay off. He returned to Ohio; worked on a newspaper at Circleville, where he organized a debating society; then moved to Columbus, where he plugged hard for the Whigs and General Harrison. After Tippecanoe's election he had reason to expect an appointment that would assure him a living, if not a "competency." But the new president had an untimely death, and the appointment never came. In the spring of 1841 Sage thus was at loose ends. It was then that he decided to try the real West.

A little earlier in the year he might have joined up with the Bidwell-Bartleson party which initiated the movement of pioneer settlers overland to California. As it was, he fell in with a group of fur traders headed by L. P. Lupton and in this fashion entered upon three years on the Plains and in the Rockies. From Independence, Missouri, they went to the Platte River and followed it to the mouth of the Laramie. Most of the winter was spent at a camp on the White River in northwestern Nebraska, followed by a hunting trip as far west as Devil's Gate. An ill-advised attempt to boat their accumulated furs down the Platte ended with a stranding in the thousand islands region. After walking into Council Bluffs emptyhanded, Sage returned to Fort Lupton on the South Platte, visited

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Taos, accompanied Antoine Robidoux to the Uinta River in eastern Utah, went on as far as Fort Hall on the Snake, and back to a camp just east of the Colorado Rockies.

In February, 1843, he enlisted under Charles Warfield, a former trapper, but now a colonel, to fight for Texas against the New Mexicans. The result was not so inglorious as it was for the Texan Santa Fe Expedition of 1841. Warfield's men were victorious in their one skirmish against men of Armijo, but their horses were run off and they had to retreat ignominously to the Arkansas. Sage spent another winter as a hunter in the Estes Park region. After that he took the back trail to Arkansas, Ohio, and before long to Connecticut, where he married, turned farmer, and quietly lived out the remaining four or five decades of his life.

Undoubtedly, the most noteworthy thing about Sage was his decision to write a book about his experiences in the West and to persist until he found a publisher who would bring it out. The book is more important than what he actually did in Ohio journalism and politics, on his Connecticut farm, or in the Rocky Mountain West.

The Hafens include a short introduction and reproduce a number of Sage letters from the Coe Collection, most of which relate to his New York and Ohio experiences. Appropriately they give his Scenes in the Rocky Mountains five sixths (about sixteen dollars' worth) of the space in these two volumes.

There is a narrative in the Scenes, but its greater strength is in descriptionâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;of trappers' outfit and routines, the Indians encountered, the natives of New Mexico and the Hudson's Bay representatives at Fort Hall, and the lay of the land and its resources. Quite a bit that Sage includes is no more than hearsay. Though under arms for Texas, he saw only the merest fringe of that republic. On the Uinta and enroute to Fort Hall he reckoned himself in "eastern California," but he actually saw only a fraction of the Great Basin and nothing of "western California" or of Oregon. As a token of the unimportance of these less substantiated parts of Sage's report, the Hafens refrain from annotating them. The parts that are primary are considerably better.

In his writing Sage is hampered by an attitude of condescensionâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; possibly traceable to his New England background. It shows against almost every Indian, against the New Mexicans, against greenhorns, and against most of his associates. The dialogue that he introduces,

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furthermore, is stilted and oratorical and smacks more of the debating society than of the frontier. Consequently, in zest and in convincing similitude, Scenes in the Rocky Mountains is a long step below the two most prized documentaries of the Rocky Mountain fur trade, George Frederick Ruxton's Life in the Far West and Lewis H. Garrard's Wah-to-yah and the Taos Trail. Its reissue, nevertheless, is welcome.

University of California at Los Angeles

John W. Caughey

The Fur Hunters of the Far West. By Alexander Ross. Edited by Kenneth A. Spaulding. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1956, xxiii+304 pp. $5.00) This book, twentieth in the American Exploration and Travel Series of the University of Oklahoma Press, is a new edition of a work long known and valued by enthusiasts of the far western fur trade. It is the first-hand account of an educated and articulate Scot's service with the Northwest Company and, after the fusion of the rival British firms, with the Hudson's Bay Company.

Ross's book appeared first as two volumes in London in 1855.

Not until 1924 was there another edition, when the Lakeside Press in Chicago brought out Volume I of the original under the editorship of Milo Milton Quaife. The 1956 edition is the best of the three. It is an improvement on the first edition because Editor Kenneth Spaulding, working from the original manuscript in the Coe Collection at Yale, wisely has tampered scarcely at all with Ross's individualistic style, thus preserving much of the flavor and bite of Ross's personality that the 1855 edition smoothed away. It is better than the 1924 ediion because Spaulding carries the narrative of the fur trade to its logical conclusion by using material that Quaife sacrificed by reprinting only the first volume of the 1855 work.

Kenneth Spaulding provides a brief and interesting introduction designed to inform the reader as to the broad struggle for empire in which Ross was a participant. However, in his efforts to give breadth of significance to the book and to the period of Ross's service, the editor is somewhat misleading. For example, on page xxi he

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writes: "The events described by Ross include the high beginning, not long after the British triumph over Astoria, and conclude with the British cause on the verge of defeat. Within this crucial decade two forces met, joined in a widespread though remarkably bloodless struggle, and contrived between them to determine the future of the American Northwest. This is the story which Ross has to tell."

Perhaps it is simply unfortunate wording, but this is not the story Ross has to tell; he tells only of this story—the British half—and that without the awareness of his role that Spaulding's statement suggests.

Ross's narrative is a straight-forward account of his activities and those of Donald McKenzie on the trapper's frontier. There is little or no evidence that Ross was interested in or understood the larger objectives of his employers. As for the meeting of the "two forces," the British and American, so far as Ross's book is concerned this takes place but once at the end of the narrative in a brief contact with Jedediah Smith and six other American trappers. Also, Editor Spaulding seems to exaggerate the crucial nature of the decade of Ross's service in the contest for the Oregon country. At about the time Ross left the trade in 1824, John McLoughlin took charge as chief factor of the Columbia Department. Under him the British hold on Oregon for a time was very firm and not until the 1840's were the British clearly on the recoil.

As a matter of fact, Ross's book can stand on its own merits. It is a very human tale told with a directness that lends conviction.

The feelings of insecurity of a handful of trappers in the midst of vastly superior Indian forces and facing a harsh and inhospitable environment are admirably captured. The weaknesses inherent in die British system of social stratification with the consequent exploitation of the underlings are clearly revealed. Finally, some of die most thorough and perceptive descriptions of the far western frontier and its inhabitants—both Indian and animal—are to be found in Ross's account.

The book is most attractive in format and is handsomely illustrated with reproductions of paintings and sketches by Alfred Jacob Miller, Henry James Warre, and Charles Bodmer. For those who like to keep track of their mountain men the facsimile map reproduced from the original edition is inadequate.

University of Oregon

Edwin R. Bingham

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So Far From Spring. By Peggy Simson Curry. (New York, Viking Press, 1956, 344 pp. $3.96) Some of the most important and readable history is written by novelists. Maybe this is partly because they can change names and localities and then strip the characters down to their savage and confused selves without fear or favor.

The history of the Intermountain West has suffered much at the hands of inferior writers, many of them transients and many willing to prostitute themselves in order to sell to publishers who insist upon merchandising the Hollywood-pulp magazine stereotype dating back to Owen Wister.

Peggy Simson Curry has made some important contributions to honest history of the Intermountain West, notably with her long poem, "Red Wind of Wyoming," giving a modern perspective to the Johnson County War, and now with So Far From Spring. The latter is a gripping and startlingly frank novel of the cattle industry of the West half a century ago, so frank that publishers debated over it for four years and the Literary Guild passed it up.

The scene is North Park, Colorado, a mountain-gird valley of sagebrush, grass and snow, eight thousand feet in altitude, northwest of Denver and just south of the Wyoming line. This is a delightful country for hunting and fishing, and it once was the scene of some mining and some early-day lawlessness. Mrs. Curry is concerned mainly with its principal industry, cattle raising, and the people who devoted their lives to it. In that respect the book is raw, ungarnished history.

In March, 1890, when the hay supply gave out and spring refused to come, a desperate cattle drive took place to the Laramie Plains some 50 odd miles away, where conditions could not have been much better. In her diary written at that time, Anna Martin wrote that the weather was extremely severe and cold and "many of the ranchers have tried to drive their cattle over the mountains to the Laramie Plains. Only a few cows got through. They say there are dead cows from the north end of the Park to the edge of the plains . . . " Mrs. Curry uses this incident, told as taking place sixteen years later, as the climax for So Far From Spring. The event brings to a head the hardships, apprehensions, and passions of the ranchers and furnishes an exciting backdrop to a dramatic decision of three princi-

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

pal characters of the novel, a tough, pants-wearing cow queen, her foreman, and the foreman's wife.

Too few of the history books tell of the dull, monotonous life on the ranches so far from town and so far from spring. The men had their cattle, about which they thought, dreamed and talked endlessly, even while playing poker and drinking whiskey. The women toiled desperately, feeding crews of uncouth ranch hands, resenting their complete lack of privacy, leisure and human dignity.

Mrs. Curry, who grew up in North Park, knows its story intimately, and she tells it with only a few fictional embellishments.

Readers who knew of ranch life in far off places at the turn of the century will recognize many characters and incidents.

Salt Lake Tribune

Ernest H. Linford

The History of a Valleyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Cache Valley, Utah-Idaho. Edited by Joel E. Ricks, associate editor, Everett L. Cooley. (Logan, Utah, Cache Valley Centennial Commission, 1956 xvi+503 pp. $5.00) Here is a most delightful volume, effectively describing the colonization of Cache Valley and a century of development since the first small expedition headed by Peter Maughan established Maughan's Fort at the present site of Wellsville in 1856. Its contents constitute an excellent portrayal of the methods by which industrious American pioneers have transformed the West from its wild, unorganized, natural state into a civilized and well-ordered community.

More specifically, it is an excellent case-study of Mormon colonization and cooperative effort in the conquest of the intermountain region. This is not to infer that the non-Mormon influences and contributions have been slighted or undervalued in the book. But the early movement of colonists into the valley was strictly Mormon, and a high percentage of the people there today are still of that faith; so the various activities, developments, and institutions naturally reflect the L. D. S. Church influence.

The organization and format of the work reflect careful and able planning by its editors and authors. The book consists of several carefully selected and, on the whole, well-written essays on various aspects of historic development in Cache Valley. By using this topical approach the authors are able to follow major developments in the

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whole valley throughout the whole period of time covered. They deliberately avoid the fragmentation that would have resulted from any attempt to write numerous short histories of individual towns.

Although Cache Valley is bisected by the Utah-Idaho boundary, the authors have not allowed this artificial division to bias their treatment of the various units of the valley's history.

Although there is one excellent chapter devoted to political developments, the book is primarily a social, cultural, economic history. After two brief chapters devoted to the physical features of Cache Valley and human activity there prior to 1856, the volume jumps right into an account of the planting of the first settlement and continues through with the problems of protection from the Indians and the weather, the business of earning a living, cooperative activities in such economic fields as farming, canal building, merchandising, etc., as well as social and religious enterprises, transportation and communication advances (railroading and telegraph), evolution of schools (public and private), and colleges. Extensive use is made of diaries, letters, minute books, and other original sources. The book literally is crammed full of interesting and significant material which is so skillfully organized and presented that readers will find it most delightful as well as informative reading.

One error, found in many histories of the West, is perpetuated in this volume. This is the statement that the south boundary of the Oregon Country was set at the 42nd parallel by the Convention in 1818, which provided for joint U. S.-British occupation of that region. However, that treaty did not specify any southern limit to the Oregon Country, but rather broadly referred to it as that region lying west of the "Stony Mountains." The Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819, between the United States and Spain, did eliminate any U. S. claims to land lying south of the 42nd parallel, and the fact that that line did become eventually the southern boundary of the Oregon Countryâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the present Utah-Idaho lineâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;is probably responsible for the confusion.

The book contains an extensive appendix wherein a great deal of statistical and other material is located. There is an excellent bibliographical essay, a short biographical note identifying each of the contributors, and an adequate index. Numerous photographs and maps supply illustrative material so important in a work of this kind.

University of Utah

David E. Miller

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The American Heritage Reader. Selections from the Magazine of History. With an introductory note by Bruce Catton. (New York, Dell Publishing Company, 1956, 250 pp. 50<0 The American Heritage Reader is a Dell, First Edition pocketbook. It aims to bring the richness of our past by way of fresh, littleused paths. It brings living history. A sampling of the table of contents should inspire one to settle down on a cold winter evening and bury his nose in a book, a history book. "What they Did There," by Bruce Catton; "A Medical Profile of George Washington," by Dr. Rudolph Marx; "General Lee's Unsolved Problem," by Clifford Dowdey; "Martyr for a Free Press," by Alvin Harlow; "Painters of the Plains," by Eugene Kingman; "The Hanging of John Brown,"

by Boyd B. Stutler; "The Giants of American Conservatism," by Clinton Rossiter; and "The Boyhood of Alexander Hamilton," by Dorothie Bobbe are just a few of the intriguing titles. In addition to such a wealth of information are eight pages of full-color illustrations.

The Journal of Lt. Thomas W. Sweeney, 1849-1853. Edited by Arthur Woodward. (Los Angeles, Westernlore Press, 1956, 278 pp. $7.50) Lt. Sweeney's Journal is immediately concerned with the establishment of Fort Yuma on the Colorado, and it was during his years as a homesick lieutenant, garrisoned with a handful of men at the Colorado River crossing and surrounded on every side by hostile savages, that he penned the day-to-day account which has become me source record of that turbulent and critical area. The Colorado River Indian wars, the supply problem, early navigation, the heat, boredom, earthquakesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;all are candidly recorded. The book has been published in a limited edition, 350 copies only, and is Volume VII of the Great West and Indian Series. Under the editorship of Arthur Woodward, the text has been completely annotated and an introduction and rare illustrations included.

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California and the Southwest. Edited by Clifford M. Zierer. (New York, John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1956, 376 pp. $11.25) California and the Southwest is the first comprehensive regional study of the area composed of California, Nevada, Arizona, and Utah. Vast dimensions, unique resources, and rapid growth distinguish these states and unite them as an increasingly significant sector of the nation. Included in its analysis are some topics which have never before been examined from the regional viewpointâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;descriptions of the ocean off the California coast, analyses of the area's iron and steel industry, and the history of early settlement, plus questions of water supply and power. Thirty-two specialists have written on the subject of their competence, assuring a more authoritative coverage of the various topics. The book is primarily a text with charts, graphs, maps, illustrations and reading lists, but it is so well-written that it provides interesting reading for the casual reader and provides the background necessary for understanding current problems and opportunities in this rapidly changing section.

Marry Me, Carry Me. By Ardyth Kennedy. (Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1956, 433 pp. $3.95) Marry Me, Carry Me is written against a Mormon background.

The locale of the story is set in Park City in the days when "the trip to Park City less than forty miles away but high up in the mountains took four hours." Such locally well-known names as the Z.C.M.I., Ogden, and Salt Lake City are sprinkled throughout the book. A person born and bred in Utah will get the same comfortable sense of familiarity from this book that he does from others by Miss Kennelly.

The Cattle Drives of David Shirk. Edited by Martin F. Schmitt.

(Portland, Oregon, The Champoeg Press, 1956, 148 pp. $10.00) The personal recollections of David Lawson Shirk, in which the area from Texas to the Idaho mines and the dates from 1871 to 1873 are covered, provide a detailed account of the first beef cattle bonanza

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

west of the Rocky Mountains, and are the only personal narrative to be recovered from the giants of the cattle business. Events in the Owyhee Region of southwestern Idaho, eastern Oregon and northern Nevada relating to silver mining and the cattle industry are here chronicled and appear in no other printed work. The reminiscences are useful also as a source of data on persons, events, and places in the Owyhee country. The book was printed in a very limited edition by the Champoeg Press, Reed College, Portland, Oregon.

America Moves West. By Robert E. Riegel. (New York, Henry Holt and Company, 1956, 659 pp. $7.75) This book which has been a standard text and a classic in its field, the story of the westward movement in America, is now in its third revised edition, the original edition appearing in 1930 and the second revised, in 1947. The author states in his preface that "any author feels pleased when his work remains in sufficient demand to warrant revision, and welcomes the opportunity to make the changes necessitated by the passing of the years . . . " Pertinent research of the past decade has been added; there is a new chapter on the Pacific Coast, and the reading lists have been completely redone.

The appearance and utility of the book is enhanced by attractive end-paper maps.

Brigham Young. By Olive Burt. (New York, Julian Messner, Inc., 1956,192 pp. $2.95) Olive Burt's story is primarily a youth book, but it is wellwritten history combined with elements of adventure and religious inspiration. Brigham emerges from the pages warm and vital with a faith that could and did sustain thousands. The people closely associated with him, as well as his wives and children, are alive and human. The book is well-indexed, which in itself is a chronicle of the history of the Mormons.

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Fabulous Farmer. By Roger Holmes and Paul Bailey. (Los Angeles, Westernlore Publishers, 1956, 184 pp. $3.00) The story of Walter Knott and his berry farm is the tale of how one man turned poverty and adversity into dazzling success. It is the story of American free enterprise with odd and new twists. Walter Knott's leanings toward the preservation of western scenes and flavor struck a ready response in Paul Bailey's own heart, for he believes that Knott's Berry Farm, through its visual education, is one effective way of introducing busy Americans to their great heritage in the pioneer west.

Maude Adams. By Phyllis Robbins. (New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1956, 308 pp. $5.00) The name of Maude Adams always will evoke a special magic for American theatre lovers, and especially to Utahns and westerners generally, for they claim her as their own. Phyllis Robbins was a close friend of Miss Adams, and through close association with her has been able to tell the story of her career from her debut at the age of nine months, up through the early touring days, to the fabulous years of success. She has given us also intimate glimpses of Miss Adams as a woman.

American Indians Dispossessed: Fraud in Land Cessions Forced upon the Tribes. By Walter H. Blumenthal. (Philadelphia, George S. MacManus Co., 1955) Anaconda: Life of Marcus Daly, the Copper King. By H. Minar Schoebotham. (Harrisburg, Pa., The Stackpole Co., 1956) An American in California, the Biography of William Heath Davis, 1822-1909. By Andrew F. Rolle. (San Marino, Huntington Library, 1956) Archeological Excavations in Iron County, Utah. By Clement W. Meighan and others. (Salt Lake City, University of Utah, May, 1956)

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Brand Book of the Denver Posse of the Westerners for 1955. Vol. XI. Edited by Allan Swallow. (Denver, The Westerners, 1956) The Centuries of Santa Fe. By Paul Horgan. (New York, E. D. Dutton Co., 1956) Early Man in the Columbia Intermontane Province. By Richard D. Daugherty. Anthropological papers No. 24. (Salt Lake City, University of Utah, February, 1956) The Far Western Frontier, 1830-1860. By Ray Billington. (New York, Harper's, 1956) The Fighting Cheyennes. By George Bird Grinned. Reissue. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1956) Ghosts of the Glory Trail. By Nell Murbarger. (Palm Desert, California, Desert Magazine Press, 1956) Half Horse Half Alligator. The Growth of the Mike Fink Legend Edited by Walter Blair and Franklin J. Meine. (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1956) The Handbook of Wilderness Travel. By George and Iris Wells.

(New York, Harper's, 1956) A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians. By Doan Robinson. Reprinting of 1904 ed. (Minneapolis, Ross and Haines, 1956) The Hopi Indians, Their History and Their Culture. By Harry C. James. (Caldwell, Idaho, The Caxton Printers, 1956) The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture, With Comparative Material From Other Western Tribes. By John C. Ewers. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 159. (Washington, GPO, 1955) Joseph Reddeford Walker and the Arizona Adventure. By Daniel Ellis Conner. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1956)

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

83

Literature of the American Southwest. A Selective Bibliography.

Compiled by Kenneth Kurtz. (Los Angeles, Occidental College, 1956) Men to Match My Mountains. By Irving Stone. (Garden City, Doubleday&Co., 1956) Narratives of Exploration and Adventure. By John Charles Fremont, edited by Allan Nevins. (New York, Longmans, Green and Co., 1956) Nikoline's Career. By Margaret Maw. (New York, Oxford University Press, 1956) Old Bullion Benton: Senator From the New West. By William Nesbit Chambers. (Boston, Atlantic-Little, Brown, 1956) The Old West Speaks. By Howard R. Driggs. (New York, Prentice Hall, 1956) The Oneness Trail. A Novel of the Washoe Indians. By Walter C. Wilson. (New York, The Exposition Press, 1956) On the Arkansas Route to California in 1849. The Journal of Robert B. Green of Lewisburg, Pennsylvania. Edited by J. Orin Oliphant.

Lewisburg, Pa., Bucknell University Press, 1955) Our National Forests. By Bernard Frank. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1955) The Parkman Reader: From the Works of Francis Parkman. Edited

by Samuel Eliot. (Boston, Little, Brown and Co., 1955) The Rocky Mountain Revolution. By Stewart Holbrook. (New York, Henry Holt and Co., 1956) Saints of Sage and Saddle. By Austin and Alta Fife. (Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1956)

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The Story of Bodie. By Ella M. Cain. (Sonora, California, The Mother Lode Press, 1956) These Thousand Hills. By A. B. Guthrie, Jr. (Boston, Houghton Mifflin Co., 1956) Utah Economic Patterns. By EIRoy Nelson. (Salt Lake City, University of Utah Press, 1956) The Voyageur. By Grace L. Nute. Reprint of 1931 edition. (St. Paul, Minnesota Historical Society, 1955) Allan Nevins, "A Record Filled with Sunlight [John Charles Fremont]," American Heritage, June, 1956.

Lucius Beebe, "Varnish for the Nabobs [story of private railroad cars]," ibid.

Wayne Gard, "How They Killed the Buffalo," ibid., August, 1956.

Ray A. Billington, "Best Prepared Pioneers in the West," ibid., October, 1956.

Linzee W. King Davis, "Modern Navajo Water Color Painting," Arizona Highways, July, 1956.

Philip Newill, "The Whispering Mountains [Uranium in the land of the Navajos]," ibid.

Jack Cary, "St. David on the San Pedro [Mormon settlement in Arizona]," ibid., August, 1956.

Lawrence Clark Powell, "Books, Pinon Nuts and Shadows," ibid.

Ray Manley, "Arizona is My Studio," ibid.

Beatrice Edgerly, "Right into Navajo Land," ibid., September, 1956.

Ross Santee, "The West I Remember," ibid., October, 1956.

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

85

John W. Payne, "Samuel Preston Moore's Letters to William E. Woodruff," The Arkansas Historical Quarterly, Autumn, 1956.

Ivy Baker Priest, "Our Family Storehouse," Better Homes and Gardens, October, 1956.

Wallace Stegner, "Ordeal by Handcart," Collier's, July 6, 1956.

Herbert W. Dick, "The Excavation of Bent's Fort, Otero County, Colorado," Colorado Magazine, July, 1956.

Arthur Woodward, "Sidelights on Bent's Old Fort," ibid., October, 1956.

"Ute Indian Museum Dedication," ibid.

Clay P. Malick, "The Dinosaurs go to Washington," The Colorado Quarterly, Summer, 1956.

M. John Loeffler, "Waterâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Win or Lose," ibid.

Morris Garnsey, "Regional Science and the Development of the West," ibid.

Omer C. Stewart, "Peyote and Colorado's Inquisition Law," ibid.

Carl I. Wheat, "The 1954 Navajo Canyon Expedition," [excerpts from a preliminary report] Corral Dust (Potomac Corral of the Westerners), June, 1956.

Nell Murbarger, "Charcoalâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;The West's Forgotten Industry," Desert Magazine, June, 1956.

Randall Henderson, "Petrified Forests in Utah's Circle Cliffs," ibid. , "Boat Trip in the Canyon of Ladore," Ibid., July, 1956. , "Just Between You and Me [reclamation and the Glen Canyon Dam]," ibid.

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Kitridge Wing, "Blue Water Voyage in the Little Colorado," ibid., August, 1956.

"National Park in Nevada Proposed," ibid.

Nell Murbarger, "Navy Landgrab in Nevada's Black Rock Country," ibid., October, 1956.

W. G. Carroll, "Jeep Trail Into Utah's Rugged Needles Country," ibid., November, 1956.

Grant Cannon, "Oh, Pioneers," The Farm Quarterly, Autumn, 1956.

Bernard DeVoto, "Bread Loaf, Vermont," Ford Times, May, 1956.

Wallace Stegner, "America's Mightiest Playground," Holiday, July, 1956.

Bernard DeVoto, "Your National Forests," ibid., August, 1956.

David O. McKay, "Handcarts," Improvement Era, July, 1956.

Gustive O. Larson, "The Handcarts of '56," Ibid.

Marba C. Josephson, "Hurrah, Hurrah for the Handcarts," ibid.

Bryant S. Hinckley, "Brigham Young as I Knew Him," The Instructor, June, 1956.

Walter P. Cottam, "Utah Templesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;In Settings of Beauty," ibid.

Howard R. Driggs, "Theirs Was the Handcart Way to Zion," ibid., July, 1956.

Preston Nibley, "To Utah by Hand," ibid.

Ramona W. Cannon, "And Their Faith Wavered Not" (Each Pulled His Share), ibid.

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

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William R. Palmer, "She Stood Tall on Her Knees" [story of a member of the Martin Handcart company], ibid.

George R. Gayler, "The Mormons and Politics in Illinois: 1839-1844," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, Spring, 1956.

Hamilton Gardner, "Romance at Old Cantonment Leavenworth (marriage of Philip St. George Cooke)," Kansas Historical Quarterly, Summer, 1956.

"A Utah Steelworker," Look, September 18, 1956.

Allen W . Welts, "Fremont for President; The Race of the 'Mustang Colt,' " The Mosterkey, July-August, 1956.

William Mulder, "Image of Zion: Mormonism as an American Influence in Scandinavia," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, June, 1956.

William E. Parrish, "David Rice Atchison, Frontier Politician," Missouri Historical Review, July, 1956.

Dorothy M. Johnson, "Kid Curry, Durable Desperado [Butch Cassidy]," Montana The Magazine of Western History, April, 1956.

Jay Mack Gamble, "Up River to Benton," ibid.

Robert E. Riegel, "The Historian and the American West," ibid.

F. H. Sinclair, "White Man's Medicine Fight," ibid., July, 1956.

Robert G. Athearn, "War Paint Against Brass," ibid.

Oliver W . Holmes, ed., "Peregrinations of a Politician" (James A. Garfield's Diary of a Trip to Montana in 1872), ibid., Autumn, 1956.

Leonard H. Kirkpatrick, "Prologue to a Program for the MPLA" Mountain-Plains Library Quarterly, Fall, 1956.

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Franc Shor, "Boom on San Francisco Bay," National Geographic Magazine, August, 1956.

Nathaniel T. Kenney, "Our Green Treasury, the National Forests," ibid., September, 1956.

Sally A. Johnson, "Cantonment Missouri, 1819-1820," Nebraska History, June, 1956.

Harry Anderson, "The Controversial Sioux Amendment to the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1851," ibid., September, 1956.

Ray H. Mattison, "The Military Frontier on the Upper Missouri," ibid.

Hugh F. O'Neil, "The Precious Spikes used at Promontory," Ogden Railroad Booster, September, 1956.

David Lindsey, "A 'Backwoods Utopia': The Berea Community of 1836-1837," The Ohio Historical Quarterly, July, 1956.

Leonard J. Arlington, "The Mormon Cotton Mission in Southern Utah," Pacific Historical Review, August, 1956.

W. Turrentine Jackson, "British Capital in Northwest Mines," Pacific Northwest Quarterly, July, 1956.

Merle W. Wells, "Origins of Anti-Mormonism in Idaho, 1872-1880," ibid., October, 1956.

William J. Petersen, "The Mormon Trail of 1846," The Palimpsest, November, 1956. , "The Handcart Expeditions: 1856," ibid.

"Deep in Zion Canyon," Sunset, April, 1956.

"Family Adventure . . . the River Run," ibid.

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

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"Exploring California's Fabled Mother Lode and Northern Mines," ibid., September, 1956.

Russell R. Rich, "Bear Lake Valley Before the Mormons," SUP News, September, 1956.

J. Sedley Stanford, "Cache Valley Pioneers and Nature," ibid., October, 1956.

"Sons of Utah Pioneers Pay Tribute and Salute to Coalville," ibid.

Herb Wood, "Cowboy Rides a Camel," True-West, 1956.

July-August,

Norman B. Wiltsey, "Lords of the South Plains," ibid., SeptemberOctober, 1956.

B. P. Sullivan, "Cinderella of the Comstock Lode [Eilley Orrum Bowers]," ibid., November-December, 1956.

B. D. Titsworth, "Hole-In-The-Wall Gang," ibid.

Jesse D. Jennings, "Radiocarbon Dates From Danger Cave, Utah," "Utah Archeology Newsletter," June, 1956.

Stanley S. Ivins, "Notes on Mormon Polygamy," Western ties Review, Summer, 1956.

Humani-

Vern Wagner, "Marginal America," ibid.

William Hanchett, "Yankee Law and the Negro in Nevada, 18611869," ibid.

"Checklist of Articles on Utah, the Mormons, and the West," ibid., Autumn, 1956.

L. H. Kirkpatrick, "When a Bishop was Shepherd of His Flock," ibid.

Henry J. Webb, "Retracing the Long Drive," ibid.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

G. Homer Durham, "The Western Political Science Association: The First Ten Years," The Western Political Quarterly, June, 1956.

William Mulder, "Immigration and the 'Mormon Question': An International Episode," ibid.

Evan A. Iverson, "Communications: The National Conference on Metropolitan Problems: A Report," ibid., September, 1956.

Frank H. Jonas and Garth N . Jones, "J. Bracken Lee and the Public Service in Utah," ibid.

Harold McCracken, "Frederic Remingtonâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Writer," The Westerners (New York Posse Brand Book, Volume III, No. 2), 1956.

Noel M. Loomis, "Trails to the West," ibid.

Paul C. Henderson, "Wayfarers Find Rocky Ridge Still Wild," ibid.

Stella Adelyne Foote, "Pompey's Pillar," ibid.

Walter Hart Blumenthal, "Mormon Handcart Migration," ibid.

Weldon Heald, "Nevada's Surprise Mountain [Wheeler Peak]," Westways, June, 1956.

Ruth Kirk, "Birthday for the National Park Service," ibid., August, 1956.

Andrew F. Rolle, "New Flag Over Fort Moore," ibid., September, 1956.

HISTORICAL NOTES r

T"*HE annual meeting of the American Association for State and •^ Local History was held in Old Sturbridge Village, Massachusetts, on October 7, 8, 9, 1956. Some of the most prominent men in the field of history in America are active in the organization, and the varied functions of the group include publication of American Heritage^ the Magazine of History, History News, and innumerable brochures published for the benefit of local groups interested in preserving history on the local level. In order to pay tribute to those individuals and institutions promoting a better understanding of our national heritage at the local level, the Awards Program of the AASLH was instituted. Director Mortensen, as Chairman of the Awards Program for the Mountain Area—Montana, Idaho, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, Nevada, New Mexico and Arizona—attended the meetings and is pleased to announce the presentation of Awards of Merit to more than the usual number of nominees. A certificate wil be issued to: "The Cache Valley Chapter of the Utah State Historical Society and Dr. Joel E. Ricks, for leadership in the Cache Valley Centennial and their consistent encouragement of local historical studies." Carl Kraenzel's The Great Plains in Transition (University of Oklahoma Press), won as the best book in the field of serious history; for popular history, Whoop-Up Country by Paul F. Sharp (University of Minnesota Press); and for biography, A Mormon Chronicle: The Diaries of John D. Lee, edited by Robert Glass Cleland and Juanita Brooks (Huntington Library, San Marino, California) . In the weekly newspaper category, The Territorial Enterprise of Virginia City, Nevada, Charles M. Clegg, Jr., editor, won "For reactivating an historic journal . . . for giving the past reality through its sprightly interpretation of the present." An Award went to Judge Clark Guild, "For his leadership in transforming the Nevada State Museum at Carson City into one of the most stimulating history museums in the Far West." As an organization contributing to the cause of local history, Television Station KTVT, Salt Lake City, Utah, won "For its series of programs, 'This is the Place,' for the high degree of imaginative historical presentation, and the real advantages which accrued to historical organization in the state." Last but not least, the Sons of the Utah Pioneers and its president, Horace

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A. Sorensen, won an Award of Merit "For the creation of Pioneer Village where early Utah comes to life for our generation."

The AASLH meeting for 1957 is scheduled to be held in Columbus, Ohio.

The Society of American Archivists held their Twentieth Annual Meeting, October 10-12, 1956, at the Willard Hotel, Washington, D. C. Topics discussed in the sessions were: "State Records Management," "Popularizing History and Documentary Sources," "Protection of Documentary Resources," and "Some Legal Problems in Preserving Records for Public Use." Utah was represented at the meeting by Everett L. Cooley, State Archivist, and S. Lyman Tyler, Director of Libraries, Brigham Young University. The representatives have announced that tentative plans call for a joint annual meeting of the Society of American Archivists and the AASLH to be held in Salt Lake City in 1958.

Of special interest to the visiting Archivists, will be the monumental microfilming program of the L.D.S. Genealogical Society. Various types of public records have been filmed in numerous states. The Archivists of these states are anxious to see the use to which copies of records are put. The meeting in Salt Lake will afford them that opportunity, and an event as important as the Annual Meeting of the Society of American Archivists should do much toward arousing the interest of the citizens of Utah to the value of the preservation of their public records in their State Archives.

The Cache Valley Chapter of the Historical Society is continuing its varied activities in the interest of local history. The chapter is headed by Merlin R. Hovey, president, Mrs. Marybelle H. Pike, vice-president, and J. Duncan Brite, secretary-treasurer. The former president, Charles J. Sorenson, is serving with the School of Agriculture of the American University in Beirut, Lebanon. During the summer months, an historic trek was sponsored by the chapter.

Members and their wives and friends traveled to Bear Lake by way of Emigration Canyon into Idaho and returned via Logan Canyon. Points of historic and geologic interest were pointed out along the 136 mile trek by able members of the party. The fall and winter schedule promises to be of much interest, with Drs. David E. Miller and S. George Ellsworth having appeared as guest speakers to date.

HISTORICAL NOTES

93

Of late, the Historical Society has been called upon to render services to the state other than those strictly historical in nature.

Because of our excellent record-keeping facilities, the Society has been able to render aid to responsible persons in the attempt to solve such problems as those involved in coordinating a State Parks System, the establishment of a State Library Agency, and placement of historical markers, etc.

In August, Director Mortensen represented the governor and the state at the Santaquin Centennial Celebration and Black Hawk Encampment. On November 11, he was again the personal representative of the governor at the re-dedication of the historic post chapel at Fort Douglas. The chapel was built in the year 1884 and services were held there until 1946. Use of the building was discontinued for a period, but in June 1953 services were resumed, and after extensive refurbishing appropriate services were held on "Armed Forces Day," 1956.

The world of scholarship, particularly as it pertains to Western history, has suffered the loss of several people this past spring and summer. Eleanor Bancroft, assistant to the director of the Bancroft Library and guide to countless scholars, died on August 28. Dr. Frederick Webb Hodge, the great authority on the American Indian and director of the Southwest Museum, died in Santa Fe on September 28. Harry Edward Pratt, Illinois State Historian and one of the nation's foremost Lincoln authorities, died on February 12, 1956.

Dr. Pratt had worked closely with our Board member, Mr. Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., and was always more than cooperative in the exchange of documents and materials of importance to the history of the two states, Utah and Illinois.

We appreciate the contributions of our many friends and wish to thank the following for their gifts to the Society: John James, Jr., Ray Murray, Mrs. Edward Muir, Jacob Heinerman, M. Wilford Poulson, Stephen West, J. K. Fancher, A. R. Mortensen and Everett L. Cooley, Mrs. Kate B. Carter, Garth N. Jones, Ralph Hansen, Ivard R. Rogers, Grant G. Cannon, Elmer J. Hartvigson, and the Indiana Historical Bureau, Guernsey Memorial Library, State Historical Society of Iowa, California Historical Society, Phillips Petroleum Company, Cornell University Collection of Regional History, Julian Messner Company, and the Utah Geological Society.

A CONSTITUTION FOR U T A H

BY STANLEY S. IVINS*

"V\ 7"HEN the Mormons, or Latter-day Saints, followed Brigham " Young westward in search of a new home, they were inspired by the prediction of their martyred prophet, Joseph Smith, that they would "become a mighty people in the midst of the Rocky Mountains." 1 A few months after the first of them had entered the Salt Lake Valley, on July 21, 1847, the editor of their official publication in England wrote: "The nucleus of the mightiest nation that ever occupied the earth is at length established in the very place where the prophets, wrapt in sacred vision, have long since foreseen it."2 Early in 1849 these settlers met in convention at Great Salt Lake City and framed a constitution for the State of Deseret. State officers were elected, and Almon W. Babbit was sent to Washington with a memorial to Congress praying for the admission of Deseret to the Union. The request was denied, and, in the fall of 1850, a bill was approved organizing the country occupied by the Mormons as the territory of Utah.

Partially appeased by the appointment of Brigham Young as their governor, the Saints reluctantly accepted the territorial status, but their dream of empire building persisted. On March 17, 1856, they met in convention and adopted a second constitution for the State of Deseret. But by this time, a nation-wide sentiment had developed against the Mormons. They had openly avowed their belief in the doctrine of a plurality of wives, and there were complaints that they were setting up a theocratic dictatorship, under which the federal government was ignored and unbelievers were mistreated. Not only was this second application for statehood disregarded, but President Buchanan appointed Alfred Cumming to replace Brigham Young as governor, and gave him a military escort, to make sure that he would be welcomed to Utah. The Mormons resisted the entrance of the troops into the territory, and the "Utah War" followed. It was more a war of words than of bullets, and â&#x20AC;˘Stanley S. Ivins is a leading authority on many aspects of Utah and Mormon history, and has been a previous contributor to the Quarterly.

1 Latter Day Saints' Millennial Star, XDC (Liverpool, October 3, 1857), 630.

2 lbid., X (January 1, 1848), 1.

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when it was over, in the spring of 1858, the arrival of the troops and the installation of the new governor had been delayed for only a few months.

The outbreak of the Civil War was seen by the Saints as the fulfillment of a prophecy made by Joseph Smith, that war beginning in South Carolina would be "poured out upon all nations" and continue until "the consumption decreed, hath made a full end of all nations," in preparation for the setting up of the earthly kingdom of God.8 The Mormons were sure that the war would end only when all nations, including that of the United States, were overthrown and God's government established through the agency of the chosen few who, safe in Zion, had escaped destruction.

Actuated by this belief in the imminent dissolution of the Union, the Mormons called a convention to frame a third constitution for the State of Deseret. A mass meeting at the town of Santaquin, to choose delegates to the convention, adopted a resolution which said: Resolved, That should Congress again refuse us our just and rightful claim to majority as a State, we proceed to organize a State Government in our own way, independent of all powers, except from Him who rules above, and that, if brought to this necessary [sic] we maintain these rights so long as a drop of the blood of our Revolutionary Sires runs in our veins.4 The convention met on January 20, 1862, and took only two days to adopt a constitution. At a March 3 election the constitution was ratified and Brigham Young chosen as governor of the new state. Commenting upon the possible reaction in Washington to this step, Governor Young said: We shall form a State government, and you need not fear any consequences that may arise from such a course. . . .

We have forsaken the kingdom of darkness, have come out in open rebellion to the power of the devil on this earth, and I for one will fight him so help me God, . . .° a See the Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints . . . (Liverpool, 1898), 304.

4 Deserct News, January 15, 1862.

"Ibid., January 22, 1862.

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This third bid for statehood was rejected, and the dissolution of the Union anticipated by the Saints did not follow, but the phantom State of Deseret lived on for eight years. Following adjournment of each session of the territorial legislature, the state assembly would meet long enough to listen to Governor Young's message and pass an act declaring the territorial laws to be in effect in the state.

In his 1869 message Governor Young said: Perhaps to some it will seem unnecessary to keep up this organization; but it is that we may preserve our identity as a part of the nation that we assemble annually in this capacity. If the machinery is kept in order, when the time shall come for the water to be turned upon it there will be no difficulty about starting it. It is not so much to enact laws and to sit in a legislative capacity that we now meet, as to recognize our rights; . . . If we, who live in this country were disposed to meet in this capacity 365 days in the year, it would concern nobody but ourselves, except meddlers and those who wish to infringe upon the rights of their neighbors, . . .6 But the Mormons apparently tired of keeping the state machinery in order. The State of Deseret came to an obscure and unexplained end, and the 1872 territorial legislature called for a convention to draft a new constitution. It soon became evident that this convention was to be different from those which had preceded it. Among the delegates nominated from Salt Lake County were half a dozen non-Mormons, or "Gentiles," including General P. E. Connor, the once hated commander of the federal troops stationed at Camp Douglas. General Connor declined to serve as a delegate because he was not a resident of Utah, but other Gentiles attended the convention and took an active part in its deliberations.

The convention met and framed Deseret's fourth constitution, which contained a provision that such terms as Congress might prescribe as a condition of admission would be accepted. On the face of it, this provision appeared to be a compromise on the question of plural marriage, but years later, the Deseret News denied that there had been any intention to "swap polygamy for statehood."7 And Hbid., February 24. 1869. ''Deseret Evening News, January 16, 1879.

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John Taylor, Brigham Young's successor, said that the apparent concession had been made "to meet the minds of a few members, but there was no promise of compromise."8 The Mormon people evidently understood that their religious principles were not being compromised, for they voted 25,324 to 368 to ratify the new constitution. They also elected Frank Fuller, a non-Mormon, as their representative to Congress,9 and the state legislature chose W. H. Hooper, a Mormon, and Thomas Fitch, a Gentile, as United States senators.10 Mr. Fuller made an ardent plea for admission before the House of Representatives' Committee on Territories, but he convinced no one, and another attempt to obtain statehood had failed.

The next serious attempt to gain admission to the Union began early in 1882, with the territorial legislature calling a constitutional convention for April 10. The convention met nineteen days after approval of the Edmunds act, which greatly strengthened the law against polygamy. In the face of this new threat, some of the convention delegates assumed a defiant attitude. Daniel H. Wells said that in view of the possible effects of this law, "we should be prepared for such a state of anarchy, and take the reins of government until a steady government is organized." Ben Skeeks, a Gentile delegate, protested that it "would be absolute suicide" to do more than draw up a constitution, and Joseph L. Rawlins declared that he was "not willing to help set up a revolution; for the nation would overpower us." 11 After a rather heated debate, Mr. Wells abandoned his proposal and the convention proceeded to draft a constitution for the state of Utah.

The constitution was ratified by a vote of 27,814 to 498, but this fifth attempt to gain statehood suffered the same fate as those which had gone before. By this time an anti-Mormon political organization, the Liberal party, had been formed in Utah and was working actively against admission.

In the fall of 1884, an intensive campaign to enforce the antipolygamy law was launched, and during the following three years, hundreds of Mormons were sent to prison and most of the high Church officials fled into exile to avoid arrest. And the enactment mid., January 25, 1879.

"Ibid., March 28, 1872.

"Ibid., April 5, 6, 1872.

"Ibid., April 15, 1882.

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of the Edmunds-Tucker law, early in 1887, placed the Church in a desperate situation. To meet this threat, a sixth constitutional convention was called for June 30, 1887.

The convention met and quickly drafted a constitution containing an article which declared that: "Bigamy and polygamy being considered incompatible with a republican form of government, each of them is hereby forbidden and declared a misdemeanor."

Another article provided that the anti-polygamy section could not be amended without the approval of Congress and the president of the United States.12 The Mormon people were not publicly notified that they should accept this latest constitution, but they were privately given to understand that they could vote for its ratification without compromising their religious principles. In response to inquiries from his family, Apostle Erastus Snow, then in Mexico where settlements were being established as cities of refuge for polygamists, wrote: Yes, I accept the self imposed conditions of Statehood.

We can live under the prohibition clauses, same as we can in Mexico. Our celestial or spiritual unions will be purely religious and not civil contracts under State or national lawsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and the Constitution has no cohabitation clause, and any who, living in the State of Utah, desire to marry other wives can bring them for me to marry in Mexico cheaper than to pay the fine imposed by the new Constitution.

Please convey to E. G. W . and R. C. L.13 my congratulations on the happy wording of the prohibition and I hope all my Sons will vote for the Constitution. And I shall be happy to minister to Gordon and Robert when they get ready to come over here with their sweethearts.14 The people voted 12,887 to 485 to ratify the new constitution, but the opponents of statehood did not accept it as a sincere move toward the suppression of polygamy, and Congress once more rejected the bid for admission.

Confronted by this latest rebuff and an increasingly untenable situation within the Church, the Mormon leaders at last decided to surrender on the two points which had been the main obstacles 12

Solt Lake Herald, July 10, 1887.

"Edwin Gordon Woolley and Robert C. Lund, convention delegates from Washington County.

"July 22, 1887, letter from Erastus Snow to his wife, Elizabeth.

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in the way of statehood. On September 24, 1890, President Wilford Woodruff issued a statement which came to be known as the Manifesto. In it he declared his intention of obeying the anti-polygamy laws and counselling others to do likewise. And late in the following May, the Mormon political organization, the People's party, was formally dissolved, and Church members were advised to divide on national party lines.

With the issues of polygamy and ecclesiastical control of politics dead, there remained no logical ground on which to base a continuation of the campaign against Mormonism. In the fall of 1893, the Salt Lake Tribune, which had been the organ of the Liberal party, came out for statehood, and with the home opposition gone, it was only a question of time until Utah would be admitted to the Union.

In September Joseph L. Rawlins introduced a statehood bill in the House of Representatives. On December 10 it passed the House without a roll call, and on July 10, 1894, was passed by the Senate with two negative votes. A week later President Cleveland signed the bill and Utah Mormons and Gentiles joined in a grand celebration at the Saltair resort.

In November, 1894, the people of Utah elected 107 delegates to the seventh and last constitutional convention. The Republicans secured 59 seats to 48 for the Democrats. And in line with the new political truce, there were 28 non-Mormon delegates, 23 of them Republicans. The Mormon members included Presiding Bishop William B. Preston, apostles John Henry Smith and Moses Thatcher, and Brigham H. Roberts of the first seven presidents of Seventies.

There were also two stake presidents, eight counselors to stake presidents, eleven bishops, four bishop's counselors, three high councilmen, and one patriarch. Other prominent Mormons were President Karl G. Maeser of Brigham Young University, W. J. Kerr, head of Brigham Young College, and T. B. Lewis, territorial commissioner of education. Among the Gentile delegates were Charles S. Varian, who had been in charge of the prosecution of polygamists, C C Goodwin, editor of the formerly anti-Mormon Salt Lake Tribune, and George P. Miller, a Methodist Episcopal minister.

The twenty-eight farmers and ranchers made up the largest occupational group in the convention. They were followed by the lawyers with fifteen members, the merchants with thirteen, and the mining men with eight. There were six educators, four newspaper

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A CONSTITUTION FOR U T A H

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men, and five members who might be called churchmen. Then came three bankers, three builders, two photographers, two clerks, two politicians, a brick mason, a druggist, a brewer, a railroad agent, a bookkeeper, a warehouseman, a blacksmith, and a "capitalist," Lorin Farr of Ogden.

The elected delegates met at noon on March 4, 1895, in the county civil court room of the new Salt Lake City and County Building. Two days later the Republicans nominated Apostle John Henry Smith to be president of the convention. To avoid placing their Mormon members on record as voting against an apostle, the Democrats refused to put forward a candidate, and Mr. Smith was elected president by acclamation. He was presented with a gavel, the handle of which was made of paradise wood grown on the Salt Lake Temple Square, and the body of mountain mahogany.

Embedded in one end was some wood from the keel of an English ship, sunk during the Revolutionary War, and in the other end, " a piece of metal which suspended the bell which first proclaimed the freedom of the American people."16 The convention meeting place was far from satisfactory. There was little room for spectators, and the delegates sat at tables with no drawers in which to keep their papers. The feasibility of moving to "the Christensen hallâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that is the old Continental market" was investigated, and bids were obtained for furnishing metal or wooden boxes to be placed on the tables. But all suggestions for improving the situation were rejected, and the delegates remained in their cramped quarters without the convenience of drawers or boxes for their papers.

The question of seating arrangements was the cause of some debate. Finally, on motion of David Evans of Ogden, those delegates sixty years of age or over chose their seats, after which the other members drew lots for theirs.

On March 11 the president declared the introduction of propositions for insertion in the constitution to be in order. David Evans offered a provision that the right to vote and hold office "shall not be denied or abridged on any account of sex," and the actual work of the convention was under way.

"Official Report of the Proceedings and Debates of the Convention Assembled at Salt Lake City on the Fourth Day of March 1895, to adopt a Constitution for the State of Utah (2 vols., Salt Lake City, 1898), 43. Other quotations from the convention are taken from the above unless otherwise noted.

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On March 18 the convention resolved itself into the committee of the whole to consider an article on boundaries. A motion, by A. W. Ivins of Washington County, to delay action pending the outcome of proposed legislation to attach the "Arizona strip" to Utah was ruled out of order, and the article approved. It was then taken up by the convention and passed on third reading, thus becoming the first article of the constitution to be adopted.

The article on declaration of rights was approved with comparably little debate, although in reporting it, Heber M. Wells said he expected that it would be "subjected to the fusilade of a hundred guns." The first of the hundred guns was fired by Orson F. Whitney, who suggested a change to correct "what is called hegelism in rhetoric." With no one presuming to question Mr. Whitney's word on hegelism, his proposal was accepted.

An amendment offered by B. H. Roberts, providing that no person "shall be compelled to attend, erect, or support any place of worship, or maintain any minister against his consent," was rejected. The same fate met a proposal of James N. Kimball to prohibit the exemption from taxation of the property of churches and charitable societies.

The provision that private property might be taken without the consent of the owner, for private ways of necessity, and for reservoirs or ditches "on or across the lands of others, for agriculture, mining, milling, domestic or sanitary purposes," brought a quick protest from Charles S. Varian. He said that under it, "I can go upon your land if it adjoins mine, . . . I can build an outhouse or a kitchen there, I can put a cesspool upon it, . . ." Over the opposition of a dozen prominent delegates, this provision was stricken out.

A "right to work" clause, declaring the right of every person "to the fruits of his labor and his freedom to sell the same," was stricken when it was acknowledged that it was aimed at labor unions.

And a provision that elections should be "equal" was eliminated when W . G. Van Home asked what it meant. But when Mr. Varian questioned the meaning and purpose of the declaration that "frequent recurrence to fundamental principles" was essential, he was overwhelmed by a flood of patriotic oratory, and a motion to strike the section was rejected.

The longest debate of the convention was on a question on which no disagreement had been anticipated. During the campaign for the

A CONSTITUTION FOR UTAH

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election of delegates, both political parties declared themselves in favor of granting suffrage to women. When the report of the committee on elections, providing for equal suffrage, was submitted, it was accompanied by a minority report limiting the vote to men, and the debate was on. Although it was evident that those most interested in denying women the vote were non-Mormon Republicans, the burden of the argument against female suffrage was left to B. H. Roberts, a Mormon Democrat.

Announcing that he would discuss the question from the standpoint of expediency without going into its merits, Mr. Roberts warned that including the suffrage provision would endanger ratification of the constitution and the issuance of the statehood proclamation by President Cleveland. He defended his refusal to uphold the platform upon which he had been elected, saying that party platforms "are like the shifting clouds of the summer day, and may be wafted where they may." He charged other delegates with being cowards, afraid to rise above party considerations, and said that he would stand by his convictions, although his constituents were "preparing to resolute against my conduct."

More than half a dozen delegates answered Mr. Roberts, with S. R. Thurman rebuking him for not speaking on the merits of the question. To this Roberts replied that he had spoken from only three of his fifteen pages of notes, but he would be glad, on the following day, to engage in "a running tilt with my friend from Utah County on the subject of logic."

Next morning, over the protest of A. W . Ivins, who compared the arguments of the previous day to Don Quixote's assault upon the windmills, Roberts was again given the floor. He spoke twice as long as on the day before, and his eloquence was well received if his logic was not, for he was interrupted a dozen times by applause or laughter. He argued that women should not vote because they were not "in a position to act independently, free from dictation." He called upon the Bible, Cardinal Gibbons, and Lord Tennyson to support his contention that woman's place was in the home, there to be ruled over by her husband. He said that if women were given the voting privilege, only those of low character would "brave the ward politicians, wade through the smoke and cast their ballot. The refined wife and mother will not so much as put her foot in the filthy stream."

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Chosen to make the principal reply to Mr. Roberts was another Democrat, Orson F. Whitney, the Salt Lake historian and poet.

Outdoing "the tall cedar from Davis" in oratory, he compared Roberts to a bull standing on a railroad track, bellowing defiance at an approaching express train. He said that woman suffrage was part of "the pageant of eternal progress; and those who will not join it must stand aside and see the great procession sweep on without them, [applause]" There were many defenders of the rights of women, with most everyone agreeing with C. P. Larsen of Sanpete County, who explained: "As this seems to be a testimony meeting, I desire to just bear my testimony as well." Almost three-fourths of the delegates bore their testimonies, with only half a dozen supporting the stand of Mr. Roberts. When Richard Mackintosh expressed the fear that, with women voting, the Mormon Church would resume its dictation in political matters, Heber M. Wells quipped: When the angel Gabriel blows his trumpet, on the great final judgement day, summoning us all to arise and report progress, I shall be surprised if my friend Mackintosh does not peep out of his mounted sarcophagus and say, "Hold on, boys till we see whether that old fellow with the horn isn't Moroni instead of old Gabe." Now is it possible to satisfy those who share this distrust?

Mr. Roberts asked for the privilege of closing the debate, explaining that his Davis County constituents were demanding that he cease his opposition to equal suffrage or resign, and that "there is a great probability sir, that this next speech of mine will be the last that I shall make upon the floor of this convention." His request was granted, and his closing speech set for the morning of April 2. An hour before the opening of the convention room on that morning, "great throngs of people began climbing the flights of stairs leading to the meeting chamber." When the doors were opened, the crowd rushed in, led by ladies who occupied the seats of delegates who had not yet arrived. A squad of police finally restored order to a point where the session could open.16 A motion to move to the Salt Lake Theatre, where "a thousand people waiting in the hallways and down to the ground to hear the eloquent speech of Mr. Roberts" could be accommodated, was tabled and Mr. Roberts ad"Deseret Evening News, April 2, 1895.

A CONSTITUTION FOR U T A H

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dressed the committee of the whole. His many curious listeners must have been disappointed, for his speech was largely a repetition of his earlier arguments. He said that participation of women in politics would place them "in danger of sacrificing the high regard of men, which ever goes with true womanhood. . . . I once saw a woman chewing tobacco. It was a vice a hundred times more disgusting in her than in man; . . . let it operate twenty years, let it operate fifty, a hundred years, we will have a womanhood from whom we will dispose to flee."

At the conclusion of Mr. Roberts' speech, a vote was taken on an amendment providing for submitting the question of female suffrage to the vote of the people as a separate article. Only twentynine votes were counted for the proposal, twenty-five of which were cast by Republicans, and seventeen of these by non-Mormons. Two days later a motion to postpone the third reading of the article on elections and rights of suffrage was rejected, but on the following morning, Mr. Varian moved that the whole article be sent to a special committee, with instructions to write a new article, including a provision for submitting the question of woman suffrage to a separate vote. Thus the question which had been decided so many times was once more open, and the debate began anew. Led by Mr. Roberts and nine Gentile delegates, it continued all day and became even more heated than it had previously been. Roberts accused his fellow Democrats of playing peanut politics, to which Charles H. Hart, Democrat from Cache County, replied: "We have given him so much rope in this Convention and have submitted so long to his arrogance that he comes in this morning and denounces his democratic associates here as peanut politicians, . . ." And David Evans, another Democrat, asked: Does he mean to insinuate that men who favor striking the last shackle of political slavery from the limbs of women are scurvey and peanut politicians? I have stood this thing long enough. I care not whether it be the gentleman from Davis County or any other, it makes no difference to me.

I stand upon this question upon principle and I am ready to vote.

He called Roberts' behavior "an act of perfidy and dishonor," and said that, upon the streets of Salt Lake, bootblacks were "hailing

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everyone passing by, asking them to sign that petition for separate submission. What kind of an expression of opinion is that?"

F. J. Kiesel, a non-Mormon from Ogden, charged that the ladies of the Mormon Female Relief Society were responsible for the agitation for suffrage, and W . G. Van Home, another Gentile member, threatened: Peace may be called for, but it will be called for in vain.

The mutterings of the storm only have been heard now.

You will hear the full burst of thunder when we come to submit, to the people and the proposition of voting for woman's suffrage, or you cannot have any Constitution, [applause]" To this threat, George P. Miller, the Methodist minister from Sevier County, replied: "We accept the challenge and when it shall come to a test, the gentleman from Salt Lake City will realize that the outside counties carry some force, [applause]" When the wrangling was over, the Varian motion was defeated by a vote of 53 to 43. The equal suffrage provision was then adopted 75 to 14, with 12 absent and 5 excused from voting. Mr. Roberts and two other Democrats joined with 11 Republicans in voting against adoption.

On April 8 the whole article on elections and suffrage was approved, but the female suffrage issue was not dead. Petitions poured in and by the end of April, 188 had been received. Of these, 139 bearing 13,980 signatures, requested submission of a separate suffrage article, and 48, with 17,580 signers, asked that the equal suffrage provision be placed in the constitution. One petition was signed by thirteen citizens of Bingham, who were dead set against the whole idea of ladies' voting.

On April 18, a motion of Mr. Varian, to reconsider the vote by which the suffrage article had been adopted, was defeated 69 to 32, and the debate, which had consumed almost ten of the fiftyfive working days of the convention, was finally ended.

The nearest approach to a strictly partisan division came during consideration of the article on the legislative department when the Democrats tried to insert a prohibition against state aid to private business. Following the failure of six attempts to have such a provision adopted, Charles S. Varian, the prominent Republican leader, offered an amendment declaring that the legislature should not

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authorize the state to "lend its credit or subscribe stock or bonds in aid of any railroad, telegraph, or other private, individual or corporate enterprise, or undertaking." A long debate followed, during which Mr. Varian was charged with deserting his party and assuming the role of delegate-at-large. The argument became violently partisan, with J. R. Bowdle accusing all Democrats of being afflicted with liver complaint, and C. C. Goodwin suggesting that they should go to Provo, where the asylum for the insane was located. With five Republicans joining with forty-one Democrats, the Varian amendment was adopted 46 to 44 and went into the constitution.

During consideration of the question of starting salaries, economy was the watchword, with many delegates calling attention to the heavy financial burden which would come with statehood.

In support of his motion to set the pay of legislators at $2.50 per day, John Henry Smith, the convention president, said that attending the legislature was "a holiday for six weeks during the winter, upon the part of most of the members, desiring to have a good time away from home." Charles H. Hart protested that "you cannot have a good time on two dollars and a half a day," and William Creer said: "It is nowhere written in the scriptures, I believe, that a man should serve without purse or scrip." Mr. Smith's motion was rejected and a salary of $4.00 per day was agreed upon.

Salaries of elected state officials were set at $2,000.00 per year for the governor and secretary of state, $1,500.00 for the auditor and attorney-general, and $1,000.00 for the treasurer. Edward H. Snow, a school teacher from Washington County, moved to raise the salary of the superintendent of schools from the recommended $1,000.00 to $1,500.00, but he said that a motion of Thomas Kearns to make it $2,000.00 would be "going entirely to the other extreme." C. C. Goodwin protested against the convention advertizing "all down through the years" that it had so little respect for the duties of a school superintendent, as to fix his salary at $1,000.00. He hoped it would be set at $2,000.00, "just to save a little of our self respect."

With Gentile delegates supporting it 21 to 3, and Mormons opposing it 46 to 27, the Kearns' motion was rejected, and the $1,500.00 salary was agreed upon.

A salary of $3,000.00 was set for supreme and district court judges. Trying to have this cut to $2,000.00, Lorin Farr told how he had been paid only $50.00 for serving as mayor of Ogden for

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twenty years. He said that, after finishing his official duties each day, "I went to my garden and I hoed my potatoes and my com, and I put in my time in that way, and by so doing I had good health, and I brought up my family, and they had good health, and it is a healthy exercise, consequently, I do not maintain that a man, because he is a judge, has got to sit on the bench all the time." He might have added that the family he cared for so well, without a salary, consisted of five wives and thirty-six children. His attempt to reduce the salary of judges was unsuccessful, as was that of some of the non-Mormon members to raise it to $4,000.00.

The debate on the question of apportionment of representation in the state legislature was not unlike those which still take place during sessions of that body. The article on apportionment, as reported out of committee, allotted the initial representation to the counties and stipulated that each county should always be entitled to at least one member in the lower house. Mr. Hart complained that Cache County had not been fairly treated, and said that since San Juan County, with a population of 365, was given one representative, Salt Lake should have 174. F. A. Hammond sprang to the defense of his county, explaining that the discovery of gold had brought an "influx of immigration," until there were at least two thousand residents in San Juan, not counting Indians.

Mr. Varian called the principle of giving each county one representative "utterly vicious and wrong," and offered an amendment providing that future representation in both houses should be based on "an enumeration of the people," according to a ratio to be fixed by law. He was supported by his fellow delegates from Salt Lake and by those of Davis and Cache counties, but S. R. Thurman of Utah County warned that if representation should be based on population, "Salt Lake City alone would control the state of Utah." The rural counties had the votes, and the Varian amendment was rejected, along with all others offered.

The liveliest discussions during consideration of the article on education were on the questions of free high schools and consolidation of the state university and the agricultural college. The committee on education reported an article which provided for free grammar schools and that, where high schools were established, they should be free. But President Karl G. Maeser of Brigham Young University and W . J. Kerr of Brigham Young College sponsored an amendment to eliminate the provision for free high schools.

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Arguing that, while children were entitled to free grammar school training, high school education was a privilege to be paid for, Dr. Maeser accused school teachers of using grammar schools as feeders for high schools. This, he said, was all wrong, because, "three-fourths of our school population get their education in our common schools and close up with that; then they depend upon mutual improvement associations and Christian endeavors, and Christian societies, and so on, for further information of a general nature, . . ."

In the face of opposition from T. B. Lewis, territorial commissioner of education, and some of the Gentile delegates, the Maeser amendment was adopted by a vote of 47 to 34. A few delegates, led by Mr. Varian, refused to give up, and a long debate followed, during which it was suggested that Mormons were holding out against free high schools because they did not want them competing with the church schools. Finally an amendment offered

by Varian was accepted, under which first and second class cities might maintain free high schools, provided that any money needed to finance them, over and above their share of the general school funds, should be raised by local taxation.

The question of consolidating the two state institutions of higher learning was debated for three days. Proponents of consolidation based their arguments principally upon the ground of wasteful duplication in maintaining two schools. Statistics were presented by Professor Kerr of Brigham Young College and others, to show that there were 265 students enrolled at the agricultural college, most of them in the preparatory department, and that there were only eight courses being taught at the college which were not given at the university. It was also shown that the enrollment at the university was 365, of whom 216 were in the normal school, 49 in the school for the deaf, and 49 in the preparatory department, leaving 81 "doing university work."

Mr. Ivins pointed out that, for the 1894-95 biennium, the legislature had appropriated only $45,000.00 to the university and $15,000.00 to the agricultural college. He said that if Utah would not contribute more than this "niggardly sum" to the two schools, the only alternative was to combine them.

The strongest argument against consolidation was that the agricultural department of a united institution would be "overshadowed," and the purpose for which the college had been established be thwarted. Fear was also expressed that farm boys attending the

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school would feel inferior, or if they overcame this feeling, they would succumb to the influence of the city slickers and become useless as farmers. When Moses Thatcher said that the college at Logan was producing "men," while the university turned out "dudes," Aquila Nebeker protested that the gentleman from Cache, "knows, I believe, that I, while he might call me a dude, can pitch just as much hay, survey just as many water ditches, and assay just as many hand samples, as the gentleman can himself, notwithstanding I received what little education I have at the University. A dude, I think, gentlemen, is something born, not made by education, and is neither male nor female."

As a sideline to the debate on consolidation, there was no little discussion as to whether the combined school should be located at Logan or Salt Lake City. The climate and soil of the two places became an issue, and when Professor Kerr praised the soil at Logan, Mr. Goodwin asked if "the shrubs planted on that soil stand up or do they lean? . . . Some gentleman—if he is a liar he must be outside of this Convention—told me that all the plants leaned towards the college, that the winds from the canyon kept them that way." Kerr replied: "There is of an evening in Logan a gentle breeze from the canyon there which makes it very pleasant in the summer, but I do not think it is sufficient to interfere with the shrubbery on the hill."

When Mons Peterson proposed that the school be located at Logan, Mr. Hammond declared that he was "opposed, sir, to this substitute offered by the member from Grand County, although he is my son-in-law. He is a republican and I can forgive him, but he is off—plumb wrong. The idea of moving the university, as his substitute provides, to Cache County—why he may as well take it to the North Pole so far as San Juan could get any good from it."

All the talk about a site was wasted, for the movement for consolidation was doomed from the beginning. With the exception of Professor Kerr, the Cache County delegation stood firmly against it, and they were supported by such prominent leaders of both parties as Charles S. Varian, Samuel R. Thurman, David Evans, Franklin S. Richards and Brigham H. Roberts. When the decisive vote came, consolidation was rejected 78 to 33.

The sharpest debate during discussion of the article on taxation and revenue was on the question of taxing mortgages. As reported out of committee, the article called for taxation of money

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and notes, but the fifth section provided that notes secured by mortgages, or the mortgaged property, should be exempt. This provision met with strong opposition, led by John F. Chidester of Garfield County, A. W . Ivins of Washington, and David Evans of Weber, on the ground that it had been sponsored by the money lenders as a means of evading taxation. Its defenders praised it as a safeguard against double taxation. Mr. Chidester's motion to strike out the offensive fifth section was finally brought to a vote and passed, 57 to 24.

Andrew S. Anderson of Beaver County complained that a provision exempting Church property from taxation was unjust because the time might come when "probably half the citizens won't believe in any church." This brought a comment from Mr. Thurman that "there won't be any religious worship then," and Mr. Anderson's complaint was ignored.

With the delegates in general agreement on the importance of economy in government, there were no serious disputes over the article on public debt, which limited state indebtedness to $200,000.00 except in certain emergencies. When David Evans moved to strike out the emergency clause, C. C. Goodwin asked how, without it, money could be raised to meet an unexpected need. J. D. Holladay of Santaquin volunteered: "Get it out of the Tithing Office [laughter]." Mr. Goodwin could see nothing funny about the remark, and suggested that Holladay be put out. The Evans' motion was rejected.

Edward H. Snow offered an amendment preventing counties, cities, or school districts from creating indebtedness in excess of current taxes without the approval of a majority of qualified electors.

This led to a long debate on the question of permitting persons staying at home on election day to exercise the same influence as those who came out to vote. The Snow amendment was rejected after J. R. Bowdle had asked how a majority of the qualified electors could be determined if one or two should die on election day.

The committee on labor and arbitration reported an article of nine sections, which was roughly treated. Four sections were rejected, as was a motion of B. H. Roberts to strike the whole article.

An additional section proposed by Thomas Kearns, providing for an eight hour work day and laws to protect the health and safety of workers in factories, smelters and mines, was adopted 79 to 11.

But an amendment offered by C. C. Goodwin, prohibiting em-

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ployment of boys under eighteen years of age in "occupations dangerous to life and limb," was withdrawn in the face of a storm of protests.

During the discussions on the labor article, the two delegates standing out as defenders of the rights of the working man were Mr. Kearns, a Park City mining man, and C. N. Strevell, an Ogden merchant.

There was a brief but earnest debate on the question of prohibiting the sale of liquor. Before the convention met, a committee named by the Association of Protestant Churches, the president of the Mormon Church, and the Catholic bishop of Utah sent a letter to each delegate, asking for submission to the vote of the people of an article prohibiting the manufacture and sale of intoxicating beverages.17 Beginning on March 14, petitions bearing 9,626 signatures were received, asking for a prohibition article, and three propositions on the question were introduced. They were referred to the committee on schedule, future amendments and miscellaneous, which recommended that "the subject be left to the Legislature." A minority report, signed by the Reverend Miller and two others, submitted an "article on prohibition, to be voted on as a separate measure."

A motion by A. W . Ivins to adopt the minority report was supported by Mr. Miller and half a dozen others, but it soon became evident that there was little convention sentiment for prohibition.

With most of the Gentiles remaining silent, an awesome array of prominent Mormons took the floor to speak against the minority report. Among them were Apostle Moses Thatcher, B. H. Roberts of the first seven presidents of Seventies, presidents Karl G. Maeser of Brigham Young University and W . J. Kerr of Brigham Young College, T. B. Lewis, commissioner of education, S. R. Thurman, and George M. Cannon. These church and civic leaders were backed up by one stake president, four counselors, two stake presidents, six bishops, four bishop's counselors, and two high councilmen.

Speaker after speaker deplored the evils of drink, but insisted that they could not be corrected by legislation. Mr. Thatcher dramatically related how he had watched while the normally calm citizens of Logan took young Charles Benson from the court house and hanged him to a telegraph pole because he had killed his friend "Deseret Evening News, January 5, 1895.

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David Crocket during a drunken brawl. He then told how legislating against drinking at Logan had only increased the evil.

Alma Eldredge wanted to know how man could progress throughout eternity if his freedom to choose between good and evil should be taken away. And Mr. Hammond asked, if the Lord "could not prohibit so that His good old servant Noah in his ark would not plant a vineyard and get drunk, what is the use of trying to legislate against it?"

Some of the advocates of enforced temperance were far from temperate in their remarks. Speaking against the high license system of control, J. L. Jolley said it would mean bad whiskey, but "there is perhaps one virtue in it, and that is the rotten stuff that they drink will kill the drunkard off all the sooner, . . ." And L. L. Coray declared that "any man or set of men who will stand up here and defend the whiskey business, I consider their just reward will be to live to see their children and their grandchildren gamblers, drunkards, illegitimate, and prostitutes."

When all the talking was over, only nineteen votes could be mustered for the minority report, and Utah had to wait twenty years for its first experiment with prohibition.

As with most assemblies of the kind, the convention was pretty well dominated by a few members. Edward Partridge complained that "there are a few men who occupy the floor, and a man that is a litde backward about it does not have an opportunity until they all get tired, and then they want the previous question."

Standing out as the most active, and perhaps the most influential of the delegates, was Charles S. Varian, non-Mormon Republican attorney of Salt Lake. Called by the Salt Lake Tribune the ablest parliamentarian and all-around man of the convention, he was well informed, independent and liberal in his thinking, and an excellent debater. He made 1,129 speeches, fifty-four more than his only close competitor, David Evans of Ogden. Following these two in order, were Samuel R. Thurman of Utah County, and George B. Squires, George M. Cannon, Franklin S. Richards and Dennis C. Eicknorâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; all of Salt Lake County. Then came Brigham H. Roberts of Davis County, Charles H. Hart of Cache, and C. C. Goodwin and William F. James of Salt Lake. These eleven men contributed 53 per cent of the speech making. Seventy-nine per cent came from the top twenty-seven delegates, and less than 1 per cent from the bottom

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twenty-seven. Fifty-four members did nearly 95 per cent of the talking, leaving less than 6 per cent for the other fifty-three. There were four delegates who spoke out only three times, five who spoke twice, and three only once. Joseph E. Thorne of Utah County sat through the proceedings without saying a word, except to record his vote. On the last day but one, he was rewarded for his consideration by being asked to offer the opening prayer.

Salt Lake County's twenty-nine delegates accounted for 44 per cent of the recorded convention activity. Weber, Cache and Davis counties added another 36 per cent, leaving 20 per cent for the other twenty-one counties. Only 3 per cent came from the ten counties of Grand, Iron, Kane, Morgan, Piute, Rich, San Juan, Tooele, Uintah and Wasatch.

As a group, the Gentiles were much more active than the Mormons. With only twenty-eight delegates, they contributed 46 per cent of the speaking, leaving 54 per cent for the seventy-nine Mormon delegates.

As should be expected, the lawyers were the busiest of the occupational groups. In proportion to their numbers, they did twice as much talking as the ministers and newspaper men, three times as much as the educators and mining men, nearly six times as much as the farmers, and ten times as much as the merchants.

On April 30, the forty-eighth working day of the convention, the secretary began reading those articles of the constitution which the committee on compilation and arrangement had reported to be ready for final approval. On May 2, a resolution was adopted directing that the constitution "be carefully engrossed, without blot, erasure or interlineation, on parchment 11 x 17," and when signed "by the members, or a majority thereof, be bound between lids, in enduring form, and they be deposited in the office of the secretary of the Territory for delivery to the secretary of state for the State of Utah, . . ." Two days later the convention voted to grant the request of John R. Wilson for a copy of the constitution, "to be sealed up in the construction of a table whereon will be signed the first bill passed by the first State Legislature of Utah." On May 6, the reading of the constitution was concluded and its adoption called for. It was adopted 72 to 0, with thirty-four delegates absent and one, A. H. Raleigh, excused from voting. The printing of two thousand copies of the document was ordered, with fifteen copies to be sent to each delegate, five to each county court, two to each

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municipality and each Utah newspaper, and one to each territorial officer. The committee on compilation and arrangements was directed to "compile and publish, as early as appropriations for that purpose can be obtained from Congress, the journal, Constitution, and debates in full, of the convention,..." This official report was published in 1898, in two volumes of 2,010 pages.

Before adjournment on this last day but one, the convention took time out to listen to an address by Miss Clara Foltz of San Francisco, introduced by Delegate Crane as "a lady who is well known, not only through the western portion of the Union, but throughout the nation as one of the most gifted orators of the country."

On May 8, the engrossed constitution was read and the roll called on its adoption, with the delegates signing the document as their names were called. The committee on accounts and expenses then made its final report. It showed that $1.10 of the $30,000.00 appropriated for convention expenses remained unspent. But there were unpaid bills amounting to nearly $10,000.00, including $8,009.50 due delegates for their per diem and mileage.

Following a brief address by Governor West, the convention president delivered the engrossed constitution to the territorial secretary, and then announced: "The business of the Convention, I believe, is done, and the Constitution has been placed in the hands of the secretary."

Mr. Varian took the floor to congratulate the delegates for demonstrating that all that was needed to bring about harmony in Utah was to bring together representatives of all factions, "that they might look into each other's faces, ascertain each other's motives, learn to judge and believe in each other, as members of one common family. . . . In this fraternal spirit towards all of you, gentlemen I now move that this Convention do adjourn sine die." The president responded with a few words, concluding: "I think it is the design now to close by calling upon the oldest member of the house to offer benedictionâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Mr. Raleigh," and the seventy-six-year-old patriarch, Alonzo H. Raleigh, offered the closing prayer. The adjournment came at 2:35 P.M. on May 8, the sixty-sixth calendar day and and fifty-fifth working day of the convention.

At the general election in November the people chose their first state officers and ratified the constitution by a vote of 31,305 to 7,687. Most of the dissenting 22 per cent of votes apparently came

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from communities with a comparatively large non-Mormon population.

President Cleveland issued the statehood proclamation at 10 A.M. on January 4, 1896. Two days later formal inaugural ceremonies were held in Salt Lake, and Utah's forty-seven-year struggle for statehood was at an end.

THE MORMON QUESTION ENTERS NATIONAL POLITICS, 1850-1856

BY RICHARD D. POLL*

TN the years immediately preceding the Civil War, the "Mormon â&#x20AC;˘*â&#x20AC;˘ Question" figured in American life in a dual capacity. On one hand, the peculiarities of the Latter-day Saints appealed to the reform spirit which was particularly strong at the time. On the other hand, the assumed desirability of prohibiting the "domestic institution" of plural marriage suggested to antislavery spokesmen the political argument which was embodied in the "twin relics of barbarism" plank of the Republican platform of 1856. If Congress did not have the power to curb the marital excesses of the Saints, how were they to be checked? And if Congress did have such power, might it not also be exercised to exclude the "peculiar institution" of the South from the territories? The interrelation of reformism and sectionalism in the national approach to Utah affairs is one of the intriguing features of the history of the ante-bellum decade.

Neither the moral nor the political aspect of the "Mormon Question" appears to have been noticed in the organization of Utah Territory. On the contrary, the desultory discussions of Utah during the debates on the Compromise of 1850 prompted Delegate John M. Bernhisel to write to Brigham Young: "The ignorance of the collected wisdom of the nation in regard to our region of country is most profound."1 The rejection of Deseret's bid for statehood was an aspect of the contest for sectional advantage, rather than a judgment upon any of the qualifications of the residents of the Great Basin except, perhaps, their insufficient numbers. Failure of the effort to attach the Wilmot Proviso to the organic act caused antislavery congressmen to lose interest in Utah, and the Mormons were indebted to Southerners and Northern advocates of "popular sover> eignty" for the government which they received.2 *Dr. Poll is chairman of the History Department at Brigham Young University, and this article is based in part upon the author's doctoral dissertation, "The Mormon Question, 1850-1865: A Study in Politics and Public Opinion," completed at the University of California, Berkeley. ijoumal History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, entry of September 7, 1850, in Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City.

Congressional Globe, 31 Cong., 1 sess., appendix, 1485, 1776. The House rejected the Wilmot Proviso amendment, 69 to 78.

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What was true in 1850 remained true even after the discomfited withdrawal of three federal appointees from Utah and the public avowal of plural marriage in 1852 moved the Saints into the limelight. Prior to the Civil War, no major congressional decision regarding the governmental or legal status of the Mormons was made on a non-partisan basis. Though congressmen soon developed a unanimity of opinion concerning the social customs of the Saints which they lacked in 1850, when the time came to embody oratory in legislative action, votes were cast in terms of national political considerations.

It was the episode of the "runaway justices" which brought the "Mormon Question" into national prominence for the first time.3 Though the refugee officials did much to discredit themselves, their lurid accounts of polygamy, treason, and Church-inspired murder directed the nation's attention to Utah. The debates in the spring of 1852 on a bill to pay the officials for their services, were the first significant rehearsal of the peculiarities of the Mormons in the halls of Congress.4 The bill passed and the country's attention turned to other things, but the Utah delegate wrote to Governor Young on July 8 that "it cannot be denied that we do not stand where we did prior to this explosion."'

In one particular respect, Bernhisel's verdict was notably true.

Plural marriage, which had been practiced by a growing minority of the Church members since the early 1840's but had been consistently denied by Mormon publicists, was so thoroughly advertised by the irate officials that its concealment was no longer possible.

Even before the doctrine was officially announced at a special conference in Salt Lake City on August 29, 1852, various LDS spokesmen undertook its open defenseâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a defense which, unfortunately for the tranquility of Utah, did not convert many Gentile opponents of the patriarchal order of marriage. On the contrary, the strenu3 The story of the three non-Mormon officials who left Utah late in 1851 in a state of high indignation is told in Andrew Love Neff, History of Utah, 1847 to 1869, L. H. Creer, ed. (Salt Lake City, 1940), 168-77. ^Congressional Globe, 32 Cong., 1 sess., 410, 618, 826-28, 1409-19, 1446-50, 1531, and appendix, 84-93. That at least one member detected the issue-confusing possibilities of the subject is suggested by the observation of the Free-Soil leader in the House, Joshua R. Giddings of Ohio: ". . . while we authorize the sale of women here in this city, I am not to be told that we shall punish the Mormons for deeds of less enormity." Ibid., 1414.

B Miscellaneous letter file, LDS Church Historian's Office (1852-Bernhisel).

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ous missionary program undertaken by the Church in this period only made it difficult for Americans to forget, even if they had been disposed to forget, a topic so fraught with human interest as Mormonism.

Nor would the Church leaders refrain from supplying grist for the mills of their distant critics. Despite Bernhisel's fervent appeals for moderation in speeches on temporal affairs,8 Utah orators were often carried away by their confidence in the overruling hand of Providence and made statements which, especially when quoted out of context, created a very unfavorable impression in the East. By all odds the most famous of these was Brigham Young's "I am and will be Governor, and no power can hinder it until the Lord Almighty says, 'Brigham, you need not be Governor any longer,'. . . ."7 Such expressions could hardly be overlooked at a time when the question of federal authority over the territories was threatening to split the Union.

On January 4, 1854, Senator Stephen A. Douglas reported the Kansas-Nebraska Bill from the Committee on Territories. Its hectic course through Congress need not be here described, but the prin-1 ciple of "popular sovereignty" which it embodied suggested a line of argument which opponents of slavery extension used with enthusiasm during the next few years.

The Missouri Compromise principle of dividing newly-acquired lands into slave and free territories had not been followed when Utah and New Mexico were organized in 1850 with the proviso that when they were ready for statehood, they should be received into the Union "with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission."8 But neither was expected to obtain statehood soon, and other provisions of the great compromise were even more disagreeable to antislavery agitators than was the territorial concession.

6

Bernhisel to Young, Washington, March 10, 1852. Loc. cit.

'June 19, 1853. Journal of Discourses (26 vols., Liverpool, 1854-86), I, 187.

It should be remembered that the tight Church control on political affairs in Utah Territory was hardly less objectionable to non-Mormons than plural marriage.

Indeed, as the Gentile minority in Utah became more active politically after the Civil War, it exploited the polygamy issue for the primary purpose of destroying the political influence of the LDS leadership. See Robert J. Dwyer, The Gentile Comes to Utah (Washington, D. C , 1941).

8 Francis N. Thorpe, ed., The Federal and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters and other Organic Laws . . . (7 vols., Washington, GPO, 1909), VI, 3687.

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That portion of the unorganized Indian country which lay athwart the central emigrant routes to California and Oregon was a different matter. Its population was expanding, and should the much-discussed transcontinental railroad be built across it, the probability was that it would qualify for admission as one or two states in the near future. Southern statesmen were just as determined to extend the right of slaveholding to this area north of 36°30' as antislavery congressmen were to resist it. When members read, therefore, that it was proposed to repeal the Missouri Compromise, and that it was "the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States,"9 the battle was joined.

The fact that Utah was one of the precedents for the KansasNebraska Bill probably called attention to the communities in the Great Basin, and the very language of the measure invited the interjection of Mormonism into the discussion. Some of the men who were soon to become pillars in the Republican party were not loath to accept the invitation. William H. Seward, then a Whig Senator from New York, countered a Biblical justification for slavery by remarking that he, too, admired the simplicity of "patriarchal times.

But they nevertheless exhibited some peculiar institutions . . . namely, that of a latitude of construction of the marriage contract, which has been carried by one class of so-called patriarchs into Utah. Certainly no one would desire to extend that peculiar institution into Nebraska."10 Massachusetts Free-Soil Senator Charles Sumner took a different approachs . . . I presume no person could contend that a polygamous husband, resident in one of the States, would be entitled to enter the national Territory with his harem—his property if you please—and there claim immunity. Clearly, when he passes the bounds of that local jurisdiction which sanctions polygamy, the peculiar domestic relation would cease; and it is precisely the same with Slavery.11 "Ibid., II, 1175. i°Congressional Globe, 33 Cong., 1 sess., appendix, 154.

"Ibid., appendix, 268.

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Not only would the principles of the pending law permit polygamy in the territories, but, as Senator Truman Smith pointed out, Utah could apply for statehood with a constitution sanctioning plural marriage, and Congress would have no alternative but to admit her. The Connecticut member described in vivid terms the predicament which would confront the gallant senator from Illinois when he had to welcome Brigham Young as a fellow-congressman and assist his forty wives to seats in the chamber.12 Douglas's association with the Saints during the Nauvoo period of the Church made him vulnerable to such gibes, but he made no public attempt to vindicate his doctrine of "popular sovereignty" from these charges until the famous Springfield speech of June 12, 1857.

While the Kansas-Nebraska Bill was still before Congress, the "Mormon Question" came to the attention of that body through another legislative proposal. For when President Franklin Pierce recommended the extension of the federal land system to New Mexico and Utah, "subject to such modifications as their peculiarities may require,"13 the House Committee on Public Lands took him literally, and reported a bill creating the office of surveyorgeneral for Utah but subjecting land donations to this reservation: "That the benefits of this act shall not extend to any person who shall now, or at any time hereafter, be the husband of more than one wife."14 Delegate Bernhisel's motion to strike the proviso was warmly debated,15 Yankee denunciations of Mormon customs being countered by Southern insistence that the end did not justify the means. Queried Democrat Lawrence M. Keitt, of South Carolina: "If it be unconstitutional to legislate on the subject of polygamy itself, is it not unconstitutional, in donating the public lands, to impose a restriction which indirectly effects the same thing?" To which Hiram Walbridge, a New York Democrat, made a reply which was to be echoed by Mormon-reforming congressmen for decades: "I do not propose to say whether it is constitutional or not. I am viewing this as a great moral question... ."1S a2 Ibid., appendix, 175.

"Annual Message, December 5, 1853. James D. Richardson, comp., A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1902 (20 vols., New York, 1904), V, 216.

"Congressional Globe, 33 Cong., 1 sess., 1092.

"Ibid., 1091-1102, 1109-14, and appendix, 593, 603-4.

"Ibid., appendix, 593.

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Ultimately the bill was left undecided, and in the next session a new bill was substituted, which omitted the land donation provision and called only for the surveying of land and the setting aside of school sections. The "popular sovereignty" implications of the controversy being thus removed, the bill became law on February 16, 1855. A surveyor-general was therefore sent to Utah, but the benefits of the public land system were not extended to the people of that territory until 1869."

Antislavery members had been quick to see the incompatibility between the initial Democratically-sponsored land measure and the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and used their support of the former as an argument against the principles of the latter. In calling attention to the dilemma of the majority party, Ohio's irrepressible Giddings also touched a subject extremely irritating to Southern members: From the commencement of the discussion upon the Nebraska question to this day, scarcely a southern man has spoken who has not sneered at, condemned, and repudiated all attempts "to interfere with the domestic institutions of our Territories." They are now in favor of interfering with the domestic institution of marriage in Utah, among the Mormons. . . . How long are we to sit here, and see gentlemen assume one position to-day and another to-morrow?

When will gentlemen upon this floor learn that the people of this great nation expect something like consistency of action on the part of their statesmen?. . . . I would deal out to the Mormon the same measure of justice and freedom that I would give to the citizens of Nebraska, with their hundreds of concubines. I will permit the Mormon to enjoy his dozen wives, and I believe I could do it with a great deal better conscience than I could give the slaveholder the privilege of an unlimited number of concubines. . . . Mr. Chairman, if you will adopt a rule, I will follow it. I would deal out the same measure of justice to the Mormons that I would give to those of Nebraska. I would exclude slavery and polygamy from both, and from all territories.18 " A toast offered in the 1855 Fourth of July celebration in Salt Lake was: "Utah Land Billâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Give me the wives; I guess I'll get the land somehows [sic]."

Journal History, same date.

"Congressional Globe, 33 Cong., 1 sess., 1100.

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The Republican platform of 1856 can be seen taking form.

As long as "popular sovereignty" remained a tenet of the Democratic party, foes of the principle used the "Mormon Question" to muddy the waters of sectional controversy.

They did so in the congressional campaign of 1854, in which the newly-elected Kansas-Nebraska Act came under heavy fire from the newly-formed Republican party. The nickname "Polygamy Harris" was applied to the Democratic candidate from Springfield, Illinois, district, and his party journal was compelled to lash out vehemently against the "Utah Humbug." 19 Iowa went Whig in support of a gubernatorial candidate who assailed polygamy quite as much as slavery extension,20 and in the campaign which launched his long congressional career, Schuyler Colfax of Indiana worked the "Mormon Question" into his attack. When the Democratic incumbent admitted that party principles would compel him to vote for the admission of Utah even with polygamy, the Whig-Republican editor announced that he would not, "and if the good people of this district expect any such vote of me, they should not send me to Congress."21 Under the circumstances, it is not surprising that Pierce concluded to appoint a non-Mormon governor for Utah when the four year term of Brigham Young expired late in 1854. But Lieutenant Colonel E. J. Steptoe's refusal to accept the appointment left the religio-political situation in the Great Basin substantially unchanged, Young continuing to function as governor until his replacement during the Utah War. An interlude of relative peace followed Steptoe's departure from the territory, but the number of books and periodical articles about the Mormons which appeared in the mid-1850's insured that the topic would not be forgotten when a new season of political campaigning began.

The political repercussions of the popular interest in the "Mormon Question" were threefold in the Congress which met on the eve of the presidential year 1856.

In the first place, anti-polygamy bills and resolutions made their initial appearance in Congress. Not until the Democratic party was

"Albert J. Beveridge, Abraham Lincoln, 1809-1858 (2 vols., Boston, 1928), II, 236-37.

Thomas L. Harris was elected in spite of the campaign label.

2 °Ibid., II, 240. al O. J. Hollister, Life of Schuyler Colfax (New York, 1886), 76.

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split and "popular sovereignty" was defunct did a Republican-controlled Congress enact the Anti-Bigamy Act of 1862.

Secondly, the increasingly frequent references to polygamy in the discussions of sectional issues indicated the growing awareness of the nuisance value of the "Mormon Question." Several antislavery members countered Alexander H. Stephen's Biblical defense of slavery by pointing to the domestic arrangements of "the Father of the Faithful."22 While one Southern representative ventured the quite logical argument that congressional authority to ban slavery in the territories might be used to foist upon them "Mormonism, Main-lawism, spiritualism, witchcraft," and "all the absurdities characterizing fanaticism,"23 the more plausible case was that which used the necessity for banning polygamy as a justification for the claim of federal jurisdiction over slavery in the territories, as did Ohio's Benjamin Stanton, a Republican.24 Since statehood for Kansas was the most vexing issue before Congress, it was to be expected that the tie-up would be made in that connection. Declared Senator Seward: Will you even then end the debate, by binding Kansas with chains, for the safety of slavery in Missouri? Even then you must give over Utah to slavery, to make it secure and permanent in Kansas; and you must give over Oregon and Washington to both polygamy and slavery, so as to guatanty [sic] equally the one and the other of those peculiar domestic institutions in Utah; and so you must go on, sacrificing, on the shrine of peace, Territory after Territory, until the prevailing nationality of freedom and virtue shall be lost, . . -25 Finally, the people of Utah chose this opportunity to make one of their numerous bids for statehood, apparently deceived concerning the national temper by the relative tranquility which prevailed in their own political affairs. A convention was held in Salt Lake City in March, 1856, and a constitution and memorial were transmitted to Washington by John Taylor and George A. Smith. It did not "Congressional Globe, 34 Cong., 1 sess., appendix, 908, 1216-17.

28 James A. Stewart, Maryland Democrat. Ibid., appendix, 987.

24 Ibid., appendix, 410-11.

2B April 9, 1856. Ibid., appendix, 405. The Deseret News, June 11, 1856, took Seward vigorously to task for these unkind words.

T H E MORMON QUESTION

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take them long to discover that the climate in the capital was not favorable to their project, but their presence became known and elicited considerable press comment, some of it linked to the presidential campaign.

A few Democratic papers expressed their willingness to admit Utah, polygamy and all.26 The New York Herald repeatedly contrasted distraught Kansas and orderly Utah, suggesting that the latter was as qualified for statehood as the former, and posing a "nice question—nicer than niggers—between Congress, and squatter sovereignty. Does Congress or does squatter sovereignty cover the question of polygamy?"27 Republican papers, of course, rang the changes on the sectional implications of the application of Deseret. "We can hardly express our surprise," editorialized the Ohio Columbian, "that the Democracy will make the admission of Utah with or without Slavery and Polygamy one of its issues when the proper season comes for broaching the subject. . . . What a tricolor for1 freemen, for Americans, for religion, for progress, to contemplate— Democracy—Slavery—Polygamy!""

Somewhat more subtly, the New York Times made a similar point: We shall be somewhat curious to see what ground Southern politicians will take upon this question when it comes before Congress. They have been fond of asserting, lately, that Congress was bound to admit new States, without regard to the character of their domestic institutions. If this be true concerning slavery, it must, also, be true concerning polygamy.

Utah cannot be excluded upon any theory of power which would not, also, authorize the exclusion of any new Slave State.29 Since the issue did not come up in Congress, advocates of "popular sovereignty" could remain non-committal on the dilemma for a time. They were reminded of its existence, however, by Seward, in a speech late in the political campaign, in which he added yet another element to the anti-Mormon argument. "Utah," he de26 Cleveland Plain Dealer, undated extract in the Mormon, June 14, 1856; Chicago Democratic Press, undated editorial in the Deseret News, August 6, 1856.

"Editorial of June 17, 1856, quoted in the Mormon, June 21, 1856. Editorial of June 1, quoted in ibid., June 3, 7.

28 Undated extract quoted in ibid., June 14, 1856. ^Editorial, "New States," June 7, 1856.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

dared to a Republican rally at Auburn, New York, "already organized as a Slave State, with her incestuous social system is lying concealed and waiting, ready to demand admission as soon as Kansas shall have been received. The adoption of both, or even one of these States, will bear heavily, perhaps conclusively, on the fortunes of the entire conflict between Freedom and Slavery."30 The existence of slavery in Utah Territory is attested by the census reports of 1850 and I860.81 That it was a divinely sanctioned institution was declared by President Young in his celebrated interview with Horace Greeley in 1859.32 And that it was a legally recognized institution in the territory is established by the presence on the statute books of a slave code, enacted by the legislature in 1852,33 and by provisions in the draft constitutions of 1856, 1860 and 1862 which restrict certain political rights to "free white male" citizens.34 Seward exaggerated the likelihood of the slave power becoming established in arid and mountainous Utah, but there was a possibility that the common interests of the defenders of slavery and polygamy might cause them to stand together in the "states' rights" cause.

As the presidential contest of 1856 approached, it was thus apparent both within and without Congress that the "Mormon Question" had some value as a "red herring." Its interjection into the campaign was invited by the Democrats, whose Cincinnati platform, adopted June 2, stood foursquare on the principle of the KansasNebraska Act,

"NON-INTERFERENCE BY CONGRESS WITH SLAVERY IN

STATE AND TERRITORY. . . . " 3 S

Two weeks after the Democrats had offered James Buchanan, John C. Breckinridge, and "popular sovereignty" to the electorate, the nascent Republican party met at Philadelphia to nominate John 30 October 21, 1856. New York Times, October 23, 1856. In a debate on statehood for Utah, in New York's Bowery, November 30, 1856, Thomas B. H. Stenhouse, a prominent Mormon, denied that either polygamy or slavery was "an 31 institution established by law" in Utah. Mormon, December 6, 1856.

The Seventh Census of the United States: 1850, p. 998, reports slaves; Population of the United States in 1860 . . . (1864), 574-75, mentions 29.

32 Neff, op. cit., 618.

33 Acts, Resolutions and Memorials, Passed at the Several Annual Sessions of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah (Great Salt Lake City, 1855), 160-62.

34 Senate Miscellaneous Documents, 35 Cong., 1 sess., No. 240; House Miscellaneous Documents, 36 Cong., 2 sess., No. 10; House Miscellaneous Documents, 37 Cong., 2 sess., No. 78.

85 Kirk H. Porter, ed., National Party Platforms (New York, 1924), 44-45.

T H E MORMON QUESTION

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C. Fremont and William L. Dayton. The platform adopted June 17 was a brief, belligerent indictment of the Democratic record, especially ardent on the subject of Kansas, which at this time was torn by civil strife between proslavery and free state settlers. The reading of the plank on "squatter sovereignty" was greeted with tremendous applause: Resolved: That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign powers over the Territories of the United States for their government; and that in the exercise of this power, it is both the right and the imperative duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barbarismâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Polygamy, and Slavery.86 The chairman of the platform-drafting committee, David Wilmot of Pennsylvania, was well versed on every aspect of the slavery extension controversy, as were members of the group like Massachusetts's Ebenezer Rockwood Hoar, Francis P. Blair, Sr., of Maryland, and the gentleman whose keen sensibilities on the subject of polygamy have already been indicatedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Joshua R. Giddings. Credit for the idea and phraseology of the "twin relics" slogan was claimed, however, by a relatively obscure member of the committee, John A. Wills, of California: No special instruction was given to me on the subject of polygamy in the territories. But as polygamy was already odious in the public mind and a growing evil, and as both those social institutions rested precisely upon the same constitutional basis, in order to make war upon polygamy, and at the same time strengthen the case against slavery as much as possible, by associating the two together, I determined to couple them together in one and the same resolution.37 Giddings, declared Wills a number of years after the event, opposed the resolution because it was unwise to use epithets and because polygamy was already virtually included in the term "slavery," but Blair, "who knew the value of political phrases, as in36 lbid., 48; Charles W. Johnson, ed., Proceedings of the First Three Republican National Conventions of 1856, 1860, and 1864 . . . (1893), 44.

37 John A. Wills, "The Twin Relics of Barbarism," Publications of the Historical Society of Southern California, I (1890), 41.

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

strumentalities of political warfare," defended the Californian's suggestion and secured its inclusion in the platform.88 Further analysis of the campaign of 1856 must precede a definite conclusion, but it appears that "bleeding Kansas" and the brutal caning of Senator Charles Sumner by a Southern representative provided antislavery evangelists with such a plethora of dramatic evidence of the iniquity of "squatter sovereignty" and the "slavocracy" that they did not give major place to the relatively subtle "twin relics" argument. However, Beveridge says that strong attacks were made on Mormonism and polygamy in Illinois,39 and Thomas Hart Benton's bid for the anti-Mormon vote in his unsuccessful campaign for the governorship of Missouri. In a speech at St. Louis, June 21, he castigated the Democrats and President Pierce for their reluctance to interfere with Brigham Young's control of Utah, "so that this administration is actually responsible to the moral sense of the civilized world for the present continuance of polygamy in the Territory."40 Much the same sentiment was expressed by Governor Andrew H. Reeder as he stumped the country in behalf of Fremont and strife-ridden Kansas.41 Congressmen did not by any means ignore the "twin relics" in the campaign speeches which they delivered to the record in the summer months of 1856.42 Pointing out that prior to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the federal government had enjoyed sufficient authority "to repress such anomalies of condition as that gross and barbarian one in Utah," Republican Representative John U. Pettit, of Indiana, denounced the "novel and pernicious principle" which "admits the patriarchal institution of Slavery into Utah, and makes it the political twin of that other patriarchal institution, Governor Young's multiplicity of wives. It brings together there, for the first time in Christian lands, the Turkish slave bazaar, and the Turkish harem, and bids them live in love together under the sanction of our laws. . . ."4S What John Taylor, then editor of the Mormon in New York City, denounced as "An Artful Dodge" was the distribution at a 33 Ibid., 3fl

41-42.

Beveridge, op. cit., II, 429-30.

"New York Times, June 27, 1856.

"Mormon, September 27, 1856.

"Congressional Globe, 34 Cong., 1 sess., appendix, 336, 713, 1135, 1181, 11Âť, 1211, 1297.

"Ibid, appendix, 1283.

T H E MORMON QUESTION

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pre-election rally in Philadelphia of the following handbillâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a forgery: TO THE LATTER

DAY

SAINTS

THE ELDERS AND RULERS OF THE

C H U R C H O F JESUS CHRIST OF LATTER DAY SAINTS

To the Saints in the United States of America.

Dear Brethren, Faithful Followers of the Lord, and Recipients of His Grace: We call upon you to stand firm to the principles of our religion in the coming contest for President of the country.

Our duty is plain. There are two principal parties in the country, one is for us and the other against us.

The Democratic Convention in Cincinnati, which nominated James Buchanan for President, passed the following resolution: "Resolved, That Congress has no power under the Constitution to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that all such States are the sole and proper judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs not prohibited by the Constitution."

This is a principle of the Democratic Party, which they have extended to Territories, as well as States, and the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty applies to us in Deseret, as well as to the settlers in Kansas and Nebraska.

The Democratic Party is the instrument in God's hand, by which is to be effected our recognition as a sovereign State, with the domestic institutions of slavery and polygamy, as established by the patriarchs and prophets of old, under divine authority, and renewed in the saints of Latterdays, through God's chosen rulers and prophets.

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

In the Republican Convention assembled at Philadelphia, which nominated John C. Fremont for President, it was "Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over the Territories of the United States for their government, and that in the exercise of this power, it is both the right and imperative duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories, those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery."

This is a blow aimed directly at our rights as citizens of one of the territories, at our sacred institutions and our holy religion. Saints of the Latter-days, to whom God reveals his will through his chosen prophets, stand steadfast in your faith; for the time is at hand which was foretold by the prophets of old, and recorded in the Ancient Scriptures: "And in that day shall seven women lay hold of one man, and they will say, 'let us eat of our own bread and wear our own apparel; only let us be called by thy name, to take away our reproach.'"

Given by order of the President and Rulers, at Great Salt Lake on the Fourteenth Day of August, 1856.44 The extent to which the voters were influenced by this effort to exploit the "twin relics" idea is, of course, impossible to ascertain.

The New York Herald, however, was sufficiently impressed to reproduce the proclamation in a Sunday edition,45 and two prominent Republicansâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Representative Justin S. Morrill of Vermont and Senator Lyman Trumbull of Illinoisâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;quoted it as authentic during the succeeding months. 46 If the Republican speakers made only occasional use of their anti-Mormon argument, the float and banner makers of this age of political parades and pageantry found the "domestic institutions" "As reproduced in the Mormon, November 15, 1856. Comparison of this document with the style and content of the numerous epistles which emanated from LDS headquarters in Utah during the 1850's will support Editor Taylor's assertion that it is fradulent. Whether its author was an anti-Mormon Republican or a politically-inept Mormon Democrat is uncertain.

"According to the Mormon.

"Congressional Globe, 34 Cong., 3 sess., appendix, 290 (Morrill); New York Times, July 7, 1857 (Trumbull, in his reply to Stephen A. Douglas's Springfield address).

T H E MORMON QUESTION

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of Utah far too intriguing to be neglected. Almost every great partisan rally was preceded by an hours-long procession, and it seems probable that Tullidge exaggerated only a little when he wrote that "in every campaign where John C. Fremont was the standard bearer of the party, there could be read: 'The abolishment of slavery and polygamy; the twin relics of barbarisml'"" "Brigham Young, with six wives most fashionably dressed, hoop skirts and all, each with a little Brigham in her arms, occupied one wagon drawn by oxen," in a Fremont parade at Indianapolis, witnessed by an estimated sixty thousand people. "Brigham," according to the correspondent of the Chicago Tribune, "was making him-1 self as useful and interesting as possible among his white, black and piebald better-halves. He also held a banner inscribed 'Hurrah for the Kansas-Nebraska billâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;it introduces Polygamy and Slavery.' " 48 Similar performances were staged elsewhere, with sufficiently tell-1 ing effect to force Democratic disclaimers of partiality toward the Saints; according to Stenhouse, who was working on the staff of the Mormon at the time, "the Mormons had no friends anywhere."49 Even with the help of the "Mormon Question," Fremont lost the three-cornered election. There can be no doubt, however, that the "twin relics" propaganda helped to persuade Buchanan that his administration must act immediately to clear the Democratic party of the charge that its political doctrines were contributing to Mormon delinquency. The result was the ill-starred Utah Expedition of 1857-58.

"Edward W. Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City (Salt Lake City, 1886), 140.

"July 15, 1856. New York Times, July 21, 1856.

"Thomas B. H. Stenhouse, The Rocky Mountain Saints (New York, 1873), 348.

LETTERS OF A PROSELYTE T H E HASCALL-POMEROY CORRESPONDENCE

(continued from January issue) VI Adressee:

Mrs Ursulia B. Hascall North New Salem Franklin Co. Mass

Postmarked: Nauvoo Ills. Oct. 5 [1845] Friday 26th Sep 1845 Dearest Mother. I suppose you have just received a line from me in Ophelia's letter but you said you would like to hear every week; but I have such wonderful news! Last Wednesday morning (Sep 24th) at break of day we were presented with a beautiful little girl weighing eight pounds and a quarter. It is the prettiest little babe I ever saw. (Every body thinks their own is the prettiest I can almost hear Grandmother say) but every one that see it say ("what a pretty baby"). I will send you a lock of its hair and some for Grandmother (rather Greatgrandmother) and Ophelia and tell you some how it looks. It has Irene's Cowlick and eyes but a wider forehead round face quite short features dimple cheeks small mouth double chin with a small dimple. A smile rests on its countenance. I hope we shall not think too much of it; but we look at it and say how came it to be so beautiful. I cannot describe it so you can tell how pretty it does look. I wish you could see it.

I am afraid it will not always be so pretty. It has not cried at all except when it was hungry or dressed. It does nothing but nurse and sleep. It has taken nothing except one teaspoonful of cold water since it was born. I have plenty of nourishment and no trouble any way. I had forgotten to tell you how well I was but you can judge by my writing. I have had an extraordinary comfortable time.

I set up yesterday two hours or more and I have set up now two or three hours. The baby appears to be perfectly well. Sister Pond says I must not write too long. I have a first rate appetite [and]

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

have taken no medicine of any kind nor shall not have too unless I take cold. I am very careful.

Wednesday Morning Sep 31 Our lovely babe is one week old this morning [and] is as pretty as ever and appears to be perfectly well excepting when I eat too much pumpkin pie. I made eight yesterday myself. I am now quite well. I did not lay down at all yesterday. Have been in Sister Pond's room. I have had no particular nurse but I nursed myself and that is why I am well so quick. I would not take any doses myself nor let the baby. I was very hungry, but I ate light food at first.

I think I shall be able to go to conference some. It commences next Monday. We have not decided for certainty about the baby's name but think we shall call it Eugenia Francelle if you have no prettier one. I will kiss her for you. I wish to finish my letter this morning because the mail goes out today so I have sit down and left some things which ought to be done. Husband did most all the work and has gone on the prairie with brother Pond to cut some hay.

They cut hay here until frost comes; we have had no frost here yet to kill the vines.

Francis health is quite good at present. Brother Buss is dead was buried yesterday. His disease was fever I believe. Sister Buss has not recovered [her] health since her child was born. She has been crazy but is not now. She is quite feeble. Whitney went off Streamboating and came home sick in the summer [and] has not been well since. Sister Fleming is well and is helping them. Catherine has had the chills some since her baby was born but has been out of door since. She has cured them I believe. The baby has waked now I must stop. I have dressed her and she is asleep again. Thomas has the fever and ague and [also] their little girl. The rest of Mr. Woodbury's family are better than when I wrote before. Brother Aikins family were well excepting Samuel, the last I heard. Brother Ponds family are well. Sister Brimhall is well sends best wishes.

Says you be sure to come in spring. Emeline is well. Has had to leave her school that the school house might be occupied as tenements. There are three families in it I believe. The people are gathering in very fast. Abby has been assistant teacher in a school taught in the music hall but the school stopped on the same account.

All is peace at present; the people of the adjoining towns wish the

LETTERS OF A PROSELYTE

135

Mormons to sign a treaty that if they will let them live here in peace this winter they will leave in the spring. The twelve have issued a proclamation that if they [the non-Mormons] will let them alone this winter and exchange fat cattle [and] waggons, buy the houses and land or assist in renting and do what they can to prepare us for journeying all that follow the twelve will go where they will not trouble [the] United States with Mormon religion.1 The answer the people give to the proclamation is expected this week. As soon as the matter is settled and I find out more about it I shall go to contriving some way to get you here to go with us.

How can I go without you! Or how can you stay behindl You must not be left if Francis has to come clear there after you; do not worry anything about it there will be some way. I suppose father would not like to travel across the rocky mountains but I should think he might like it real well for he can hunt all the way I think.

Probably they will cross the rocky mountains to a healthier climate.

What good time we will have journeying and pitching our tents like the Israelites. If we stay here I want you should come early in the Spring just the same for husband will have to go preaching to the nations of the earth. If they do not all go there will only [be] a colony sent, so is said. You can come if you think so. All things are possible to him that believes you know. I know you would enjoy yourself here now.

Tell Aunt Milly I am happier than I used to be now I have such a pretty little girl to "fix up." Tell Uncle Thales the baby's hair is such color as his. Ask him if it has got a pretty name. I wish I could run round there once and see the girls. Harriet wished she could see Irene. I "guess" she will wish she could see Irene's baby.

Love to Ruth and Sarah, Maria and Lydia, Ann, Candace, Julia and Hariet Calista, Calista Brown and all the girls. Tell Mrs Orcutt I should like to know how big her baby is. When you read this Letter to Grandmother she will make that little - m - with her mouth and say there never was such a baby before. Love to her and to Thales. Tell Thales when he comes to bring the baby something pretty. a For a detailed account of the proclamation as issued by the Twelve under the date of September 24, 1845, and the answer given by the non-Mormons, see B. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 vols., Salt Lake City, 1930), H, 508-14.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

I have just been out of doors it is very pleasant. Ask Father if he feels any older since he is a Grandfather. I think he would be proud of his little granddaughter if he would come and see it.

I want to see Ophelia. Tell her to look at that little lock of hair and think how Irene's baby looks [No signature but in the handwriting of Irene]

VII Addressee:

None

Postmarked:

None [A penciled memo "Nauvoo Sept 1845"]

Dear Mother I received another letter from you the 14th. How happy I was to see something that came from you and here how you all were. I had written since I received your letter but you had not received it when you wrote I suppose. I am very glad you wrote again so soon. I was afraid you would be negligent. Husband and I are both well contented and happy. If you were here and Thales how happy we would all be. You must come if you have to sell your bed one day, take the money and start the next without saying anything to any body. I think it is possible or will be. I have great faith. Get ready make all calculations to come early in the spring. Have father come if he will. It seems almost if I could see him I could persuade him; how I wish he would come here and learn to be good. I hope when you write next you can see a way you can come or some prospect. Have faithl We are both very anxious about you. W e wish you to be with us, it will all yet be well I think and we will enjoy each others society. I presume you have heard of Mobbing burning &c in towns around here but no depradations have been made in the city. I will send you a paper containing some particulars. All is peace now. I was not at all frightened when every intelligencer brought threats from the mob.

They dare not attack the city it is too well armed if the charter is taken. The Sheriff went with forces from Nauvoo to bring his family into the city for safety ("though not Mormons"). They sought mormon protection as if all others would prove traitors; when the mobbers saw them coming they Hallooed Nauvoo Legion and fled

LETTERS OF A PROSELYTE

137

while they were just firing a building.2 Nauvoo Legion strikes terror to their hearts.

You wished to know if Sister Aikin looked [the same]. She is the same "old sixpence." She is not changed at all. Sister Brimhall has an excellent place to where she has the advantage of getting many instructions. George A. Smith one of the Twelve lives in the same "old sixpence." She isvnot changed at all. Sister Brimhall has a son born the last of August. Mrs Gay Mrs Ponds sister has one and Mrs Davis, Mrs Ponds Mother is well and does not wish to leave this place until she gets her endowment in the temple at any rate. I went and visited Catherine last week. She has a fine son born Sep. 11th born while I was there. She had a dream after Little Sarah died. She dreamed Elder [Heber C.?] Kimball one of the twelve laid his hands on her head and blessed her saying she should have a son near the time of the commencement of the endowment in the temple and his name should be call[ed] John. She calls it so. They are getting along well. She fed the baby next day herself. Thomas is well. The rest of Br Woodbury's family have fever and ague or chill fever. Emeline is well [and] is teaching common school nine shills per week. Tell Father we still have enough to eat and drink. When we first came [we] bought half a barrel of flour and paid money and before we went to house keeping I was out to Mr Woodbury's and braided a hat as all the rest were braiding. I sold it at the store for some sugar and salaertas3 and the like. We had meat potatoes butter of Mr Woodbury and Francis worked for him and we have not spent I do not think more dian one dollar for provisions besides that half barrel flour since we have been here. Francis has been at work for wheat and corn of late. He can earn one bushel of wheat or six bushels of corn in a day and we can sell them at the store and buy what we wish.

It is very pleasant here. We have not had a frost since we came until last night. Mrs Pond is very kind to me indeed. She takes quite an interest in my affairs. I had some homony for supper last night.

You wonder where we have a hen house on purpose and a yard for our cow. W e have a real pretty little cow two years old. She 2 Sheriff Backenstos' account of events mentioned here can be found in ibid., 490-503. For specific mention of the removal of his family to Nauvoo see especially p.3 494.

Saleratus was a natural form of potassium or sodium carbonate used as a baking soda. Irene purchased it at the store, but the early-day travelers found it in its natural state. Early journals contain many references to it.

138

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

gives 5 or 6 quarts a day milk measure. W e gave ten dollars part money part store pay. Love to all. I shall write again soon [No signature but in the handwriting of Irene]

VIII Addressee:

Capt. Ashbel G. Haskell North New Salem Franklin Co. Mass

Postmarked: New Bedford Ms. Nov 8 [A penciled memo "Nauvoo Illinois Oct 1845"] Dear Parents having an opportunity to send a line to you by Br. G. B. Wallace who is going to Boston and goes by way of New Salem to transact business for Sister Aikin; he said he would call and see you; I thought you would be pleased to see some one who had seen Irene in Nauvoo. I showed him the baby that you could see some one who had seen your little Granddaughter. She can not talk yet but Sister Pond says she laughs when she talks to her.

She is three weeks old to day and weighs nine and quarter pounds.

She looks prettier than ever she is so much whiter. I am quite well. Went to conference every day (three days). O! such a glorious meeting. It was in the temple. There were five thousand people present. They looked a great number to me because I never saw so many together before. The temple progresses rapidly. We mean to have it dedicated before we leave it.4 The church as a body intend removing in the spring and husband says father must come and go with us. They will have such good times gaming. I think if you would come you would not be sorry. They have their arrangements made. They are going in companies consisting of one hundred families each, every company half a mile apart, every waggon two rods apart. They make calculations for twenty five hundred families.'

The rich promise to sacrifice all except what they need themselves to help the poor so they all can go that wish if they are here. You must come. How can I go and leave you this side the rocky mountains *See Utah Historical Quarterly, XXV (January, 1957), 61n.

For detailed accounts of plans for the move, see Roberts, op. tit., 521-41.

5

LETTERS OF A PROSELYTE

139

and yet I cannot stay when God calls us to go. The twelve and Joseph received revelations concerning it before Joseph died. We expect to go in the first company (You must come). Husband is now very well. He talk[s] of steamboating at 20 to 25 dollars per month.

Catherine came out and made me a visit at conference, brought both children [and] staid all night. Sister Buss baby is dead and she has not yet got well. She says she and Susan will go with the church. Whitney says he shall go east. Sister Aikin is well. Br Aikin has been quite sick but is better. Samuel has been down here horseback. His lungs trouble him some yet. Mr Woodbury's family are better. Sister Brimhall is well and Emeline. I want to write a few lines to mother.

I thought you would like to know what I did with my breasts.

I had no trouble at all except sore nipples and they are sore yet.

Tell Grandmother I tried her medicine. I have not had my breasts drawn there has not been a cake in them. I get along first rate.

I should write more but Br Wallace goes today I expect. Tell Grandmother I think she could stand it, to come too if she will think so. Love to all. (You must come) Write soon.

Irene

IX Adressee:

Miss Ophelia M. Andrews North New Salem Franklin Co. Mass

Postmarked: Nauvoo Ills. Dec 24 [1845] Dec 20th Dear Cousin. Picture to yourself the same rude wild girl seated by a comfortable fire saluted by the cries of a lovely babe for a mother's care. Since I wrote before I have changed in circumstances but not in person. I look back to the time when we ranged the fields and pictured to our imagination our future life. W e were happy then and now it is realized. I am still happier. (My blue ink is frozen) I received a letter from you and a catalogue for which I am greatly obliged. The catalogue brought fresh to my mind the happy

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

hours spent in the old Academy. I well remember how reviving the morning breezes were as we hurried up the hill expecting every moment to here the ringing of [the] bell. Do you remember the time I crossed that little brook below the mill with my composition.

I had an excuse for that day and took no thought of the morrow.

I do not wish myself back to New Salem to stay but I would like to make a short visit. I am boarding with Br Pond. Lizzy and Abby are at home now. I have been trying to have Abby write a few lines in this to you but she does not know what to write. It is getting late and I want to write a few lines to mother. Good bye, write again.

With affection Irene.

Dear Mother I received a letter from you Dec 10th. Was surprised to find another letter so soon but was very glad of it. You said you perhaps I might think [it] strange that you wrote so often but the oftener the better. You must write just as often as you have anything to write [and] I will do the same. I had not much to write this time as I mailed a letter for you. You mentioned in your letter about what I wrote concerning your coming and Francis going back after you. If there is no better way, no one coming that you can come with I think he will come for you or meet you at New York. Perhaps Br Wallace will come that way. I [think] you had better write to him if I can find out where you must direct your letter. I will stop on the way to the office to his boarding place and if I can find out I will write with a pencil.

The Temple still progresses. Hundreds have received their endowment washings anointings &c. I expect I cannot have mine until husband returns. I expect a letter from him soon. When I write to him I will tell him to write what he thinks will be best. I think when he is at St. Louis he can work for wages as far as Pittsburg and if he can it will not cost much. Be of good courage. I wish you to get me some of those horn spools of thread at Mr Orcutts and get some silk, for Eugenia Francelle a net cap if Grandmother is able to make it; get some if you can a little lighter color than my hair that will be the color of her hair. Take all the comfort you can. Think that all will be right.

Irene

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[In pencil] Direct your letter to George B. Wallace Boston).

Sunday morning Ophelia it is a beautiful morning. I wish we could enjoy each other's society a few moments and talk of the past and future but it is impossible. Abby says give my love to Ophelia. Give mine to Uncle Oliver. I expect soon he will be cousin Oliver. I am going to take a walk this morning will you go with me?

Good morning Irene

X Adressee:

Mrs. Ursulia B. Hascall North New Salem Franklin Co. Mass

Postmarked: Nauvoo Ills Jan 23 [1846] Tuesday Evening Dear mother, I received your letter friday evening. I dare not rejoice as much as I feel but I am so happy thinking I shall see you so soon. If I am disappointed I can hardly bear it and that father has concluded to go also I thought he loved us. I knew he did. I suppose if he goes with Elder Brannan he will go before you receive this, if not, if anything should happen that he should not go with him, tell him to come with you. I think we should have a better time out nights if he were with us to tell us how much harder he has fared. I do not know when we shall go. I expect there will be companies going all summer and we shall go as soon as we can procure a sufficient quantity of provisions and team. If husband is well it will not take him long to fit out himself.

I have not heard from him since I wrote Ophelia. He was then at his sisters in Alton [working] in [a] slaughter house [and] expected to go on the river as soon as it opened. It is now open and I think if well he is on the river. I am well and so is Eugenia. She has never been sick. I do not keep dosing her with teas and drops.

She is four months old and weighs fifteen pounds. I hope you will

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soon see her and then you will know how pretty she is. (she sits in my lap now watching the pen). I am now at Lorings Farr6 nursing his child a little boy named Enoch. His wife has a broken breast. It is only a few rods from brother Ponds. Catherine's health is better than it has been. She was down here on a visit a while ago. She has the ague all the time nearly. She asked me if I wrote [you] she was going west. I told her yes. She said then I will not have to write it. She is quite anxious to see her fathers family.

She thought if her father and W m started for [the] west they would not return until they had seen her. W m and Clarissa arrived here a few weeks since and left Br Russel and wife at Ottawa.

Clarrissa is keeping house and W m has returned for them (all well).

Sister Clark says tell her children to prepare to come and get all they can to bring with them and that she would not go back for "all the world." Calvin Smith was married last Thursday to Sarah Fish, Br Ponds girls had a letter from Mr Whittemore also Br Pond received one. He mentioned about this climate curing the Asthma but there are cases of it here. I have seen one. I will tell you the rest when you get here. E has looked to see me write until she is fast alseep. She is very good natured. I want you should bring some fine writing paper. Tell Thales to be sure and bring my paint brushes and that piece of green paint I gave him, and if Mr Phillips fig tree is alive I want you should press a leaf for me or mark the shape of [one] on a piece of paper. I had rather have the leaf. I should have written sooner but the mail does not go out till tomorrow. Send papers on the way if you have a chance.

Give love to all, all going to bed and leaving me. I would like to write longer but have not time. Tell all the girls and all my old friends I have not forgotten them. Get to Boston in season. Good night. Love to all that ever wish to know about Irene. I should write to a great many of my friends but I write to you everything I should to them and they see the letters. I wish Moria Hatstadt could come. All send love once more. Good night all. Get my Philosophy.

T Loring [Farr] sends his best respects. Tell Grandmother I wish she could come too. Love to her. Tell Father I think Eugenia has a little of the Wheeler about her 6

For the activities of Lorin Farr in Nauvoo, see T. Earl Pardoe, Lorin Farr, Pioneer (Provo, 1953), 58-92.

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XI Addressee:

Col. Wilson Andrews North New Salem Franklin Co. Mass with haste. Please forward)

Postmarked: Nauvoo Ills. May 3 [1846] Nauvoo, May 2d, 1846 Dear Brother & Sister & Mother, I expect you have been to the office for a letter until your patience is gone, but I assure you it is not negliegance. I was six weeks from Boston to Nauvoo into one day. 28 from Boston to New Orleans it began to rain and the wind blew. About sunset, that night after I left you standing on the wharf, the ship rolled and pitched about, we all began to be sea sick. I began to vomit and I was glad to scrutch for my berth with out any ceremony, no undressing. I got off my cloak and bonnet the best way I could. Thales was not much sick did not vomit but twice at all. The company were all as sick as I was, except an Englishman, he took care [of] us all night and day made us gruel of oatmeal, and rice soup, to keep us from starving, it was very fine living. I was hungry enough to eat anything I ever saw cooked, but we had vomited so much they durst not have us eat anything.

If I could have found a piece of dry fish I should have helped myself without asking. I could not sit up until Monday about 11 0 clock then we had hastepudding and molasses. After that we eat all we wished to. Thales caught the measles on board ship had not recovered when we arrived at New Orleans, (although he was not very sick I gave him sasfrass tea, croup syrup, and Brandreth pills,) April 9th in the evening we slept in the ship. The next morning brother Wallace went in search of a boat for St Louis, found one, the pride of the west, Capt, Smith, fifteen dollars cabin passage every thing found, and a negro to wait upon you, make your bed, bring you water, take care of your room in every particular, [or] three dollars steerage, and find yourself and half price for Thales.

1 took cabin with the millionares, and two of the mormon sisters with me. Carpet two dollars per yard, everything else equal to it, the table was furnished every day with roast turkey, or pig, and all kinds that you can think of, puddings and pies, the best I ever ate,

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plenty of claret for dinner. I took a glass, with a piece of ice in it, to drink with my dinner. The best of tea and coffee for breakfast and supper and a darky behind your chair every meal to run at your bidding. I have not wanted for a good cup of coffee. I forgot to tell you we went immediately on board the boat and had every, thing found us, until it sailed, which was the 11th in the evening [at] 10 oclock. This was Saturday. [A] week from the next Monday, 10 in the morning, we arrived at St Louis, Brother Wallace went for a boat again, found one going to sail that evening, about an hundred rods from where we landed, we all walked and [had] a drayman with his mules to take the baggage (O I forgot to tell you it took three great negroes to carry my chest on to the boiler deck, where I could see it and open it when I pleased, without any expense to me,) we all thought we could go steerage passage to Nauvoo. The time would be so short and we could live almost any way. When we got to the boat it was crowded with all kinds of human beings, horses and dogs. No place for us there. Four dollars cabin passage and all found. We all went cabin except the englishman, he went below and took care of the baggage, it was steamboat Tempest it did not sail until the next evening. It cost us nothing. But such delays did not suit us very well. We had been so long on the way we expected our friends would think we were shipwrecked. We had been sailing about three hours, such hallooing a man overboard, such a running to and fro some after their sons some after their husbands. I run for Thales found him in his room with brother Wallace both in bed. It proved to be a young man from St Louis going up the river to get work, he had an horse with him, his father and his cousin, a young lad about like George, he [had] only fifteen dollars with him that was in his pocket. It was very dark. They searched for him but could not find him, it cast a gloom over the boat for that night, the next night towards morning, they cried out again a man overboard, they stopped and searched for him, but could [not] find him. They both fell in stepping from the steamboat to the barge that was fastened to the boat. The next afternoon we arrived at Nauvoo saw Miram [?] Clark. Thales says here is Hiram [?] then Maria, then a gentleman says is this Irenes mother, she sent me to see if you had come, and to take care of your baggage, then I saw Irene come bounding across lots, you may guess the rest, I found her babe much handsomer than I expected. It has not one homely feature,

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she is keeping house in the house with Lois Crashes that married a Thompson. She has enough to eat of all kinds. Francis is steamboating from St Louis to Galena. Passes Nauvoo every week. He has just bought a hundred pounds of nice sugar and a box of raisins. She has pork and ham dry fish mackerel and veal. W e have the old fashioned soups milk a crust. Mother knows how Thales likes that, Irene is first rate cook, she cooks and I eat my allowance I assure you, I am growing fleshy. W e expect to start west in about two weeks. Francis has gone to St Louis to get things for us on the journey, and others sent by him to get coffee tea sugar powder and everything that they can get cheaper than they can here. Good[s] are very cheap in St Louis, I have got me a flounce [?]. bonnet, Irene and I have been out today to get some trimming. I will send you a piece of it 25 cents per yard. Saw some of the nicest goods I ever saw in my life. Team after team is going over the river every day for the west. I saw sister Aikins before I got my bonnet off the [day] I got here. All the family came in a few minutes then sister Ponds children. Brother Pond had gone to help some over the river.

Sister Pond was not in a situation to walk so far. The next morning I started for brother Russells, to see Catherine but she had gone before I got there, and I have not seen her yet. She suffers a great deal with ague and so does her husband, I am determined she shall write. Sister Russell has got her chest that she sent by water. I paid no extra freight for my big chest, after I left Boston, in all the tugging from place to place it cost me only one dollar in the whole. Tell mother, Pomeroy had a letter from his mother in March. Irene has answered it. They have written back and forth several times. His mother says they must come that way and not go any farther west. This is the thing she never expects to. see again she feels very bad, Mrs Clark and her three children keep house in a chamber where sister Aikin lives, Mrs Harris treated Emiline well. She has been there and staid a fortnight. She has had a letter from James. He is going [on] a whaling voyage three years, then he [is] coming home to be an husband and be steady. She has gone with a family to the west, and so has sister Brimhall.. I have not seen them, We are going to have two yoke of oxen two cows four sheep and everything else as much as we can carry, Give love to every one that inquires after me, Tell Mr Goodnough brother Aikin have his letter without a murmer in my hearing^ I want to tell mother something about the prophets Joseph and

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Hyrum. She knows he said he should not be brought back alive, he told the twelve before he went to Carthage, what to do with his body and when they brought the bodies home every body saw them in the mansion home and then they took care of the bodies and filled two coffins with stone and had them buried them and the world does not know any thing about it.T I saw ever so many locks of Joseph ['s] hair I wondered how they came to save so much. At last they told me he was not buried. I went to a festival in the temple. Irene carried her babe. After I saw five babies I thought I would count all that came. There was thirteen like Irenes and as many more that could walk, if some die I think there is a number live. Thales is out of patience with the mud, he wants to be going where we can pitch our tents and have grass all round us. I am not home sick or discontented but I am happy and satisfied so far.

You must dirrect your letters to Francis Pomeroy and we can have them forwarded to us.

From your daughter and sister U B Hascall I did Whitteman's errand. I shall send a piece of Eugenia's dress which I bought in St Louis XII Addressee:

Col, Wilson Andrews North New Salem Franklin County Massachusetts

Postmarked: New York [?] 5 Cts 12 Dec Camp of Israiel, Sept 19 1846s Dear sister, In the wilds of North America is the residence of your affectionate sister. Not unhappy and suffering, no, far from it, nor none of our family. There is nothing that would induce me to leave the company of the saints of God, unless it is the salvation of my friends and dear relative [s]. O how gladly would I rend the thick T See 8

Roberts, op. cit., 293.

According to Roberts, op. cit., Ill, 50, the term Camp of Israel is explained thusly: "Accepting the theory that where the 'Douglas' sits there is the head of the table, which translated here means that where Brigham Young is there is the 'Camp of Israel,' as this moving caravan of exiles was called . . ."

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veil of darkness, traditions and sectarianism, that covers their eyes and hearts so they might understand the plainness of the gospel while they have the open bible in their hands searching out their sabbath school below. I am sure you would like to be placed in the right way if you knew certain which it was, look about you and see if your preacher tells you things as they are in the bible, exactly, not I believe so, I think so, it is my opinion, and such stuff, it is of no consequence, if he does not know a thing, we can all guess and think as well as he, when a preacher says he knows a thing, and I shall find it so, when I meet him at the bar of God, and I find it agrees with scripture, there is no room for doubt. We have meetings every sabbath in a place fitted up in the woodland about a mile from the prarie where we are camped with our waggons and tents.

We have it fixed expecting to stay until spring. There is two companies on ahead of us. One is stopped 150 miles from here the other has gone on,9 there is about 800 waggons in this company with brother Brigham Young and brother Heber Kimball at the head, and more adding daily.

Now I will give you a history of my journey or a sketch of it, We started from Nauvoo the 30th of May. Had as good a waggon as any of them, three yoke of oxen with flour enough to last us one year, ham, Sausages, dry fish, lard, two cans hundred pounds of sugar, 16 of coffee, 10 of raisins, rice with all the other items we wish to use in cooking. I will describe our waggons and tent as well as I can. I wish I could make you know exactly how they look. The waggon is long enough for both our beds made on the flour barrels chests and other things. (Thales and I sleep at the back end, and F and Irene at the forward end while we were travelling if we camped too late to pitch our tent.) It is painted red.

It has eight bows eighteen inches apart, a hen coop on the end with four hens, we had two webs of thick drilling. We put on one cover of that, then three breadths of stout sheeting over that and then painted it, the heaviest showers and storms does not beat through only a few drops now and then. Our tent is made of drilling sixteen breadths in the shape of an umbrella. A cord three feet long on the end of every seam and a pin on that to drive into *It is possible that the two companies mentioned here may be the divisions of the Emmett Company. See Dale L. Morgan, ed., "The Reminiscences of James Holt- A Narrative of the Emmett Company," Utah Historical Quarterly, XXIII (January, April, 1955), 1-33, 151-79.

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the ground. The pole in the middle that holds it up carries it three feet from the ground, then a breadth of sheeting put on the edge to let down in cool weather and fasten with loops and pins in the ground.

Now we start (every one is councilled to start as soon as ready morn or eve) Saturday four oclock in the afternoon and went down to the Mississippi river [and] found a boat to convey us across.

Landed safely on the other side, went three miles and camped for the night. Chained our oxen to the wagon after baiting, eat some bread and milk and piece of pie and went to bed in our wagon, never slept better. In the morning made a fire had a good cup of coffee, went eight miles, found a camp of fifty wagons and tents [and] stopped for several days waiting for others, we found some of brother Fars family, pitched our tent waited two days for them, and then commenced our journey in earnest. It was not many days before we bid adieu to the last house we expected to see until we had them of our own. W e travelled for hours and saw nothing but the wide expanse of heaven and the waveing prairie grass not a tree or bush. Then we came to timber and water [and] camped for the night, do our cooking and washing all that wish to start the next day take wood and water enough to make our coffee for breakfast and hastepudding and milk for dinner. W e always found wood and water as often as once in twenty four hours but not always at the right time. The company we were in killed several fat calves they always gave us some, we had the old fashioned soups with a light crust. We have had every thing on the way to make us more comfortable than any one could possibly expect, and in this way we travelled until we came to council bluffs on the Missouri river (you can find it on the map) There we found the camp of Israiel with its leaders (or some of them I might say) waiting for a boat to be built to carry us across the river here we camped two weeks, then the boat was ready. All crossed as fast as possible, came on twenty miles this side of the river and stopped a while, finally Brother Young the president of the church said the best way was to stay here this winter, and let those that are ahead break the way and we start early in the spring. They consented to it, went to work.10 cut grass and made such big stacks of hay as I never 10 For the founding of Winter Quarters see Andrew Jenson, Church Chronology (Salt Lake City, 1914), 31; Roberts, op. cit., Ill, 147-48.

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thought of, for the cattle, building log cabins for their families.

Some split the logs. Francis split his. They make boards and shingles here by hand. They brought saws and almost every thing else. They brought a carding machine. I think they will need it there is seven hundred sheep in one drove that is church property, there is lots of fat cattle killed, one or two every day this six weeks. W e have some every week, Francis and Thales got a lot of honey the other day equal to Daniels, the warm biscuit and honey [and] a good cup of coffee is not so mean. Do not worry about us, I think we shall get along with as little trouble as other people that live in painted houses and carpet floors. The Mexican war is no trouble to us at present. It is rather a benifit. President Polk sent two officers11 to our President Young for five hundred able bodied men to take Sante Fee and he might have it for a location. Polk would find everything [and] pay seven dollars and a half per month to the soldiers 40 [?] to the Capt and so on to officers, President Young started out immediately from camp to camp, soon enlisted his five hundred men, sent them on to fort Leavenworth there to receive orders from your President.12 They stayed there a while, received there money sent home to there families considerable of it. They do not need of it at present, and they put it into President Youngs hands for the benifit of the church. He sent one thousand dollars to St Louis to buy goods of all kinds.

We are all well and have been excepting a few days. Francis had an ill turn and so did Irene. Francelle is a beautiful child. She has had the whooping cough the old fashioned way. [It] took of her flesh some, [but she is] pretty much over it, Thales stands all kinds of w[e]ather. He has had only one ill time since [we] started that was bowel complaint. For two or three days [he] did not take anything but pepermint. I do not see but he is as contented as he would be there. He would like to have one play with the boys he used to play with. He began a letter - he said it would be all mistakes and he would not write. His business is herding cattle with several other boys. He says he is a sick of it as finds [blank] he "Captain James Allen recruited and organized the Mormon Battalion. See Hamilton Gardner, "The Command and Staff of the Mormon Battalion in the Mexican War," Utah Historical Quarterly, XX (October, 1952), 331 ff.

12 For another contemporary account and another point of view concerning the benefits to be derived by the Mormons for service in the Mexican War, see Hosea Stout Journal, entry for Sunday, June 28, 1846. Typescript copy in the library of the Utah State Historical Society.

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says he rather they follow him than to go back. He has a peck of filberts he picked.

I commenced writing this letter the evening after I received your first. I hurt my eyes so much I have had to delay untill now before finishing. I received your last the 18 Oct I think Mr Woodbury did very wrong to misinform you. I do not wonder you thought [it] strange you had not heard from me. I think all his news will [be] about the same. The fact is he had no opportunity to know anything correct. His wife honored him so I hear by brother Ponds family. The Woodburys are all on their way here. I saw Catherine about four days before we started. She looked and appeared very natural. If her mother had come when I did she would have gone home with her I think and stayed a while. I think Uncle Sam has jumped out of the pan into the fire. Give my love to all husbands relations for his sake and their kindness to me, tell Mother I wish she belonged to this church. I think she would be much happier than she is now. If I had been in Nauvoo when I received your letter I would have sent some of Josephs hair. All that have any here is in their bosom pins finger rings &c. I do not know how their bodies are kept. Irene has not had time to write to 0[phelia] she says but shall when she gets her journey [?] done, Give my respects to Mr Orcutt and wife. Tell him to go a head rip up the rumsellers, may God bless him and bring him into his fold, that he may have a part in the first resurrection for on such the second death has no powers. Remember me to every one that enquires after me. The temple was dedicated before we left. I attended. The Lord accepted of it. Elder Woodruff said he had had glory enough. His was joy so great tears wet the cheeks of many for joy. O dear sisters this not milleneim nor delusions I assure you. You tell Wilson when he writes to Alanzo to tell Mrs Leavet that the leaders of this church I find to be good men. She wished me to send her word what I thought of them. She had heard so much from Mrs Hudson that had left the church. Our tent is next to brother Chases so called by the church. He is a native of Coleswin. His wife was Tirzah Wells from Greenfield, the best of people. When I left Nauvoo I gave fifteen cents to brother Thompson to take you letter and send it to mount Pisgah.18 That was the second camp. There they 18 For a description of the first camp at what was later named Mount Pisgah

by Parley P. Pratt (according to Roberts, op. cit., Ill, 50), see Hosea Stout Journal entry for Monday June 1, 1846. Typescript copy in the library of the Utah State Historical Society.

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took the name of every man that passed through the gate, then when a letter came it was forwarded to him. I began to think if you had written it was lost but at last it was cried on the stand a letter for F. Mr. Pond he went and got it, how the last came is quite remarkable. Dr Richards was at some office where he found it paid the postage and cried it on the stand at meeting. Some families that have arrived within a few days have suffered with sickness. All sick at a time. There has been over twenty deaths since we were on the way and since. W e talked [?] [to] Brother Wallace [who] said he had made seven coffins.

I think Aunt Nabbeys family has a bad fortune entailed upon them for some reason or other. I hope Wilson will not lose any thing by them. Tell Mrs Howard if she is glad I am, if not I pity her. I care not how well the old house looks I feel as if I narrowly escaped from Babylon with a mighty effort, it is not my wish to return. The Indians are very plenty here. They are here begging every week. Sometimes [they] steal a tin cup or garment if it lies in there way. Brigham Young has made a treaty with them.

They are to have our houses and all the improvements when we leave. W e found one tribe that had several that had been baptised

by Joseph. They would say "me mormon" Direct your letters to Huntsuckers postoffice Atchison County Missouri U . B. H. there is no end to them black walnuts in abundance hundreds of bushels of grapes orchards of wild plumbs, fifty bushels in a place, you never saw anything better [to] make pies and preserves.

[Letters to be continued in the July issue]

THE NORWEGIAN-DANISH METHODIST MISSION I N U T A H

BY ARLOW WILLIAM ANDERSEN*

•DOLLOWING their removal to the Great Basin and stimulated by •*• a desire for statehood, as well as by genuine missionary motives, the Mormons engaged in strenuous efforts to win proselytes in Europe and America. It is at this point that they became important as a factor in American Methodism. Similarly, they played an important role in Norwegian and Danish immigrant affairs, for many of their converts were won, at the expense of Scandinavian Lutheranism, through the Christiania (now Oslo) and Copenhagen missions.

The character and extent of Scandinavian Mormon immigration is the subject of a recent study.1 Mormon missionaries labored in Copenhagen and elsewhere after 1850. Their efforts in the Scandinavian lands proved fruitful. In the second half of the nineteenth century they made over forty-five thousand converts (members of record), of whom some thirty thousand (including children) emigrated in large parties under Mormon guidance to Utah. Of the total emigration, 57 per cent were Danish, 32 per cent Swedish, 10 per cent Norwegian, and a few Icelandic.2 Shepherded migration ceased in the 1890's, when social and economic conditions in the Scandinavian countries improved.

As early as 1879 Editor Christian Treider of Den Christelige Talsmand, the Norwegian-Danish Christian Advocate, took cognizance of the Mormon influence among Scandinavian immigrants.

He deplored the defection of so many Danes and Norwegians and wished that they could have been an asset, as he put it, rather than a disgrace to their newly adopted country.3 He joined with *Dr. Andersen is a newcomer to the pages of the Quarterly. At present he is professor of history at Jamestown College, Jamestown, North Dakota. The article here printed is a small chapter in the History of Norwegian-Danish Methodism 1in America, which he is currently preparing for publicaton.

See Wlliam Mulder, "Mormons from Scandinavia, 1850-1900: A Shepherded Migration," Pacific Historical Review, XLV (August, 1954) 227-46.

2 Mulder derives his information from Skandinaviens Stjeme (The Star of Scandinavia), a Mormon journal published in Copenhagen, beginning in 1851.

"Den Christelige Talsmand, August 19, 1879. This weekly paper, published in Chicago after 1876, was the official journal of the Norwegian-Danish Conference, which served the Middle West area.

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the American press in its denunciation of "Mormon scandals" and regretted the attitude of Den Dandce Pioneer of Omaha for condoning polygamy.4 The Methodist Episcopal Church (now the Methodist Church) began missionary work among the Mormons of Utah in 1870. Not until 1882 was preparation made for work among the Scandinavians there, when Bishop John F. Hurst authorized one Peter A H. Franklin to make arrangements.5 Franklin, a native of Norway, had once been a Mormon. With the arrival of Martinus Nelson in the summer of 1883 the Utah Mission got under way. The son of a Methodist minister in Norway, Nelson had joined the Wisconsin Conference in 1876. In 1880 he joined the newly organized NorwegianDanish Conference. He was to serve in Utah for twelve years.

Bishop Isaac D. Wiley requested him to exchange his Chicago pulpit (Second Church, later known as Maplewood Avenue Church) for the opportunity then beckoning in the land of the honey bee. On July 29, 1883, Nelson organized a congregation of eighteen members under the name "First Norwegian Methodist Church of Salt Lake City."6 In a letter to Andrew Haagensen of the Talsmand, Martinus Nelson explained that one charter member had been a Mormon for thirty-three years and a Mormon preacher for twenty years.

Already a church lot had been bought at a price of $475.00. The church extension society promised to give $500.00 if the congregation would build a church costing at least $1,500.00, free of debt.

Nelson went on to explain that a satisfactory church could not be built for $1,500.00, since labor and material were twice as expensive as in Chicago. He appealed for contributions. Meanwhile the faithful few continued to meet in the Methodist sanctuary on Sunday afternoons. The year came to an end with a brick structure completed, the total cost of building and lot together being $2,200.00.'

It was to be known as the Iliff Church, named after Doctor T. C. Iliff, the American superintendent.8

*lbid., September 16, 1879.

Andrew Haagensen, Den Norsk-Danske Methodismes Historie paa Begge Sider af Havet [The History of Norwegian-Danish Methodism on Both Sides of the Ocean] (Chicago, 1894), 161-62. e Den Christelige Talsmand, August 29, 1883. Letter dated August 14.

7 Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Missionary Society (New York, 1883), 238. s Den Christelige Talsmand, November 14, 1883. Letter to Nelson undated.

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Martinus Nelson related the first experiences of Norwegian Methodists in Brigham City in 1883. Located in northern Utah, the city had about eighteen hundred people, half of them Scandinavians. American Presbyterians had done some work there and in several neighboring Scandinavian settlements, but "they naturally could not reach the Scandinavian folk, although they are more willing to accept the Gospel than the English-speaking folk." Nelson's visit was in response to an invitation by the Presbyterian preacher, in whose church he proceeded to conduct a Sunday evening service of worship. He was surprised to find several Talsmand subscribers and even more impressed with the discovery of a Norwegian Bible and a dozen of Haagensen's translation of "Sankey's and Bliss's Songs." The helpful Presbyterian pastor had ordered the books and had attempted to conduct Norwegian services. He had played the organ while the congregation sang. He had prayed in English, then invited the congregation to read passages from the Norwegian Bible. Finally, he had preached briefly in English.9 Nelson went on to report that Bishop Wiley had authorized Peter Franklin to travel back east to collect money for the Utah mission. He stated that the mission needed at least $5,000.00 now, a thousand of it to go to the church and school in Salt Lake City, another thousand for building a smaller church for serving the communities of Ephraim, Mount Pleasant, and Fountain Green, and a third thousand for Bear Lake in southern Idaho. The disposition of the remaining $2,000.00 was not stated. He announced that Lisa M. Saugstad, recently appointed by the Women's Home Missionary Society to the mission, would work in Mount Pleasant during Franklin's absence.

The Saints, themselves no strangers to religious persecution, showed little tolerance toward other religious work. Having returned from his fund-raising venture in the East, Peter Franklin revealed that many Mormons had informed him that they dared not listen to his sermons, for fear of disapproval of Mormon authorities. He alleged that Mormon control of every well and over other necessities impeded the progress of Christianity. "So many who might otherwise attend Presbyterian or Methodist services are afraid of losing their water and their wheat crop," said he. 10 Crops depended more nbid.

"Ibid., September 12, 1883. Letter dated August 21, from Ephraim, Utah.

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upon irrigation than upon rain, the water coming from the mountains.

Occasionally opposition to Norwegian-Danish Methodism came in more sensational form. Martin Andersen, a recent arrival, related how he was "baptized" by an unknown assailant. One Sunday evening after he had preached at Manti and was returning to his home in Ephraim, seven miles away, he was doused with a bucket of water as he rode over a creek. The offender found concealment in the darkness and in a snowstorm. Earlier in the day someone had shouted after him, "What dirty work you have to do!" Said Andersen, "It is often inferred that it is so quiet and peaceful here.

It seems to me to be the opposite."11 In 1884 Martinus Nelson took issue with A W. Winberg, publisher of Bikuben (The Beehive) of Salt Lake City. Once having served as a guide for Scandinavian immigrant groups, Winberg had challenged Nelson's article on "Thoughts about a Mormon Conference," published in the Talsmand." Nelson countered by calling Mormon freedom a farce. It savored of clerical tyranny rather than brotherhood, he charged. "I have never found a people who fear each other more or are more distrustful of each other. Hundreds of Mormons here have not dared to write home to Scandinavia to tell their own relatives what the conditions really are."13 The Utah mission grew in numbers in the 1880's. In 1888 the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church provided for its organization into a district within the Colorado Conference.

In the absence of public schools, the mission carried on educational work with success. Haagensen regretted that instruction was given in the English language, thus contributing eventually to the growth of American rather than Norwegian-Danish Methodism in the territory.14 At the annual meeting of the mission in July, 1885, the presiding bishop made appointments to the Salt Lake congregation and to four circuits. He likewise appointed three unmarried women as teachers.15

"Ibid., May 28, 1884. Letter of May 5 from Ephraim.

Winberg was in charge of a party of 557 Scandinavians who left Hamburg in 1865. He became prominent in Mormon affairs in Utah. See William Mulder, op. cit., 241-44.

"Den Christelige Talsmand, June 25, 1884.

"Haagensen, op. cit., 162.

"Den Christelige Talsmand, August 5, 1885.

12

NORWEGIAN-DANISH METHODISTS

157

Reporting on developments of the year 1886, Haagensen states that Salt Lake City had only nineteen members. But the school there served ninety-one pupils, fifty of whom came from Mormon homes. Peter Franklin travelled in the East and raised $7,000.00 by subscription for the erection of a church building in Salt Lake City. In the Brigham City circuit, where two-thirds of the population were Scandinavians, a hall was rented with funds provided by the church extension society of the Methodist Episcopal Church. 16 From Logan, Utah, Martinus Nelson wrote to Christian Treider of the Talsmand early in 1887 concerning his recent travels about the mission.17 After Christmas he had attended the semi-annual meeting in Tooele, about thirty-five miles west of Salt Lake City.

From there he journeyed southward to Spanish Fork, "a fairly large city of between 2,500 and 3,000 inhabitants, half of whom are Scandinavians, mostly Danish." Spanish Fork, a new mission opened in the previous summer, also had some Icelanders who had come to enjoy "the mysteries of Zion." The congregation was being served by one H. Johnsen, who had arrived as a Mormon from Norway and had forsaken his new-found faith. On New Year's Eve Nelson began a series of meetings in his own church in Salt Lake City, with assistance from Nielsen Staalberg of Brigham City. Twice the church was so crowded that children had to sit around the altar. Nelson reported that his week-day school had twenty-six pupils under the instruction of Bessie Helgesen, formerly of Big Canoe, Iowa. Upon his latest visit to Spanish Fork he found ninety children and young people in the Sunday school, a real achievement "especially in Utah, where young folk have no conception whatsoever of Christianity." He baptized nine children in Spanish Fork and was proud to add, "We were the first church to have a bell in Spanish Fork.

One Swedish lady, who had arrived many years before and had never heard a church bell since departing from the old country, burst into tears when she first heard the bell." Concluded Nelson, "I believe that these church bells are a means of grace among our countrymen in Utah."

Despite constant growth, Methodist strength at the close of 1887 remained rather unimpressive. The entire mission could boast only 348 members, of whom only 78 belonged to the Scandinavian "Haagensen, op. cit., 163.

"Den Christelige Talsmand, no date available but probably about March 1, 1887. Letter dated February 9.

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churches. Some 300 children attended the Scandinavian day schools."

Small Scandinavian congregations existed in a number of places, including Salt Lake City, Spanish Fork, Brigham City, Santaquin, Mount Pleasant, Moroni, Richfield Circuit, and Elsinore.19 Three years later, in 1890, the mission had begun publication of the Utah Tidende (Utah News). 20 One development of special interest merits attention. Apparently in 1889 the Latter-day Saints were prepared to renounce polygamy. "Be so kind," wrote Peter Franklin to the Talsmand, "as to let Talsmanden take along on its journey the good news that the bogeyman (Busemanden) in Utah is dead. Burial is expected to take place in the near future from Salt Lake City Tabernacle. No funeral march will be played, but the population of the entire territory will likely agree upon the singing of a hymn unknown for a long time here, 'My Country, 'Tis of Thee, Sweet Land of Liberty.' In the meantime it is already decided that the closing hymn will be 'Jesus Shall Reign Where'er the Sun Doth his Successive Journeys Run.' " 21 It is regrettable that Franklin scon proved himself to be less stable than the Mormon constituency that he was satirizing.

While Mormons generally turned deaf ears to the tempting calls of the silver mines of Colorado and Idaho, Franklin by 1890 had become involved in mining speculation and had withdrawn from the active ministry.22 The first Scandinavian Methodist camp meetings in Utah were held in June, 1889, at Richfield. In the opinion of a participant, Christian Jorgen Heckner, later editor of Vidnesbyrdet (The Testimony), Norwegian-Danish organ on the Pacific Coast. "The tent was packed and hundreds stood outside. Only six years ago our first preacher at that place could not hold meetings in the evening because it was impossible to preserve order. Now even the leading Mormons extend their hands in token of respect."23 "Haagensen, op. cit., 165. John Hansen, late in 1888, reported about 500 pupils in the day schools and a like number in the Sunday schools. Den Christelige Talsmand, January 1, 1889.

"Haagensen, op. cit., 163-64.

20 According to Treider's report of his visit to Utah. Den Christelige Talsmand, August 19, 1890.

21 Ibid., March 26, 1889. Letter dated March 14 from Salt Lake City.

"Haagensen, op. cit., 166.

23 Den Christelige Talsmand, June 25, 1889. Letter dated June 12 from Mount Pleasant, where Heckner was then serving as pastor. He had come from Norway in 1881. In 1883 he had been appointed to the church in Perth Amboy, New Jersey.

NORWEGIAN-DANISH METHODISTS

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Perhaps the peak of Norwegian-Danish activity in Utah came in 1889. In the previous year the mission had been reorganized, as mentioned, into the Norwegian-Danish District of the Englishspeaking Colorado Conference. Martinus Nelson served as presiding elder. Appointments for the year 1889-90 reveal a total of seven pastors serving three specific congregations (Ogden, Brigham City, and Salt Lake City) and five circuits (Richfield, Hyrum, Mount Pleasant, Ovid, and Provo-Spanish Fork). There were two women missionaries and thirteen schools, with only nine women teachers named.24 In 1891 the Norwegian-Danish District numbered 114 members, plus 60 on trial. Fourteen churches and chapels lend support to the view that there were a considerable number of adherents who could not be counted as members. Attending the day schools were 405 pupils. Haagensen complained that pastors had requested transfers to the Colorado Conference (American), whereas he strongly favored continuing the mission until such time as it might be absorbed into a Norwegian-Danish conference on the Pacific Coast.25 Already Utah letters were being addressed to Vidnesbyrdet, the West Coast publication established in 1889.26 The Methodist General Conference of 1892 authorized the Western Norwegian-Danish Mission Conference to include within its boundaries California, the states of the Northwest, and the territory of Utah. In 1895, when the Mission Conference became a full-fledged Conference within Methodism, a Utah District was recognized. By 1898 the few members of the district were absorbed by the American Mission Conference of Utah, a temporary arrangement it appears.27 One of the last reports from Utah to reach the Talsmand in Chicago came in 1900, when Emil E. Mork, presiding elder of the Richfield District, gave the appointments of that summer. He

2 *Ibid, 25

July 16, 1889.

Haagensen, op. cit., 167. Den Christelige Talsmand, June 23, 1891. Haagensen was serving as editor temporarily.

26 For example, Vidnesbyrdet, May 15, 1891. Letter dated April 28 from P. N. Melby, pastor at Santaquin, to Editor Christian J. Heckner.

"There were 71 members in the entire Utah District in 1896, and only 59 in 1897. See Forhandlings-Protofeol for den Vestlige Norsk-Danske Aarskonference af den Biskoppelige Methodistkirke (Portland, Oregon, 1896), 37; for the year 1897, see same (1897), 35. The Forhandlings-Protokol was the official year book, or record of transactions, of the Western Norwegian-Danish Conference, beginning in 1895.

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himself served Salt Lake City in addition to his administrative duties.

Only four other pastors were named.28 From the annual reports of the Western Norwegian-Danish Conference, it is learned that Mork and Emmanuel L. Nanthrup were appointed as missionaries to Utah in 1902. The following year Joseph Olsen, reporting for the Washington District, which included the Utah field, made known that Nanthrup had not served the full year in Utah but had taken an appointment in Ballard, Washington.

Appointments for the Washington District in 1903 listed Mork and Christian J. Heckner as missionaries to Utah. 29 For various reasons the Norwegian-Danish mission in Utah declined. Bishop Wiley, who died in China while on a world missionary tour, was undoubtedly correct when he once declared, "Utah is a hard ground to plow, even harder than China."30 American immigrants who had only lately been attracted from Scandinavian Lutheranism to Mormonism were not easily persuaded to join a third denomination.

But there were more immediate causes for limited success.

Scandal came to the Salt Lake City church in 1896 with the disclosure that the pastor had appropriated funds under false pretenses.

Local newspapers and private citizens became so angry that some spoke of leveling the church building to the ground. It mattered litde that the guilty party, who had best remain anonymous, was excluded from the ministry by conference action. In 1897 the presiding elder, C. J. Lundegaard, made no attempt to conceal the damage to Norwegian-Danish Methodist activity. "The shadow of the tragedy of last year," said he, "hangs over the work in Salt Lake City and throughout the state of Utah." 31 In January of 1896 Utah was admitted to the Union, and, in the opinion of the presiding elder, the idea gained prevalence that Mormonism was now worthy of respect. Mormon leaders also removed the language bar so that the Scandinavian tongues might be used in Mormon meetings. Hard times incident to the defeat of William Jennings Bryan and the free-silverites in 1896 contributed to difficulty in meeting church expenses. The seven-day week in the mines prevented attendance at Sunday services in many instances. i8

Den Christelige Talsmand, September 6, 1900.

Forhand!ings-ProtofcoI (1902), 3; (1903), 14, 26.

Cited in Martin T. Larson, Memorial Journal of Western NorwegianDanish Methodism (Portland, Oregon, 1944), 8.

"Foriumdlings-Protokol (1896), 5, 23, 29; (1897), 14.

29

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NORWEGIAN-DANISH METHODISTS

161

And the restlessness of a transient and money-minded population threatened religious endeavors of any kind with failure from the outset.32 In view of many adverse circumstances, therefore, the Norwegian-Danish mission in Utah yielded to the larger American church. Not least of the adverse factors was the general opposition of Mormonism to Protestantism as a whole.

32 lbid., (1896), 23; (1897), 14. Emil E. Mork for the Utah District and C. J. Lundegaard for the Montana-Utah District, respectively.

U T A H , THE MORMONS, A N D THE WEST: A BIBLIOGRAPHY A CHECK LIST OF THESES A T THE UTAH STATE AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE* Anderson, Desmond Launfal. "History of the Reorganization of Utah's State Administrative Government by the Twenty-Fourth Legislature." Master's Thesis 1950, Department of Political Science.

Anderson, Wendell Bryan. "A Study of Bicameral and Unicameral State Legislative Systems, with Special Reference to Utah's Needs." Master's Thesis 1940, Department of Political Science.

Bardett, Harold Lewis. "Attitudes of Members of the Latter-day Saint Church towards the Church Welfare Program and the Relationship of These Attitudes to Selected Factors." Master's Thesis 1952, Department of Sociology.

Bates, George S. "The Possibilities of City Manager Government for Utah Communities." Master's Thesis 1925, Department of Political Science.

Briggs, Melvin T. "A Study of Utah's City and County Jails." Master's Thesis 1947, Department of Sociology.

Brough, Owen L., Jr. "The Measurement of Agricultural Production in Utah From 1920-1947." Master's Thesis 1947, Department of Agricultural Economics.

Brower, Stephen Leon. "Attitude of Utah Farm People toward the Extension Service in Utah." Master's Thesis 1950, Department of Sociology.

Burton, Lawrence J. "A Study of the Feasibility of Creating a Unified Public Health Department in Weber County, Utah." M.S. 1956, Department of Political Science. *This item constitutes the fifth article in the series, "Utah, the Mormons, and the West: A Bibliography." For special aid in compiling this list, we wish to thank Ida-Marie Logan of the Utah State Agricultural College, Logan. For other articles, see the Quarterly for July, 1954, January, 1955, July, 1955, and July, 1956.

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Busch, R. C. "The Iranian Student in Logan, Utah: An Exploratory Study of Foreign Student Social Experience and Adjustment."

M.A. 1955, Department of Sociology.

Carter, Pearl J. "An Analysis of the Library Services of Nine Selected Elementary Schools of Northern Utah." Master's Thesis 1948, Department of Education.

Christiansen, J. Y. "Consumptive Use of Water Studies in die Colorado River Area of Utah." Master's Thesis 1949, Department of Agricultural Engineering.

Christiansen, LaMoine B. "Past Trends of Cooperative Marketing and its Present Economic Status in Utah." Master's Thesis 1938, Department of Agricultural Economics.

Cooley, I. Lavell. "The Devonian of the Bear River Range, Utah."

Master's Thesis 1928, Department of Geology and Geography.

Darley, Farrell B. "Self-help and Consumer Co-operative Developments in Utah." Master's Thesis, 1939, Department of Economics.

Dial, Willis Aaron. "A Study of the Early Industrial Development in Cache Valley." Master's Thesis 1951, Department of Education.

Dickson, Naida Richardson. "Relief Supplementation by Public and L.D.S. Church Agencies in Selected Wards of Logan and Cache Stakes, Cache County, Utah, 1940." Master's Thesis 1944, Department of Sociology.

Evans, Joshua T. "The Northwestern Shoshone Indians, (a) Under Tribal Organization and Government, (b) Under the Ecclesiastical Administration of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints as Exemplified at the Washakie Colony, Utah." Master's Thesis 1938, Department of Political Science.

Ezell, Robert Lee. "Geology of the Rendezvous Peak Area, Cache and Box Elder Counties, Utah." Master's Thesis 1953, Department of Geology and Geography.

Fife, LaVon Saelberg. "Changes in Agricultural Production and Cash Farm Income in Cache County, Utah, 1909-1949." Master's Thesis 1952, Department of Agricultural Economics.

THESES AT U.S.AC.

165

Findlay, Ross Partington. "Snow College, Its Founding and Development 1888-1932." Master's Thesis 1952, Department of Education.

Fonnesbeck, Maya Margretha. "Municipal Lighting of Logan City."

Master's Thesis 1929, Department of Political Science.

Frank, Wayne T. "The Impact of Foreign Trade upon the Western Wool Industry." Master's Thesis 1955, Department of Economics.

Gates, Dillard T. "Ecology of Plant Distribution on the Salt Deserts of Utah." P h D . 1956, Department of Agriculture.

Gottschalk, Paul Walter. "A Study of the Street Plan of Logan, Utah." Master's Thesis 1949, Department of Civil Engineering.

Gustaveson, Robert Carl. "The History of South Cache High School."

M.S. 1954, School of Education.

Habbab, Abdul Ghani Joseph. "Socio-economic Factors Influencing the Intent of Rural Youth to Migrate from Emery, San Juan, Kane, and Piute Counties of Utah." M.S. 1953, Department of Sociology.

Haddock, Rex J. "A History of Cache Valley, Utah, from the Fur Period to the Year 1869." M.S. 1953, Department of History.

Hailes, Charles William. "Industrial Arts in Utahâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Its Introduction and Development." M.S. 1953, Department of Industrial Education.

Hart, Alfred B. "The Evolution of the Curriculum of the Utah State Agricultural College." M.S. 1934, Department of Education.

Hatch, Lorenzo H. "Should the Utah Law as it Applies to Inheritance be Modified?" M.S. 1928, Department of Business Administration.

Heaton, Israel C. "An Evaluation of the Health and Physical Education Programs in the High Schools of Utah." M.S. 1941, Department of Physical Education.

Hendrickson, A. LaMar. "An Economic Study of Coal Mine Taxation in Utah." M.S. 1941, Department of Business Administration.

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Henrie, Duncan Wayne. "Some Economic Aspects of the Silver Fox Industry; Including a Brief Study of the Economic Possibilities of the Industry in Northern Utah and Vicinity. . . ." M.S. 1930, Department of Economics.

Hess, Alvin. "A Study of the Financial Considerations, Offered Teachers of Utah, as Inducement for Professional Growth with Comparisons Drawn from Some other States." M.S. 1929, Department of Education.

Hogge, Donna M. "A Study of the Dance in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints." M.S. 1948, Department of Physical Education.

Holmes, C. H. "The Economic Impact of the Geneva Steel Company on Utah County, Utah." M.S. 1956, Department of Economics.

Holmes, Lloyd I. "Marketing Sheep and Lambs in Utah, 1954-55."

M.S. 1956, Department of Agriculture.

Huber, Thelma. "A Study of the Rural Home on the Small Income in Utah." M.S. 1931, Department of Household Administration.

Hurren, Patricia U. "Banking and Finance in Cache Valley, 18561956." M.S. 1956, Department of Economics.

Jacobsen, Barbara Perkins. "A History of the Latter-day Saint Church Academies with Emphasis on Curriculum, Student Expenses, Facilities, Educational Methods, and Activities." M.S. 1954, Department of Education.

Janson, Reuel Gilbert. "A Survey of the Native Rabbits of Utah with Reference to their Classifications, Distributions, Life Histories and Ecology." M.S. 1946, Department of Wildlife Management.

Johnson, Glen B. "An Economic Analysis of Farm Tenure in the Uintah Basin, Utah." M.S. 1937, Department of Agricultural Economics.

Johnson, Lucile. "A Social Analysis of the L.D.S. Relief Society."

M.S. 1950, Department of Sociology.

Jones, A. E. "A Study of the Results of Seminary Teaching upon the Activities of Students who Attend. . . ." M.S. 1925, Department of Education.

THESES AT U.S.A.C.

167

Kirk, Harvey A. "A Study of the Economic Relationship of the International Smelter to Agriculture in Tooele, Valley. . . ."

M.S. 1928, Department of Agricultural Economics.

Larkin, Melvin A. "The History of the L.D.S. Temple in Logan, Utah." M.S. 1954, Department of History.

Larson, Willard A. "Aims and Activities of Utah Taxpayers' Association." M.S. 1932, Department of Political Science.

Lillywhite, Leah Plowman. "Children of the Depression; A Study of Children in 169 FERA Families, Ogden, Utah, 1935." M.S. 1936, Department of Sociology.

Leo, Harold Y. S. "The History of the New Jersey-Logan Academy, 1878-1934." M.S. 1952, Department of Education.

Logan, Ida-Marie C. "A Bibliography of Theses and Dissertations Concerning Utah or the Mormons Written outside the State of Utah." M.S. 1956, Department of English.

McConahay, John D. "The Economic Impact of Hill Air Force Base on the Ogden Area." M.S. 1955, Department of Economics.

McGregor, Charles P. "The Status of Teacher Rating in Utah." M.S. 1928, Department of Education.

Marble, Arthur Lawrence. "A Survey of the Educational Radio Broadcasting of the University of Utah and the Utah State Agricultural College over Radio Station KSL, with National and Foreign Comparisons." M.S. 1935, School of Education.

Monson, O. "Irrigation Expansion on the Sevier River, Utah with Special Reference to the Piute Project." M.S. 1927, School of Agricultural Engineering.

Morad, Aly Ahmed. "Farm Organization and Management in Egypt and Utah." M.S. 1950, Department of Agricultural Economics.

Moser, K. A. "The Beet-Sugar Industry and the Tariff with Special Reference to the Great Basin." M.S. 1933, Department of Economics.

Olsen, Horis Springer. "Early Nineteenth Century Shorthand Systems and Possible Similarities Between Any of them and the Deseret Alphabet." M.S. 1952, Department of Commerce.

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Peterson, Vic E. "The Geology of Part of the Bear River Range and Some Relationships that it Bears with the Rest of the Range."

M.S. 1936, Department of Geology and Geography.

Popov, Boris Hewitt. "The Introduced Fishes, Game Birds, and Game and Fur-Bearing Mammals of Utah." M.S. 1949, Department of Zoology.

Raymond, G. Frank. "Revenue Trends and Sources of Revenue in the Public Schools of Utah Between 1916 and 1950." M.S. 1952, Department of Education.

Rich, Wendell O. "Certain Basic Concepts in the Educational Philosophy of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints 18301930." Ph.D. 1954, Department of Education Administration.

Robson, Ralph Thayne. "An Economic Analysis of the Ogden Transit Company." M.S. 1952, Department of Economics.

Roskelley, R. Welling. "The L.D.S. Missionary System in a Local Area: A Study of Some Social and Economic Aspects of 142 Converts and 130 L.D.S. Missionaries now Residing in Certain Towns in Cache Valley." M.S. 1933, Department of Sociology.

Seely, Edwin M. G. "A History of the Rambouillet Breed of Sheep in Utah." M.S. 1956, Department of History.

Smith, Justin Gardner. "A Study of Deer Populations on the Wasatch Game Preserve, Utah, 1934-1942." M.S. 1942, Department of Range Management.

Sorenson, Lawrence James. "An Analytical Study of Utah Verse to Determine What Utah Poetry Might be Recommended for Study in Elementary and Secondary Utah Schools." M.S. 1936, Department of Education.

Spencer, George Elwood. "A History of Wool Manufacturing as it is Related to Wool Marketing in Utah." M.S. 1935, Department of Agricultural Economics.

Steele, John Hermon. "The Utah and Salt Lake Canal Company."

M.S. 1935, School of Engineering.

Taylor, Carl Heber. "The History of the Utah Education Association." M.S. 1950, Department of Education.

THESES AT

U.S.A.C.

169

Taylor, Lawrence Charles. "An Economic Analysis of the Cheese Factory at Amalga, Utah, and Its Influence on the Economy of Cache Valley." M.S. 1950, Department of Agricultural Economics and Marketing.

Tippetts, A. I. "The Production and Marketing of Alfalfa Seed with Special Reference to Utah." M.S. [n.d.], Department of Agricultural Economics and Marketing.

Weaver, Max D. "The Development and Transition of the Art of Calvin Fletcherâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;1895-1953." M.S. 1955, Department of Art. Willis, Mary Osmond. "A Detailed Study of the Alumni of the Utah Agricultural College for the First Twenty-Five Years; Measured in Terms of Geographical Area and Trends of Education." M.S. [n.d.], School of Education.

Woodside, Margaret. "Early Political Organization of Cache County from 1856 to 1870." M.S. 1925, Department of History.

York, Dorothy J. "The Early Development of the Pocatello Fort Hall Region (Idaho)." M.S. 1955, Department of History.

REVIEWS A N D RECENT PUBLICATIONS The Old West Speaks. By Howard R. Driggs. (Englewood Cliffs, N. J., Prentice-Hall, 1956, 220 pp., $10.00) Dr. Howard R. Driggs, a former Utahn, is well known in this area for his distinctive achievements as an educator and author.

Ever since his boyhood days he has had a keen interest in western history, especially as related to him by the men and women who had taken part in making that history. There are few people living today who have known and talked with so many eye-witnesses of the past days of the West. His enthusiastic interest in western pioneers and historic sites brought him to national prominence. Since 1928 he has been president of the American Pioneer Trails Association.

This book is well named. Its intent is to let the actions and words of western frontiersmen speak for themselves to portray the nature and spirit of their times. It sets forth in narrative fashion representative and picturesque episodes of some great movements of western history. The most important of these are the explorations and trails of the earliest pathfinders and the "mountain men" or trappers; the migration of the pioneer settlers to Oregon, California, and Utah; the conquests of Texas and California; the Gold Rush; the Indian wars in Wyoming and on the plains after the Civil War; the various mail projects to bring mail to the west coast which culminated in the Pony Express and the telegraph; and the treks of great herds of livestock to the mines of the West and to Abilene, Kansas.

These historic events are narrated in stories of such terse simplicity and sharp clarity that they bring to the reader a deep sense of their reality as they portray the varied adventures, the practical realism, and the steady optimism of frontier folk. A sense of intimacy is imparted by many of the accounts which the author has heard from pioneer survivors. Although the different chapters deal with some basic western movements, these are principally represented by a series of anecdotes that stress the exploits and experiences of frontiersmen as they meet the tasks and challenges before them.

Much stress is placed upon the importance of the various trails and routes of the West. This is natural since most of the topics set

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forth in different chapters are movements along these routes: explorers, trappers, missionaries, pioneer settlers, freighting teams, the Pony Express, and the long treks of livestock from ranches to mining towns. There are frequent references to incidents related to the different types of transport and migration along these routes.

Closely related to this interest in trails and routes are the thirtyseven full colored paintings of the pioneer artist, William Henry Jackson. Practically all of them illustrate scenes of pioneer trains, strategic forts, and important way-stations along the Oregon Trail from Nebraska to Oregon. These pictures are outstanding for their rich panoramic effect in which the rugged grandeur of the western landscape is emphasized while the pioneer trains and groups appear small and insignificant. One is ever aware of the natural scenes through which the emigrants passed. There are also some rare and interesting photographs related to scenes and personalities of the past. One of the most choice is a photograph of Washakie, the Shoshone chief.

Although the professional students of history may find little that is new as to source material or critical interpretation, they will find a choice collection of pioneer incidents and accounts which lend much human interest and color to some of the important phases and movements of western history. The layman will be deeply interested and intrigued by the narrative style, the vivid pictoral scenes, the stress upon personalities and action.

One of the limitations of this work is the complete absence of maps. Dealing as it does with so many migratory movements along historic trails and routes, the layman will be quite confused as to their extent and direction. Another problem is the episodic arrangement which is frequently lacking in unity. An example of this is an account of the July 24, 1857, celebration in the mountains east of Salt Lake. Among those who hear the announcement of the coming of Johnston's Army were survivors of the tragic handcart companies of 1856. At this point the army problem is shunted off to one side to be picked up later, and the story of the handcart migration is set forth in full detail.

Brigham Young University

Russel B. Swensen

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

173

Narratives of Exploration and Adventure. By John Charles Fremont.

Edited by Allan Nevins (New York, Longmans, Green and Company, 1956, ix+532 pp., $8.50) The name of John Charles Fremont is both controversial and renowned in the history of the American West. As a young officer in the United States Topographical Engineers, Fremont led a total of five expeditions across the wide Missouri. Since his printed reports of these explorations have become increasingly difficult to obtain, this volume combines the most significant portions of the reports and other relevant material from Fremont's Memoirs. Allan Nevins prefaces these writings with an essay on "Fremont as an Explorer."

Professor Nevins possesses not only a lucid literary style, but he also has made himself the foremost interpreter of this subject by writing two previous books, Fremont, the West's Greatest Adventurer (2 vols., 1928), and Fremont, Pathmarker of the West (1939).

Fremont's personality has, of course, been the subject of much dispute. In this controversy Nevins clearly leans toward Fremont's cause. Although Nevins points out that he was taciturn and reserved, Fremont is more often pictured as a romantic, a visionary, or "a man unafraid." Fremont was actually, according to Nevins, a reasonably efficient, often opportunistic leader who occasionally mishandled matters social and political. He was clearly at his best when facing natural rather than human obstacles. Fremont's personal reaction to the terrain he covered comes alive both in Nevin's new sketch of him and in the explorer's writings that follow it.

Fremont's expeditions covered much more ground than those of any other official American explorer, including Lewis and Clark, Zebulon M. Pike, Lewis Cass, or Stephen H. Long. And, aided by the literary talent of his wife, Jessie Benton Fremont, he produced resumes of consistently high quality describing these far-flung journeys. While replete with scientific information about flora and fauna, these reports also contain vivid, indeed moving, descriptions of the majesty and grandeur of the West as Fremont and others saw it, sometimes for the first time. Fremont has recently emerged as something more than the follower of other men's trails. As Nevin states, "He did some very real pathfinding. . . ."

Fremont's writings helped dispell the notion (created by Long and others) that the West was a barren desert. He personally invented the term "the Great Basin" and insisted that much of the

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aridity of that vast intermountain region was more superficial than real. He correctly forecast the fact that water would transform its seemingly dry character.

Fremont felt a kinship with the West which is recaptured in this volume. Despite his well-known controversial conduct during both the Mexican and Civil Wars, Fremont's achievements have led Nevins to consider him "the first distinctively scientific explorer produced by the United States," a man whose eight years of exploration "may be counted as one of our proudest American stories."

Nevins not only tries to place Fremont within the larger framework of American history but also supplies valuable notes to the explorer's writings, especially for those regionalists concerned with the terrain traversed by Fremont.

Only a few minor errors mar the book. Among these a twicerepeated reference to the already plural California Sierra as "the Sierras" (pp. vi and 21) is an error which Fremont himself (for examples see pp. 391, 459, 466, 471, 512) did not make. Thomas O. Larkin was not born in 1832, the year in which he actually arrived in California (as in note on p. 474). He was born in 1802, was American Consul at Monterey in the 1840's, and died in 1858.

A footnote (no. 12) on page 507 is missing. But these faults do not obscure the merit of a book which helps re-evaluate in such vivid fashion the exciting career of John Charles Fremont.

Occidental College, Los Angeles, California

Andrew F. Rolle

Men to Match My Mountains: The Opening of the Far West, 18401900. By Irving Stone. (New York, Doubleday & Company, 1956, 459 pp., $5.95) With the appearance of Mr. Stone's most recent work the reading public now has the seventh volume of the Mainstream of America Series edited by Lewis Gannett. The title is quite similar to William Brandon's The Men and the Mountain, an account of Fremont's Fourth Expedition published in 1955. So is the approach. Like Brandon's book, Stone deals also with man's struggle to subdue the Far West.

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The designation of geographical areas is hard to agree upon, and time changes certain concepts. Stone has decided that the Far West includes California, Nevada, Utah and Colorado, but not New Mexico, Arizona, Washington, Oregon, Idaho or even part of Montana. Using the chronological approach he pans his literary movie camera back and forth across these four states, watching their growth and development for the sixty-year period he has elected to study.

There were more men than mountains, of course. But even so, the mountains get short-changed in the multitude of men Stone marches across his pages. More than that, the average man gets scant attention, because the amplitude of "characters" the West furnished crowds him out. Whether one is writing western fact or fiction, for sale, the spectacular must be emphasized, and in the case of factual study the magnetic pull of the cash register tends to sharpen the colors to abnormal hues. Consequently, the reader is introduced to legions of roistering men and women "who built the West," to use the most hackneyed term. The difficulty with such literary retailers of history as the late DeVoto, Lavender, and now Stone, is not that they mishandle their information so much as the fact they skim the top from the standard works in the field and present their own abridged version of what happened. This is perfectly all right; it sells, it is read. But with their emphasis upon the bizarre, it is hard to agree that these authors accurately recapture the past that so much attracts them.

The people of Utah perhaps will agree with the above sentiments after reading the treatment of the Mormon development. The question of polygamy, so spectacular and so furiously debated, receives a good deal more space than the real story of an economic flowering of the desert by a devoted people. Any modern reader, unacquainted with the Utah story, would get much the same impression from reading Stone's account, that the average uninformed easterner picked up during the third quarter of the nineteenth century. It is hard to write of irrigation ditches, of farming, of stock raising, or industrial development, especially when one is emphasizing the personal touch. Frequently it wasn't very exciting; it was slow, usually non-controversial and unspectacular. But it was the story of growth and development, hard as it is to tell.

The attraction of Men to Match My Mountains is Stone's wellknown skill as a writer. If one does not mind rereading the standard

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accounts of each of the four states, he will find them whipped into an appetizing literary souffle, light and attractive to the eye, charmingly served. Readers with light appetites will be perfectly satisfied; heartier eaters will have to move on to the next counter.

University of Colorado

Robert G. Athearn

Ghosts of the Glory Trail. By Nell Murbarger. (Palm Desert, California, Desert Magazine Press, 1956, xi+291 pp., $5.75) For five years, while I was scouring the country for stories for the Deseret News Magazine, I trailed Nell Murbarger all over Utah and Nevada, but never quite caught up with her. Everyone, it seemed, knew her. There was no ghost town boasting a single inhabitant, no hermit dwelling in peaceful isolation, no gold panner in Nevada or uranium prospector in Utah who had not been visited by this roving reporter of the desert country. Now I feel that I have at last "caught up" with Nell Murbarger, for in her Ghosts of the Glory Trail I can hold in my hand pictures of many of the people she has met, and accounts of many of the towns she has visited in her years of travel throughout this fascinating region.

Miss Murbarger's stories need no introduction to anyone who has dipped, even lightly, into the history of Utah and Nevada, for all such have certainly come across her articles in Desert Magazine, the Salt Lake Tribune, and other publications. In this volume, she has selected 275 ghost townsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and she says there are hundreds moreâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and has presented them with historical accuracy and a great deal of human interest. What seems best of all: she has given the reader an intimate glimpse into the lives of those who still inhabit such remote and almost forgotten sites as Silver Reef and Tuscarora, Fort Schellbourne, Frisco and Broken Hills.

Happily, Miss Murbarger has not confined her stories to the ghosts of mining towns, but has included other "phantoms." Here we find Iosepa, "the forlorn hope," out in Rush Valley where a group of LDS converts from the Pacific Islands made a gallant but futile attempt to establish a community close to the City of the Saints, and Pine Valley where "Uncle Cell Bracken" still clings heroically to the old home and the old farm.

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Some fascinating stories have been omitted. Many of these, the author explains, have been told and retold so often that there seemed little point in repeating them. Others were left out simply because all the quaint and unique tales of this vast area could not be encompassed in one volume. But there is generally one good, intimate yarn about each town or a glimpse of a family still happily at home with the sage and the chuckawallas and the memories.

The illustrations are photographs made by the author on the spot, or, in the case of historical pictures, discovered by her in the files and archives of the various county seats. These are supplemented by maps drawn by Norton Allen, who has no rival when it comes to mapping the desert country.

This is a volume for all lovers of the West who like to have their history served up accurately, but garnished with a love of the region and its people, and spiced with humor.

Salt Lake City, Utah

Olive W . Burt

The Fighting Cheyennes. By George Bird Grinned. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1956 [cl915 by Charles Scribner's Sons], 453 pp., $5.00) "These people were raised far up in the north among the pines and mountains. In that country we were always healthy. There was no sickness and very few of us died. Now, since we have been in this country, we are dying every day. This is not a good country for us, and we wish to return to our home in the mountains. If you have not the power to give us permission to go back there, let some of us go on to Washington, and tell them there how it is, or do you write to Washington and get permission for us to go back north."

In that plaintive plea to an Indian agent in Oklahoma we find much of the yearning of the Cheyennes for their old home on the plains and in the mountains of Wyoming and Montana. Nothing came of this plea, so Chief Little Wolf led his people northward in a vain flight for freedom as dramatic and tragic as that exodus of Chief Joseph and his Nez Perces in the same year, 1877.

Such is the temper of this latest addition to the notable Civilization of the American Indian series. George Bird Grinned, the author

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of The Fighting Cheyennes, which was first published in 1915, lived on most intimate terms with the subjects of his book. From 1874, when, as a naturalist, he accompanied Custer to the Black Hills, until his death in 1938, Grinned made an almost continuous study of the Cheyenne and other Plains Indians. He knew the Cheyennes, trusted them and loved them. How fortunate it is for us that he recorded faithfully their epic struggle to maintain themselves in their chosen land.

Grinnell's treatment covers the battles of the Cheyennes against red and white foes from approximately 1820 to 1890. During this greater portion of the nineteenth century they fought the Kiowas, the Crows, the Delawares, the Pottawatomis, and the Pawnees, as well as the encroaching whites. Doughty warriors they were and well did they merit Frederick W . Benteen's description: "Good shots, good riders, and the best fighters the sun ever shone on."

Perhaps Grinnell's greatest contribution in this book is his use of the testimonies of the Cheyennes in describing their battles with the United States troops. The Cheyennes were involved in many of the chief battles of the 1860 to 1880 period. They suffered at the Sand Creek massacre in 1864, got a measure of revenge against Fetterman in 1867, were butchered by Custer at Washita in 1868, and were in on the kill at the Battle of the Little Big Horn in 1876.

These and many other battles and campaigns are related by Grinnell from the viewpoint of the Cheyennes as well as from the reports of the army officers involved. Grinnell handles his sources of information with restraint and remarkable impartiality.

No less valuable are his lucid accounts of the Indian way of life. Their beliefs in the magical powers of medicine arrows and the buffalo caps as aids in battle are illustrated in several incidents.

The power of the great Roman Nose, who was not even a chieftain or a medicine man, but who personified those qualities of courage, integrity, and honesty most prized by the Cheyennes, is almost a case study of Cheyenne character.

One of the greatest problems of the Cheyennes was that of survival against the rapid western expansion of the American people.

Explorers, fur traders, miners, buffalo hunters, stockmen and farmers successively posed a threat to their way of life. The Cheyennes could never understand a people and a government which disregarded solemn pledges and broke treaties. This total lack of appreciation by

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the white men of the feelings of a whole race of people is one of the saddest stories of our history. Grinnell depicts this losing struggle of the Indians in a sympathetic yet unemotional manner.

Many new works dealing with the Indian frontier are now coming off the presses. Readers interested in this topic will find a reading or rereading of a reissue of one of the best treatments a rewarding experience.

Eastern Montana College of Education

George W . Rollins

The Hopi Indians, Their History and Their Culture. By Harry C. James. (Caldwell, Idaho, The Caxton Press, 1956, 236 pp., $5.00) Since the coming of the Spanish over four hundred years ago there has been continual, although intermittent, contact between the Hopi and their non-Indian neighbors. As suggested by F. W . Hodge in his foreword in a style that "he who runs may read," Mr. James has "covered the field in such fashion as to avoid technicalities so far as possible, although dealing with a highly complex subject, as many ethnologists have learned."

Following this very readable style we become acquainted with Tusayan, the country of the Hopi Indians. In his chapter "The Land" the villages are located on and adjacent to the various mesa tops.

There is some discussion of the problem that scarcity of water gives the Hopi in his struggle to grow corn, which is his life and a foundation stone of his religion.

Continuing we are introduced to "The People." We observe their contacts with non-Indians: Spanish, Mexican, Anglo-Saxon; conquistador, soldier, Indian agent, and that product of the melting pot of all nationalities, the United States citizen. Through it all we see the Hopi culture persist although yielding occasionally.

We see the Hopi in the fields growing his food, in the home storing it, then preparing it in much the same old way for foodstuff or for ceremonial purposes. We see him as a part of a family, which is a part of a still larger background of relationships, which involves every aspect of Hopi life.

Mr. James also acquaints us with Hopi craftsmanship and with the ceremonies that fill their calendar. The book is not equipped

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with the ordinary paraphernalia of scholarship. One would gather that Mr. James did not collect his data by amassing together what others have said about the subject or by using a limited group of informants but that he acquired his information by observation and close acquaintance over a long period of time.

I would recommend this record of his observations and experience to students desiring an overall view of the Hopi, to the general reader who has an interest in the Indian or the West, and to anyone else who plans to visit Hopi country. The illustrations by Don Perceval, the pictures, the map of Hopi countryâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;all go together to make The Hopi Indians by Harry C. James worthy of addition to the library of any member of the group mentioned above.

Brigham Young University

S. Lyman Tyler

The Navajos. By Ruth Underhill. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1956, xvi+299 pp., $4.50) The Navajo Indians are fortunate to have Ruth Underhill, who is both a scholar and artist, write their history. Being the largest Indian tribe in the United States, and one which has best preserved a distinctive culture to set itself apart from other Indians and from whites, the Navajos are not easily understood. To help us understand them, Dr. Underhill has placed them in the context of their ancient and modern history.

The vast literature on the Navajo presents great difficulties to any summarizer or synthesizer. One could write books about them with hardly any mention of non-Indians or of members of other tribes, but such a book would not help the layman as much as Dr. Underbill's book, which shows how the Navajo got along with other tribes and with the Spanish as well as with the Americans.

I am convinced that it is necessary to have an appreciation of the interrelationships between Indians and other Americans if one is to understand modern American Indians. Dr. Underhill has struck a good balance between the Navajo view of their own history and the written records of that same history. The prehistoric migration from Canada with the other Athabascan speakers, the Apaches, is

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the start. The growth from simple hunters to farmers and herders is outlined. Then come the Spanish.

More fully reviewed is the conquest by the American Army, completed under Colonel Kit Carson in 1863, through the simple device of destroying fields and orchards. Indian service administration is criticized, yet presented with an understanding of the times, a sympathy for the failures, and praise for the successes.

The role of the trader to the Navajo as an aid in administration and a guide to improved crafts is a pleasant change from the frequent characterization of traders as thieves and exploiters. Famous names among traders like Hubbell, Keam, Moore, and Fred Harvey, are introduced and are given credit for improved blanket weaving and silver craftsmanship.

The modern problems resulting from increased population and consequent overgrazing are reviewed from the point of view of the Indians and the Indian service. New pressures for improved education are analyzed. Finally, a sketch is drawn of the modern Navajo Tribal Council, which pays its Indian members $28.00 per day for meeting.

Other parts of Dr. Underbill's excellent book might be mentioned, but I hope the few listed above will tempt many people to learn about Navajos by reading it carefully.

University of Colorado

Omer C. Stewart

Camels in Texas. (San Jacinto Texas, The San Jacinto Museum of History Association, 1956) Dictionary of Oregon History. Edited by Howard M. Corning. (Portland, Binfords & Mort, 1956) The Ghost Towns of Wyoming. By Mary Lou Pence and Lola M. Homsher. (New York, Hastings House, 1956) Hm Savage and the Tulareno Indians. By Annie R. Mitchell. (Los Angeles, Westernlore Press, 1957) La Verendrye: Fur Trader and Explorer. By Nellis M. Crouse.

(Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1956)

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The Northwest Gun. By Charles E. Hanson, Jr. (Lincoln, Nebraska State Historical Society, 1955) A Pictorial History of the American Indian. By Oliver La Farge.

(New York, Crown Publishers, 1956) A Sagebrush Saga. By Lester W . Mills. (Springville, Utah, Art City Publishing Co., 1956) Utah's Health and You. By Joseph R. Morrell. (Salt Lake City, Deseret Book Co., 1956) The Utes A Forgotten People. By Wilson Rockwell. (Denver, Sage Books, 1956) Western Wonderlands. By John L. Blackford. (New York, Vantage Press, 1956) Wilderness for Sale: The Story of the First Western Land Rush.

By Walter Havighurst. (New York, Hastings House, 1956) William Tecumseh Sherman and the Settlement of the West. By Robert G. Athearn. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1956) "Trail Blazers of the Trans-Mississippi West," American Jewish Archives, October, 1956.

Dale L. Morgan, "Washakie and Shoshoni" (Part VII, 1862-1863), Annals of Wyoming, October, 1956.

Maurine Carley, "Oregon Trail Trek No. Three," ibid.

Thelma Gatchell Condit, "The Hole-in-the-Wall [Big Horn Mountains of Wyoming]" (Part III, the Wolfers), ibid.

Charles Franklin Parker and Jeanne S. Humburg, "89 the Highway of International Grandeur," Arizona Highways, March, 1957.

Scott Hayden, "Old Bill Williams' Favorite Mountain," ibid.

Willis Peterson, "Pipe Spring National Monument," ibid.

Francis Gillmor, "Southwestern Chronicle: From Report to Literature," Arizona Quarterly, Winter, 1956.

Clark C. Spence, "The Mining Bureau of the Pacific Coast," Cd> fornia Historical Society Quarterly, December, 1956.

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Al Hall and Hubert Lowman, "We Saw A Rockfall in Glen Canyon," Desert Magazine, January, 1957.

H. N. Ferguson, "The Great Diamond Hoax of 1872," ibid., February, 1957.

Nell Murbarger, "Only the Sidewalk Remains at Gold Creek [Nevada]," ibid.

Jack M. Reed, "Fruits of Mormonism," The Instructor, January, 1957.

John Francis McDermott, "Washington Irving and the Journal of Captain Bonneville," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, December, 1956.

Frederick A. Mark, "Last of the Old West Artists [R. Farrington Elwell]," Montana, The Magazine of Western History, January, 1957.

Robert W. Mardock, "Strange Concepts of the American Indian Since the Civil War," ibid.

Stanley Davison, "Worker in God's Wilderness," ibid.

L. H. Butterfield, "Bernard DeVoto in the Easy Chair," The New England Quarterly, December, 1956.

Frank D. Reeve, "Early Navaho Geography," Neu> Mexico Historical Review, October, 1956.

David E. Miller, "Paria Canyon," SUP News, January, 1957.

B. D. Titsworth, "Hole-In-The-Wall Gang [Black Jack Ketchum]," True West, January-February, 1957.

Nell Murbarger, "Mad Killers of El Dorado Canyon [Nevada]," ibid.

"The New Raid on the Reservations," The Westerners Brand Book [Chicago], December, 1956.

M. Carol Hetzel, "Navajo Outpost [Monument Valley]," Westways, February, 1957.

Dawson A. Phelps, "The Tragic Death of Meriwether Lewis," William and Mary Quarterly, July, 1956.

Luflan Bryant Eaton, "A King Sleeps in Wisconsin [James Jesse Strang]," Wisconsin Magazine of History, Winter, 1956-57.

HISTORICAL NOTES A LTHOUGH there is a great deal yet to be done, the accommodations of the Utah State Historical Society in its new mansion home at 603 East South Temple are being adapted for better service to students and researchers. It is necessarily a slow process, this converting of a building not built for a library and archival depository.

However, progress is being made. New lighting fixtures have been installed in the two main library rooms and the basement. Stacks have been set up in several rooms in the basement, and upon the imminent removal of the bowling alley, shelving will be added, and a valuable part of the collections of the library and archives will be housed in that area. After waiting sixty years for a home, it is hoped and planned that in the not too distant future the physical and research facilities of the Society can be integrated into a smoothly functioning unitâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that it can in reality become the "Huntington" or the "Bancroft" of Utah.

The beautiful painting by Keith Eddington, "Father Escalante Discovers Utah Valley," which was used as the frontispiece in volume XVIII, Pageant in the Wilderness, is now prominently displayed on the first-floor stairway. Professor Alvin Gittins, head of the University of Utah Art Department, graciously gave permission for its exhibition.

Secretary of State Lamont F. Toronto, custodian of the Capitol collection, has loaned several paintings of historic and cultural importance to the Society. These paintings have been hung in the main entrance hallways. Outstanding Utah artists are represented in this small collection: Mahonri Young, John Hafen, Daniel Weggeland, A. B. Wright, H. L. S. Culmer, Edwin Evans, and B. F. Larsen.

These beautiful paintings add much to the charm of our new home, and it is hoped that they are just the beginning of a more extensive and permanent collection of Utah works of art. The thoughrfulness and cooperation of Mr. Toronto in his relationship with the Society is deeply appreciated.

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Leonard J. Arrington, well-known contributor to the Quarterly, is a prominent Society member to receive recent honors. Dr. Arrington's articles on Utah history, especially on the economic phases of pioneer life, have appeared in a number of historical periodicals.

He was awarded the Louis Knott Koontz award for the most deserving article published during 1956 in the Pacific Historical Review.

The title of his winning article was "The Mormon Cotton Mission in Southern Utah." Dr. Arrington currently is on sabbatical leave from Utah State Agricultural College where he is an associate professor of Economics and is studying at the Huntington Library, San Marino, California.

Virginia Sorensen, Utah-born novelist who keeps in close touch with the Society, manages to receive her share of honors. Her most recent award was the coveted Newberry Medal for her children's book, Miracles on Maple Hill. Mrs. Sorensen has written several books pertaining to Utah and the Mormons, among them: A Little Lower Than the Angels, The Evening and the Morning, and The House Next Door.

The descriptions of the historic sites and landmarks as depicted by the artist, Carlos Andreson and written by A. R. Mortensen, currently being published as a series in the Salt Lake Tribune, are proving to be very popular. Youngsters are finding them useful as a supplement to their history lessons, and many "oldsters" who "remember when" have taken time to send in expressions of commendation or criticism. All comments are appreciated. The original drawings are on display in the halls adjacent to the library.

Recently an event transpired which should interest every student of Utah history. With the opening of the Thirty-Second Session of the Utah Legislature, the proceedings or debates of the House of Representatives were recorded. Now for the first time, students will have access to information heretofore unavailable. This achievement was made possible through the cooperation of the Secretary of State, key members of the House of Representatives, and the State Archivist.

Anyone working in the field of history is familiar with the Congressional Record as a source of information on national issues. On the state level, such a source has been badly needed. The only documentation of the doings of our state legislature is to be found in the Laws

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and the published Journals. These are totally inadequate for an understanding of the activities of the legislative body. The sound recordings will fill a big gap in the documentation. It is hoped that the Senate might adopt the recording of its debates for the next session. And then the next step forward will be to have some record made of the legislative committee hearings. Then and only then will documentation of the state legislative processes approach that of Congress.

The sound recordings were made on vinyl discs which are to be placed in the custody of the Secretary of State for a ten-year period.

At the expiration of this period, they will be transferred to the State Archives, a division of the Historical Society. During the time the recordings are in the custody of the Secretary of State, no sound reproduction may be made from the original. For a nominal charge, however, the Secretary of State can provide a typewritten version.

The Society has acquired just recently the pictures of all the governors of Utah, territorial and state, up to and including Governor Blood. The pictures are 22 x 18 inches in size, nicely framed, and are a valuable addition to our picture collection. They are hung as a unit and will form the nucleus of our gallery of historical pictures.

Speaking of governors, the Society was favored with the unexpected visit of California's Governor Goodwin J. Knight and party, accompanied by Governor and Mrs. George D. Clyde. Governor Knight was enthusiastic about the Historical Society's use of the building, but as he climbed the three flights of stairs on his tour, he remarked, "You people could certainly use an elevator."

Our distinguished Board member, former Governor Charles R. Mabey, has been a frequent visitor of late. The talented young sculptor, Ortho Fairbanks, is creating a portrait bust of Mr. Mabey, using rooms of the Society in which to do the work. We are fortunate that we can aid and abet such cultural pursuits which will someday be of great historical value.

Of great significance is the recent acquisition by the Society for microfilming and safekeeping the original Hosea Stout journals

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which cover the years from 1844 to 1861â&#x20AC;&#x201D;the period from the death of Joseph Smith and the activities of the Saints in Nauvoo, through the trek to and settlement of Utah, the Johnston's Army period, and the early years of the Civil War. Stout was one of the great journalists and diarists of his time. In addition to holding responsible positions in the Church, he was at different times an officer in the Nauvoo Legion, captain of the Nauvoo police, member of the personal guard of Joseph Smith, captain of police at Winter Quarters, attorney general of the Territory of Deseret in 1851, member of the territorial legislature, and a regent of the University of Deseret. He wrote without bias, and had a wonderful perspective of the world about him. The journals were turned over to the Society by Mrs. L. Dean Palmer, a granddaughter of Stout. They are in beautiful condition, and the Stout family may rest assured that great care will be taken for their preservation.

Recent acquisitions of important state records in the archives are already being used by researchers. Of chief importance are the correspondence files (approximately 24 cubic feet) of the retiring governor, J. Bracken Lee. Just prior to the close of his term, Governor Lee transferred his official papers to the State Archives. They constitute a valuable source of information on his administration, and the transfer marks a new period in Utah history. This is the first time the papers of a retiring public official have come directly into the custody of the official state repository. It is hoped that this is the first of a long succession of such transfers.

Another group of records which supplements the governor's papers are the records of the Board of Examiners for the period 19411954. Since most of the official administrative acts are effected through the Board of Examiners, these records constitute an indispensible source for the study of state government.

Still another important group of records just transferred to the archives from the Secretary of State's office is the record of the Constitutional Convention of 1895. Here are found the typed proceedings of the convention, reports, and supporting documents. While some of the records have, undoubtedly, been lost, the recent acquisition of the records of the Constitutional Convention should be welcome news to those interested in this phase of Utah history.

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The Society wishes to thank the following people for their generosity in the presentation of valuable books, manuscripts, maps, papers, and journals: Ralph Hansen, Battle Creek Michigan Historical Society, Jacob Heinerman, Donald Prince, Richard W. James, D. M. Crawley, Joseph Anthony, Stanley S. Ivins, Mr. and Mrs. L. S. Palmer, Newell Knight, Kate B. Carter, Joel E. Ricks, Mrs. Gordon Taylor Hyde, N. G. Morgan, Sr., C. Corwith Wagner, M. Wilford Poulson, Angus Smedley, and the family of Rulon S. Wells.

EDITORIAL TT SEEMS sometimes we often become obsessed by the magic of â&#x20AC;˘*â&#x20AC;˘ the number one hundred, usually referred to as a century. To be sure, an event is no more important when it becomes one hundred years old than it was at sixty-seven, eighty-three, or any other length of time. But at least the figure is an even one, and its arrival gives us the excuse or incentive to recall what we should have remembered all the time.

The year 1857 was one of the most stirring and momentous ones in all the history of Utah. Every one of the ten years which had elapsed since original settlement witnessed the establishment and expansion of Mormon colonies all over the Great Basin and beyond.

Certainly, no other year had witnessed more exciting occurrences since the critical and final years of Nauvoo as the Mormon capital city.

One distinguished interpreter of the westward movement has accurately referred to 1846 as "the year of decision" for the Mormons as well as for Americans generally. Slightly more than a decade later, the Mormons had the dubious opportunity to make a similar decision with this important difference: In 1846 the decision to evacuate their beloved city of Nauvoo was inevitable. A conspiracy of events made any other choice, short of destruction, impossible.

Now in the summer of 1857, the Utah pioneers enjoyed the dubious luxury of choice. In the face of the imminent "invasion" by the Utah Expedition, often called Johnston's Army, they could pack and runâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;to the north, to the south, or farther west; or, they could stand and fight with some hope of success. As events developed in the following months, they did a little of both. In the fall and winter they sent out bands of armed men to delay and harass the approaching army. Their efforts were materially aided by nature in the form of rugged topography and the early approach of winter.

During the following spring and summer, even after it was apparent that peace would come, they carried out a dramatic evacuation and withdrawal from their capital Salt Lake City and its immediate surroundings. Late in June when the troops under Johnston marched through they found it "substantially a city of the dead." The subsequent encampment of the army in Cedar Valley, forty miles to the

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southwest, was a moral victory for the Mormons who promptly returned to their homes, and the Utah War was over.

Specifically, then, the following events make 1857 an important year in Utah history, a year marked by drama and stark tragedy not even dimmed by the passing years. Each of several widespread events seemingly unrelated all conspire, in retrospect at least, to make one integrated story. Besides other events, the acts of the drama include the dispatching of the Utah Expedition from Fort Leavenworth, the rather dramatic arrival of the news of that event coming during the tenth anniversary celebration of the Mormon pioneers into the valley; the murder of Parley P. Pratt on May 13, in Arkansas; and finally the massacre of the Fancher train at the Mountain Meadows in southwestern Utah.

The years before had been ones of expansion. This year, under the pressure of events, witnessed the withdrawal of the outposts of empire. As subsequent events proved, the outposts were never remanned. But in a larger sense the withdrawal was only temporary, for after the crisis was over the occupation of the Great Basin went on apace and with even greater vigor than before. Recollection of the events of 1857 can still stir the emotions, but in nothing like the fashion they did to an earlier generation.

A. R. Mortensen, Editor.

U T A H STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY SIXTY YEARS OF ORGANIZED HISTORY

1957 may be a "Year of Decision" for the Utah State â&#x20AC;˘*â&#x20AC;˘ Historical Society, and it also may be called a "Year of Arrival."

Sixty years might not be a long time in the perspective of ancient history, but three score becomes a rather respectable age as institutions go in the Far West.

The Utah State Historical Society was born sixty years ago, on July 22, 1897, not in poverty but truly in riches, at least the riches of hope and excitement in connection with Utah's great semi-centennial celebration of that year. Furthermore, the parentage of the Society was the most illustrious that Utah had to offer. A list of those who presided at its birth reads like a list of "Who's Who" in the Utah of its day. Those people who signed the "call" to organize a State Historical Society and the seventy-four "charter members" came from all sections of the state and from all walks of life.

The most prominent leaders of church, state, and business were numbered among the founders. However, the enthusiasm created at the time of the Jubilee Celebration of the advent of the pioneers was dissipated, for the auspicious hopes surrounding the birth of the Society were not realized for many years. The young organization was more or less forgotten in the trials and tribulations of getting the new state government on its feet. But, over the years there were several stages of progress.

During the first twenty years meetings were held more or less annually, at which time elections for officers were held and addresses were delivered on historical subjects. The men who presided over the Society as presidents during those first two decades were: Franklin D. Richards, John T. Caine, Orson F. Whitney, Joseph T. Kingsbury, James E. Talmage, Spencer Clawson, and Andrew Jenson. A most important step in the development of the Society was made in 1917 when the twelfth legislature recognized the organization as a state institution. For another twenty years the Society continued its work, mainly in the form of Board meetings and occasional public meetings. Then in 1928, under the leadership of men like J. Cecil Alter, Albert F. Philips, Joel E. Ricks, Frank K. SeegT ^ H E YEAR

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miller, William J. Snow, and Hugh Ryan, a modest appropriation was obtained from the state legislature, which permitted the Society to begin the publishing of the Utah Historical Quarterly. Under the editorship of Mr. Alter the Quarterly continued to appear until 1933, when publication was suspended due to lack of funds. During the middle 'thirties the activities of the Society were kept alive by the efforts of the Board of Control and a part-time secretary, Mrs. Flora Bean Home, who did much to bring order to the affairs and belongings of the organization.

In 1937 the state legislature granted an appropriation of $4,500.00 for the biennium. A full-time secretary was employed and publication of the Quarterly was resumed. Since that day twenty years ago, the Society has never ceased to grow, slowly at first but with rapid strides in recent years. In those years and under the leadership of presidents Herbert S. Auerbach, Levi Edgar Young, and Joel E. Ricks, aided by secretary Marguerite L. Sinclair and editor J. Cecil Alter, the Quarterly continued to appear, so that today in its twenty-fifth volume it has become one of the most widely respected historical reviews published in the West. In those same years the Society made a significant step "upward" when the offices were moved from a dim room in the basement of the State Capitol to a small but pleasant office adjacent to the State Law Library. Here, in addition to continuation of the publication program, hundreds of books and manuscripts were added to the library and collections of the Society.

During the period of World War II, the Society gathered and preserved the records of thousands of Utah men and women who served in the armed forces.

In 1950 another significant step was taken when the Board of Control appointed A. R. Mortensen, a professional historian, as director of the Society and editor of its publications. During the past seven years the Quarterly has appeared regularly, the budget has grown through the generosity of the state legislature, professional people have been added to the staff, and the library has grown tremendously through purchase and gift. The Society was made responsible for all noncurrent public records when the legislature in 1951 created a division of State Archives. Finally, on January 7, 1957, the Society moved to its first permanent, dignified, and spacious home at 603 East South Temple. From this brief recital it would seem

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that the Society in its sixtieth year has indeed arrived at a stage of maturity, well equipped for its work of the future. In the sections that follow are brief sketches of the personnel and the activities and functions of the Society.

PRESIDENTS OF THE UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY The Society is proud of the distinguished men who have presided over its destiny in the past sixty years. Without exception they have been men of distinction and position and leaders in the Utah community. All of them have had an abiding interest in history, and many may be classified as professional historians. However, also among the group have been outstanding leaders of every facet of society, including church, state, education, and business.

Franklin D. Richards John T. Caine Orson F. Whitney Joseph T. Kingsbury James E. Talmage Spencer Clawson Andrew Jenson John A. Widtsoe Levi Edgar Young Hugh Ryan Albert F. Philips William J. Snow Herbert S. Auerbach Levi Edgar Young Joel E. Ricks Leland H. Creer

1897-1900 1900-1902 1902-1908 1908-1909 1909-1912 1912-1917 1917-1921 1921-1923 1923-1924 1924-1927 1927-1931 1931-1936 1936-1945 1945-1949 1949-1957 1957-

BOARD OF TRUSTEES JUANITA BROOKS

Juanita Leone (Leavitt) Brooks was born at Bunkerville, Nevada, January 15, 1898, the daughter of Dudley Henry and Mary Hafen Leavitt. On both sides of the family she is of pioneer Mormon descent.

Reared and educated at Bunkerville, one of the Mormon settlements in the Nevada portion of the Virgin River Valley, she married

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Leonard Ernest Pulsipher only to be widowed at twenty with a son in arms. Subsequently she worked her way through Brigham Young University, winning the B.A. degree in 1925, and in 1929 was awarded her M.A. at Columbia University in New York. Returning to Utah, she taught at Dixie Junior College for a time, then abandoned teaching to marry William Brooks, who was sheriff of Washington County, and later, from 1934 until his retirement in 1951, was postmaster at St. George. He was a widower with four sons of his own, and subsequently to them were born a daughter and three more sons.

This large and happy family has consistently distinguished itself in the scholastic and community life of St. George.

When work relief projects were inaugurated in the 1930's, Mrs. Brooks was drafted for service as an area supervisor, first for the Emegency Relief Administration, later for the Historical Records Survey. While so engaged, she began the collection and transcription of pioneer manuscripts which later became a primary activity of the Historical Records Survey and Writers' Project of the Work Projects Administration, and has since been actively carried on by the Utah State Historical Society. Copies of these manuscripts, deposited in Washington, D. C., and in California as well as in Utah, have done much to enrich and vitalize the work of scholars whose widely varying interests have touched upon the MormonUtah scene. Still later, when the Rockefeller Foundation financed a program for collecting the materials of regional history in the United States, the Henry E. Huntington Library, given responsibility for the Southwest, again drafted Mrs. Brooks for advisory and field service, and the imposing collection of photocopies of Utah-Mormon manuscripts now preserved at the Huntington Library is one of many monuments to her labors.

Meanwhile she won distinction as a writer and interpreter of Mormon history, culture, and folkways. Among the best of her many articles in magazines are "A Close-up of Polygamy" and "The Water's In," published in Harper's in February, 1933, and May, 1941; and "Indian Relations on the Mormon Frontier," in this Quarterly, January-April, 1944. Others have appeared in such periodicals as Pacific Spectator, Arizona Highways, Western Humanities Review, and Improvement Era. In 1942 she published at St. George a biography of her grandfather, Dudley Leavitt, Pioneer to Southern Utah; in 1950 from the Stanford University Press came her rigorously

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honest study of a long-tabooed topic, The Mountain Meadows Massacre; and in 1955 the Huntington Library published in two volumes the monumental A Mormon Chronicle: The Diaries of John D. Lee, 1848-1876, which she edited in collaboration with Robert Glass Cleland. Currently she is writing a biography to develop more fully Lee's remarkable, complex character, and his place in Mormon history.

As family responsibilities permitted, Mrs. Brooks became active in St. George, Washington County, and state affairs. She again taught English and speech at Dixie College, served in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and on many local boards and committees; she has spoken in behalf of a Utah point of view at many public proceedings and on many occasions in Utah and out; and since 1949 has been a valued member of the Board of Trustees of the Utah State Historical Society.

Courageous and independent, active of mind and body, publicspirited and well-informed, Mrs. Brooks is one of the most notable of living Utah personalities, outstanding both as exponent and interpreter of the people from whom she has sprung.

Dale L. Morgan Louis

BUCHMAN

Louis Buchman, for many years one of Utah's most distinguished business executives, was born in Latvia, but since 1893 has been a resident and citizen of the United States.

He is a graduate of the Michigan College of Mines in the class of 1907, having been awarded the degrees of Bachelor of Science and Engineer of Mines. For several years after graduation, he served as engineer and surveyor at various mines in Nevada, Utah, Arizona and Oregon.

In 1914, he became associated with the Utah Copper Company with which corporation and its successor, the Kennecott Copper, he served over a period of thirty-nine years as assistant mine superintendent, mine superintendent, general superintendent of mines, and general superintendent of all operations.

In 1949, he was named general manager of Kennecott's Western Division and in 1952 was elected vice-president and director of that corporation, continuing to supervise all western mining divisions until his retirement in 1953.

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In 1956 Mr. Buchman was the recipient of the coveted William Lawrence Saunders Gold Medal presented by the American Institute of Mines and Metallurgical Engineers for outstanding achievement as a mining engineer. In attaining this distinction he ranks with a very select group of prominent Americans, among them Herbert Hoover, John Hays Hammond, and Daniel C. Jackling.

Louis Buchman has been a resident of Utah since 1914; he has played an important part in business, banking, and civic matters, and has served as a member of the Utah State Historical Society governing board since 1955.

Mr. and Mrs. Buchman reside at 125 South Thirteen East in Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr. LELAND HARGRAVE CREER

The Utah State Historical Society has as its president for the current year one of Utah's most distinguished historians, Dr. Leland Hargrave Creer, professor and head of the department of history at the University of Utah.

Dr. Creer was born at Spanish Fork, Utah, April 19, 1895, the son of Thomas O. and Mary Jones Creer (both are now deceased).

The pride he has always felt in his pioneer heritage goes a long way to explain Dr. Creer's interest in Utah history: his Jones' grandparents were among the earliest settlers, and his Grandmother Creer pushed a handcart from Winter Quarters to Salt Lake Cityâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1,100 milesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in 1856.

By working for his father on railway construction in Wyoming, Utah, and Idaho each summer, Dr. Creer put himself through the University of Utah, graduating in 1916. He later took an M.A. there in 1920, but by that time he had already begun his long teaching and administrative career. Following four years as an instructor in history in Spanish Fork and Granite high schools, he accepted the presidency of Gila College, Thatcher, Arizona, in 1920. He left Gila in 1924 to resume his studies, this time at the University of California at Berkeley, where he was awarded a Ph.D. in 1926. His doctoral dissertation, Utah and the Nation, was published by the University of Washington in 1929.

Dr. Creer served on the faculty of the University of Washington from 1926 through 1935, except for a year (1931) as visiting professor at the University of Hawaii. In 1935 the administrator's life

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beckoned him once more, and he became president of Weber College at Ogden, Utah. Since 1937 he has been professor of history at the University of Utah, and 1957 marks his fifteenth year as head of the department. These years of service to the West's youth have produced also a long and distinguished bibliography.

Besides Utah and the Nation, Dr. Creer has written one of the definitive studies of Utah before the coming of the Mormons, The Founding of an Empire (Salt Lake City, 1947). He also edited and completed Andrew Love Neff's History of Utah (Salt Lake City, 1940). Articles on this region from his pen include "Mormonism" (in Vol. XI of the Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1931) and "George H. Dern" (in Vol. XXII of the Dictionary of American Biography, 1957). In addition, he has had a continuing interest in the broader historical themes, as evidenced by his work, The New Nationalism (Seattle, 1927), and the lecture he delivered in 1944 for the Reynolds Memorial Lecture at the University of Utah, "Nationalism and World Peace."

For eight years (1944-1952) he was a member of the Athletic Council, University of Utah, five of which he served as chairman.

For many years, he was also a member of the important Credits and Admissions Committee of the university and its chairman for three years and at present he is chairman of the University Publications Committee. Dr. Creer has taken time from his other responsibilities to play a very active role in organizational work as well.

Besides membership in Phi Kappa Phi and Phi Alpha Theta, national scholarship fraternities, he has served as secretary of the Northwest Association of Secondary Schools and Colleges. He has been a member of the Board of Trustees of the Historical Society since 1949; from 1952 until 1957 he filled the position of vice-president, and in March last was elected its president. In addition he has worked in the Sons of the Utah Pioneers.

Now he is working on another book, Greater Western America (in collaboration with Dr. C. Gregory Crampton) and conducting field trips and giving lectures all over the state. He is proudest, however, of the first granddaughter, Stacy Ann Christensen, born April 20 of this year. He and his wife, Verona Morrison Creer, are the parents of three children, Leland Morrison Creer, Bonnie Amanda Creer, and Mrs. Gerald W . Christensen (Mary Lee).

Philip C. Sturges

198

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Mr. George F. Egan was born in Chicago, Illinois, the son of Thomas A. Egan and Mary Elizabeth Reid Egan, in 1899. In 1918, shortly after completing his education in the public schools of Chicago, he enlisted in the U. S. Army and trained as a Signal Corps telegrapher at Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas. In August of 1918 he was sent to France and saw service in France and Belgium with the 37th Division (Ohio National Guard). After the armistice was signed, he remained in Europe until August of 1919 as a clerk in the Graves Registration Service, which service was responsible for the location and registration of all the graves of United States service personnel buried in Europe. He returned to his home in Chicago in 1920.

In the fall of 1920 it was necessary for him to seek a higher and dryer climate, due to a health condition, and as a result he moved to western Colorado. While residing in Grand Junction, Colorado, he engaged in accounting work and for a period of two years was a deputy in the office of the Mesa County Treasurer.

In 1925 Mr. Egan came to Salt Lake City for the purpose of engaging in public accounting and shortly thereafter found employment with the firm of Scholefield, Wells & Baxter, Certified Public Accountants. Through university extension courses, he prepared for the certified public accountant's examination and acquired his certificate in 1938.

In 1941 Mr. Egan became comptroller of the Kearns Corporation and the Salt Lake Tribune Publishing Company, and in 1952 upon the formation of the Newspaper Agency Corporation, he became associated with that corporation as its comptroller.

On August 12, 1925, Mr. Egan married Miss Emma B. Sullivan, a teacher in the Grand Junction (Colorado) High School.

Mr. Egan is a member of the Catholic church, Our Lady of Lourdes Parish. He is a member of the board of directors and treasurer of Catholic Charities of Salt Lake City. He is also a member of the American Institute of Accountants; the Utah Association of Certified Public Accountants; and is a member of the board of directors of the Institute of Newspaper Controllers and Finance Officers, an international organization of newspaper accountants. For a period of years Mr. Egan served on the board of directors of the Childrens Service Society of Utah, and for four years was presi-

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dent of that organization. Since 1955 he has served on the Board of Trustees of the Historical Society.

Mr. and Mrs. Egan reside at 1562 South Fifteenth East Street, Salt Lake City. His principal recreation is reading, with a particular interest in history.

CHARLES R. MABEY

Charles R. Mabey, former governor of Utah, was born in Bountiful, Utah, October 4, 1877, to Joseph Thomas and Sarah Tolman Mabey, one of a family of twelve sons and daughters. He spent his early years in Bountiful in the usual manner of a boy in a rural Utah community, working at farm chores and attending the grade schools in the area. He was a student at the University of Utah from 1893 to 1896, after which he attended the University of Chicago.

The activities of his long and varied career have ranged from school teacher, banker, business executive, financial director, and legislator, to chief executive of his native state. He has held every rank in the army from private to major, and he has attained honors as a scholar, community servant, churchman, author, and poet.

Charles R. Mabey was married to Afton Rampton on December 20, 1905. To them four sons were bornâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Rendell N , Charles P., Robert B., and Edward M. Mabey. Mrs. Mabey, a woman of considerable charm and talent in her own right, was an ideal helpmate to her husband. She died in January of 1946.

Upon completion of his formal education Mr. Mabey taught school in the grade schools of Bountiful for several years, then taught the higher grades for a time in Cedar City. After a few years of school teaching, he contemplated going back to school for the study of law, but at an opportune time a bank position beckoned to him, and for economic reasons he and his wife decided upon the latter. Thus was launched his successful career in the field of finance which culminated in his becoming a bank president. Mr. Mabey is a veteran of the Spanish-American War, serving as a sergeant in the Utah artillery in the Philippines. In World War I, he served in the 145th Field Artillery, attaining the rank of major. In 1900 he served the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints by fulfilling a mission to Germany. His personal business activities were interrupted in 1921 when he was chosen by the people of his state to serve as their governor (1921-25). Over the ensuing

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years, Mr. Mabey has contributed a great deal of his time and talents in the service of his community and state.

He is a member of the American Legion, Sons of the American Revolution, and the Navy League of the United States. He was chairman of the Union Building drive (for the first Union Building on the U. of U. campus), and a member of the Stadium Trust Corporation, which helped finance and erect the stadium for that university. He is also a former director of the University Development Fund and former president of the University Emeritus Club.

Mr. Mabey started to express himself in writing as early as 1900, at which time, as a result of his Spanish-American War activities, he wrote A History of the Utah Batteries. In 1903 his first poem, "That Old Thresher," appeared in the Davis County Clipper.

He has continued to produce poetry and writings of considerable stature, though he is probably best known for his "The Pony Express," an epic poem of the Pony Riders and their arduous 1,996 mile ride from St. Joseph, Missouri, to Sacramento. Other poems include "Song of the Saints," "Land of the Saints," and "Sunset on Great Salt Lake"â&#x20AC;&#x201D;all expressions in rhythm of all that he knew of his own people, the Mormons. My Father's House, a history of Bountiful, also came from his pen. His "Wake Up America" was written shortly after Pearl Harbor and was used by Captain Eddie Rickenbacker on one of his radio addresses. It has since been used in various places and even written into the Congressional Record.

In addition to his writing, Governor Mabey is an orator, for he has written and delivered hundreds of speeches. But his first love is poetry, for he feels that "it is an expression of the divine; some people shut it out, but there are others who let it flow through."

In this long and richly varied career of his, the honors awarded to Charles R. Mabey have been notable. In 1947 he was chosen president of a cultural association known as "Poets of the Pacific," and in June of 1953 his Alma Mater, the University of Utah, awarded him an honorary Doctor of Laws degree.

Thus we have Charles R. Mabey, a member of the Board of Trustees of the Utah State Historical Society since 1947, a man of poetic genius as well as the qualities of a chief executive. He continues to write and contribute to the world about him from his home in its lovely garden setting at 6405 Orchard Drive, Bountiful, Utah.

D. S.

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WILLIAM F. MCCREA

William F. McCrea, youngest member of the Utah State Historical Society governing board, was born in Salt Lake City, December 27, 1909, the son of William M. McCrea and Beatrice O'Connor McCrea. He was appointed to the Board in April of 1955.

He was educated in the Salt Lake City schools and was graduated from the University of Utah in 1932 with a B.A. degree. In 1928, Mr. McCrea won a national oratorical contest as a representative of East High School and was valedictorian of his graduating class.

At the University of Utah he was president of both Freshman and Senior classes and active in campus publications. He majored in history and political science under Dr. George Emory Fellows and secured a minor in speech. He was a member of the Beta Theta Pi fraternity.

On graduation from the university, he worked as a reporter for the old Salt Lake Telegram, covering the Federal Building as his first assignment. He also worked on the copy desk and served several years as a sports writer. He resigned his newspaper work in 1938 when he was employed as publicity director for the University of Utah Extension Division.

In 1942 he became public relations director for the university and director of the U. of U. News Bureau. He served in that capacity until 1945 when he joined the staff of Amalgamated Sugar Company in Ogden as director of public relations, the position which he still holds.

Mr. McCrea's father, the late Judge William M. McCrea, had one of the best libraries in the state on early Utah and Western history. At his death in January of 1952, a large part of the library was given to the University of Utah.

Mr. McCrea currently is serving as president of the Weber Club and is a member of the national board of directors of the Public Relations Society of America. He is a past director of the Ogden Kiwanis and Ogden Golf and Country clubs and is active in Boy Scout activities at the Church of the Good Shepherd in Ogden.

The McCreas, including Mr. and Mrs. McCrea and their two children, Judy, 16, and Bruce, 12, reside at 1537 Twenty-sixth Street, Ogden, Utah. Another daughter, Patricia, 21, is a senior at Colorado College in Colorado Springs, Colorado. The oldest son,

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William Barclay McCrea, died in October of 1953 of leukemia while in his second year at the United States Military Academy at West Point.

NICHOLAS G. MORGAN, SR.

Nicholas Groesbeck Morgan was born in Salt Lake City, Utah, on November 9, 1884. His father, John Morgan, a native of Greenburg, Indiana, where his parents had been pioneers, came to Utah in 1866. Here, perceiving the opportunity and need, the next year he established the "Morgan Commercial College and Normal School," which was highly successful before the rise of the University of Deseret under John R. Park. He was also prominent through many years of able and loyal service to the Latter-day Saint Church.

Nicholas G.'s mother, Helen M. Groesbeck Morgan, was a daughter of Nicholas and Elizabeth Groesbeck, the former of whom was bom in Rensselaer County, New York, a county named for one of his ancestors. Nicholas Groesbeck came to Utah with a stock of merchandise in 1858, thereafter becoming one of the financial stalwarts of the territory, being highly regarded as an outstanding friend of the community who would give liberally of his wealth wherever he felt help was needed.

Nicholas G. Morgan early had need to develop and use the equipment of sterling character and ability received from this ancestry, for he had to face and surmount a double disaster. In 1892, when he was eight years of age, the great Cleveland depression struck the country and swept away the wealth of his immediate family, and two years later his father died. He was thus left to fight and pioneer his own way to outstanding success.

After attendance at the Salt Lake County grade schools, he entered the University of Utah which he attended from 1901 to 1907. Here he secured a background for the study of law. In pursuit of this objective he next attended the Georgetown School of Law (District of Columbia) for the three years from 1907 to 1910.

Returning to Salt Lake, he served as chief deputy attorney from 1910 to 1913, and pursued the practice of law until 1945.

In that year he began to concentrate his energies to pioneering and promoting the development of some of the natural resources of the state. In this field his foresight and courage have brought outstanding success. Thus, among other enterprises, he promoted the

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Clear Creek gas field, from which comes much of the gas supplying Salt Lake City; he is presently interested in developing the oil and gas resources of Paradox Valley.

A profession and business, however, have not deterred but have rather aided Mr. Morgan in his rewarding attention to other interests and activities. Among positions he has effectively filled in his church are the following: in the superintendency of the Waterloo Sunday School, 1905 to 1907; member of the General Board of the Y.M.M.I.A., 1925 to 1935; and a member of three Stake High Councils, 1925 to 1935.

Mr. Morgan has long shown strong initiative and perseverence in seeking to arouse and keep alive an appreciation of the life and work of the pioneers. In recognition of his work and devoted interest in this field, he has been called upon to fill various offices and has received awards and honors. He served as president of the S.U.P. Luncheon Club. In 1955 he was elected president of the National Society of Utah Pioneers, and in the same year had bestowed upon him by Lincoln College, Lincoln, Nebraska, the honorary degree of Doctor of Humanities. He also has been given an Award of Merit from the American Association for State and Local History "for a lifetime of unusual devotion to the cause of localized history." Since 1953 he has served as a member of the Board of Trustees of the Society, becoming its vice-president in April, 1957.

For several years Mr. Morgan has financed and promoted, and currently continues to promote, the creation of statues and memorials of persons and events of historic stature and significance, among which are the following: D. C. Jackling, in the State Capitol; Abraham Lincoln, presented to the state of Illinois for the New Salem Park; Lycurgus, to Sparta, Greece; Telegraph Monument, to Salt Lake City; Eliza R. Snow, to Daughters of Utah Pioneers; Karl G. Maeser, to Brigham Young University; bronze plaque of Judge Tillman D. Johnson, to Utah State Bar Association; and the statue now being made of Col. Thomas L. Kane to be presented to Salt Lake City.

Ralph V. Chamberlin JOEL EDWARD RICKS

Dr. Joel E. Ricks was born at Rexburg, Idaho, October 18, 1889.

He took his A.B. degree at the University of Utah in 1912 and his Master's and Doctor's degrees at the University of Chicago in

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1920 and 1930. Son of pioneer stock, he married Katherine McKay in 1917.

He has had a long and distinguished educational record. He was the first principal of Gunnison High School between 1912 and 1917, from which position he went to Weber College to become head of their history department in 1917 and president of the college in 1920. Two years later he became chairman of the department of history of Utah State Agricultural College (Utah State University), in which position he remained until becoming professor emeritus in 1955.

During the thirty-three years at Utah State Dr. Ricks built the department from a one-man organization to one employing three men, full time, all with doctor's degrees. He became a member of the Board of Trustees of the Utah State Historical Society in 1925, and has spent thirty-two years in its service. He became president of the State Society in 1949 and served diligently and well in this position for eight years. These years saw great changes in the State Society; the employment of well-trained, professional staff members â&#x20AC;&#x201D;the director, the state archivist, the librarianâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;has made the Society one of the most efficient and competent organizations in the historical field in the United States.

He has worked consistently for the collection by the State Society and by Utah State University of documents, pioneer diaries and letters, and other historical sources over the years. The result has been excellent collections of materials, both in Salt Lake City and in Logan. He is largely responsible also for the first two regional historical societies, those at Logan and at Provo, both of which are branches of the State Society. He is a member of Sons of Utah Pioneers, and Phi Kappa Phi and Phi Alpha Theta fraternities.

In 1938 Dr. Ricks published The History of Utah State Agricultural College at the time of the fiftieth anniversary of the institution. Additional publications include, "Early Mormon Land System," and "Forms and Methods of Early Mormon Colonization." He was the prime mover behind the collection of materials for a centennial history of the settlement of Cache Valley. Pushing this project with vigor and dispatch, he assembled nine authors, the majority of them historically trained, to produce for the Cache Valley Centennial Commission in 1956 The History of a Valley, Cache Valley UtahIdaho. Author of four chapters and general editor of this volume,

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Dr. Joel E. Ricks was honored for his work in April of 1957 when in the presence of the Cache Valley Historical Society Dr. A. R. Mortensen, director of the State Society, conferred upon him an award from the American Association for State and Local History for his work.

J. Duncan Brite RUSSEL B. SWENSEN

Russel B. Swensen, member of the Board since 1952, is one of Utah's outstanding scholars in the field of the history and literature of the early Christian Church. Professor of history and from 1950 to 1954 chairman of the department of history at Brigham Young University, Dr. Swensen has long been active in promoting interest in the story of Utah and the Mormons.

Born in Pleasant Grove, Utah, on September 14, 1902, the son of Swen L. and Susan Brown Swensen, Russel divided his time as a youth between athletics, scholarship, and work on a farm and a railroad section gang. At Pleasant Grove High School he was student body president and valedictorian of the class of 1920. After two years at Brigham Young University, during which he played on the state championship basketball team of 1922, he went on an L.D.S. mission to Germany, where his interest in European history was whetted.

Graduating from the "Y" in 1926, he taught in Latter-day Saint seminaries in Mesa, Arizona, and Kamas and Hurricane, Utah.

Then he was off to the University of Chicago for graduate work in early church history and Bible studies; the Ph.D. was the result in 1934, with a dissertation on "The Rise of the Sects as an Aspect of Religious Experience."

Soon after joining the faculty at B.Y.U., Dr. Swensen married a fellow instructor, Beulah Strickler; they now have four children, Swen, Shauna, Laird and Ann. The "Y" has been Russel's professional home since 1934, except for summers of study at the University of California in 1948 and at Columbia in 1954.

Dr. Swensen is most widely known for the writing he has done for the L.D.S. Church. A seminary text, New Testament Literature, appeared in 1940, and three Sunday School manuals on the New Testament were used in 1945-47; the last of the series, Acts and Epistles, was used again in 1956. A series of articles on Jesus and

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the early Church also appeared in The Instructor from 1945 to 1947.

Among the positions he has held in the Mormon church are a counselorship in the Zion Park Stake Presidency (1929-30), superintendency of the Provo Stake Y.M.M.I.A (1938-41), and membership on the Provo Stake High Council since 1950.

A sports enthusiast, Russel was Provo City tennis champion in 1940; hiking is another hobby. Operatic and symphonic music and all forms of good literature claim his interest, and rapid-fire conversation is almost a trademark.

Dr. Swensen's historical interests are revealed not only through his teaching and writing and his membership on the Board of the State Historical Society, but through two terms as president of the Utah Valley Chapter of the Society, which he helped to organize in 1951, and through memberships in the Sons of Utah Pioneers, Sons of the American Revolution, and the historical honorary fraternity, Phi Alpha Theta. He is also a member of Phi Kappa Phi, and he was listed in Who's Who in America in 1951.

Richard D. Poll LAMONT F. TORONTO

Lamont F. Toronto was bom in Salt Lake City on February 21, 1914, the son of Albert and Etta Felt Toronto. Reared and educated in Salt Lake City, Mr. Toronto graduated from the L. D. S. High School in 1931. After leaving school Lamont F. Toronto went directly into business, serving an apprenticeship with his father to learn the real estate business. This proved a valuable education, for Mr. Toronto eventually became the proprietor of his own real estate company.

On February 21, 1940, Mr. Toronto married Helen Davidson in Salt Lake City. To them four children were born, two boys and two girls.

From 1943 to 1945, Lamont Toronto interrupted his family life and business career to enter the armed forces. For a two-andone-half year period, he served with the United States Coast Guard as a radio technician. Within a few months after his release from active duty, Mr. Toronto was persuaded by his party members to run for public office. He was successful in his first attempt, winning the race for state representative on the Republican ticket from the Salt Lake County Eighth District. In 1952, Mr. Toronto was again

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prevailed upon to enter his name in candidacy for the office of Secretary of State. Once again his efforts met with success. Following an enlightened policy based on moderation, Mr. Toronto's term as secretary of state was viewed as one of considerable achievement, for the citizens of Utah returned him to that office in 1956.

Despite Lamont F. Toronto's busy schedule in state politics, he has found time to serve his church faithfully in numerous capacities. His highest office being that of bishop of the Duncan Ward, Park Stake from 1946 to 1956. Nor has Mr. Toronto neglected his community responsibilities. He has served as chairman, Special Activities Committee, Salt Lake Council of Boy Scouts of America; state chaplain and post commander, AMVETS; and member of Salt Lake Real Estate Board.

Professionally, Mr. Toronto is a broker and owner of his own real estate firm, Toronto & Company. Recently he was appointed secretary of the New World Insurance Company.

With the passage of House Bill 120 in March of this year, Mr. Toronto, as secretary of state, became ex-officio member of the Board of Trustees of the Utah State Historical Society. This was the culmination of a close relationship between Mr. Toronto and members of the staff of the Society. His interest in things historical and his close cooperation with the Historical Society make his addition to the Board a most welcome one.

E. L. C. LEVI EDGAR YOUNG

Levi Edgar Young was born on February 2, 1874, in Salt Lake City, the son of Seymour B. and Anna Elizabeth Riter Young. His grandfather, Joseph Young, and his father both served as senior president of the First Council of the Seventy in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. That distinction now rests on Levi Edgar Young.

Upon graduation from the University of Utah in 1895, President Young taught school in Salt Lake City, first at the Lowell School and later at the L.D.S. College. In the fall of 1898 he entered Harvard University, where he was privileged to study under several of America's outstanding scholars: Albert Bushnell Hart, Edward Channing, Ephraim Emerton, and William James. In the fall of

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1899, President Young returned to his native state to accept an assignment in the department of history at the University of Utah.

This association extended over a period of forty years. At the time of his retirement he was head of the department of history and political science, and today there are many of his former students who honor the memory of his inspirational teaching.

Levi Edgar Young's church activities and positions have been many, varied, and important. He represented his church in the German Mission in 1901, and the following year served as president of the Swiss Mission with headquarters in Zurich. From 1922 to 1934 he served as president of the Temple Square Mission and was directly in charge of the Bureau of Information and the Museum.

In 1939, after his retirement from the university he spent four years as president of the New England Mission, where he was instrumental in the purchasing by the Latter-day Saints Church of the famous Alice Longfellow home at Number 100 Brattle Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts. This historic site is near Harvard Yard, the Washington Oak, and adjacent to the Henry W. Longfellow home.

Dr. Young's scholastic honors and achievements have been great. He has served on the advisory committee of the Exposition of the Indian Tribal Arts and was elected to the Royal Society of Edinburg, an honor that comes to only a few outstanding workers in natural science. He has served on the National Advisory Council of the American-Christian Palestine Committee; and for many years he has served on the Salt Lake Council of Religious Groups, serving as president of the latter at two different times. His service to the Utah State Historical Society has been exceptional. He has been a member of the Board of Trustees for more than half a century. In 1909 he was a member of the executive committee, president from 1923-24, elected vice-president in 1939, and served again as president from 1945-49. He is a member of the Sons of the American Revolution, has served in various capacities in that organization, and at present is chaplain of the Utah Chapter.

Included among the published works of Levi Edgar Young are: Chief Episodes in the History of Utah (1912); Dr. John Rocky Park (1919); The Founding of Utah (1924); The Great West in American History (1920); Utah, Its People, Resources, Attractions

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and Institutions (1915); and many other articles, addresses, and pamphlets.

On June 12, 1907, President Young married Valeria Brinton.

Through this union three lovely daughters have been reared. Mrs. Young, a woman of culture, taste, and refinement has complemented her husband's talents. In their home numerous distinguished guests â&#x20AC;&#x201D;people representing the church, university, state, nation, and abroadâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;have been entertained and all have felt the serenity of spirit and gracious hospitality which emanates from this beloved couple.

As a churchman and as a loyal American citizen, President Young has devoted his talents to writing and to helping his fellow men. He has carried forward from day to day at a quiet, dignified, and determined pace, and the impact of his influence has been felt both within his church and without. He is a man who is highly respected and deeply loved by all who know him.

Milton R. Hunter THE DIRECTOR A. RUSSELL MORTENSEN

A. Russell Mortensen is a native of Salt Lake City, Utah, born January 30, 1911, to Arlington Peter and Fannie Burnham Mortensen. He spent his childhood and much of his subsequent life in southern California where his immediate family, for the most part, still lives. In 1934 he married Bessie Burch, a native of Spanish Fork, Utah. They were the parents of six children who now range in age from seven to twenty-one. She died in California in 1950.

Dr. Mortensen attended Brigham Young University from which he obtained his B.S. degree in 1937. His graduate work was done at the University of California, Los Angeles, where the M.A. was conferred in 1940 and the Ph.D. in 1950. The doctoral dissertation was "The Deseret News and Utah, 1850-1867." His major field of study was American history with emphasis on the American West. The allied field was American literature since 1820.

For ten years Dr. Mortensen gained teaching experience on both the high school and university level, teaching U. S. and Latin American history. This experience was gained at Provo High School, University of California at Los Angeles, San Bernardino Valley College, San Bernardino, California, and the University of Utah.

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During World War II, Director Mortensen served in the navy as a communications officer, spending a majority of the time in the far-western Pacific.

In 1950 the Board of Trustees of the Historical Society appointed him director of the Society and editor of its publications. In addition to editorial work on the Utah Historical Quarterly, he has edited and/or written numerous articles and book reviews which have appeared in various professional journals, magazines, and newspapers.

Currently, with William Mulder as co-author, he is under contract to Alfred A. Knopf, publisher, for a book, America and the Mormons, which is to be published this fall. His most recent work for publication was the series of twenty-four articles on Historic Sites and Buildings, which appeared in the Sunday edition of the Salt Lake Tribune during the past winter and spring.

In addition to his scholarly pursuits, Dr. Mortensen has served on local civic organizations, including the board of directors of theFamily Service Society. For several years he has represented the Rocky Mountain States for the American Association for State and Local History. He is a member of the Sons of Utah Pioneers as well as several professional societies.

He and his wife, the former Florence Page of Davis County, Utah, reside at 2155 Wilmott Drive where they indulge in their hobby of gardening, each year producing many varieties of beautiful flowers.

D. S. THE ARCHIVIST EVERETT L. COOLEY

Everett L. Cooley was born in West Jordan, Utah, on September 3, 1917, to Henry W. and Laura Finlayson Cooley. He attended schools in West Jordan and all of his early life was spent there.

Dr. Cooley interrupted his university education in 1938 to serve two years as a missionary for the Latter-day Saints Church in Germany and Canada.

After receiving his B.A. from the University of Utah (1943), his academic career was again interrupted to serve as a lieutenant in the United States Navy for three years. The majority of the time was spent with amphibious forces in the Pacific where he partici-

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pated in four major invasions. He is still active in the Naval Reserve and at present is commanding officer of a Naval Reserve communications unit.

After his service in the navy, Dr. Cooley returned to the University of Utah where, in 1947, he received his M.A. as an honor student. For two years, 1948-50, he was holder of the much coveted Willard D. Thompson scholarship at the University of California.

In 1951 he received his Ph.D. in United States history at that institution. His doctoral dissertation was "Silver Politics."

In 1943, he married Elvera Bird, a native of Salt Lake City.

They are now the parents of two young daughters and reside in Midvale.

In 1954 the Board of Trustees appointed him state archivist.

Since that time, he has built up the archives to an important function of the Historical Society. In addition to his many duties as state archivist, Dr. Cooley has written and published several articles on various phases of Utah History. He was co-editor of History of A Valley, Cache Valley, which was published last year as an important feature of Cache Valley's Centennial Celebration. Recently he has returned from a tour of all Utah counties where he has been lecturing to county officers on the duties and functions of the state archives.

Dr. Cooley is a member of the Society of American Archivists and Phi Alpha Theta, an honorary historical fraternity. His spare time is spent indulging in his favorite past-time of gardening.

M. W. THE LIBRARY The library of the Utah State Historical Society forms the heart of the Society's activities and functions. Now that the housing problem has been improved, it is able for the first time in sixty years to serve adequately the members of the Society and the public.

The reference and reading rooms of the library are located on the second floor of the building. The two adjoining rooms on the east have become the main reading rooms with the catalogs, indexes, newspaper clip files, subject files, manuscript files, and microfilm reader conveniently near at hand. There are tables and desks as well as lounge chairs for the library's users. The picture and map collections are located in the front room on the west. The fourth

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room of the library houses the Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., collection.

With the exception of the Utah and Western history classifications, all of the books, pamphlets, and periodicals (three-fifths of the library), are located in the main stacks in the basement room once occupied by the bowling alley. Besides the usual books, pamphlets, and periodicals, the W P A collections and government publications (census reports, Department of Agriculture, U. S. Geological Survey, and Bureau of Indian Affairs publications, for example) are located there.

The library grew hardly at all for the first forty years of the Society's existence, but during the 1930's and 1940's it received its first impetus for growth through the efforts of Mr. J. Cecil Alter and Miss Marguerite Sinclair; in fact the books given by and purchased from Mr. Alter form the nucleus of the library of today. The WPA collection consisting of the files and the publications of the Writers' Project and the Historical Records Survey, which came to the library in the 1940's, was a welcome and unique addition.

With the arrival of Dr. A. R. Mortensen, the library entered its modern period of growth and expansion in 1950. Provisions were made in the Society's budget for books and periodicals to be purchased systematically; exchange agreements were arranged with other historical societies; a microfilm reader was purchased, and the microfilm department was started. In 1952 Mr. John James, Jr., was hired as librarian, and for the first time the library could be operated in a professional manner. Mr. James is a graduate of the University of Utah, where he majored in Western history and did graduate work in library science.

The job which faced Mr. James was a tremendous one. There were approximately six thousand books, three thousand pamphlets, and six thousand periodicals. Less than one hundred books had been catalogued, although quite excellent indexes had been prepared. There were some two thousand books which were of little value to a specialized research library in Utah and Western history, and these were given or traded to various libraries in the state: Brigham Young University, St. Mary of the Wasatch, Westminster College, and Latter-day Saints Genealogical Society. Since 1952 the remaining four thousand books have been catalogued, plus the two thousand more acquired by purchase or gift. In addition fifteen hundred pamphlets and twenty-five hundred photographs have been

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catalogued, but there is still a backlog of one thousand books, fifteen hundred pamphlets and more than twenty-five hundred photographs still to be processed. All of the periodicals have been accessioned and most of them indexed. The map, manuscript, and microfilm collections have all grown steadily, and although they have not yet been catalogued, they are most useful.

The research division is one of the busiest sections of the library. Here are maintained the newspaper clipping files which are so valuable when all other sources of information fail. Here students, scholars, and researchers find much of the material they require. It is in this division that the newspapers and other periodicals are accessioned and indexed. The library regularly receives more than one hundred periodicalsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;all the historical publications of the western states, most of the historical publications of the rest of the United States, all the publications of the Latter-day Saints Church and the other Mormon churches, plus many other important magazines. The periodical collection is one of the most valuable parts of the library because it is not duplicated elsewhere in Utah.

The subject file (Pony Express, railroads, Indians, fur trade, Mormon Battalion, agriculture, education, geology, and mining) is another source of information where material is added constantly for increasing usefulness. The library receives inquiries by mail and by phone in ever-increasing number, and it is the reference librarian who usually finds the answers.

The picture collection is composed primarily of gifts from the WPA Utah Writers' Project, the Utah Publicity and Industrial Development Department, and Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr. A system of cataloguing the photographs with numerous cross-references and subject headings is proving to be most helpful.

The Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., Library is an extremely valuable acquisition and is described below.

On microfilm there are hundreds of rare and historically significant books, pamphlets, newspapers, periodicals, diaries, letters and manuscriptsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;items gathered from the great libraries and depositories of the United States: the Bancroft and Huntington libraries in California, the Library of Congress and the National Archives in Washington, D. C , the New York Public Library, the Harvard and Yale University libraries, the Missouri Historical Society, and other depositories of Western and Mormon materials. The manu-

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script collection includes many rare and important items among which are the John M. Bernhisel papers, the William Clayton letter-books, the Francis M. Bishop diaries, and the Hosea Stout journals.

The most ambitious project of all so far as the library is concerned is the Union Catalog of published works pertaining to Mormons and Mormonism. Progress has been slow but steady since Mr. Dale L. Morgan turned it over to the Society in 1951. Work on the catalog is now nearing completion, and it is hoped it can be published sometime in the near future. In the Union Catalog an attempt is made to list all the items ever published about the Mormons and Mormonism, and to show in what libraries in the United States they can be found.

The Utah State Historical Society Library is the only institution of its kind in Utah. It is a research library, not a lending library and is open to the public from nine to five weekdays. It is now ready, willing, and able to serve the casual reader, the student, the writer, the scholar, and the researcher.

T H E NICHOLAS G. MORGAN, SR., LIBRARY

On March 10, 1955, when by legislative enactment the governors' mansion at 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City, was made the permanent residence of the Utah State Historical Society, commodious and excellent accommodations were furnished the Society for the establishment therein of a permanent library on Utah, Pioneer, and Western history.

It was at that time that Mrs. Morgan and I decided to present as a gift to the State Historical Society our extensive collection of books, maps, and pictures.

Included in the book library is a rare collection of periodicals published by the Latter-day Saint Church and its various auxiliary organizations dating back to its origin and up to the present time.

The following in complete sets are included in the collection: Latter Day Saints Messenger and Advocate (Kirtland,Ohio, 1830) The Evening and Morning Star (Far West, Missouri, 1832) Times and Seasons (Nauvoo, Illinois, 1841-46)

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Saints Herald (Nauvoo, Illinois) Millennial Star (Liverpool, England) Journal of Discourses (Liverpool, England) Juvenile Instructor (Salt Lake City, Utah) The Contributor (Salt Lake City, Utah) Improvement Era (Salt Lake City, Utah) The Young Ladies Journal (Salt Lake City, Utah) Also in the collection are a first edition of The Book of Mormon, The Pearl of Great Price, an early Proclamation to the World issued by the general authorities of the church, and many of the early writings of Orson Pratt.

Many of these volumes came from the libraries of prominent and historic figures in church and Western history, including Joseph Smith, David Whitmer, John Whitmer, Orson Spencer, Lorenzo Snow, Eliza R. Snow, Wilford Woodruff, George A. Smith, John Morgan and others.

In the map section of this library are a number of historic maps which Mrs. Morgan and I have had made from original sources. There is one showing the original survey of Great Salt Lake City made by Orson Pratt and Henry G. Sherwood in the first two weeks in August, 1847. This map also shows the names of original owners of lots in the Pratt-Sherwood survey as they were distributed by Brigham Young and Heber C. Kimball in September, 1848, under authority given them at a conference of the pioneers at that time.

A second pioneer map, "Five Acre Plat A," a portion of Big Field Survey which shows lot locations and the first owners thereof, is included in the map library. The area covered by this survey was bounded on the north by Ninth South Street, on the east by Thirteenth East and Fifteenth East Streets, on the south by the present Twenty-first South and on the west by Second West and Fourth West Streets.

A third pioneer map, Plat " D " and Empire Mill Tract, shows surveyed lots from South Temple north to Fourth Avenue and from "A" Street to " N " Street. It gives the names of the original owners and the original names of the avenues as shown in the first City Directory of 1869. For example First Avenue was called Fruit Street; Second Avenue was called Garden Street, etc.

Included in the library is what is thought to be the largest collection of historic pioneer pictures of Salt Lake City and adjacent

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areas. In addition are pictures of Nauvoo and other historic sites along the route from that city to the valley of the Great Salt Lake.

In this collection are pictures of important places dating back to the birthplace of Joseph Smith. Many of these pictures have been enlarged and identified by expert penmanship.

Supplementing Mormon literature is a large collection of the works of famous English, French, and American authorsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;including Charles Dickens, Memoirs of the Courts of Europe, Shakespeare, Balzac, Voltaire, World's Greatest Literature, Orations from Homer to McKinley, Washington Irving, J. Fenimore Cooper, The World Story, Mark Twain, Classic Tales of Famous Authors, Ridpath's Library of Universal History, and Modern Eloquence.

It is quite natural for one to become attached to certain volumes for sentimental reasons. W e have in our library books, maps, and pictures that could not now be bought for money. There are books purchased in second-hand stores, previously owned by great men and women of the past, and our sincere sympathy has gone out to those who have been forced, perhaps for economic reasons, to sell to those who traffic in books.

In presenting our library to the Utah State Historical Society to be housed and kept for reference purposes in the magnificent new home of that institution, we feel most fortunate. We know the historic collection of books, maps, and pictures we have spent a lifetime in assembling is secure, and that the illustrious men and women of the past who once owned them and whose names have been inscribed in many of them will be grateful forever for that which we have done. Then, too, the action we have taken, we feel, might stimulate others to do likewise.

N.G.M., Sr. THE ARCHIVES The twenty-ninth legislature (1951) assigned to the Utah State Historical Society the additional functions and responsibilities of a state archives. However, by failing to provide an accompanying increase in the appropriation, the Society was unable to employ additional personnel to effectuate the newly assigned tasks. Finally in February, 1954, the Board of Examiners granted a deficit appropriation to the Society to launch its archives program. An archivist,

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Dr. E. L. Cooley, was employed and began his work on July 1, 1954. By the time the thirty-first legislature (1955) convened, the work of the archives had progressed sufficiently that a separate appropriation was granted which allowed the employment of an additional person. The most recent legislature (1957) increased the appropriation and enacted two laws which affected the archives.

House Bill 120 brought together into six sections all of the portions of the law concerning that division of the Historical Society. The archivist was made the official custodian of all noncurrent public records of permanent value. The law, for the first time, legally defined a public record and established certain standards to be met in microfilming operations. The other law affecting the archives is House Bill 224 which transferred the Graves Registration Department of the Office of the Adjutant General to the Military Records Section. This transfer will increase the archival staff by two persons, and will add significantly to the present military records.

During the less than three years of operation, the state archives can point with pride to some of its achievementsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;even though the job to be done, at times, appears to be overwhelming.

One of the first steps in the solution of some of the problems of the archives was made in January of this year when suitable vault space was acquired with the move into the former governors' mansion. For the first time, records can be shelved in an orderly fashion, and some of the really valuable state records brought into the custody of the archives.

Within the past four months, territorial and state records dating from 1850 and amounting to more than sixty cubic feet have been accessioned. These consist of: Territorial Executive Records, 1850-93 (12.5 cu. ft.).

Utah Commission Miscellaneous Ledgers, 1882-95 (5 cu. ft.).

Constitutional Convention Reports and Proceedings, 1895 (2 cu. ft.).

Secretary of State Letter Books, 1896-1911 (16.5 cu. ft.).

Governors' Papers (J. Bracken Lee), 1949-56 (24 cu. ft.).

Only the of many agencies. biennium

lack of additional personnel has prevented the acquisition more records from both state and local governmental The employment of another person during the 1957-59 should accelerate the transfer of records to the archives.

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Another area of accomplishment in which the archives takes considerable pride is that of recording the debates of the House of Representatives. Prior to the thirty-second legislature (1957), the only documentation of the proceedings was that contained in the Journal, which is little more than a brief summary of the votes on bills and resolutions introduced into the legislature. Through the cooperation of the Secretary of State, Speaker of the House, and a special committee appointed to investigate the recording of the debates, the archives was able to have all the proceedings recorded on 164 unbreakable vinyl discs. These were carefully indexed by a member of the archives staff. The discs are destined to become the property of the archives after a "cooling off" period in the vaults of the secretary of state.

During the past month, the archives has been engaged in one of its biggest selling jobs. Each year the Utah State Association of County Officials sponsors a series of schools throughout the state. A meeting of two or three hours duration is held at each county seat. Various state and county officers are invited to serve as instructors. The state archivist was named a member of the panel this year. The subject of his presentation was entitled, "The Care and Preservation of Public Records." It is believed that much good will result from meeting local government officers in a school sponsored by their own organization.

While the archives has microfilmed some of the older records in its possession, it has never microfilmed on a large scale. In fact, it has neither the funds nor the personnel to attempt an extensive program. However, the recent legislature granted an appropriation to the secretary of state to begin a pilot microfilm project. The state archivist is to help set up the program. In addition a recent decision of the Board of Examiners will assure the archivist's being consulted on all major microfilming projects undertaken by any state agency.

It is hoped that this will lead to more efficient use of microfilm.

The immediate goals of the archives call for the preparation of adequate finding aids for the records now in the archives. Then for the first time will the early history of Utah become available to the researcher.

LELAND H. CREER President, 1957—

NICHOLAS G. MORGAN, SR. Vice-President, 1957—

JOEL E. RICKS Immediate Past President 1949-57

LEVI EDGAR YOUNG Past President 1923-24; 1945-49

JUANITA BROOKS

LOUIS BUCHMAN

GEORGE F. EGAN

CHARLES R. MABEY

WILLIAM F. McCREA

RUSSEL B. SWENSEN

LAMONT F. TORONTO

A. R. MORTENSEN Director

EVERETT L. COOLEY Archivist

SENATOR THOMAS KEARNS (Picture taken about 1901)

MRS. THOMAS (JENNY J.) KEARNS (Picture Taken about 1940)

Builders of the home now occupied by the Utah State Historical Society, originally given to the state by Mrs. Kearns in 1937. Senator Kearns was elected to membership in the Society in 1903.

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY BUILDING

MAIN ENTRANCE HALL

STATE DINING ROOM

DRAWING ROOM

EXECUTIVE OFFICE

LIBRARY STACKS IN BASEMENT

REFERENCE ROOM

N. G. MORGAN, SR., LIBRARY

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OUR NEW HOME For a long time the research materials and other services of the Society had grown faster than the housing facilities. In recent years the office and library space became simply and completely inadequate, which rendered it extremely difficult for the Historical Society to live up to its charge under the law "to collect, preserve, and disseminate" historical information and materials.

The 1955 legislature finally came to the aid of the Society.

With very little opposition, House Bill 225 passed both houses and was signed into law by the governor. This bill provided that: "The Utah State Historical Society is authorized to use the present official governors' residence and grounds at 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City, Utah, for their offices, library and archives after February 1, 1957, or after the governor in writing advises the Society that he and his family have vacated the premises, whichever occurs first."

In conformance with the official letter from the governor stating that he and his family would vacate the building on January 7, 1957, the Society took possession of the property and immediately began the long-awaited move into its new home.

With adequate quarters, the Historical Society is on the verge of great opportunities and growth. For the first time this official state agency charged with the custody of Utah's great historical traditions will be able to live up to its responsibilities. Its new home gives it physical identity, and the adequate and comfortable quarters, easily accessible to all, will serve to encourage far greater numbers of the historically minded to use the library and services of the Society.

It is essential that the manner in which the Society uses its new home be understood. During the nearly two decades of the building's use as a governors' mansion, it virtually was required to serve a dual purpose. It was supposed to be the home of the incumbent governor and his family and at the same time serve a semi-public useâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;receptions, teas, and other social functionsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;neither of which it adequately could do simultaneously. Under the occupancy of the State Historical Society, it is purely and simply a PUBLIC building. All serious students, researchers, and others having use of the library are more than welcome. Outside of the rooms reserved for the library, the building and grounds generally are open to the public.

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The building is in an excellent state of preservation and is an historical and museum piece in itself. In many ways it represents to Salt Lake City and Utah what the Bowers' Mansion is to the fabulous Comstock, or the Knob Hill mansions are to San Francisco.

Ornately, but beautifully furnished both inside and out, a tour through the spacious rooms is reminiscent of the Gay Nineties and high society and luxurious living after the turn of the century.

Under the administration of the Historical Society, the various public rooms on the main floor will and must be used as presently furnished. The second floor serves the various functions of a library such as reading rooms, microfilm rooms, map rooms, and study rooms of various kinds. In addition, this floor, and others also if necessary, will permit the Society to accept and house important historical collections which otherwise would go into private institutions, be sent out of the state, or sold piecemeal all over the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;as happened in recent years to one of the most important libraries ever collected in this state. There are at present several important Utah collections which are waiting only to find suitable and permanent homes. The third floor, particularly the ballroom, can be used as a gallery for the display of historical pictures and incidental antiques and relics which are offered to the Society from time to time and which the Society heretofore has refused for lack of display space. One of the most completely used portions of the building is the basement. The large room which runs across the south side of the building and which once was occupied by the bowling alley now houses the main stacks of the library. Three other large rooms now serve the archives division as vaults for public records, state publications, and manuscripts. The basement hall with desks, tables, and files serves as a workroom and processing area.

The large two-story coach house has great potential value for storage purposes and future archival vaults.

THE IRISH I N THE BUILDING OF THE INTERMOUNTAIN WEST

BY ROBERT J. DWYER* r

P o THE Irish people history has assigned a role in the expansion ••• of Western culture and civilization far beyond any reasonable expectation based on their numbers or their actual political influence.

It is a matter not of oratorical exuberance but of sober fact that the natives of the Emerald Isle, geographically less than one-third the size of Nevada, have contributed far more than their due share to the making of the modern world. To limit attention to the story of the Irish in America is to neglect a vast panorama of their pioneering activities throughout the extent of the old British Empire and in many parts of the Latin American world. If our concern here is to trace their steps and mark their monuments in the Intermountain West, we are conscious that this is but a footnote to the story of their total achievement.

It is an established fact that the Irish in America on the eve of Independence accounted for no less than 17 per cent of the total population. The bulk of this, somewhere around 400,000 were immigrants from the northern counties of Ulster, mainly Presbyterians and Dissenters, and their strength lay in the interior valleys stretching from Pennsylvania to the Carolinas. They had come to America in the eighteenth century seeking religious freedom and economic opportunity, and there is no question but that they contributed mightily to the determination of the colonies to throw off the Imperial yoke. Of the remainder, estimated at something under 150,000, the majority came from the southern and western counties of Ireland, and came under conditions of extreme hardship. For the most part they were the Catholic victims of one of the most vicious penal codes ever enacted; they came branded as criminals or indentured to servitude which was hardly distinguishable from outright slavery.

•Robert J. Dwyer, Bishop of Reno, is an author and scholar of note and a native Utahn. He was prominent in local affairs in Salt Lake City and served as a member of the Board of Trustees of the Society for a number of years, being its vice-president at the time of his removal to Reno in 1952. The address here printed was delivered at the fifth annual meeting of the Society, March 30, 1957.

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Denied the practice of their religion, scattered over the length and breadth of the colonies, though largely concentrated at the south, it is hardly to be wondered that they gradually drifted from their moorings and should even seek to deny their nationality along with their inherited faith. It is significant of what happened to these people that by 1790, when the first estimates of Catholic population in the new republic were made, the total, including all nationalities, was set down as only 35,000.a The nineteenth century, however, introduced a new era. America beckoned to the Irish with ever brighter attraction. The impulse for religious freedom, still powerful in the early decades, grew less impelling after Catholic Emancipation in 1829, but its place was taken by sheer economic necessity. In the years before the Great Famine of 1847 Ireland's population was in excess of eight millions, reckoned at 251 persons per square mile, an intolerable burden for a country cursed with landlordism and suffering from the dire results of outrageous laws of enclosure. In the decade of the 1820's some 50,000 Irish landed at American ports. In the next ten years the number jumped to over 200,000, and between 1850 and 1860 the climax was reached with 914,119.2 When the guns were fired at Sumter, out of the estimated 2,500,000 Catholics in America it is fairly safe to say that over two-thirds were Irish immigrants.

They came, the vast majority of them, the poorest of God's poor. They came herded like sheep in steerage, many of them carrying the seeds of death from years of malnutrition or plain starvation, and thousands of them died in passage or soon after landing in the strange New World. When they disembarked at New York or Boston or Baltimore they were caught up in the enormous industrial development that was changing America. Where, in the 1840's and '50's they had run foul of the native American displaced by the Industrial Revolution, and had been plunged into the angry, senseless quarrels over religion, sponsored by politicians of the "know nothing" stripe, by the decade of the 'sixties they were welcomed as essential tools of industrial expansion.3 Spiritually, as well, the situation had changed radically. The Irish Catholic immigrant was no longer a man abandoned to his 1 These figures are drawn from Gerald Shaughnessy, S. M , Has the Immigrant Kept the Faith? (New York, 1925), passim.

"Ibid., 79.

8 Cf. Ray Allen Billington, The Protestant Crusade (New York, 1938), passim.

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own devices. He came now accompanied by his own priests, and the American hierarchy was straining every resource to supply him with the churches and schools he would need for the fulfillment of his religious life. But even this concern of the Church for the Irish immigrant led to some strange and unexpected consequences. In the opinion of a prelate like Archbishop John Hughes of New York, an opinion which never lacked for vigor of expression, it was perfectly clear that the place for the Irish to stay and to settle down was along the Eastern seaboard, in the growing cities where the Church was already established and might in time dominate. For him, it was folly of the worst kind to encourage them to fan out over the country, to go to the Middle West as farmers, to the Mississippi Valley where embattled Protestantism was in control, much less to the Far West, which, as far as he was concerned, was a howling wilderness, spiritual as well as physical.4 And there is no denying that the iron will of Archbishop Hughes, and of those who saw eye to eye with him, weighed heavily in the decision of the overwhelming number of Irish immigrants during the nineteenth century to stay, if not exclusively in the East, then certainly in the cities. An agricultural people by immemorial tradition, they proved a marvelous adaptability to the conditions of their new life; indeed, in the trying decades of the latter part of the century, and on into our own, they displayed an amazing and sometimes disturbing facility in political management, not to say manipulation.

What was it that brought the Irish to the Far West? There were many reasons, obviously, no one of them finally determining. There was, first of all, the inherent spirit of adventure in their soul, the memory of Brendan, the navigator who sailed to the West a thousand years before Columbus; of the Irish missionaries who reconverted Great Britain and northern Europe; of the Wild Geese who fled from Kinsale to lead half the armies of the Continent and to leave their names in Mexico and Chile. There was, in addition, the fact that not all American prelates thought that Archbishop Hughes had the right of it. It would not be until the 'seventies that serious efforts would be made to establish Irish colonies on farm lands in Minnesota, Iowa, and Nebraska, but long before that word had gone forth that the Church herself had moved West and could take care of them.

4 Sister Mary Evangela Henthorne, The Irish Catholic Colonization Association of the United States (Champaign, Illinois, 1932), 26; John R. G. Hassard, The Life of the Most Rev. John Hughes, D. D. (New York, 1866), 386.

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Archbishop John Ireland of St. Paul and Bishop John Lancaster Spalding of Peoria, both prominent in the movement to induce the Irish to return to the land in the endless reaches of the American West, were themselves echoing the urgings of priests and bishops who had gone before them and had seen the opportunity.5 It cannot be said, however, that the Irish colonization societies met with anything like success. In contrast with the Catholic German movements of the same nature, they were comparative failures.

It was the abject poverty of the typical Irish immigrant which prompted him, failing ready employment in the industrial East, to try his hand at canal digging or railroad building, the very means by which he would penetrate the West, for all of the Archbishop of New York. The saying goes that the Erie Canal was lined with the bones of the Irish laborers; certain it is that one can trace the growth of the Catholic church in upper New York State along its channel, the Dioceses of Albany, Syracuse, Rochester, and Buffalo marking the stages. It was the concentration of the Irish roadbuilders that changed Chicago from a poor mission, so poor that its second Bishop was glad to exchange it for the see of Natchez, into a far greater Hibernian center than Dublin itself. And as the railroads crept even further west, all through the 'sixties, the Irish were in the van, smoothing the gradients, laying the endless miles of track. And here again the historian of the Catholic church in America marks the stages of the road with the episcopal sees planted along the rightof-way: Davenport, Des Moines, Omaha, Grand Island, Lincoln, Denver, Cheyenne, until finally Salt Lake City and Reno are reached.

The same pattern holds for the northern and southern routes.

In the meanwhile, moreover, another factor had emerged. The discovery of gold in California, in 1848, normally would have had little bearing on the fortunes of the Irish in America, or at least no bearing beyond a visionary interest. There was little in the Irish background to encourage interest in mining. True, the English Industrial Revolution had necessitated the importing of thousands of Irish to work the coal mines of the Midlands, but it was hardly a labor that inspired or appealed. The fact was, however, that the discovery of gold coincided with a surplus of Irish labor in the great eastern cities of America. Within a matter of months the sleepy mission of San Francisco de Assis, near Yerba Buena, was overrun with B

Henthorne, op. cit., 31, 35.

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Irish argonauts. When the Dominican friar, Joseph Sadoc Alemany, was consecrated Bishop of Monterey in 1850, he had dreams of spending his life in an agrestic Spanish-American arcadia; instead, he found that he had inherited a see of an overwhelmingly Irish complexion. By 1860 an Irish priest, writing home, would estimate that San Francisco was one-third Irish in population.6 The gold dust trails led from San Francisco into the Mother Lode country, then into the high Sierra, and ultimately through the passes into Nevada. It is difficult if not actually impossible to be certain of the proportion the Irish bore to the rest of the argonauts.

The likelihood is that they numbered approximately one in four, a higher average than was maintained in the later years when the mines were opened in Colorado, Idaho, Montana, and Utah. If historic Virginia City, Nevada, be taken as reasonably typical of western mining history, the inference is justified; the records indicate that at least a quarter of the inhabitants were Irish born.7 The stage, then, is set for the entrance of the ubiquitous Irishman into the Intermountain West. He came because he liked to travel and was enamoured of adventure; he came because he was poor and had a yearning to get rich quick; he came because he built the railroads that brought him there; and he came because he had heard, as one Paddy would tell another, in the steerage passage, along the sidewalk on Mott Street, out along the tie-siding in Nebraska, that there was gold in the West and a fortune at the foot of the rainbow.

There is hardly more than the merest tinge of Irish influence in the early history of the Intermountain West, the era of the explorers and the mountain men. The nearest Domiguez and Escalante came to it was to name a camp-site near Milford in honor of St. Bridget, and it is terrifyingly possible that they may have had St. Brigid of Sweden in mind. The fur traders, based at St. Louis, anteceded the coming of the Irish to the banks of the Missouri. One name, however, emerges with honor, that of Thomas Fitzpatrick, "Broken Hand," the Canadian-born Irishman who seems to have

e James Largan to Dr. Forde, cited in Henry L. Welsh, Hallowed Were the GoldT Dust Trails (University of Santa Clara Press, 1946), 28-30.

Thomas K. Gorman, Diamond Jubilee of the Church in Nevada (Reno, 1935), 17.

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come as close to fulfilling the definition of a gentleman as a mountain man could ever reach and keep his skin intact.8 A few other names catch the attentive eye. In the sorry procession of the Donner party, breaking its way through the Wasatch barrier in the summer of 1846, there was a waif by the name of Luke Halloran. He was a consumptive, and he died about the time they were fording the Jordan River.8 Is his the first white man's grave in the Salt Lake Valley? There were also in the party Patrick Breen and his family, stalwarts who were to win through to California after the horrors of the winter on Alder Creek.

The following summer saw the Latter-day Saint settlement of the Salt Lake Valley, and the beginning of the first decade of the Mormon development of Utah, then that vast area between the Rockies and the Sierra. One is tempted to hazard the suggestion that the relative peace and quiet of that decade was due in part to the fact that so few Irishmen were around, though it would be an interesting study to determine how many of the original Mormon settlers themselves were of Irish ancestry. But destiny was hedging the Mormon experiment round about; to the east rich ore discoveries were announced in the front range of the Colorado Rockies; to the west, in the barren hills along the Carson River, the famous "blue stuff" that was the outcropping of the fabulous Comstock lode had been identified as silver; to the north there were rumors of hidden treasures in Montana and Idaho. Isolation was a dream which reality would successively dispel. And the Irishman was there to help dispel it.

He came to Utah in the ranks of Johnston's Army. Use had already been found for him in the Mexican War, and it was part of his tradition to enlist whenever there was a likely war at hand.

How many of him were there in that strange and futile expedition, to spend the winter freezing on the top of Wyoming, and to march, with the coming of spring, through the deserted streets of Great Salt Lake City and out to Camp Floyd? There is no roster to tell us; we only pick up stray references to Irish names in the journals of Albert Tracy, Wolcott Phelps, and Jesse Gove. We know that one, by name Harrington, decamped and deserted, and was heard 8 The standard biography, of course, is LeRoy Hafen and W. J. Ghent, Broken Hand (Denver, 1946). â&#x20AC;˘Bernard De Voto, Year of Decision (Boston, 1943), 344.

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of as having married a Mormon lass, somewhere south of Provo.10 We know that one died in the summer of 1859, and that a Catholic priestâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;what we would give to know his namelâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;was there to bury him with surplice and stole, to Captain Phelps's intense disgust.11 As for the rest, it is reasonably possible that they occasionally got drunk on Valley Tan and raised ructions in the City of the Saints.

It was fairly normal for soldiers.

One year earlier, in the summer of 1858, Father Joseph Gallagher, commissioned by Archbishop Alemany of San Francisco, offered Mass in a cabin at Genoa at the foot of the Sierra for as many of the Irish miners of the area as could be gathered in.12 A year later, from Leavenworth, Kansas, that hardy frontier missionary, Bishop John Baptist Miege, S. J., set out to visit a camp on Cherry Creek, near the Rockies. He decided that the Bishop of Santa Fe, the John Baptist Lamy of saga and fable, would be a better man to take care of Colorado than himself. Bishop Lamy had no choice but to send his fidus Achates, Father Joseph Machebeuf, to save the souls of these turbulent Irishmen who were pouring into Denver en route to Central City, Georgetown, and all the other camps of the Parks area.13 In 1860 another Irishman, though actually a native American, rode into Salt Lake City. His name was Edward Creighton, and he was a man with a mission. His job was to map the route of the transcontinental telegraph from the Missouri to California, and he did it as much on foot as on horseback. The next year he was back, building the line, one of the most spectacular achievements in Western history and one of the most immediately successful. The university that honors his name owes more to him than an endowment; it owes him the memory of a valiant Christian gentleman.14 By then, on the slopes of Mount Davidson Virginia City had been founded, and the tremendous potential of the Comstock was beginning to be realized. Father Hugh Gallagher, theologian of parts, had come as its first pastor and had built his church, forerunner of " " T h e Utah War, Journal of Albert Tracy," Utah Historical Quarterly, XUI (Salt Lake City, 1945), 48-49. n " T h e Journal of John Wolcott Phelps" (MS New York Public Library) s.d., June 6-10, July 19, 1859.

12 Gorman, op. cit., 15.

13 W. J. Howlert, Life of the Right Reverend Joseph P. Machebeuf (Pueblo, Colorado, 1908), 284.

14 The Story of Creighton (Omaha, Nebraska, n.d.), 37.

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that "Queen of the Comstock," St. Mary-in-the-Mountains, which still stands as the memorial and monument of the Irish pioneers of Nevada. If there be truth in the claim that the silver of Nevada's storehouse tipped the scales for Northern victory in the Civil War, then some part of the credit must go to his parishioners, those Kellys and Burkes and Sheas who went down into the mines to dig it out.

They may not have had the genius of a Sam Clemens, jotting down notes for Roughing It at his desk at the Territorial Enterprise office, but they supplied the stuff he wove into his legend.

Came 1862, with the war blasting the orchards of Antietam and the forests of Shiloh. Word went the rounds in Washington that the Indians were restive along the Holy Road, and that it might be just as well to keep an eye on the Mormons out in Utah. So ordered, and who better fitted for the job than Patrick Edward Connor, the Kerryman out in Stockton, California, who had been drilling his California Volunteers in hopes of just such a break as this. Colonel Connor was commissioned, and by autumn the Colonel had his men snugly quartered at Camp Douglas, overlooking Salt Lake City. En route the men of his command, being Californians, had not overlooked the possibilities of a little mining activity to leaven the tedium of army life. Indeed, outside of its quite criminal and brutal massacre of a group of Bannocks and Shoshonis at the ford of the Bear River near modern Preston, and its somewhat inglorious role in the Powder River campaign of 1865, Connor's Utah Expedition is chiefly notable for its part in opening up the mining history of the territory. Connor himself is rightly called the father of Utah mining. Though its development had to wait on the completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1869, he and his men, a number of them bearing distinctly Irish names, mapped out many of the key areas which were later to produce undreamed-of wealth.18 The ending of the war released energies in America which were soon felt in the Intermountain West. Work was speeded on the epic construction of the Pacific railway, as the gangs of Irish laborers bent their backs toward the setting sun, and gangs of Chinese Coolies faced its rising. The decade was uncertain, tentative, as though the nation were striving to find its pace again. For the Bishops of the United States, meeting in Baltimore in 1866 for their Second Plenary Council, it was clear that something would have to be done about 1B

Cf. Fred B. Rogers, Soldiers of the Overland (San Francisco, 1938), passim.

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the vast area between the mountains. Reports reached them of scores of mining towns springing up overnight, of thousands of Irish immigrants pouring into them, needing the services of their religion.

One such report would have come from Father Machebeuf in Denver, who had dispatched his assistant, Father John B. Raverdy, on a scouting expedition in the summer of 1864 which had taken him through Salt Lake City and on north into the Idaho camps.16 Another would have come from the harassed Vicar Apostolic of Marysville, California, the Right Reverend Eugene O'Connell, who had even more immediate knowledge of the situation.17 For in the late spring of 1866 Bishop O'Connell had commissioned one of his priests, the Reverend Edward Kelly, who was serving as missionary pastor of the mining camp of Austin, Nevada, to investigate conditions in the heart of the Mormon empire. By June, Kelly was in Salt Lake City making a census of the Catholic population and planning a permanent residence and chapel. He must have been a personable young man with a flair, for he had little difficulty in raising funds for his undertaking, in spite of the fact that his congregation was microscopic, a mere matter of a dozen families or so. But he seems to have sensed the possibilities of the future, and he certainly must have known something of the mining prospects that were opening up. 18 The decision of the Council was manifest two years later, in 1868. It was to erect the Vicariate of Denver, with Machebeuf as Bishop, with jurisdiction over Colorado and Utah; to erect the Vicariate of Idaho and Montana, with Louis Lootens, a Belgian priest then working in the Diocese of Monterey, as Ordinary; and to transfer Nevada from the care of the Vicar Apostolic of Marysville (now named Bishop of the new Diocese of Grass Valley) to that of the Archbishop of San Francisco. There were several obvious flaws in the decision: it left Nevada and Utah somewhat in the position of spiritual step-children; it was clearly premature in the case of Idaho; and it gave charge over an overwhelmingly Irish immigrant Catholic population to a Frenchman, Machebeuf; a Spaniard, Alemany; and a Belgion, Lootens. In the last case, poor Bishop Lootens struggled for a hopeless decade with the constant fluctuations of the le Howlett, op. cit., 321-22.

"Welsh, op. cit., 205.

"Robert J. Dwyer, The Story of the Cathedral of the Madeleine (Salt Lake City, 1936), 14.

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Idaho mines, and then resigned. Nor was Bishop Machebeuf at all happy with his Utah inheritance. One of his first acts as Bishop was a visitation of Salt Lake City, where he confirmed in Father Kelly's little chapel and at Fort Douglas, and he was careful to send priests to Utah when and as he could. Of one of these, a Father Honore Bourion, fresh over from France, he remarked in a letter to his sister, "Father Bourion could not make a living among the Mormons, and has returned home." 19 Perhaps it would have been more accurate if he had said that the priest had failed to make a living among his Irish parishioners! At any rate, matters dragged on until 1871, when Bishop Machebeuf prevailed upon Archbishop Alemany to take over Utah as well as Nevada. With an audible sigh of relief he wrote his sister again, "At last I am disembarrassed of the Mormons." 20 Could it be that he failed to appreciate them?

This new decade of the 'seventies, nevertheless, was to be the most significant in the history of the Irish group in the intermountain country. It was to consolidate them, spiritually and economically; it was to give them status; and it was to lay the foundations of their future wealth. In Nevada it was the era of the Mackays, the Fairs, and the Floods, the Irish-born terriers who were to emerge as the moguls of the Comstock. In Utah, if that galaxy cannot be matched, it was the decade when young men like Marcus Daly, later to make history as the genius of the Anaconda, were learning the ways of mines and mining men at such places as Ophir, Alta, Tooele, and Parley's Park. As good fortune would have it, it was the decade, too, that brought to prominence two great spiritual leaders, Patrick Manogue and Lawrence Scanlan.

The biography of Bishop Manogue is itself a summary of Irish achievement in the West. Irish born and bred, he came to America as student for the priesthood for the Diocese of Chicago, but his health failing, he shouldered family responsibility as a breadwinner, found his way to the Mother Lode country of California, and wore callouses on his hands as a hard-rock gold miner. Yearning still for the priesthood, he was accepted by Bishop O'Connell of Marysville, who sent him to finish his course in Paris, where he was ordained in 1861. A year later he was named pastor of Virginia City, where "Machebeuf to Sister Philomena, July 2, 1871, Machebeuf MSS, The Chancery, Denver, Colorado. mbid., October 24, 1871.

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for eighteen years he ruled his flock with that combination of mercy and justice which made him both feared and loved. When, in 1880, he was named co-adjutory to his ailing Bishop, he, no less than his monumental church, was the "Pride of the Comstock."

A legend has grown up about him; but indeed, his portrait needs no legend, strong, manly, powerful. He stamped his personality on the whole of Nevada, a great part of which he was to continue to govern in later years as Bishop of Sacramento.21 Lawrence Scanlan was much less spectacular than Manogue.

When he came to Salt Lake City in 1873, succeeding Father Patrick Walsh, he was already acquainted with the hardships of mining camps, with two years at Pioche, Nevada, behind him. He faced an enormous task, the care of a flock scattered widely over the whole of his parishâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the entire territory of Utah. Seven years later he could survey with some satisfaction a record of significant progress, of churches built in a dozen mining towns, of schools and hospitals opened and flourishing from Park City to Silver Reef, and a Catholic population, predominantly Irish, welded together into a vigorous unity. A plain man, not highly gifted, he nevertheless exerted a magnetic influence over his people and managed to live on terms of cordiality with the Latter-day Saints who formed the overwhelming mass of his neighbors.22 He was not particularly interested in politics. For an Irishman, this seems to be an indictment. Nor was his attitude altogether typical of his Irish flock. One of the earliest gentile organizations in Utah was the Fenian Brotherhood, organized by men of Colonel Connor's command as early as 1862. Delegates Ivere sent from both Utah and Nevada to the convention held in Cincinnati in 1865, when plans were laid for the projected invasion of Canadaâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that extraordinary effort at twisting the British Lion's tail.23 But western interest in the Brotherhood died quickly after the humiliating fiasco which resulted. More germane were affairs at home, where the gentile minority was embarked on its long career to disfranchise the Mormons on the score of polygamy. The Liberal party was launched in 1867, with a William McGroarty as candidate for delegate to "Welsh, op. cit., passim.

22 Robert J. Dwyer, "Lawrence Scanlan, Pioneer Bishop of Salt Lake," Utah Historical Quarterly, XX (Salt Lake City, 1952), 135-58.

23 Wilriam D'Arcy, The Fenian Movement in the United States (Washington, D. C, 1947), 29, 47.

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Congress. He received a bare 105 votes as compared with a crushing tally for Captain Hooper, his Church-sponsored opponent, but nevertheless attempted to convince the federal House of Representatives that he was entitled to the seat.24 Another Irishman to figure in this unpleasant business was a certain "Judge" Dennis Tuohy, somewhat of a rabble-rouser from Corinne. For the most part, however, it would seem that relatively few of the Irish in Utah were active in the fortunes of the Liberal party.

By 1880 Father Scanlan could report to his Archbishop that Utah Territory, his deanery, counted approximately five thousand Catholics, most of them of Irish birth or parentage. Of these only four hundred were settled in Salt Lake City, some eight hundred in St. Mary's parish, Park City, and the rest broadcast over the area, in the mining towns and railroad centers.25 There are, unfortunately, no comparable figures preserved for Nevada, though it is reasonable to assume, on the basis of the population of Virginia City, Austin, Eureka, and the other even less permanent mining towns, that fifteen thousand would be a conservative estimate. If all or even a fair percentage of these people had remained, their descendants today would form a very considerable segment of the population of the Intermountain West. Their tragedy, if such it be, was that they had allied themselves with the mining fortunes of the region. To some few it would bring wealth and social esteem; to the majority it was only a means of livelihood, and the rapid and unpredictable fluctuations of the economy would in time prove disheartening to most of them. Without permanent roots in what was to them always more or less of an alien soil, they tended to look to greener pastures elsewhere, to the California coast where San Francisco beckoned as a surrogate for Dublin, or to the other mining centers of Colorado or Montana, as opportunity opened these up. A highly instructive study might be devoted to the Irish "mining circuit," where the flow and interchange of population would include such stopping points as Virginia City, Tonopah, Gold Field, Park City, Butte, Eureka, and Leadville and Cripple Creek, Colorado.

With relatively few exceptions, the Irish builders of the Intermountain West fought shy of agriculture or ranching. Irish colonization of the land, where it was projected or attempted, came to "R. N. Baskin, Reminiscences of Early Utah (n.p., 1914), 23, 24. z5 Cf. Sadlier's Catholic Directory (New York, 1881), 174.

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nothing. Judge E. F. Dunne, a resident of Salt Lake City during the late 'seventies, was active in the promotion of such schemes, and was urgent in his plea for the establishment of a National Bureau of Catholic Colonization.26 Some years later an ambitious plan was announced for an Irish colony to be located in the Bear River Valley, north of Corinne. John Dillon, long an outstanding figure in Irish politics, was reported as having "thrown himself into the scheme with great vigor," and a tract of 100,000 acres was supposed to have been secured. A contract to build a dam was let, but for whatever reason, never fulfilled. It is a strong likelihood that the plan died a-borning for lack of interest among the Irish it was intended to serve.27 So it is, that if we were to look for a symbol and an epitome of the contribution of the Irish to the building of the Intermountain West, it is the mining man who emerges. And we could hardly do better, as we conclude this highly tentative and introductory study, than to recall the life of the man whose initials are carved at the entrance to this mansion, Thomas Kearns. When, in 1899, he had the plans drawn for his fine new Florentine villa on Brigham Street, Salt Lake City, he had already fulfilled the Horatio Alger epic, from rags to riches.

Like Tom Fitzpatrick before him, he was born in Upper Canada of immigrant parents, Thomas and Margaret Maher Kearns, April 11, 1862. When he was still a child the family moved to the vicinity of O'Neill, Nebraska, one of the more promising of the Irish colonization settlements, named for General John J. O'Neill, Fenian patriot and one of the leaders in the ill-starred invasion of Canada. But farming and ranching were not to the growing boy's taste. He was still a strippling when the gold strikes in the Black Hills country to the north acted as a magnet, and he acquired his first taste of mining experience in the rough and tumble of Deadwood. Back home again he tried another adjustment to the ways of his ancestors, only to give them up finally before he was twenty.

The early 'eighties found him out in Tombstone, Arizona, engaged in what his obituary notice euphoniously calls "employment with a transportation company," or more plainly, driving a team. He was in Utah by 1883, seeking work at Tintic and gathering a grub-stake in a road gang for the Rio Grande Railway. Butte, Montana, was 26

Henthorne, op. cit., 47.

"Salt Lake Daily Tribune, February 17, 1885; April 1, 1887.

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his goal, but he was not to fall under the tutelage of Marcus Daly.

Instead, he was persuaded to turn back to the Park City mining district where fortune was waiting for him thousands of feet under the Wasatch Mountains.

For seven years he worked in the minesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the Ontario, the Daly, and the Woodsideâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the while deepening his knowledge of the district and crystallizing his own estimates of its hidden possibilities. He was fortunate in his contacts with other mining men as canny as himself, David Keith, John Judge, and James Ivers. He was still more fortunate in his marriage with Jennie Judge Wilson, like himself sprung from Irish immigrant stock. There is no doubt that she gave to him the stability his somewhat mercurial and irascible temperament) needed, and spurred him on to his best efforts. She also kept him) close to Mother Church and the little stone sanctuary of St. Maryof-the-Assumption, Park City, where Father Patrick Blake and Father Thomas Galligan wrestled with sin and demon rum for the souls of their "boys."

It was only in 1890 that the big opportunity came. Successive leases had brought him and his associates closer to the bonanza of their dreams. Then it happened: the Silver King came through, and they were on their way to name and fame. It is instructive to recall that he was, at that date, twenty-eight years old.

The decade of the 'nineties marked the climax of Utah's politicoreligious struggles. Seemingly somewhat against his will he was prevailed upon to enter the arena. He sat in the Constitutional Convention of 1895, and at the turn of the century announced his candidacy for the United States Senate. He was not one to hide his antipathies under a bushel, but at the same time it was realized that he stood for interests which Utah could ill afford to neglect and that his honor could be trusted. He won by a narrow vote in the state legislature and served an unexpired term of four years with reasonable distinction. It was soon after he had been named senator that he bought out the Salt Lake Tribune from another Irishman, Colonel Patrick H. Lannan, with the avowed intention of providing the gentile mining inetrests with an organ voice.

Ambitious though he was for his family, he was not insensitive to the call of charity. The Keams-St. Ann's Orphanage, in its day one of the outstanding institutions of its kind in the West, was his most conspicuous benefaction, but he found other ways as well in

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which to discharge his stewardship. Whereas a pattern had been established, certainly in Nevada, of pilfering the land and leaving it, Thomas Kearns recognized something like a moral obligation to use his riches to build the commonwealth whose native resources had furnished his endowment. He was foremost among those who found Salt Lake City an overgrown village and left it a modem city.

If he fell short of being a devout man in the sense of wearing his religion on his sleeve, he was nevertheless firm in his Catholic loyalties. Bishop Scanlan, prematurely aging in the years after the opening of the new century, found in him a willing co-worker in the ambitious program he had inaugurated for his Diocese. There was no prouder day for his family and his house than when, in the summer of 1909, he was host to that prince of the American hierarchy, James, Cardinal Gibbons, Archbishop of Baltimore, here for the dedication of Bishop Scanlan's dream, the towering St. Mary's Cathedral.

Somehow we think of him as having attained a great age, so much is he a part of our own past, and fŠr the writer, of his own remembered boyhood. Yet he was a bare fifty-six, a man in his presumptive prime, when, in October, 1918, a minor accident brought on a series of strokes from which he died on the eighteenth of that month. The influenza epidemic was raging, and the world was poised breathlessly at the dawn of peace, that peace which, we were told and hopefully believed, would make democracy forever safe. His obsequies as a result were quiet, and he was laid to rest in Mount Calvary, in the soil of the land he had made his own.28 There is, we believe, a peculiar fitness in the chain of circumstances which has led to the dedication of his home, still palatial, as the headquarters of the Utah State Historical Society. It is itself a historical monument, eloquent of a vibrant chapter in the development of a great state. We may be excused for thinking that he, the son of Irish immigrants, who himself played so prominent a role in that development, is with us in spirit to assure us that the task, not yet finished, is worth all our effort.

28 The material for this sketch of the life of Thomas Kearns is drawn from the obituary notice in the Salt Lake Tribune, October 19, 1918. Surely there is reason to hope for a more adequate account.

LETTERS OF A PROSELYTE THE HASCALL-POMEROY CORRESPONDENCE*

(continued from April issue) XIII Adressee:

Col. Wilson Andrews North New Salem Franklin Co. Mass

Postmarked: Boston 5 cts 16 JUL Camp of Israiel, Winter quarters Indian Territory April 1847 Dear Brother, and sister, I fear you have not received my last letter as I have not received an answer, I went to the office found a letter I thought it must be from you, but it was from Francis mother, I was disappointed. I assure you the time has now arrived that we are preparing to pursue our journey. Expect to arrive at our place of rest, before we stop again, only for repairs &c, about two hunded pioneers started two weeks ago, they calculate to get there and put in seed of various kinds long before we get there, the teams were mostly mule and horses. Francis was among the number1 and Thales is to be our teamster. He thinks he can manage three yoke of oxen. Irene says he is a young man, he has grown tall and stout, his flesh is hard and health good. If he only had Albert here to go hunting with him he thinks â&#x20AC;˘The following series of letters describe life during the winter at Winter Quarters, the trek across the plains, life in the Old Fort during the first season in the valley, the gradual emergence and growth of the City by the Great Salt Lake, Indian problems and the impact of the gold rushers on the economy of the infant community. This is the third installment of letters. For the first and second see Utah Historical Quarterly, XXV (January and April, 1957), and for identification of many people mentioned herein, see Introduction and footnotes in same.

Francis Pomeroy was a member of the original band of pioneers, numbering 143 men, 3 women and 2 children, which left the Missouri River on April 14, and arrived in the Great Salt Lake Valley on July 24, 1847.

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they should kill lots of prairie hens wild turkeys geese ducks and maybe a deer or buffalo, his business this winter past has been chopping the wood at the door, and the care of one cow. Our other cattle have wintered on rushes forty miles up the Missouri river with five or six hundred others. There was ten men chosen to herd them, and keep the indians from killing them, Francis was one of the ten, had 2 dollars per head. W e have lived in our log cabin through the winter very comfortably. W e have a brick chimney and hearth, (two thirds of the people have them made of sods and they do very well), a window with four lights of glass 10 by 12, gave eight cents a light, the furniture consists of sacks barrels chests trunks and two wild bedsteads with curtains from eaves to floor, my chest for a table, W e have had plenty of provisions except vegetables, we have had beans enough and some potatoes, this spring there is abundance of wild onions and artichokes first rate, there is a store opposite of us with every necessary, English and west Indies, goods coffee sugar, salaratus all fifteen cents per pound. First best sugar house mollasses one dollar per gallon, I think we shall get along first rate, there is companies organized of hundred, and Captains of fifties and tens, we are going in brother Wallace's Company of fifty.2 The Woodburys are going with the same company. They are twenty miles from here. Thomas has been here and staid over night. Where William is they do not know. Brother Aikins family are at Garden Grove some distance back, Samuel came on with brother Ponds family and died here away from father and mother, I suppose you have heard of the deaths in brother Ponds family. The children are all dead but Elizabeth [and] Loenza, when they were on the way here they turned from the main road into a settlement where he and Samuel could earn two dollars per day with their teams. It proved to be an unhealthy place, They were all taken sick and they came away as soon as they could, but they were unable to take care of them2 George B. Wallace was converted to the LDS Church by Joseph Smith.

In 1844 he traveled extensively throughout the country electioneering for the Prophet for the presidency of the United States. In Nauvoo he was an undertaker and followed that occupation later in the Salt Lake Valley. Wallace was a captain of fifty in the A. O. Smoot Company, and upon arrival in the valley on September 26, 1847 built one of the best houses in the Old Fort. Many important meetings of the general authorities of the church were held in his cabin during that first winter. He was among the first missionaries in me valley who were called to go abroad.

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selves on the road and suffered for the want of care, Lowell died before they arrived, the rest lived to get here and then dropped away one after another, Sister Pond has not recovered and I fear she never will, Brother Ponds health is very poor. Sister Clark died on the way here. She wore her self out with hard work I think, I never saw a female that could live and do as she did, The children came on with P. Rockwell3 they have the first rate families to live in. Hiram lives in the same family with Emiline.

She thinks them the best people in the world. She is as happy as a queen, has everything to eat, drink [and] wear. She instructs the children has the care of their clothes and does as much or as little as she pleases. Tell mother sister Murdock is here with her family. Where brother Harris is we do not know. Sister Brimhall is well. She did not grieve much for the Prichards loss. We have now and then a newspaper from New York. Shall we believe the cracking asunder of the Union of the United States, Yes, sooner or later the Lord will avenge the blood of his martyred Prophets and persecuted Saints, Unless they repent and restore their right, Irene read President Polks message. It's as harmless as milk and water. I think he is as Eliza Smith said about my going to singing schoolâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;I should not do any hurt if I did not any good. The ship Brooklyne has landed we hear and printed a paper.4 I suppose Uncle Sam has received one by this time. I expect Francis will see husband before we shall. How are all the people in the old neighborhood? Still by the ears or has Mr Orcutt left them to their destruction. I should be happy to see him and wife and little Dwight [as] he runs and talks by the side of his father. Give my love to them and all the rest that inquire. How is mother.

Has she had one of her hard colds, if she has I fear she had not 8 Porter Rockwell was a close associate of the Prophet Joseph Smith. He was also a member of the original pioneer band, in fact, a member of Orson Pratt's advance company which entered the valley ahead of the others. He was closely associated with the Overland Mail and the Pony Express, one of the stations being at his home 25 miles southwest of Salt Lake City. He served as deputy marshal of Salt Lake City for a number of years.

4 Samuel Brannan and his company of 238 Saints, 70 men, 68 women, and 100 children, sailed on the Brooklyn from New York, February 4, 1846, by a coincidence the same day that the Nauvoo people fled across the Mississippi for the unknown West. The press on which was printed The Prophet and The Messenger was stowed aboard. Upon arrival in California (Yerba Buena) on July 31, 1846, the press was set up. It was used for various kinds of printing, and the California Star, the first paper in San Francisco was issued.

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recovered, how is her lame toes, tell her to enjoy herself and be prepared for a part in the first resurection, and live and reign with Christ on the earth a thousand years, if it not worthy of our whole time and talent. How is dear Waldo and all the rest of your little ones. Kiss them and tell them Aunt Lula sent it to them. I am not Aunt Lula here, it is sister Hascall, mother and grandmother. Francelle runs about and takes hold of my dress and wants I should take her, she looks Idee your children, very much as Phebe did at her age. Give my respects to Grandfather and mother Andrews. Tell them the mormons have built one of the best grist mills that ever was seen in the States. Although this is the indian territory when they leave it the next company will use it and so on untill all the mormons have passed along. It ground twelve bushel of corn an hour the first few hours, but they took it down to six bushels when they made a business of it. You spoke about dancing. I filled my other sheet before I thought of it but now I will tell you. The Mormons (as they are vulgarly called) do not have any guess work, in their exercises, they have a rule and the order of God, for all their movements, Thales attended dancing school this winter, they open their school with prayer and so they always do at their dancing parties or feasts.

They have all the good and fat things they can procure for supper, I never saw a larger supply at any place. Each grade had a feast until they went through the camp, I went with the wives of the elders that are sent on missions, widows and soldiers wives.

There is some of the smartest and best men and women here there is in the world, They dress superior to your New Salem people if they have had to winter in log cabins. I send this [letter] by a sister that is going to Boston to visit her friends. [She] returns in October. Her name is Sabra Granger, direct your letters to Francis M, Pomeroy Huntsakers Ferry Austin postoffice Atchinson County Missouri, to be forwarded to the Camp of Israel.

Your affectionate U B H I send you a piece of my new sun bonnet the handsomest one you have seen.

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XIV Addressee:

Miss Ophelia M. Andrews North New Salem Franklin County Massachusetts (Care of Col. Wilson Andrews)

Postmarked: Kane Io. May 16 1848 [in manuscript] Great Salt Lake City March 5th 1848.

Cousin Ophelia, having a little leisure from domestic cares I thought [I would] write you a few lines knowing you would be very anxious to hear from us. W e are all well contented and happy.

We have a log house made of hewed logs sixteen by eighteen and covered with planks and slabs. Our fireplace is made of clay pounded into one corner and the fireplace cut out just such shape as you please. The rest is sticks plastered outside and in which makes it quite nice. We have quite a nice door made of fir boards which were sawed since we arrived. We have nothing but the boards of our wagon for floor yet. We have a window with five squares of ten by twelve glass and one of cloth pasted on. There is two beds at the east end of the room and curtains drawn across the room in front of the beds and a little chamber floor over the beds where we keep our provisions. Picture to your self Irene sitting in such a room as this writing on her same chest which stood in her chamber in Mass. Mr Pomeroy and Thales have gone to what is called the Cotton woods for poles to fence the land. Francelle is filling the little creampitcher (your mother and mine used to play) with water and washing it in the washdish. Mother is knitting. (I will fill this page with family concerns now I have come so near to it, and tell you on the next how we came hear and what kind of place it is). We have two yoke of oxen, two cows two heifers (two years old) a pair of horses three hens two chickens and a dog.

We have killed one yoke of oxen for beef. W e expect to have a garden in front of our house. Our farming land is five or six miles from hear. The houses are built adjoining each other and in the form of squares enclosing ten acres each. It was thought wisdom to have them in this manner for this season because we could

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better defend ourselves from all kinds of danger.5 When the companies arrive next Summer we expect to commence a brick house.

There will be a city laid out then and each building will have land for all necessary purposes and a large garden and the farming land will be with out the city.

When Mother wrote you at Winter Quarters we were preparing for our journey still farther west. Thales went down into Missouri with Br Wallace and bought a new supply of provisions and we left Winter Quarters June 17th and I can assure you we passed through a variety of scenes a distance of ten hundred and sixty miles from W . Q. Rivers, brooks, mudholes, mountains, plains, woods, broken waggons Indians, Buffaloes, wolfs, deer, antelope, wild dogs, bears &c. The Indians were very friendly. They do not hurt if we kept strong guard out so they could not steal our horses and cattle in the night; W e passed through some places where it [was] almost impassable, mountains of cragged rocks seeming as it were bending over us on either side of the road, at another time we would be on the side of a mountain below us on one side of the road 50 or 100 feet straight down as Grandmother says, on the other side a mountain and seeming every moment as if the waggon would be upset. This was the last part of the road. The first 1000 miles was mostly prairies, see nothing but land as far as the eye could reach; You can look on the map and see where we came; We came nearly the whole of the length of the Platte river and camped on its bank most every [night]. W e walked a great part of the way where there were bad roads (Catherine says tell them I could walk 10 or 15 miles per day). We generally travelled from 10 to 15 miles in a day sometimes 20 and once or twice 25. We did not travel on Sundays on the whole we had quite a pleasant! journey. W e would (about half a dozzen) go on ahead of the waggons, find some place of curiosity and wait for the teams to come up. How many many [times] mother and I would say how Aunt Samanthy would love to see this and that. Grandmother might have come if she had thought so. There is some older than she here.

I presume you have heard of Richardsons bitters. The old man's

""Monday, March 6, 1848. The G.S.L. City fort contained 423 houses and 1,671 souls. Adjoining farming field consisted of 5,133 acres of land of which 875 acres were sown with winter wheat." Andrew Jenson, Church Chronology (Salt Lake City, 1914), 35.

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son is here and his sons mother came from Vermont. Emeline is yet in W. Q. When we came away she was teaching school in the same family where she has been.

There was about 600 waggons came last summer.6 Such only came as could buy provisions, the rest staied to raise it. W e expect a much larger company this season. Well after all this long journey, when we were coming over mountains and between them all at once a little narrow passage between the mountains (called a cannian7 I think I have not spelled it right) opened into a beautiful valley. This is our place of residence. It is in the midst of the rocky mountains surrounded on every side by impassable mts. and just one passage in and another on the west side which will not take much labor to stop an army of ten thousand. Now let the mobbers rage. The Lord has provided this place for us and if we are faithful the troubles and calamities of the Gentile nation will not harm when all is past, we will step forth from our hiding place the secret chambers spoken of in the bible. I wish you would come and stay with [us]. You would if you [could] see the future. But live in darkness, we know this is true, what you call mormonism. If we ever meet in the resurrection you cannot say I never told you, What I say to one I say to all who shall here it, and read it to every one you can (this part if nothing more) for I say it again I know it is truth and I say it by the spirit of God. I would die in one minute for this gospel if necessary or required of the Lord. Remember what I say to you, I expect Augustus before long. He said he should come when he was twenty one. The journey does not seem to us now as it did in Mass. Why we [would] not think any more of coming back than we used to do of going to New York city.

There is a large salt lake lying in the northwest part of the valley called on the map lake Timpanagus.8 Its water is more highly im6 According to B. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 vols., Salt Lake City, 1930), III, 291, between the middle of September and October 10, 1847, 2,095 souls had arrived in the valley. Irene, Eugenia Francelle, Ursulia and Thales are listed as being in the Four Hundred, G. B. Wallace, captain of fifty, and James Smith captain of the first ten. See also Kate B. Carter, comp., Heart Throbs of the West (12 vols., Salt Lake City, 1947), VIII, 439.

'Emigration Canyon.

'Irene here indicates the confusion prevalent regarding the topography of the Great Basin. For a map of the area in 1826, see Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of Utah (San Francisco, 1891), 19. On his journey through the Utah country in 1776, Escalante gave the name Timpanogos to present day Utah Lake for the Timpanogos Indians who lived in the region.

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pregnated with salt than those of the ocean. They make some of the nicest salt you ever saw. They can shovel up bushels of coarse [salt] on the bank. The mountains near the city are covered with vegetation. Those at a distance look rough and rocky. The timber is mostly on or near the mountains. Streams of beautiful water run from the mountains and empty into a river called Jordan which empties into salt lake. Some of the mountains are covered with perpetual snow. The climate is thought to be warmer here than in New England. The winter has been very pleasant. Feed for cattle all winter. Those that ran at liberty were grew fat all winter.

People have commenced plowing and planting some but it freezes a little [at] night. W e have not had any snow to last long.

There are some maple trees here, poplar fir cotton wood oak birch spruce and a species of hemlock. Br. Woodburys family are here and all much better than when they left Nauvoo. Catherine is well and children. Elizabeth and Loenza are well send love, Loenza is married to Joseph Kingsbury. I [suppose] you know that Abby is dead. When they left Nauvoo they went off the road into a very sickly town because they could get great wages and thought they would earn something. They were all taken with chills &c. and none but Br Pond E[lizabeth] and L[oenza] survived the disease. Br Aikins family are yet at W . Q. and William W. was on his way there last we heard from them and Mrs. Russel Maria Ellen and Hiram Clark. W[hile] at winter Q. H lived with Emeline. You have heard of dressing in skins. I will send you a specimen. Francis has a coat and pantaloons and Thales pantaloons. We can wash it and stretch it while it dries. Thales says he wants to see George & Waldo Albert and the rest of the boys very [much]. He is almost a young man, taller than I. We have heard father is on California shore and have wrote to him and expect he will come here this season. Tell Grandmother she would laugh to see Francelle talk and motion it out with her head like Aunt Phebe. Francelle has been putting my ink on her hair calling it oil. Mother says tell Grandmother and S. she [has] not been out of coffee yet and drinks it most every day. We have got company a lady from Cape Cod. I know you are a good scholar so I think you can read this. I have not time to read my letter you must guess at what is not here. It is a very healthy place.

I have not much room for compliments. Love to all who know

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us. I think perhaps you are married. If you are love to your husband. Write as soon as possible. When you write pay postage or it will not come.

Irene Let grandmother have the skin if she wants it.

[Note: On the back of the folded letter appears this notationâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; "Miss Andrews was this postage paid? P.M."]

XV Addressee:

Col. Wilson Andrews North New Salem Franklin County Mass.

Please Forward

Postmarked: Kane Ioa Oct. 18/48 [in manuscript] Great Salt Lake City, Aug, 8th 1848 Dear sister, The first mail arrived in this City August sixth by which I received your very welcome letter, dated October 12th.

I began to think you had not received my last, and I should have to wait until you received Irenes letter to Ophelia before you would know how to direct your letters, I am so glad to hear that mother is live and well and your self and family. I never have been the least homesick or wished myself back, but O how gladly would I embrace my dear friends in my native town, especially my dear sister and family, you think we shall all return, but that will be as the Lord shall direct. We have been uncommonly blessed with health, and the lives of our cattle, while a great many others have buried their friends on the way, and lost their cattle since we started from Nauvoo, Brother Ponds family are all gone but himself Elizabeth and Loenza, they are here healthy and doing well. Father Woodburys family, Catherine and Thomas and children, are here and well. Calvin Smith is on the way, and Brother Aikins family I expect, but do not know for certain, there has been abundance of wheat raised here this season, corn looks well, we have had vege-

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tables most all kinds except potatoes. Thomas says he shall have ten bushels. We had nothing but dried eyes to plant, they did not come up, I did not expect the mail to go out until next week, I heard this afternoon that it would leave tomorrow morning I took my pen and paper and said I would let you know I received your last letter, but not the one you spoke of that gave an account of Wesleys death. I think I shall when the companies come in. There is over nine hundred waggons on the way, they have a large bundle of letters we hear for the saints taken from the United States mail.

There is a fur trader from Connecticut that is acquainted with Francis friends, and he leaves this place for his native State in Sept, I shall write by him, 9 I write in such haste this letter will be like Liy Bridge, it made me think of her, and then I wrote it. Green has not arrived here yet. There has been a man here from the bay of Francisco, that has been acquainted with him ever since he has been there, He is well has five dollars per day at mill work. His wife came in the same ship, he has returned to the bay after her.

He said he would bring my husband. He has never liked [it there], it is so warm and such an excessive sea breeze and poor water. This is the healthiest place I ever heard of, no colds and coughs not but three cases of fever out of six hundred families for nearly a year, two or three that came into the valley sick have died and four or five infants. Day after tomorrow we are to have a great feast.10 Dine under a bower. Every family is invited in the city, every ten families is to furnish a table with the produce of the valley, every ten has a captain and every fifty every hundred to see that all is in order. Brother Wallace is the Capt of our hundred. There has been a small company of Spaniards here from New Mexico with a drove of horses to sell. None can talk with them but Francis,11 He had all the trading to do for the whole city. It has been a profitable job for him. The Spaniards gave Irene a horse (Thales says the [illegible] to ride in the valley) Francis one. Thales bought 9 This fur trader is identified as Miles Goodyear. See Dale Morgan, "Miles Goodyear and the Founding of Ogden," Utah Historical Quarterly, XXI (July, October, 1953), 320.

10 Jenson, op. cit., 36, records: "Thursday, August 10, 1848. The Saints in G. S. L. City had a feast to celebrate the first harvest gathered in the Great Basin."

"See Introduction to "Letters of a Proselyte," Utah Historical Quarterly, XXV (January, 1957), 56. For an interesting account of the Spanish trade see also William j . Snow, "Utah Indians and the Spanish Slave Trade," ibid., U (July, 1929), 69-73.

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him one for eighteen dollars [a] fat grey poney. He has got to be a horseman, he rides all the horses but the wild ones. They jump stiff legged. He says you could not hire him to go back to stay.

He says he should like to go and stay a week and play with the boys, he enjoys himself first rate, he loves the indians. W e have two that live with us from the pacific coast. [They] talk Spanish with Francis. I will tell you about our stock. Francis has eight horses all young and thrifty six cows two calves. Thales has two heifers come in in the spring. One calf he bought with herding, his employment is herding cattle [at] one cent and half per head. He drives out his herd in the morning then comes home, stays till after dinner takes his poney and gathers them up at night drives them home to owners, when ever he wants a lisure day to go a fishing or ride with Francis, he hires a boy to herd for him. He has a dog large and black a white ring round his neck, named Carl, that herds with him. We have sold and ate all our oxen but one (we have fat beef I assure you) he is rolling fatâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;they judge him to weigh eight hundred now. We shall kill him and sell him when the companies come in, only what we want fresh. There is no fruit but berries in abundance, grapes and currants are those fruits we take horses and waggons and make a business of gathering them. I lament Clarindas death. Dear little ones, how I pity and love them. Do kiss them for me. Do write me if sister Russell has apostatized. I cannot have it so. I had rather hear that she was dead, It is night and I must draw to a close. I have got to milk. Ire[ne] has gone to meet with the sisters to see and make arrangements about the feast.

Francis has gone to mill. Thales has returned with his herd [and is] waiting for his supper, sis is playing about eating berries. Do write often to your affectionate sister.

U. B. Hascall Direct your letters to Great Salt Lake City, Cane postoffice, Council Bluffs, Iowa.

There is a Brother Simeon Andrews here that looks like Wilson only he has black eyes. Says his relation [s] live in Mass. His fathers name was William. Remember me to all my relatives and friends.

I shall write to mother in my next. We are going to write to Mr Orcutt. Thales says tell the boys there is a warm spring for people to bath in. He has learned to swim expertly.

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XVI Addressee:

Col. Wilson Andrews North New Salem Franklin Co Massachusetts

Postmarked: Kane Ioa Dec. 20, 1848 [in manuscript] Oct 13th Dear Cousin, There was a gentleman here this evening [who] said he was going through to the States. Starts very early tomorrow morning expects to go to Boston, Mother said perhaps you would be more likely to get a letter this way than any other and I better write a little. She would write too but her eyes would not admit it. I think [this] will answer for a preface well. We are all well. Mother is milking Francis is writing a letter to his father. Thales is gone to see Hiram Clark. Francelle is asleep. W e have just heard that Br Aikins family is within a few days travel of this place.

They could not come last year for want of sufficient provisions. We are comfortably situated. If you have received our last letters you already know our situation. It has not changed for this year past.

W e have not yet built on our city lots but live in forts. Mother and I have both written this summer. W e have a real pretty log house whitewashed inside and out [with] brick chimney and hearth, a good floor, a new table five chairs a rocking chair and a little one for Sis. She is a noble child. I dont expect you will believe how much she knows or how pretty she is if [I] should tell you so I will [not] spend my time.

We hear from father very little while he is in California working on mills [earning] from five to ten dollars per day. He is by all accounts just as he used to be. There was a gentleman here a few days ago who came with him from New York. He says he was very free with his money and very generous with everything he had and drinked before the ship started but lived the whole passage, six months, without a drop and was not sick a day and was very agreeable company. He has drinked since he arrived the same as ever. He sent word to us that he expected to come here in the spring. There is a man there by the name of Hascall that went through with the Mormon Soldiers. W e heard that he said he should find him and bring [him] to this valley, if it was a possible

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thing. He said he was his cousin. Mother says she thinks it must be Eliza Corey'[s] brother. He is considerable old, short and thick. We have not learned for a surety his first name but think it is John as there was one by that name belonging] to the church in Nauvoo.

He did not live in the city and I never saw him. (Thales has got home and sits and laughs so I can scarcely think because I asked mother three or four times over who she thought that Hascall was) There is a very extensive gold mine discovered lately in California and every body is digging gold the whole population. [We heard] that Hascall was there but we have not heard that Father was there.

It was found by two of the Mormon soldiers.12 One of the soldiers dug seven hundred and fifty dollars in one forenoon. The company of soldiers only staid two or three weeks before they started for this place and most all of them dug one thousand dollars worth and some more. They dig [it] up with dirt and wash it out. It looks like little flitters of melted lead only the color of gold. Sometimes there is little pieces. One fellow has a piece about half as big as a butternut worth 50 or 60 dollars weighing 3 or 4 oz. It is current at 16 dollars per oz. I must stop writing such trash for I want to write some to Grandmother. Give my love to all [and] write me as soon as you receive this. There is a mail now runs from here to Council Bluff.13 Direct your letters to Cane's Post Office Council Bluff to be forwarded to the City of the Great Salt Lake. Remember my love to Uncles Aunts and cousins all old friend [s] and neighbors. The gentlemans name we send the letter by is Edson Whipple.

Irene Dear Grandmother, I know how anxious you feel about us by your short letter enclosed in Aunt S's [Samanthy?] W e are much better off here than I could make any of you believe if I should write all night. We have not one of us been confined to the bed by sickness a whole day at a time since we lived in this valley. It is very healthy here we have enough to eat drink and wear. W e have now in the house 12 or 14 bushel of wheat some flour 20 or 30 lbs 2 bushel of corn 1 bushel of meal and from 50 to 100 bushel in 12 On Monday, January 24, 1848, gold was discovered at Sutter's Mill where members of the Mormon Battalion were working.

"The records state that in March, 1849, a post office was established in Great Salt Lake City with Joseph L. Heywood as postmaster.

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the field and buckwheat pumpkins squashes and have had plenty of melons and eighty pounds of fresh beef 2 pounds and half of coffee 2 pounds of sugar 2 or 3 quarts of Molasses eggs and a good many other [things]. There is 15 or 20 mills in operation making molasses of corn stalks. It makes very nice. There is no danger at all from the indians. Always when they come to visit us they smoke the pipe of peace and are very friendly. They sell their horses for clothes and dress up like us then they feel very big. There are two or three stores here.14 I bought me a dress [of] dark gingham for 56 cents per yard. Cotton cloth is 25 cts calico common 18 cents [and] 37V2. The prices generally are about double. Mr Pomeroy has 5 horses 2 oxen 6 cows. Mother has one cow Thales has 1 horse 1 heifer one fat ox to sell 1 dog 8 hens 3 chickens and I have 10 hens 15 chickens but we all live together only we love to call things ours.

I have the promise of a kitten.

Br Woodburys are well, live out on a farm. Catherine lives about 40 rods from us. She is well and children. She has two. Emeline,15 Maria, Ellen and Hiram all live with Bishop Whitney. Calvin and wife were here a few days since. He has good wife aged 18. Br Pond is well [also] Elizabeth and Loenza. L is married. Jonathan Crosby and family came in today. Over two thousand persons have arrived this season from the states and some from California. (Mrs Brimhall is well) Addison Pratt16 has just arrived from the Islands of the sea, expects to return in the spring with his family. He has baptized one thousand, two Kings and one Queen. Elder Simmons son is here, been digging gold, has got his pockets full. It is only 25 days travel from here to the gold. You must come and dig you love money so well. Love to all Irene "The "stores" to which Irene refers may have been itinerant merchants.

15 Emmeline B. Wells came to Utah in 1848 as the wife of Newell K. Whitney, by whom she had two daughters. After her husband's death she taught school for a few years and then married Daniel H. Wells. At age forty-two she became interested in public affairs, worked in the woman's suffrage movement, edited the Woman's Exponent for a number of years, and was a president of the Relief Society of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. See Carter, op. cit., Ill, 118-19.

16 Addison Pratt was the first missionary to the islands of the South Pacific, serving from October, 1843 to May of 1847. He spent the winter of 1848-49 in Great Salt Lake City teaching a school in the Tahitian language. He departed for a second mission to the islands, and after his return in 1852 he was disaffected from the church. He never returned to Utah to live. Andrew Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia (4 vols., Salt Lake City, 1920), III, 698 ff.

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Mr Pomeroy received a letter from his sister. His mother is dead. You need not worry he [Thales] is well and happy and never shows the least wish to go back. I am certain he would not go if he could. He likes this place very much. He said sometimes at Nauvoo and when he first started he wished he had staid with Albert he thought so much about their little plays but he has outgrown such little things. He is no longer that little Thales. He is a young man. Every one thinks he is 16 or 17. He is taller than I. He thinks if he can ride an antic horse and drive a horse team he is finished. He says sometimes he is going after father if he dont come before long. His horse is a wild flirting thing, just suits him he says. Grandmother you would think that little Thales would be killed certain to see him driving a herd of horses running as fast as his horse could carry him.

There are two springs here. One comes out of the mountain out of a hole 2 feet square. The hole is all rocks inside. It pours out and makes a little pond. The water is very warm. You cannot at first bare your foot but by holding your feet in a few minutes you can go in and bathe. It is a place for bathing for men women and children. The females go Mondays Wednesdays and Fridays.

The other days for the men." The water is very highly impregnated with sulphur, The other spring is very hot and there is another some distance from the city that boils. [One] can cook eggs or fry fish very nice.

There are some very curious caves here. One is [as] large as your parlor but shapfed] like an arch over head. All over the top and sides are little round stones in so tight that you cannot pull one out.

We received a letter dated October one year ago. That is the last date we have received. In that we learned of Elvira's situation.

I think they must have trouble. Mother says tell Aunt Nabby she thought she had gone to the west to spend her days. Tell Mr. and Mrs Orcutt we have not forgotten them. W e have great hopes of them. We think they will come here. O how I wish you would "The bathing facilities here described were apparently at the springs known in later years as "Becks Hot Springs." The resort became well known, and the water of the springs was used for medicinal as well as bathing purposes. See Edward W. Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City (Salt Lake City, 1886), appendix, 24, 25.

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all come and repent and be baptised. Why are you so blind. Old Elder Farr has gone to Vermont to preach. Mother says tell Grandmother if he comes to Mass. to be baptised.

xvn Addressee:

Col. Wilson Andrew North New Salem Franklin Co Mass

Postmarked: Salt Lake Cal. July 16 [in manuscript] Great Salt Lake City July 6th 1849 Dear Sister, we received your letter dated Jan 1 and Ophelias dated February by the mail that came in, July 1, glad indeed to hear that you were all alive and well. I was afraid that mother and Waldo had been taken from your society as one was old and the other feeble. The last letter we had was Oct 1847, the mail will now be more regular, but it is impossible to pass through the rocky mountains in winter without people and animals both perishing.

We are all well, Irene has a beautiful son born January 10th. Bright black eyes, white skin looks like the Hascalls especially Green and Thales. Francelle is a very interesting child, her face and head very round, fat and chuby looks as Phebe did at her age, except her head is exactly the shape of Ophelias. She is very handsome and can talk as fast as her great grandmother and her daughters. The City is divided into blocks and lots, Every lot has one acre and quarter, Francis and Thales have each a lot joining and as much land out of the city as they please. W e have moved our cabin from the fort to the lots, shall live in that until we can build as we like, Francis has a carrage and a span of the largest and best horses in the city. We ride to meeting every sabbath. Do you think we are getting up in the world. Well we are. Thales had two cows. A few days ago he sold a cow and calf for thirtyfive dollars cash and his Mexican colt that he exchanged his pony for that he gave eighteen dollars for, for a yoke of cattle and thirty dollars, he is going to buy another [horse] of the indians. I kept one yoke of oxen at my own disposal that we came into [the] valley with. I gave forty dollars

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for them, sold one for beef (the fattest ox I ever saw) for forty dollars in gold dust. I am going to have spectacle bows and thimble made of some of it. if I can find a goldsmith. The Woodburys are doing well. Brother Pond has married Abigail Thorn [is] doing first rate. Elizabeth is married. Loenza has a daughter. Sister Akins sends her love to you and family to mother Andrews in particular and her family.â&#x20AC;&#x201D;arrived here rather poor, she braids hats, gets two to three dollars a piece. They are getting along well. Calvin has a son. Catherine has no more children, [she] lived with us eight weeks until Thomas could build his house on his city lot, Sister Murdock is hereâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;she that was Sally Stacy, is neighbor to usâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;as strong a mormon as I ever saw, when Lucy Harris has a letter from her she will have the whole of her mind for she is not afraid to speak it or write it, brother Patricks family have not yet arrived.

Now for the gold mine the topic of conversation through out the world. It is a fact the Mormons found a gold mine 18 not in the rocky mountains, but in the California mountains eight hundred miles from this city, and two hundred from the bay of Francisco, the bretheren were on their way home from the Mexican war. They went back to Francisco and s[h]owed the ore to Elder Branan. He found it to be pure gold. They dug each a thousand or so and came to enjoy the way of the saints rather than dig gold when they could dig a hundred dollars a day with ease, and already there and small expense for living. It has made Brannan incalcubally rich.

The best time is now over as it requires double the labor now that it did then. There is gold, enough no mistake. It is to be found for five hundred miles is not doubted. Fifteen thousand have started from the States for the mines. Hundreds and hundreds came through this city worn down with fatigue, cattle and horses failing on the way with their burden of clothing and provisions. They have been obliged to throw out hundred of dollars worth to be wasted by the way side. When they get here they sell some of their waggons clothing provisions Sec pack their mules and horses and proceed on with light loads and heavy hearts.18 I do not say that all are heavy hearted to say, two thirds is no exaggeration, the thousands that "See note 12 above.

The disposal of merchandise by the gold rushers at cut-rate prices brought the first substantial amounts of goods into the Salt Lake Valley. The influx of people also provided a market for locally produced goods and agricultural products.

18

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have gone by water has not been ascertained, think of the desperation of society in such a place with waves of men and very few women. Already has small bands of robbers concealed themselves in and about the mountains to rob and murder the gold diggers, this we hear from newspaper authority. Now dear brother and sister you have heard the gospel preached by our elders time after time and have not obeyed, (remember that no other elder but those of the Church of Jesus Christ of latter day saints preach the gospel) I call upon you to repent of your sins and flee to this City and be baptized for the remission of the same, by those who have authority from Jesus Christ, and I call upon all relatives and acquaintances and every one that ever knew Ursulia B Hascall was and is a Mormon to do the same, I call upon you thus that you may [not] rise up and say Ursulia you knew all this why did you not tell your only sister and her family before it was too late. Ophelia did I not show the prophecy spoken by Joseph Smith by the authority of Jesus Christ concerning the overthrow of the United States.20 The destruction of the states as a nation is just as sure as the sun will ever rise and set. It is near at hand. It is all ready to burst upon it.

May the God of Israiel bless and protect you and bring you into his kingdom is the prayer of your sister Ursulia B. Hascall XVIII Addressee:

Col. Wilson Andrews North New Salem Franklin Co Mass.

Postmarked: Kane Iowa Jul 8 [hand stamped black circle] Great Salt Lake City February 14th 1850 Dear Sister, Spring is fast approaching. It appears as if the road through and over the mountains will soon be passible for the mail, I commence writing being alone, Irene and her children have gone to spend the day with sister Akins. Thales and B Akins have gone out to hear the news. The indians have [been] stealing 20 See the "Revelation and Prophecy, given through Joseph, the Seer, on War. Given December 25th, 1832." Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Liverpool, 1879), Sec. 87, 304.

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some of the cattle at Utah City,21 A small company of the Nauvoo Legion have gone to give them chase. There was quite a number of missionaries sent from here in Oct. brother Wallace to Germany, Francis with brother Charles Rich one of the twelve, to the west, near the gold mines, 22 we are left with Thales for our man, He gets along first rate so far, he put in our wheat, got wood enough to last until February then he had nothing to do but cut it, and take care of our cattle and attend to his studies with Irene, W e had a school [but] he rather have her for teacher, Francelle learns finely, sews prettily, sister Akins and Emiline call her Ophelia she is just such another, our little Francis Ashbel is a finished Hascall with black eyes. You said when I left I had clothes enough to last three years and then there would be a way to get more, and so it is, goods of every kind have been brought here in abundance.

One store took 24 hundred dollars the first day it was opend 28 and nearly as much every day for a week, good calico twenty five cents sheeting twenty cents per yard sugar forty cents coffee twenty cents tea two dollars per pound. The gold diggers I call themâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; they call themselves emigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;were furnished with the best of everything the eastern cities could afford, Their teams were worn so much down they were obliged to sell their clothing and provisions very cheap, A great number sold their waggons and packed their animals with just enough to last them there, Francis bought one hundred pounds of nice ham, for twelve and half cents per pound, some of them went as far as Fort Hall 2 hundred miles 21 For a description of the Indian depredations in Utah Valley at this time and the use of the Nauvoo Legion to quell them, see Provo, Pioneer Mormon City22(Portland, Oregon, 1942), 53-59.

This trip proved to be an historic one. A party of missionaries under the leadership of Apostle Rich joined the body of gold seekers led by Jefferson Hunt and traveled with them for some distance. The Mormons left the main body, however, to follow the Walker cut-off. They became lost but finally made their way back to the Spanish Trail, where they again met Captain Hunt, with a small group of men, at the Muddy River. Due to dissentions among them and various other tribulations, only 12 or 15 members of the original 520 persons of the Hunt party survived. Great numbers of them perished in Death Valley, from whence its name is derived. The Mormon missionaries finally made their way to the Williams Ranch in the San Bernardino Valley. See John Henry Evans, Charles Coulson Rich Pioneer Builder of the West (New York, 1936), 180-94.

23 Records indicate that Livingston and Kinkead opened the first store in the city in 1849, with a stock of goods valued at $20,000. It was located on First North and West Temple. In 1850 they erected the first store building on Main Street. That same year the firm of Holliday and Warner opened up a store located on Brigham Young's block, just east of the Eagle Gate.

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from here and put up until spring, their cattle died and now they have just sent here for three hundred yokes will pay one hundred dollars a yoke, some prosper better, one man came in here with ninety pounds of gold averdupois weight. He belongs to the church came by the way of the gold mines through Oregon, grain is very high this winter, wheat four dollars corn two potatoes two per bushel wood four dollars per cord. Father Woodbury sold twenty bushels of potatoes to one, man for fifty dollars.24 He raised several hundred bushels, he sells wheat and com and so does Thomas, Catherine is well and all that came from N. S. Very little sickness here and few deaths, the troop have returned with quite a number of squas and children. They routed the indians. Some was killed some fled these they picked up and brought home with them. They have put one in a family dressed them like our people, they are going to teach them to read and work. They have the measles. It [is] spreading through the city. Last season they brought the whooping cough in here. It appears they have contagious diseases amoung them as much as our white people. Most of the tribes are friendly to the mormons. They begin to believe the gospel.

The time will soon come that we hail them as brethren, O how I rejoice that I am permitted to be numbered with the saints of die most high Father. I have not cast one longing lingering look behind since I left my native land nor one sigh for my old habitation however splendid it may look. Pleasing indeed would it be to embrace my dear sister and her family and enjoy their society together with connections and acquaintances, but if they will not obey the gospel I cannot tell when nor where I shall have the privelege, be assured sister I am not deceived in the doctrines I have embraced, not withstanding all the evil reports you may hear, bad members we have amongst us to be sure, the wheat and tares must grow together until the harvest but that alters not the truth of the gospel, nor that Joseph Smith was a prophet called and ordained of Jesus Christ. May our Father in Heaven convince you of the fact is the prayer of your loving sister, Amen.

Dear Mother, I will address a few lines to you. Do not mourn my absence nor that of my children, but rather rejoyce that we are seperated from the wickedness of the world and one with the "See note 19 above.

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best people on earth, My Father in Heaven has seen fit to deprive me of the happiness of meeting my beloved Green in this City, beloved indeed he was with all his imperfections you very well know, he started for this place last July with ill health in a company of the saints that came with him in the Ship Brooklyn, with the family of brother Buckland, his health had been failing for several months, consumption no doubt, they asked him if he could endure the journey. He thought he could and if not he had rather die on the way than be left behind. He had always made his home with the bretheren was as good mormon as any of them. They told me [he] was very anxious to get to his family.

He gradualy failed lived but three [illegible] from the time they commenced their journey. He died very easy almost like falling asleep. They came to a beautiful place called Rock Valley, took him from the waggon laid him on a bed under a large tree a[nd] paid all the attention to him they would to a sick child, tarried there1 until he died a day and half, buried him under the tree in Masonic1 order, cut his name and age in the tree and the signs of free masonry.

He had his clothes on. They wrapped a blanket around him put green boughs in the grave laid in buffalo robe and laid him on them, then put his overcoat over him then put on more boughs filled the grave [and] placed large stone[s] around. They think the place can be found this hundred years. He died honored beloved and respected. The greatest consolation I have is that he loved the bretheren and they him. He sent us word he was coming. Ouf disappointment was great. It was sometime before I could calm my mind and feel composed. I thank the Lord he even sat his face zionward and I shall hold on to the hope of having him in the resurrection to live and reign with the Saviour and saints a thousand years on the earth and inherit eternal life forever.

Your affectionate daughter Ursulia B Hascall [Letters to be concluded in the October issue]

THE PRESIDENT'S REPORT

BY JOEL E. RICKS*

of Control I should like to welcome you I tonight toofthethefifthBoardannual meeting of the Utah State Historical N BEHALF

Society and the first meeting to be held here in this lovely mansion.

We should like you to know that in its being held here, a dream of many years has come to fruition. I should like to acknowledge our special guests this eveningâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Governor George D. Clyde and Mrs. Clyde; Secretary of State Lamont F. Toronto and Mrs. Toronto; Mr. and Mrs. Thomas F. Keams, as you know Mr. Keams is the son of the builder of this mansion; Mr. and Mrs. James D. Stevens; Mr. and Mrs. R. R. Steiner; Dr. William Mulder of the Western Humanities Review and Mrs. Mulder. I should like to recognize also the Most Reverend Joseph Lennox Federal, Auxiliary Bishop of Salt Lake, and Mr. and Mrs. Clarence Barker. I will not mention our distinguished speaker now because we will introduce him just a little later.

The first item of business imposed upon the president is the president's report, and one thing I think the president can do is not make it too long. I shall try to do that.

Tonight, I believe we are on the threshold of the greatest age in the history of our Society. W e are in the year of our decision.

For six decades our illustrious predecessors have been preparing the way for a golden age which we may now enjoy, if we are capable of accepting their challenge to us. This summer we shall celebrate our sixtieth anniversary, and I hope that you will be here to join us in that festive event.

On July 22, 1897, during the days of commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of Utah's founding, and but a year after Utah achieved statehood, a group of our foremost citizens responded to a call of our first state governor, The Honorable Heber M. Wells, to meet "to take steps to organize a state historical society." The governor called the meeting to order and appointed a committee to draft *Dr. Ricks has been a member of the Board of Trustees of the Utah State Historical Society for about thirty years, serving as its president from 1949-57.

The above report was delivered at the fifth annual meeting of the Society, March 30, 1957.

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articles of incorporation and bylaws. In December, 1897, they met, adopted their articles, and elected Franklin D. Richards, one of Utah's early historians and religious leaders, as the first president.

The articles provided that "the objects for which this Society is organized are: the encouragement of historical research and inquiry by the exploration and investigation of aboriginal monuments and remains; the collection of such material as may serve to illustrate the growth and development of the resources of Utah and the intermountain region; the preservation of manuscripts, papers, documents and tracts of value, and (this next touches my heart because I can appreciate it with them) especially narratives of the adventures of early explorers and pioneers; the establishment and maintenance of a public library and museum; the cultivation of science, literature, and the liberal arts; and the dissemination of information by the holding of meetings at stated intervals for the interchange of ideas and criticisms."

These farsighted men showed great vision. Their objectives are still the main purposes of our Society. For twenty years this organization continued as a voluntary body without aid from others. They kept the love of Utah history alive by annual meetings where they discussed the phases of our history. Forty years ago, in 1917, the state legislature passed an act making the Historical Society a state institution. The law provided for a Board of Control, appointed by the governor and subject to confirmation by the Senate. No funds were given, however, to carry on the activities expected. Twenty-nine years ago, in 1928, we began the publication of the Utah Historical Quarterly under the capable editorship of J. C. Alter. He worked without financial compensation. This was an important milestone in the Society's history. We had added to the activities of the founders.

The appropriation was small and we could do but little else. By 1950 we were able to gain a modest increase in our financial grant from the legislature. We were determined to bring to partial realization the dreams of our Board. We canvassed the country to find a historian with the training and the energy to bring to reality the dreams we had through the years. After carefully considering a number of well-trained historians, we selected Dr. A. R. Mortensen as our secretary-editor, his title was changed later to director. We have never regretted that choice. In 1952 we secured the services of Mr. John James, our capable librarian; and in 1954 Dr. Everett

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Cooley joined our staff as state archivist. These, together with the other members of our office, form one of the most capable historical staffs in the United States.

The policies of the Society have been determined by the Board of Control, whose members have been devoted to the interest of Utah history. They have given time, energy, and wise guidance to the Utah State Historical Society.

Through the years our library has continued to grow. From eight thousand volumes in 1953, we have reached approximately thirteen thousand this year. In addition to the purchase of books by the office, many of our devoted friends have donated valuable works. Mr. Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., has generously given his valuable private library to the Society, and I wish in your behalf to thank him for this magnificent gift of valuable writings, including many rare volumes of Mormon history. First editions of the Book of Mormon are in this collection. These volumes are housed in the western rooms on the second floor of the mansion. W e hope that other fine libraries will be given by Utah's generous citizens.

Despite all these gifts, we need many more volumes and manuscripts. This library should possess great collections of Utah's irrigation, mining, smelting, manufacturing, railroads, agriculture, and the fine arts. In a home of such great splendor, we can accomplish much in making Utah's history available to those who seek to know it.

In 1953 the President's Report contained the following: "Our most urgent need at the present is greater housing space; until we have it our activities necessarily will be limited." Tonight in this lovely mansion, once the home of one of Utah's greatest mining kings, we can no longer mourn the lack of space.

These past three months have been memorable. In January we moved into the mansion. In March, Governor Clyde signed three bills that will be most important to the Historical Society. Pursuant to the governor's recommendations, the legislature provided the largest appropriation that we have ever had. With this we may in a modest fashion extend our activities. House Bill No. 120 gave concise and definite meaning to our activities, especially our archival tasks. House Bill 224 added the Military Records to our responsibility. Fortified by these significant additions, we look forward with hope and confidence.

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I may be presumptious to look into the future, but I am going to do so anyhow. Our local chapters in Cache and Utah valleys have accomplished much. (By the way, they are represented in this meeting this evening). The Cache Valley Chapter organized in 1951 and directed by able leaders has fostered the gathering of valued local history, and has sponsored the writing of The History of a ValleyCache Valley, Utah-Idaho, which has been published by the Cache Valley Centennial Commission. The Utah Valley Chapter, organized in 1953, has aroused interest in the history of that area. But this is not enough. W e ought to organize chapters in every valley in Utah, and we propose, with your assistance, to do so. We should take the leadership in the research, writings, and publication of our history. W e propose to call Utah's historians into conference where historical activities can be discussed and definite steps taken in the recording of our glorious past.

The fields of Utah history as yet unwritten are very extensive, and we are challenged to act. How much is known about die story of mining and smelting in Utah? How much are we able to portray of the industries or the railroads in our state? We should gather the history of these and many other significant movements. The story of Park City and Eureka, and many other mining towns must be written, as well as the record of smelting since the world's greatest smelting corporation is operating in our state. The story of Utah copper should be written, as well as the developments of steel. Two great national railroads, the Denver and Rio Grande and the Union Pacific, in addition to other national systems and local railroad systems, have added luster to our transportation story.

All these should be found in the record of our past. The complete story of our agriculture, our cattle industry, and irrigation still remains as a challenge to our historians. It must be written! Our record in the fine arts must be made available. Utah's men of letters, artists, and musicians have raised our culture to a high level, but their story is yet not completely told. These are only a few of the numerous activities for which the Historical Society should provide leadership.

Our Quarterly is an outstanding publication, and we are proud of it. What you and others, without financial compensation, have written for us we acknowledge gratefully. But this is not enough.

There are many fine diaries and other manuscripts not now available for research that should be published, so that they may be used by

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our writers. Furthermore, we should find funds to subsidize our authors who, though willing to give their time freely, need additional aid for the gathering and publishing of Utah's history. The atmosphere of this building is conducive to tireless research and splendid writing. We are grateful to the family of The Honorable Thomas Kearns for the generous donation of this building, first as a home for Utah's governors and then as a dwelling place for the Utah State Historical Society. It will always be a monument to one of Utah's greatest mining leaders.

We are aware that with the increasing facilities we assume additional responsibilities. There is much to be done, but we must not hesitate. We must see to it that the story of Utah's past is faithfully recorded, from the days of the fur traders and explorers through the pioneer settlements and reclamation of Utah's arid land, to the rise and development of agriculture, industry, and transportation, and the evolution of Utah's cultural history. We are proud of our builders who saw visions and created a great material and spiritual civilization far out on America's western frontier. We must not fail these great menl With a devoted Board, capable staff, and your generous cooperation, we can make the Utah State Historical Society's future a golden age.

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS The Far Western Frontier, 1830-1860. By Ray Allen Billington. (New York, Harper & Brothers, 1956, xix + 324 pp., $5.00) "If sections are to America what nations are to Europe," say editors Commager and Morris, "we have in the years which Professor Billington here surveys, the emergence and early development of a series of great empires: Texas and New Mexico, Oregon, Utah, and California, each with its own geography and climate, its own prehistory—the native races—and its own history, and eventually with its own peculiar society and economy." It is a variety of Wests which Billington treats in his absorbing book, with the avowed dual objective to describe their settlement and to find in the process evidence for the "frontier hypothesis" as the American adapted his eastern culture to new environments.

Billington's account begins with the Mexican borderlands, and, despite scholarly care and detail, keeps the narrative moving swiftly through Santa Fe traders, mountain men, Oregon pioneers, overlanders, the Texas revolution, the Mexican War, Mormons, and miners—the fifty-niners as well as the forty-niners—to end with the death of overland coaching. The freighters and stagecoachers had welded together the "galaxy of empires" and reunited them with the East, introducing a new era.

The Far Western Frontier is part of the reappraisal of the American past undertaken by Harper's New American Nation Series, which hopes to achieve a synthesis of familiar facts and new findings and historical techniques without sacrificing literary form. In this synthesis Professor Billington's book is exemplary. Walter Prescott Webb's promised volume in the series—on the West since 1860—will, to judge from his recent Harper's article, be unorthodox.

But Billington raises no hackles, unless one state or another feels itself neglected in proportion. He makes full use of the periodical literature—especially the historical quarterlies—and the special monographs which have appeared since the first American Nation series.

At the same time he does not slight classic contemporary accounts nor the standard archival sources. His narrative has verve, his vignettes are vivid, his themes dramatic. The play of ideas is as im-

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portant as the movement of events and personalities who dominate the action-filled period. He attends to the national and world developments which influenced westward migration, but, regrettably, he does not seem to employ the kind of insight one gets from Henry Nash Smith's work, Virgin Land: The American West as Symbol and Myth, which shows the impact of the West on the popular imagination as reflected in literature.

It is instructive, however, to compare Billington's work with Irving Stone's Men to Match My Mountains, which covers the same period. Stone emphasizes the spectacular, Billington the significant.

Stone is vivid journalism, Billington vital interpretation. Even threadbare themes like Manifest Destiny take on new interest under Billington's hands, and he has an eye for the "great accidents" which determined the pattern of western advance (the discoveries of mineral wealth, for example) as well as for determinant economic facts of history (the union of government subsidy and private enterprise, for example, in providing the West with communications and transportation).

The chapter on the Mormons is excellent, marred only by a curious misreading of "Camp of Israel" as a fixed place rather than as the inclusive term for all the evacuees from Nauvoo on the move across Iowa by way of a string of temporary settlements. But Billington rightly considers the vanguard of Mormons who reached the Great Salt Lake Valley in 1847 among the best prepared of western pioneers.

A series of maps and a section of contemporary illustrations enhance the volume.

University of Utah

William Mulder

Joseph Reddeford Walker and the Arizona Adventure. By Daniel Ellis Conner. Edited by Donald J. Berthrong and Odessa Davenport. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1956 xxii + 362 pp., $5.00) Here is an interesting and in many ways valuable book with a misleading title and an ill-advised editorial apparatus. Notwithstanding all the emphasis placed upon the mountain man Joe Walker, the author clearly conceived that he himself was the person being written about, and a more forthright title would have

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been, "My Experiences in the Southwest in the Sixties." Joe Walker is a famous personality in Western history, while Conner has been virtually unknown, and this, we may suppose, is the justification of editors and publisher for presenting the Conner narrative dressed up in Walker's clothes.

Conner, who was bom in Kentucky in 1837, made his way west by degrees and joined the Colorado gold rush of 1859. After three years of prospecting, his situation made difficult by his Southern sympathies, he drifted south across the Ratons and joined up with a prospecting party which had grown up around Joe Walker.

With this party Conner traveled widely in New Mexico and Arizona, and after it split up at Prescott in 1863, he prospected and fought Indians on his own account until 1867, when he moved on to California. Early in the present century he wrote a voluminous narrative of his adventures which he was unable to get anyone to publish during his lifetime. The present book consists, in essence, of the last half of the Conner manuscript, commencing with his departure from Colorado to seek out the Walker party. About half the text is devoted to his experiences after joining up, but with so little to say about Walker himself that a biographer of the great mountain man will probably be able to condense the substance of the story into five or six pages.

If the Conner narrative is turned right side up, it is seen to be a wholly interesting personal narrative of travel and adventure during Arizona's wild early years, with much to say about the country, the Indians, and the miners who were made miserable by both. Though reminiscent, and subject to the weakness of all reminiscent accounts as to dates, places, and the identity of persons, Conner's narrative is a worthy addition to the literature of Arizona and the Southwest.

Bancroft Library

Dale L Morgan

Saints of Sage and Saddle, Folklore Among the Mormons. By Austin and Alta Fife. (Bloomington, Indiana, Indiana University Press, 1956, xiv + 367 pp., $5.00) For many years the Fifes have been collecting Mormon folklore. With notebook and tape-recorder and much scholarly dedication, they have explored the sources, written and oral, of Mormon idea, image, story, and song. Their own Fife Mormon Collection

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of eighteen hundred separate entries on about four thousand typewritten pages is impressive proof of their success and dedication.

And now Saints of Sage and Saddle makes available in popular, readable form the cream of their findings, not only from the Fife collection but from a vast body of other sources as well. "For sheer variety, color, and entertainment," says the jacket, this book "is hard to beat."

This reader agrees. The Mormons have been a varied and colorful lot, and their folklore, ranging from the tragedy of Haun's Mill to the frontier humor of J. Golden Kimball, makes fascinating reading. But surely a collection of this kind has other value. The Fifes write in their Preface of delineating "the image of our own cultural environment so that therein we might the better see ourselves." But how does a collection of this kind define our cultural environment? The Fifes write humbly about the historian disciplining the legends, the folklore of a people. But how does this collection discipline folklore?

All questions reduce, I suppose, to asking what is the value of folklore. Folklore seems to be a great many things, as illustrated by this work: newspaper accounts, oral anecdotes of an almost private telling, oral anecdotes of public tradition, songs, episodes in histories, etc. What makes lore folkish is its being in the mind of the folk. Historical factualness of the usual objective sort is unimportant. But when does lore become folkish? Many of the examples in Saints have a very limited folkishness, if they can be called folklore at all; they seem discoverable less in the folkmind than in the files of historians and folklorists. And when one has a genuine piece of folklore, what does he do with it? It will not help the historian since its reliability as fact is not important. Perhaps it will give insight into the stuff and patterns of the folkmind, the recurring cultural images to be found there. But to define these patterns, these images, some discipline beyond collection and arrangement in broad categories is necessary. This reader misses in this work a critical system by which some folklore is significant and some merely passingly entertaining. He misses also any mature attempt to use the lore toward high scholarly ends. In the history of ideas folklore no doubt has a place, but the rigorous problem of tracing cultural ideas has been ignored here almost completely.

This reader suspects, too, that the collection is entertaining in

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part precisely because the writers have made it that way. That is, they have taken loose and often repetitious narratives and have tightened them, increasing their story appeal. And yet in their Preface they claim an interest in keeping close to the way the folk tell it. The voice one hears most in Saints is not the voice of the folk but the voice of the Fifes. To what extent does the very nature of folklore depend upon the rhythms, the pace, the voice tone of the folk voice?

University of Utah

Don D. Walker

The Ghost Towns of Wyoming. By Mary Lou Pence and Lola M. Homsher. (New York, Hastings House, 1956, xii + 291 pp., $7.50) Combining the meticulous research of Mary Lou Pence, director of Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department, and the sparkling prose of Lola M. Homsher, free-lance feature writer, this volume embraces the flesh-and-blood biographies of nearly half-a-hundred pioneer Wyoming settlements, now all but vanished from the earth. Gold, copper, and coal-mining towns, lumber camps, tie camps, towns supported by frontier army forts, and the alwaysroistering ragtowns that accompanied the Union Pacific as its rails were pushed westward across the territoryâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;each of these ephemeral settlements bloomed for a lusty hour, served its appointed purpose, and finally faded into that ghostly oblivion marked by ruins and reminiscences.

In addition to chronological obituaries of all the major ghost towns in Wyoming, the Pence-Homsher book includes a compre< hensive outline of Wyoming history, beginning with the first mountain men and beaver trappers, and carrying on through the bloody era of Indian troubles, the Mormon trek and westward migration of goldseekers and landseekers, coming of the railroad, the storied reign of the Cattle Kings, and that turbulent period when Butch Cassidy's outfit and other outlaw bands made the name of Brown's Hole and Wyoming's Hole-in-the-Wall country synonymous worldwide with brigandage and murder.

Of special interest to devotees of Western Americana are the scores of historic photographs and sketches used in illustrating the volumeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;these including not only black and white reproductions

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of Charles M. Russell paintings, but also photographs made nearly a century ago by W . H. Jackson and other outstanding pictorialists of the frontier West. Although this reviewer would have welcomed the inclusion of more personal anecdotes drawn from the authors' experience in visiting these old towns and interviewing their last remaining inhabitants, it is to be presumed that much fascinating material was necessarily excluded by length limitations.

Careful research, coupled with the authors' keen understanding of human nature in the raw, and an obvious love of that high-plainsand-mountain state of which they write so colorfully, makes The Ghost Towns of Wyoming a book rich in both historic lore and readability, and one that deserves a place on the shelves of every Western library.

Costa Mesa, California

Nell Murbarger

Utah's Health and You. By Joseph R. Morrell. (Salt Lake City, Deseret Book Company, 1957, x + 384 pp., $5.00) Dr. Joseph R. Morrell never forgets the you of his title in his picture of public health. A member of Utah's Board of Public Health from 1923-49, he maintains consistent command of his materials. The reader immediately becomes aware of his own importance in the movement and of the necessity of his contribution to the program of public health.

In quiet, magnetic prose, the author commences his story with an account of the organization of a Council of Health in Utah, in Willard Richards' wagon during the autumn of 1849. As background for this work, Dr. Morrell presents Joseph Smith's efforts to foster public health in Nauvoo. Though undeniably sympathetic to the Mormon movement, the doctor does not hesitate to reveal the inadequacy of the measures taken, stemming as they did from a communal ignorance of infection and disease. At the same time, the doctor praises the people for their attempts to combat illness and defends their reasons for their over-zealous faith in the blessings of the elders, as opposed to the ministrations of the early doctors.

Dr. Morrell describes Brigham Young's conversion to the need of trained physicians and surgeons when Utah participated in the transition period led by the country as a whole in the advancement of medicine. Step by step, the author denotes the progress made

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along the lines of public health. He does not neglect the significance of the woman doctor's role in Utah's acceleration nor the advance made when statehood was acquired. He then presents a broad view of Europe's part in the scientific approach to medicine. He maintains that disease determined the outcome of the recent wars more effectively than munitions or fighting.

Dr. Morrell pays a great tribute to Dr. T. B. Beatty, who became Utah's part-time Commissioner of Health in 1893-94. The author traces the accomplishments of the Board of Health after its organization in 1898, portraying its attempted control of infectious diseases and its battle against ignorance, fear, and politics. He also describes the board's campaign against tuberculosis, goiter, tularemia, and typhoid. The discussion of Utah's hospitals is equally interesting.

Part IV of the five-part book deals with "Government Participation" in public health and the "New Health Program."

In Part V, Dr. Morrell considers the future of public health.

He says, "A new crisis has appeared in the health picture, in some respects as baffling as that of the Pasteur period." He faces the problems involved in geriatrics and degenerative diseases. He describes self-medication and vigorously opposes the spending of millions of dollars annually on vitamin pills. He insists that food is the natural source of the vitamin, and that it offers a sufficient supply for most people.

He says that "society is demanding security versis unnecessary illness and injury, but it fails to realize that it must play one of the chief notes in reaching that end. Better community health is a purchasable commodity but the price is relatively high." (P. 297).

"You" will be interested in Dr. Morrell's approach to the necessity of your own participation in the multiple aspects of community health.

Salt Lake City, Utah

Claire Noall

The Utes, A Forgotten People. By Wilson Rockwell. (Denver, Sage Books, 1956, 307 pp., $5.00) In this volume Wilson Rockwell has done a much-needed job: collected many of the known facts of the Ute Indians and arranged them to form a chronological history of this little-known, less-under-

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stood people. The author, a rancher on the western slope of the Rockies, has had close contact with the latter-day members of the tribe, and has been an ardent collector of narratives and facts about it. The text is well documented, the appendix giving the texts of the various treaties between the United States government and the Utes.

Anyone who reads this book must be convinced that the Utes have been treated rather shabbily by the government, and that they have reacted to this treatment, for the most part, in an exceptionally mild manner. There were, of course, some battles with the Utes, of which the whites have made the utmost. But the viciousness of the retaliatory measures taken by the government almost shames the outbursts of the savages.

Mr. Rockwell treats these conflicts with admirable objectivity.

Author of four books on Colorado history, chiefly in the form of narratives, he has a clear, simple, unaffected style that is very readable and convincing. The editing of the volume was not so carefully done; numerous, obviously typographical, errors distract the reader. Also, many amusing anecdotes that reveal the nature of the Ute have been omitted. But in spite of these two defects, diis is a truly worthwhile contribution to our knowledge of a people we should know and should understand.

Salt Lake City, Utah

Olive W. Burt

Pioneer Atlas of the American West. Historical text by Dale L, Morgan. (Chicago, Rand McNally and Co., 1956, 51 pp., $25.00) "A richly conceived and well-executed map is a theme of wonder and delight, a fiesta for the eye and the mind: and here is an atlas bountifully filled with such maps, alive with the look and the feel and the pulse of the Old West." So reads the opening sentence of the Introduction to the Pioneer Atlas of the American West, published by Rand McNally with historical text by Dale L. Morgan.

This beautifully printed Atlas was published in connection with the centennial observance of the great cartographic publishing firm.

The Atlas contains facsimile reproductions of maps and indexes from the 1876 first edition of Rand, McNally and Co.'s Business Atlas of the Great Mississippi Valley and Pacific Slope. In addition are included contemporary railroad maps and travel literature. The

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casual reader may ask, "Why reproduce maps so patently out of date?" Examination by the historian of even amateur interest will supply the answer. Eighty years is a long time in the Far West, and yet hardly a generation had elapsed even in the oldest settled areas of that vast region when the Business Atlas of 1876 was published. In the sparsely settled and rugged regions, the maps show considerable blanks when compared to modern knowledge, but, in general, it is most interesting to note how relatively complete was the topographic knowledge of the Great West as displayed in the Pioneer Atlas.

Of equal interest with the maps themselves are the pieces of advertisement, time-tables, and other railroad information. Tying the whole business together and giving meaning and explanation to the Atlas are the Introduction and interpretative text to each map— all of which constitute an excellent capsule history of the region and of each state or territory. The price—$25.00—is a lot of money even in this day of inflation. But the Pioneer Atlas is a lot of book.

It will find its way, undoubtedly, into most institutional libraries and into the hands of many individuals who have just a modest interest in the history of the Great American West.

Utah State Historical Society

A. R. Mortensen

Jim Savage and the Tulareno Indians. By Annie R. Mitchell. (Los Angeles, Westernlore Press, 1957, 118 pp., $5.50) The above book is number VIII in the Great West and Indian Series published by Westernlore Press. The early history of the great central valley of California, known to the Spaniards as Los Tulares and to the Americans as the San Joaquin Valley, is recreated in its pages. Jim Savage, a legendary figure of western history, was a member of the Lilburn W. Boggs Company which left Independence, Missouri, in 1846. His wife, Eliza, died in the Nevada desert, but Savage pushed on to California, joined Fremont's California Battalion, and served for a year. Eventually he became ruler over hundreds of Tulareno Indians, becoming known as their "Blond King." He openly exploited the Indians in his trading posts and in his mining activities, even commanding a battalion against them in the War of 1851-52, yet he worked with the Indian commissioners to place the natives upon reservations and was in reality

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their best friend. He discovered the Yosemite Valley in March, 1851, and after only six years of life in California was cruelly murdered, in August, 1852, by a man by the name of Harvey in an altercation arising over Indian problems.

The book contains illustrations, maps, appendices, and an index which add to the value of this interestingly told story.

The American Conscience. By Roger Burlingame. (New York, Alfred Knopf, 1957) The American Railroad Network, 1861-1890. By George Rogers Taylor and Irene D. New. (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1956) America's Concentration Camps: the Facts about our Indian Reservations Today. By Carlos B. Embry. (New York, David McKay Co. Inc., 1956) A Brief History of the Hudson's Bay Company. [47 pp. pamphlet] (Canada, Hudson's Bay Co., 1957) The Business Founding Date Directory. Compiled by Etna M. Kelley (Scarsdale, New York, 1954) Forty-Six Years: The Published Writings of Milo M. Quaife, 19101955. Edited by Joe L. Norris. (Detroit, Algonquin Club, 1957) Frontier Photographer: Stanley J. Morrow's Dakota Years. By Wesley R. Hurt and William E. Lass. (Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1957) Gold in Them Hills, Being an Irreverent History of the Great 1849 Gold Rush. By Phil Strong. (Garden City, Doubleday and Co., 1957) Gold on the Desert. By Olga Wright Smith. (Albuquerque, University of New Mexico Press, 1957) Guns on the Early Frontiers. By Carl P. Russel. (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1957) A History of American Magazines, 1885-1905. By Frank Luther Mott.

(Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1957)

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Kingdom of the Saints: The Story of Brigham Young and the Mormons. By Ray B. West, Jr. (New York, The Viking Press, 1957) The Last of the Conquistadors, Junipero Serra; 1713-1784. By Omer Englebert, translated by Katherine Woods. (New York, Harcourt Brace, 1957) Mark Twain of the Enterprise. Edited by Henry Nash Smith. (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1957) Pioneer Years in the Black Hills. By Richard B. Hughes, edited by Agnes Wright Spring. (Glendale, The Arthur H. Clark Co., 1957) Sheep: Life on the South Dakota Range. By Archer B. Gilfillan.

(Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1957) [A reprint].

Maurine Carley, "Oregon Trail Trek No. Four," Annals of Wyoming, April, 1957.

Thelma Gatchell Condit, "The Hole-In-The-Wall," Part IV, ibid.

Kenneth E. Crouch, "Bedford and Its Namesakes [concerning William B. Preston]," ibid.

Dale L. Morgan, "Washakie and The Shoshoni," Part VIII, ibid.

Charles Franklin Parker, "The Kaibab and the North Rim," Arizona Highways, May, 1957.

Charles Franklin Parker with Jeanne S. Humburg, "The Trailblazers of Grand Canyon," ibid.

Edwin Code, "A Canyon is Born," ibid.

Joyce Rockwood Muench, "Land of the Sleeping Rainbow [Utah]," ibid., June, 1957.

Charles Van Ravenswaay, ed., "The Diary of John Corcoran" (Voyage from the Red River in Hudson's Bay Territory to St. Louis, Missouri, in the Year 1827), Bulletin of the Missouri Historical Society, April, 1957.

Ralph D. Barney and Dan Gashler, "Hole-In-The-Rock Historic Spot May Become Utah's New Tourist Mecca," Church News [Deseret News], May 11, 1957.

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James A. Jasper, "Pegleg's Mineâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Fact or Fiction" [Colorado desert], Desert Magorine, March, 1957.

Josef and Joyce Muench, "Inscription Rock [New Mexico]," ibid. , "The Hole in the Rock," ibid., April, 1957.

Nell Murbarger, "Dam in Glen Canyon," ibid. , "Pioneer Ranchers on the Yampa," ibid., May, 1957.

Walter Prescott Webb, "The American West, Perpetual Mirage," Harper's Magazine, May, 1957.

I. D. Lloyd-Jones, "The Mormons in American History: The Story of a Frontier Theocracy," History Today, March, 1956. [Published monthly in London].

Wallace Stegner, "The World's Strangest Sea [Great Salt Lake]," Holiday, May, 1957.

T. Edgar Lyon, "Is It Heatsay or History," The Instructor, April, 1957.

Gustive O. Larson, "Vacation with the Pioneers," ibid., May, 1957.

Russell M. Ross, "The Development of the Iowa Constitution of 1857," Iowa Journal of History, April, 1957.

George W. Van Home, "The Diary of a Law Student, 1853-1855," edited by Mildren Throne, ibid.

William A, Pitkin, "Shelby M. Cullom: Presidential Prospect," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, Winter, 1956.

Charles P. Roland, "Albert Sidney Johnston and the Loss of Forts Henry and Donelson," The Journal of Southern History, February, 1957.

Ray W. Irwin, ed., "Missouri in Crisis (The Journal of Captain Albert Tracy)," Part III, Missouri Historical Review, April, 1957.

C. James Wall, "Gold Dust and Greenbacks" [Hussey, Dahler and Company banking in Montana], Montana the Magazine of Western History, April, 1957.

Thomas D. Clark, "Arts and Sciences on the Early American Frontier," Nebraska History, December, 1956.

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Aubrey C. Land and Louis A. Holmes, "Two Years of American Heritage," ibid., March, 1957.

Frank D. Reeve, "Seventeenth Century Navaho-Spanish Relations," New Mexico Historical Review, January, 1957.

E. C. Blackorby, "The Return of Big White" (Sequel of the Lewis and Clark Expedition), North Dakota History, July, October, 1956.

William L. Davis, S. J., "The Hudson's Bay Archives in London," The Pacific Northwestemer, Spring, 1957.

Charles P. Roland and Richard C. Robbins, "The Diary of Eliza (Mrs. Albert Sidney Johnston)," The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, April, 1957.

"There's Still Room to Wander in the Capitol Reef Country," Sunset Magaidne, April, 1957.

"Almost Unbelievable . . . The City in the Sky [Acoma Pueblo, New Mexico]," ibid., May, 1957.

"A Visit with the Apaches," ibid.

"John Muir's Walk in the Sky," ibid.

Angus Smedley, "A Pioneer Landmark—Bountiful Tabernacle," SUP News, February, 1957.

David Larson, "Some Land Marks on the Bear River on the North Bound Trail," ibid., April, 1957.

Edward A. Ackerman, "Water, Drought and the Land," Think, April, 1957.

Shatka Bear-Step, "Mi Ashe Ton Gaxas" [Indian tale], True West, March-April, 1957.

Lauran Paine, "The Passing of Tom Horn" (Indian Scout turned paid killer), ibid., May-June, 1957.

"Who Cut the Inscription in Phoenician and Is It Genuine or Fake?"

[Writing on a basalt rock west of Los Lunas, N.M.] The Uranium Prospector—American Outdoorsman, May, 1957.

"Charlie Steen's Mi Vida [uranium mine]," ibid.

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Mary Pappasideris, "The Proper Study of Mankind" (The Department of Anthropology at the University of Utah), The Utah Alumnus, November-December, 1956.

Armand J. Eardley, "The Changing Story of Great Salt Lake," ibid., January-February, 1957.

Edgeley W . Todd, "Washington Irving Discovers the Frontier," Western Humanities Review, Winter, 1957.

Edward L. Hart, "A Professor Visits the Telephone Company," ibid.

Frank H. Jonas, "Western Politics and the 1956 Elections," The Western Political Quarterly, March, 1957. , "The 1956 Election in Utah," ibid.

Wendell B. Anderson, "The Work of the Utah Local Government Survey Commission," ibid.

William J. Tallon, "Panoramas of the Mississippi River and die West," Westerners Brand Book [Chicago], March, 1957.

O. K. Armstrong, "Set the Indians Free," ibid., April, 1957.

Mahlon Delp, "Marcus Whitman Physician, Pioneer, Missionary, Empire Builder," The Trail Guide [Published by Kansas City Posse, The Westerners], March, 1957.

Dean Ducomb, "A Silent Drum Beside the Okaw" [Story of Jack Slade], The Westerners [New York Posse Brand Book], 1957.

HISTORICAL NOTES March 30, 1957, the fifth annual dinner meeting of O the Utah State Historical Society was held in the rooms of N SATURDAY,

the mansion at 603 East South Templeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the first such affair to be held in the historic old building. The evening was a delightful and successful one. More than 165 members and friends of the Society gathered to hear Dr. Joel E. Ricks present his President's Report, and Robert J. Dwyer, Bishop of Reno, give his address, "The Irish in the Building of the Intermountain West." After the meeting which was held in the third floor ballroom of the mansion, guests adjourned to the first floor dining rooms to enjoy a sumptuous buffet dinner. During the evening guests were encouraged to tour the building.

At a meeting of the Board of Trustees in the afternoon of Saturday, March 30, 1957, election of officers was held. At this time Dr. Leland H. Creer was elected president and Mr. Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., vice-president.

We quote the remarks of S. George Ellsworth made in tribute to Dr. Ricks at the dinner meeting of the above date: "I would like to say something relative to the achievements of the man now with us. It seems to me the great achievements of the Society are largely the work of our president who has served so faithfully.

I have been his close associate for some years now and would like to testify to his very hard drive, nerve, and energy as is indicated in his very great work. So much of the achievement that we enjoy today is the result of his determined effort and of his push and drive to achieve these fine goals. He has devoted himself and his time toward ends which interest him personally, but it is unselfish.

He has done it for others. I move we heartily thank and express our appreciation to Dr. Joel E. Ricks."

During the past few months Director Mortensen has been engaged in speaking activities at various local functions. April 14-17, he represented the Society in visits sponsored by the County Officials

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Association to several county seats. O n April 24, 1957, he was guest speaker at the Cache Valley Chapter of the Society where he reviewed the history and progress of Utah since the earliest days of settlement. O n May 10, 1957, he was guest speaker, representing Governor George D. Clyde, at the Golden Spike Ceremony commemorating the eighty-eighth anniversary of the completion of the first transcontinental railroad.

Archivist Cooley has spent a total of three weeks in the field with the county officials representing the Historical Society. In addition, he has also been called upon to appear before local historical groups. Some of his discussion topics have been: "The Territorial Militia as an aid to the Church in its Colonization Schemes," and before members of Phi Alpha Theta he discussed "Activities of the State Archives."

Several pieces of legislation which pertain to the Society were passed by the recent legislature. The transfer of the Veterans Graves Registration of the Adjutant General's Office to the Archives Division of the Society has been explained elsewhere in this journal.

However, there were several other items of interest. The governing body of the Society has been changed from "Board of Control" to "Board of Trustess," and the number of persons on the Board has been increased by one person, making eleven members; the Secretary of State is now an ex-officio Board member. The role of the State Archives has been more clearly delineated, and the Director of the Society is to be a member of two new state institutions, the State Parks and the State Library commissions.

The last few months have been a period of transition for the Society. The move into our beautiful home has multiplied, in many respects, the responsibilities of each and every member of the staff.

The actual physical processes of moving were indeed almost staggering. However, much has been accomplished by a loyal, hardworking staff. John James, librarian, organized and superintended a great deal of the move and subsequent arranging of library materials and still carried on much of his normal work. Through his two capable assistants, Helena B. Stites, reference librarian, and Merlyn Jensen, they have been able to keep the institution functioning on an almost "business as usual" basis.

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Iris Davis, competent bookkeeper and general "trouble shooter," has accomplished wonders in the way she managed and completed the gigantic task of the physical inventory and evaluation of the Society's holdings and building equipment. In addition, for the first time in the history of the Society her inventory of publications is arranged neatly and systematically in one adequate vault. Margery Ward, efficient archivist's assistant, though deep in the confusion of moving, has managed to process a tremendous amount of archival material and arrange it on the archival stacks in the basement. Hers was the responsibility, too, of indexing the dozens of recorded discs of the proceedings of the recent legislature. Robert Inscore has carried on his normal work in the course of moving his files and materials from the Adjutant General's Office to his new quarters on the third floor of the mansion.

Concurrent with all Society activities, of course, deadlines on publication schedules have had to be met, and Dorothy Summerhays has endeavored to carry out those responsibilities. The newest member of the staff, Ohleen Leatherwood, is proving to be a charming receptionist and capable stenographer.

Elsa Thomsen has smoothed the way for everyone through her efficient cleaning and housekeeping of the mansion. And, we feel extremely fortunate in retaining the services of Mr. Francis Dalton who has been caretaker of the property for many years. Without his tireless and cheerful labors the operation of the Society would come almost to a standstill. At times it seems he literally holds the building together with his knowledge of its intricate mechanisms. Most importantly, his work on the building and grounds seems to be a labor of love and respect for the "monument" to the past, the grand mansion on East South Temple.

Raymond E. Lindgren, specialist in American-Scandinavian history, has been promoted to the rank of professor of history, and Andrew F. Rolle, known to Quarterly readers as a contributor to the Book Review section has been promoted to associate professor of history at Occidental College, Los Angeles, California.

At the fiftieth annual meeting of the Mississippi Valley Historical Association held in Lincoln, Nebraska, May 2, 3, and 4, 1957, LeRoy R. Hafen of the Brigham Young University presented "The

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Experiment of Handcart Migration, 1856-60," as a contribution to the discussions on the trans-Mississippi West.

Nell Murbarger, prominent writer on various aspects of western history, won the award presented by the National Federation of Press Women for adult non-fiction books written by American women and published during 1956. Her award winning book was Ghosts of the Glory Trail, the story of the old mining camps of the West, and which was reviewed in the April issue of the Quarterly.

William Mulder, frequent contributor to the pages of this journal, professor at the University of Utah, and managing editor of the Western Humanities Review, will leave during the month of June for Hyberabad, India, where he will spend the coming year, 1957-58, teaching American Literature at the University of Osmania. His good fortune is the result of his receiving a Fulbright Scholarship.

Dr. Henry R. Wagner, founder of the California Historical Society and a scholar of great accomplishments in the fields of California history and bibliographical works on historical literature of the West, died on March 27, 1957, at age ninety-four.

At the May 23, 1957, meeting of the Cache Valley Chapter of the Historical Society, Dr. Joel E. Ricks, newly-elected president, announced the program for 1957-58. It is proposed that the local chapter sponsor the writing of the histories of the ten towns in Cache Valley which will celebrate their one-hundredth anniversary in 1959 or 1960. A campaign to increase membership in the chapter will be inaugurated also. Former officers of the Cache Valley Chapter have planned a trek to Monte Cristo and the big game Hardware Ranch for sometime during the summer months. Officers elected for 1957-58 in addition to Dr. Ricks are: A. N. Sorensen, vice-president; J. Duncan Brite, secretary; Mrs. R. C. Pike, treasurer; and H. A. Hansen, Mrs. Cecil Woodward, William Peterson, and M. R. Hovey, directors.

A painting of Navaho Indians, a work of the noted Paul Salisbury, has been presented to the Society by Mr. Raymond Nilson.

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The painting is a welcome addition to the collection of pictures already hung in the building, and the generosity of Mr. Nilson is most appreciated.

The Society wishes to thank all friends and supporters who continue to present items to the library. To John W . James, Jr., M. Wilford Poulson, Merlyn Jenson, Jacob Heinerman, Joel E. Ricks, N. G. Morgan, Sr., Mr. and Mrs. Angus M. Woodbury, Levi Edgar Young, Richard W. James, James E. Burns, Robert L. Ashby, Hugh F. O'Neil, Raymond Nilson, Ray B. West, Jr., Joe L. Norris, and Andrew Karl Larson, special thanks are extended.

LEE'S FERRY A T LONELY DELL

BY JUANITA BROOKS*

C INCE the bridge at Marble Canyon was completed in 1929 anxious ^ travelers no longer scan the map for Lee's Ferry at Lonely Dell. Five miles above the span that levels the gorge, that place is now hardly an eddy in the stream of travel. Only a sentimental connection or a keen sense of history will take today's tourist there.

Yet for more than half a century this was the bottle-neck through which all emigration from Utah to Arizona must pass, the part of the journey most dreaded. The difficult roads, the perilous crossing, the precipitous scramble up the opposite bank combined to add a real hazard to a journey otherwise full of hardship.

Legend says that the place was named by John D. Lee's wife, Emma. When they arrived on December 21, 1871, she with four young children, and a fifth to be born within a month, walked over the roughest stretches while her husband tried to make enough of a road to keep the wagon from tipping over. She viewed the valley at the mouth of the Paria, a sandy floor dotted with desert brush and walled with cliffs as barren as the second day of Creation and exclaimed, "Oh, what a lonely delll" The name stuck. From that day forth it unofficially headed all letters and diary entries until on July 24, 1872, when Lee wrote proudly that "Maj. Powell adopted my name for the place, Lonely Dell & so ordered it to be printed on the U. S. maps."

Since time began, the Colorado River has been an almost impassable barrier, affording only a few places in all its twisting miles where man may reach the stream. When in the fall of 1776 Father Escalante and his group came into the area, they followed the ageold Ute trail to the river, crossing some thirty miles above the mouth of the Paria at what is still called "The Crossing of the Fathers."

[September 11, 1957, marks the centennial of the massacre at the Mountain Meadows, which event led to the exile of John D. Lee at Lonely Dell on the banks of the Colorado.â&#x20AC;&#x201D;Ed. note] â&#x20AC;˘Mrs. Brooks is a member of the Board of Trustees of the Utah State Historical Society. She is a well-known writer on Utah history and is the author of many articles and several books, including The Mountain Meadows Massacre (1950), and A Mormon Chronicle: The Diaries of John D. Lee, 1848-1876 (1955).

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Here also Jacob Hamblin made his first ford in 1858, the same trail which he followed many times thereafter. Not until 1864 did he make a successful crossing at the Paria, later Lee's Ferry. Traveling down the stream in 1869, the Powell party stopped here and made it a supply point on subsequent trips.

So the place was not unknown when John D. Lee arrived, nor was the idea of a ferry here new, but he was first to bring a wagon to it, and to open the way to wagon travel into Arizona. More important, perhaps, is the daily record which he kept of life in this outpost. From it we may get a close-up, intimate picture of the problems involved in living here where the nearest town, Kanab, was ninety miles away and the Paria settlement on the plateau above "40 miles by Indian trail and 100 miles by wagon road," as Lee estimated.

When they pulled their wagons into the valley that December day, the first basic need was shelter. Of this Lee wrote: Thursday 28 [Dec] 1871 . . . Now all my energies was turned to building a couple of houses for Emma was still in suspense. I fixed her as comfortable as I could with carpeting, tent, &c. This evening we encountered a desperate tornado, accompanied widi heavy rain &c Later he commented that: The storm reminded me of former storms as the heaps of sand indicated, which I considered a timely warning not to build in this place. So I selected a location a little further down the valley where the N. W. winds would not have so faire a sweep. . . . U p to Jany 12, 1872,1 finished the two houses, laid the floors with flagstone & commenced a stone corrall When just two years later, January 27, 1873, he records that again the wind blew a hurricane, unroofed the house and blew some of the lumber two hundred yards, the reader is reminded that violent storms were among the facts of life in this place.

The houses finished, corrals made, chicken coop of woven willows secure against coyotes, Lee made a short trip to check on the cattle and horses he had left in the valleys along the stream, to return and find that he had: . . . an increase in my family. Emma B. was delivered of a Daughter on Wed. Jany 17th about 7 o'clock p.m. &

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named it Frances Dell after the place of our location & her sister Fanny.

His first recorded experience as ferryman came the next morning when "before sunrise we was saluted by the whoops & yells of a band of 15 Navajos, pleading with us to set them over the river. . . . " At first he was reluctant to comply because he was a stranger to them and if they should be unfriendly or hostile, he was only one man with one woman able to help and several small children. He decided to take the chance, and with his wife Rachel and two small boys began to cork an old flat boat, evidently the one built by Major Powell the year before when he went to visit the Moquis.

When all was ready the boys were afraid to go over, so Lee and Rachel rowed across and brought the natives back with their luggage of "blankets of full cloth, calicos, domestics, made up clothing, linseys & handkerchiefs." Lee traded two horses for some of their wares, part of which he again exchanged at the settlements above for three hundred grape roots.

More important always than the ferry business, was the task of raising food in this hostile environment. First, last, and all the time was the problem of irrigation water. The Paria, normally a small, quiet stream, drained a wide area, and rain on its far reaches might bring a flash flood here which would scoop out the dam and fill the ditches. In a pattern often repeated one reads such entries as the following: June 12, 1872 Now begins the Tug of war. A dam 8 foot deep & 7 rods long to make besides heavy repairs on the ditch, before water can be brought to revive the dyeing crops, vines & trees. However imidetely we went to work. . . . I with my 4 litle boys & what assistance Emma could render with a young babe at her Breast, we continued our exertions for 21 days, watering the fruit trees and some vines by hand & by the grace of God we finally conquered & brought out the water & began to revive our dying crop. . . .

Just one month later, on July 20, he wrote: . . . On reaching the Dell I found that a much greater freshet than any of the season had been & swept a portion of my Dam away & filled up my eregating ditch some 2 feet deep with muck or clamy mudd. To remove this deposit out of the ditch was more than equeal to making a new ditch. . . . At the expiration of 10 more days labor we had the water out again.

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Each year it is the same, with such entries as "all hands on the dam," or "our energies were on the dam until we almost dispaired of ever getting the water in time to save our trees and vines," being common.

There were times when transient prospectors gave Lee a day or two's work on the dam, or when passing Navajos helped in return for beef and transportation, or when members of the Powell party lent a hand. Between them all, Lee did reap a harvest of vegetables the first year. He entertained members of the Powell company on July 24, and the next day wrote: . . . W e are begining to enjoy the fruits of our labors daily as green corn, vegitable Marrow or summer squash, cucumbers, beets, onions, raddish, & beans and a few mellons are in full blast. They are not only a Treat but a great blessing to us in this Desert country.

During the spring of 1872 several groups of miners and prospectors visited Lonely Dell. The mining boom at Pioche, Nevada, had been on since 1870, and word had got out that there were fabulous deposits of gold lying exposed in the reaches of the Grand Canyon.

Usually such visitors were a blessing to the Lee family, for besides bringing them news of the world outside and the diversion of new faces, they sometimes left supplies. Of a group of eleven men who came with three wagons, Lee wrote: The miners which had come & gone had flour & groceries & some picks & shovels to part with, which to us at that time were certainly a Godsend; that whereas our supplies had run out, we were again replenished with Flour, Bacon, coffee, tea, sugar, rice & dried fruit, also some long-handled shovels & picks which we much needed. . . .

Another company, on the other hand, borrowed tools and dishes and then started down the river on a raft. Within a few miles they "stove in their raft, lost their traps, & near drowned themselves. The tools was of great loss to me, so far from commerce." The Powell boats which had been left at the bank were sometimes used by travelers and then left on the opposite shore. Lee evidently felt some responsibility for their care, for he remarks that one company helped him to "put Maj. Powells boat back in the cache."

His interest in establishing a ferry himself was no doubt whetted by the report of Captain Dodds, who was for a time in charge of

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the rations and animals of the Powell party. He reported that in less than four months a ferry would be built across the river, and within four years a railroad would run through here to Santa Fe. Lee evidently wrote to his superiors regarding this report, for in October he mentions that James Heath had brought lumber for the boat and on December 16, "about midnight Uncle Tommy Smith arrived with the gunels for a ferry boat."

The day after Christmas brought the Indian runner, Tocotaw, with a message from Jacob Hamblin to say that Brigham Young and party would be in St. George by December 28, [1872] and that trouble was brewing anew over polygamy, so that men with more than one wife might have to flee the law. Now with a sense of urgency, he resumed work on the boat and it was ready in less than two weeks.

On Saturday, January 11, 1873, Lee wrote in detail of the first launching of the boat. A total of twenty-two persons were in attendance, including Emma and her children, several of the older Lee boys, Thomas Smith and his two sons who were the chief builders, Jackson, a young man brought out to tutor the Lee children, and the Indian messenger, Tocotaw. They had dinner in the bottom of the boat, after which: . . . we launched the Boat & called her the Colerado & the skiff we named the Pahreah. The Colerado is 26 by 8Vi feet, strong, a staunch craft & well constructed & a light runer. The party presant all crossed on her to Christen her & take a pleasure ride. We crossed over & back twice. Uncle Tommy Smith & son Robt rowed her over & I steered. Set down a good post & fastened her with a cablechain & reached home about dusk. . . .

Now that the ferry was ready, there was a great need for a road to get wagons to it and a greater need for a road up the steep bank on the opposite side, for although Jacob Hamblin and others had followed the Indian trails to the Moenkopi and Moenavi, no wagon had yet crossed the stream.

That Brigham Young and the other church leaders were genuinely interested in opening up Arizona for settlement is shown by the fact that on February 1, 1873, Lorenzo W . Roundy and twelve men arrived en route to that territory to explore for likely areas for settlements. On February 25 they returned to Lonely Dell with the report that they had visited the area of the San Francisco Moun-

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tains and that a colony would likely be sent there this spring. Such an undertaking could mean only that a road must be built.

On April 2 following, a company arrived for the express purpose of making the road. Under the direction of Joseph W . Young with Edward Bunker and Isaac C. Haight as assistants, the twenty-five men worked diligently for fifteen days, and then left Lee some powder and shot with which to blast away a few places where the cliff would not admit the passage of a wagon.

The first company to pay for use of the new boat arrived on April 22. Lee hauled their nine wagons over, and at least thirtythree animals. Here he established the price which was still in use in 1885â&#x20AC;&#x201D;$3.00 per wagon and 75^ per animal, with no charge for people or luggage. From this first company he collected $46.00, much of which was in flour, salt, meal, and groceries.

On May 9, a second company arrived, consisting of fifteen wagons, thirty-seven animals and four cows, and on the very next day twelve more wagons came up. This group cooperated so well and helped so much that: . . . After we had crossed the last waggon some fifteen or twenty of the co. took a Boat Ride on the river by the silyer light of the moon & while we were gliding over the Still waters of the Colerado, the music & the voice of the songsters made melody. All felt well. Went to rest about midnight, all satisfied.

Two days later still another company, this one only eight wagons drawn by ox teams, arrived. They rested and visited at the Dell for one day before they went on, and again after all were safely on the opposite bank, Lee took some twenty of them for a boat ride. ". . . Had one Lady on Board with us, had music by the constantina, Dancing &, singing. W e had a splendid time. . . ."

The largest company yet to arrive came on May 22, but by this time the river had risen some ten feet, which meant that a new road must be built to bring the wagons in, and that the water was. swift and dangerous. Lee's account of the difficulties is vivid: . . . We were compelled to remove the crossing about Vz mile above on account of the swiftness of the current, then by means of a rope 100 feet long, we towed the Boat up over Vz mile up both Sides, making the crossing verry hard.

Nevertheless with care, perseverance & industry we succeeded in crossing 62 animals in all, 15 oxen & cows & 2

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calves & 47 horses & mules & 19 waggons, 3 women, 1 child & 28 men on Mon., May 26 about 10 morning all safe without any accident with the exception of braking two oars, one Rough lock & one wagon missing the Boat as the waggon was roled in & detained us about one hour, & one cow & one horse jumped off the boat and swam ashore all right. . . .

The captain complained at conditions, stating that a company should never have been called until they had a better road to the ferry and better boat. Lee was so indignant that he wrote his entire answer, in which he pointed out that all the Mormon emigration had been made by people who had pitched in and helped make roads for those that followed. As for the boat, she would "carry 4 tons burden, safe for common waggons & teams. All Ready some 50 waggons & 100's of animals had crossed in perfect safety."

On June 4, in less than two weeks after the crossing of this large company, men from the first began returning with reports that the water was dried up, the country only sand and rock and desert, with no food for their animals. Many had abandoned their wagons entirely, others had left heavy items such as stoves and implements by the way. While some groups tried to find places for their cattle to feed after they had re-crossed the stream, determined not to give up the mission entirely until they received orders from Brigham Young, one company in House Rock Valley not yet to the Dell, "stampeded, poared out their molasses on the ground Si salt &c, & give Vz their bacon, flour, and groceries to be hauld to Kanab. Unfortunate for me that I was not there or I would have laid in my groceries. . . . " The final blow to the Arizona settlement for this year came when on June 16, "a heavy gale blew up from the south, blew a large tree into the harbour & dashed the ferry boat & broke her loose & she doubtless went over the rapids or sunk." Lee was accustomed to reverses, but when such a disaster as this came he could only wonder if it might not be the Hand of God. Could the idea of settling Arizona be premature? At least it was stopped for this season.

Now Lee was faced with personal problems. Warned that he must leave this place, he crossed the Colorado and sought refuge in the desert beyond, living for nine months at Moenkopi or Moenavi near the home of Chief Tuba. During this time he knew that John

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L. Blythe had been appointed to head another company into Arizona, to build a rock fort at Moenkopi. But first he must make a boat, not only for his own company but for all the planned emigration.

A "Telegram" evidently carried by Indian runner from the last settlement at Kanab settled Lee's claims to the ferry and made his duties clear. It read: St. George, Jay. 28th, 1874 To John D. Lee, Seniour Via Kanab Dear Sir: Your letter to A. F. MacDonald was received by us with much interest. W e are glad to hear you are still interested in the advancement of our setlements. In reguard to the Boat, built by Jno. L. Blythe & Smith, our only object was to have a suitable boat large enough to cross with safety & accommodate the People. As to giving any one permission to cross without paying, we have never contemplated any thing of the kind. If you will see that this Ferry is kept up, you are welcome to the use of our Boat. You should cbarge a suitable price for your labour. When we come along with our company, we shall expect to pay you liberally for your servises. We shall send chains to secure the boat.

See that your wife Emma gets a proper title to secure the Boat location, as probably the Ferry may be valuable some day & a support to your Family. We & our Families are all well & are doeing ail we can to accomplish good.

Yours Respectfully, Brigham Young G. A. Smith Lee's delight at receiving this letter was almost pathetic. Although he must give up his dream of moving his family into the San Juan country and must instead stay with the ferry, this friendly word from Brigham Young was more than recompense. He immediately left Moenavi, paused at Lonely Dell long enough to help the Blythe company over the river, and made his way to St. George, where on April 5, 1874, he had dinner with President Young and spent a long evening in consultation.

The next day he traveled with the president's party north, and stayed with them until April 8. On taking leave from him "Pres

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Young implicitly enjoined it upon me to see after the Ferry & not let the Boat get away, & not let it go into the hands of our Enemies, not to hire gentiles to tend it."

On November 7, 1874, just seven months after this parting, Lee was arrested at Panguitch and taken to Beaver for trial for his participation in the massacre at the Mountain Meadows some seventeen years earlier. Now Emma was alone at Lonely Dell, and for her the name seemed more appropriate than ever. True, she had already spent much time here with only her children for company; she had borne a second daughter here with only her thirteen-year-old son to assist, while her husband was in hiding. But then she could look forward to the return of John D., to whom she was devotedly loyal. Now, though she shared his belief that he would eventually walk a free man again, her future was uncertain.

To a woman reared in the moist air of England, accustomed to the lush green countryside and loving the cool, wooded areas, this barren land was always ugly. Naturally lively and sociable, she loved the crowds, and in Utah she delighted in dances or rag bees or quiltings. Since 1866 she had been hostess and cook in the Lee home for the entertainment of President Young and his parties; it was she who supervised and largely prepared the community dinners. She was at her best with people. Here the eternal silence was so heavy that it seemed to fill the valley and beat in soundless waves against her ear drums. In Harmony she had a lovely flower garden, vegetables, a grape arbor, and orchards of fruit. Here she managed to keep a few valiant trees alive, but at what cost! Certainly for the next few years, the name Lee's Ferry could well have referred to Emma Lee. After the fiasco of 1873, the business of colonizing Arizona was stopped temporarily. One company led by John L. Blythe and Ira Hatch and consisting of fifteen men did cross in 1874, but all except Blythe, Hatch, and Ammon M. Tenney returned almost immediately. The next year James S. Brown led an exploring company deeper into the territory, but it was not until 1876 that a real colonization program was begun. Now Warren M. Johnson was called to operate the ferry.

During this time John D. Lee in the state penitentiary at Salt Lake City took a lively interest in the doings at the river, writing Emma frequent letters of encouragement. Part of his advice was to " . . . counsel with Bro Johnson, as he is a man of age & experience

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& not to make any trades or moves of a general interest [without] consulting him."

The 1876 call was for four companies of fifty men eachâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;under Lot Smith, Jesse O. Ballinger, George Lake, and William C. Allen.

Each family was to travel as it could to Kanab, and from there they crossed the Colorado and traveled into Arizona in groups of ten wagons. The first company arrived on the Little Colorado on March 28, 1876, the others stringing in for several weeks. In August of that year Captain Allen and others returning for their families decided to avoid crossing at the ferry by taking the route through New Mexico. This proved to be so long and difficult that it was not tried again, later settlers coming via the Lonely Dell.

A census taken January 1, 1878, shows the total of Mormon emigrants for the two previous years. The communities were Sunset 136, Ballenger 277, Allen's Camp 76, Woodruff 50, Moenkopi 25 â&#x20AC;&#x201D;a total of 115 families with 564 people.

In the meantime John D. Lee had been tried and convicted of murder in connection with the Mountain Meadows Massacre, and had been taken back to the site of that tragedy for his execution on March 23, 1877. Widowed now, Emma decided to take her family across the river and settle in Arizona. As to the disposal of the ferry, James H. McClintock in his Mormon Settlement in Arizona, page 93 says: In the summer of 1877, Ephraim K. Hanks was advised by President Brigham Young to buy the ferry, but this plan fell through on the death of the President. The ferry, later, was bought from Emma Lee by Warren M. Johnson, as Church agent, he paying 100 cows, which were contributed by the people of soutbern Utah and northern Arizona settlements, they receiving tithing credits therefor.

The ferry continued operation until the Marble Canyon bridge was completed, much of the time under the management of the Warren M. Johnson family. Yet the name "Lee's Ferry" still persists, and Lonely Dell is still an appropriate descriptive for the isolated, quiet retreat in the desert.

LATER TRAVEL A T LEE'S FERRY After the mass migration of 1876-77, it would seem that travel to and from Arizona settled into a pattern of small companies or

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single wagons on the road. An interesting record is found in a pocketsized, paper-bound account book kept by Warren M. Johnson. As a cover title it carried in bold letters, highly embellished, the caption BROWN'S IRON BITTTERS. The front entries contain the record of Lee's Ferry from March 5 to September 10, 1885; turned around and starting from the back is the record from July 19 to October 30, 1888. While neither is complete for its season and both are very brief, they do contain some illuminating facts and will admit all kinds of speculation.

The facts consist of the date, the name of the person in charge, the number of wagons (w), the numbers of animals (a), the price collected and whether this was cash, cattle, cloth, flour, or othet goods. There is no indication of direction of travel, which leaves the reader plenty of room for argument.

The total travel for the part of 1885 that is included is seventyseven wagons and three hundred twenty animals. By far the greater part of this (fotty-six wagons) was made up by outfits traveling alone with two or perhaps three horses. Four companies were made up of two wagons each, while those of more than two were: March 5, 1885 April 9 " July 21 " Sept 2 "

W. Freeman & Co 3 w 6 a George Averett & co 5 w 12 a D E Garner 3 w 8 a Roundy & Ingram 3 w 10 a

In addition to these were three groups of unnamed miners or horsemen and twelve groups of Indians, none of whom had a wagon, some designated as Piutes, others Navajos, and others just Indians.

Seven Piutes with four animals crossed on April 12, and paid for transportation in buckskins; perhaps it was the same seven who returned six days later with five animals and paid ferriage in "goods."

One miner with two animals would be leading a pack horse, while the two miners with only one animal would likely be leading a burro. The fact that they remain anonymous may mean only that they are not "brethren" in the church, though it might also mean that they had good reason not to want to give their names.

On April 27, Chester Sessions, John Miles, J. A. Green, George Ogleby, and Arthur Marott, each with one wagon and two animals, crossed the river. Were they all going to Arizona? Take John Miles, for instance. He was the first man to be arrested for polygamy in October of 1878, and his case received national attention. His English

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wife, Carrie Owen Miles, had come with him from his mission without knowing that he was pledged to one Emily Spencer in Zion.

She made a good story; the case was given full publicity; Miles was sentenced to five years in prison, a decision upheld by the supreme court of Utah but later reversed by the United States Supreme Court. For a while the issue had rested, but in 1884 action against polygamists had begun again in earnest. Rudger Clawson was arrested in October of that year, and the general church policy was for the brethren to avoid the officers if possible. It is something to conjecture about.

The travels of a man like Jacob Hamblin are easier to follow.

When he crosses the Colorado on June 6, we can be sure that he is coming toward Utah because he spoke in the St. George tabernacle on June 28. When he crossed again on July 6, he was evidently returning to Arizona with the same outfit except that he had acquired an extra horse en route.

Only twice in this year does he give the home address of a client. On August 16 David Farley of Snowflake passed with 1 w 2 a; on the twenty-fifth following Mrs. Tyler of Woodruff also with 1 w 2 a. The fact that neither was able to pay ferriage may be some indication of the financial status of the Arizona settlers. The only other woman to be listed as in charge of an outfit was September 2, Mrs. C. Christiansen with 1 w 2 a, who paid her bill in corn, $3.00.

The 1888 fragment, though brief, follows again the same pattern.

There are the Indian travelers and the nameless men on horseback, with most of the wagon travel being single outfits. On July 19, Ira Hatch with 1 w 3 a gave an order from W . Woodruff in payment, which would indicate that he was traveling in the interest of the church. The largest order of the season came on August 29 and 30 when he ferried over Charles Jensen & co with 2250 sheep and took for his labor a note in the amount of $67.50.

On September 1, Mrs. Elizabeth Averett with 1 w 2 a was not able to pay, and on the 3rd following Able Ray 1 w 4 a "said he had only 1.50 Had a wife & 2 children pd. $1.00."

Totals for this period were 53 wagons and 333 animals. It would seem that there was a general movement of either horses or cattle â&#x20AC;&#x201D;he does not designate whichâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;nor does he indicate which way they were going. The larger groups include:

LEE'S FERRY

Sept

3

Sept 24 Oct Oct Oct

2 8 8

Hyrum Clark 3 w 12 a & swam stock due Jacob Butler & co 3 w 32 a stock $12.00 cash 6.75 Whiting & Isaacson 4 w 12 a cash Dall Jones & Mattice 4 w 10 a cash Julius Macklprang 1 w 48 a & swam stock horses cash

295

$12.00 $18.75 $13.50 $12.50 $26.75

So the record goes on, and the reader may choose to look at it from the point of view of the ferryman or his family, to check on the travel by season, or to follow individual travelers who pass more than once in a summer. From whatever angle it is approached Lee's Ferry was the most important point in the road from Utah into Arizona, the one which no one could miss. Complete records of the travel here might provide material for research in several fields and endless diversion for the statistically minded.

A LOCAL PAPER REPORTS O N THE U T A H WAR

BY A. R. MORTENSEN*

times a hundred years ago were most exciting ones for â&#x20AC;˘*â&#x20AC;˘ the citizenry of Utah. At the height of the summer, on the twenty-fourth of July, 1857, word was brought of the approach of a military force supposedly sent to chastize the Mormons who, it was said, were in rebellion.

The long string of events, including a series of conflicts with the federal judiciary and a dispute over the eastern mail contract had caused President Buchanan to believe it necessary to appoint a new set of officials for the territory of Utah, including a new governor to replace Brigham Young, and to dispatch a large body of troops to escort these appointees to their new posts of duty in Mormon country.

The first, and still published, Utah paper was born June 15, 1850, and now seven years later was still the only news organ in the territory. While it is difficult to follow the Utah War in its pages alone, the Deseret News undoubtedly does serve as the best single contemporary mirror of the Mormon position, and, when divorced from understandable emotion, quite accurately delineates the government activity and position in the affair.

After some casting around during the spring and early summer for a candidate, Alfred Cumming, a Georgian but with recent service in Missouri, was appointed governor of Utah Territory.1 The military phase of the government's plan to solve the Utah problem got under way on May 28, 1857, when General Winfield Scott directed that certain units of the army were to assemble at Fort Leavenworth and proceed as soon as possible to Utah. 2 The troops were to number twenty-five hundred and were first put under the command of Brevet-Brigadier General W . S. Harney. On August 29, he was succeeded by Colonel, later Brevet-Brigadier 'T'HESE

*This article is a revision of a chapter from a larger work, "The Deseret News and Utah, 1850-186?." Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1950.

Warper's Weekly (New York), April 25, May 2, May 30, June 20, July 4, 1857.

2 House Executive Document No. 71, 35 Cong., 1 sess., 4-5.

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General, A. S. Johnston who, however, did not join the main body of his troops until the first part of November. This not inconsiderable body of soldiers, equipped and supplied for a long and extended campaign, attested to the seriousness with which the Buchanan administration professed to view the situation.

There were certain phases of the approaching struggle which the News seemed to neglect, such as the actual Mormon military preparations and operations, but in the area of oral and literary opposition to the plans of the government and with the continual cry of persecution by government officials, other newspapers, and the gentile world in general, the paper lived up to its role, as would be expected of the only Utah journal and official organ of the church.

The first issue of the paper to carry articles tending to show that Mormon affairs were in more than the usual difficulty was the one for July 29, 1857. This issue was the first to appear following the arrival of A. O. Smoot, Judson Stoddard, and O. P. Rockwell, with the news of the cancelling of Hiram Kimball's mail contract and the dispatching of federal troops to Utah. 3 Important from the point of view of stirring up Mormon animosity against the actions of the government was a rather lengthy editorial entitled "A Fair Proposal and a Few Plain Truths." This article began by saying: "By the latest report from the States we learn that there is a wonderful uproar about the Mormons, notwithstanding their great remoteness from all neighbors of the class commonly termed civilized and Christianized."

The editor, Albert Carrington, referred to the belief broadcast by disgruntled officials, apostates, and others that there were many 3 In June, 1857, Smoot had left Salt Lake City with the eastbound mail. On the way he encountered the advanced guard of the expedition, and had his suspicions confirmed at Kansas City, when he was told that a military force was being sent to Utah, that Brigham Young had been succeeded as governor

by Alfred Cumming, that a new set of officials had been appointed, and that no mail would be delivered to the Mormons.

He immediately set out on his return. He picked up Rockwell and Stoddard at Laramie, and the three men in a light wagon with four swift horses made the journey to Salt Lake City in a little over five days. They arrived on the twenty-third of July, but found that Brigham Young with other officials and about twenty-five hundred Saints had gone to Big Cottonwood Canyon to celebrate, on July 24, the tenth anniversary of the arrival of the pioneers into Great Salt Lake Valley. About noon on the day of the celebration Smoot, Rockwell, Stoddard, and Elias Smith rode into camp and quietly gave their message to Brigham Young and his immediate counselors. B. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 vols., Salt Lake City, 1930), IV, 236-37. Leland H. Creer, Utah and the Nation (Seattle, 1929), 131, 132.

ALBERT SIDNEY JOHNSTON Commander of the Utah Expedition sent to put down the supposed insurrection among the Mormons. Ironically, Johnston died in the battle of Shiloh while serving the cause of the South in the Civil War.

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in Utah who would leave if they dared. He therefore made a proposition that the Mormons of Utah would forward safely and free of charge all who wanted to leave the territory if the people or government of the United States would forward in like manner all who wanted to move to the Great Basin:4 " O ye editors, priests and politicians, is not that a fair proposition? You may reply that 'in that case the Government would have far the heaviest bill to pay, as there are hundreds in the States who would prefer being here to one here who would elect to reside in the States,' and your reply would be correct."

While continuing to scourge the so-called "editors, priests and politicians," the editor finally got around to the military expedition itself, which he contended had been sent out at the instigation of corrupt speculators and politicians. Warning was made also of the difficulties which would befall the army when it came into rugged and inhospitable country in opposition to people who were battling for their principles and families.

Mention was made of the usual Mormon contention that persecution was always the result of mobs or illegally-operating groups and individuals, and not honest unbiased officials.

By way of conclusion and appearing nearly as an afterthought, the article referred to the newly appointed officials, whose escorting to their new positions was the official reason for sending the military.

While always opposing officials who were not of their own choosing, the Mormons could not consistently oppose everybody just because they were not of the faith. This position is taken by the paper, which also forecast the treatment Governor Cumming or any other official who was friendly and minded his own business would receive.

It would seem that the impending invasion would occupy all the interest of the Mormons, but strangely enough one of the first editorials following receipt of this information was devoted to the more immediate question of Kimball's annulled mail contract. The letter from William H. Dundas, Second Assistant Postmaster General, annulling the contract was quoted, and then the burden of the editorial tended to show how ridiculous and baseless were the grounds for cancellation.

4 Brigham Young made the same kind of proposition in a sermon given at the Bowery on July 26, 1857, which may have been the inspiration for Carrington's proposition. Deseret News, August 3, 1857. See also Harper's Weekly, September 19, 1857, wherein comment is made on Brigham Young's proposition.

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The burden of the Mormon argument was that the annulling was premeditated injustice, based solely on a difference in religious faith and practice. It seems that the official letter informing Kimball of the acceptance of his bid was mailed at Washington on the sixteenth of October, 1856, with the indentures of contract to be executed on the first of December. This of course did not leave sufficient time for the mail to reach Salt Lake City, which the Mormons contended the Post Office Department very well knew.

As a matter of fact the letter of acceptance did not reach Kimball until the twenty-fourth of March, long past the date for its execution. This delay in executing "and the unsettled state of things at Salt Lake" were given as the official reason for cancellation.5 The Sunday following his return to Utah, A. O. Smoot spoke at the Bowery and gave a report of his recent trip to the East and of his feelings and experiences relative to the impending invasion.

Besides giving what little information he had as to the actual condition of the army, its numbers and supplies, he exhorted the Saints to be faithful and calm: "Now is the time for the Latter-day Saints to live near to God, and if you do you will feel as calm and serene as a mild summer evening."

Obviously referring to Judge Drummond, who on returning to the States had so vilified the Mormons, he said: All the excitement that exists among the people has originated from some of our worthy friends (?) that have been here. One of them in particular has exerted himself extremely and has caused a great excitement among the people, has lied so palpably and contradictorily that he has ruined himself worse than one of his predecessors did in 1851. The papers now almost without exception say, "let the Mormons be as mean as they possibly can be, even if they are meaner than hell, a late judge is worse than they can be, for hell is beat out by him." 6 On the same day, July 26, 1857, Brigham Young gave an address at the Bowery in which he reviewed the history of the persecutions and ill-treatment of the Mormons and of the sins and crimes of which he personally had been accused. He felt that the only reason for the military expedition was to satisfy speculators and contractors who stood to reap a profit from the affair, and stated 'Deseret News, August 5, 1857.

"Ibid.

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that "Russel & Co. wul probably make from eight to ten hundred thousand dollars by freighting the baggage of the expedition." The cancelling of the mail contract held by Hiram Kimball, "simply because he was a member of this Church," angered Young no end.

And although the president could get wrought up, he restrained his remarks except to say: ". . . but woe, woe to that man who comes here to unlawfully interfere with my affairs. Woe, woe to those men who come here to unlawfully meddle with me and this people. I swore in Nauvoo when my enemies were looking me in the face, that I would send them to hell across lots, if they meddled with me, and I ask no more odds of all hell today."7 On this same Sunday, Heber C. Kimball, rough and relatively unlettered counselor to Brigham, spoke at great length in his usual fiery way. Running the gamut of Mormon problems and beliefs, he referred to persecution, polygamy, baptism for the dead, and the question of Brigham's leadership of the church. On the military expedition and the men who had caused its dispatch, he breathed fire and brimstone: "Drummond and those miserable scoundrels and some that are now in our midst, how do I feel towards them?â&#x20AC;&#x201D; pray for them? Yes, I pray that God Almighty would send them to hell, some say across lots, but I would like to have diem take a round about road and be as long as they can be in going there."

And in conclusion he said: "Send 2500 troops here, our brethren, to make a desolation of this people! God Almighty helping me, I will fight until there is not a drop of blood in my veins. Good God! I have wives enough to whip out the United States, for they will whip themselves: Amen." 8 On following Sundays other leaders spoke, some like Elias Smith using language less colorful, but all expressed opposition to the government in its intention of sending troops to the territory. From this opposition alone, it would appear that the Mormon leaders and people were determined, right from the first, to prevent what seemed to them an unjust extension of the power of the government over its citizens. It appears, from a perusal of his public utterances, however, that Kimball set the tone of opposition. He continually urged the people to support the line of action set by the leaders of their choice. Schooled to follow "counsel" and to be obedient to leadership, without which the church would have long since fallen apart, 'Ibid.

8 Ibid., August 12, 1857.

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the Saints were undoubtedly willing and ready to pay heed to the voice of authority. Referring to Brigham Young not only as President of the church and as Prophet, Seer and Revelator, he also pointed out that Brigham was governor by choice of the people and they alone had the power to dispossess him. But woe to them if they did, for church and state were inseparable in the eyes of Heber C. Kimball, as indeed they were in the early years of Utah.

Kimball also warned the people to lay up grain and other stores and to arm themselves. In this latter item he did not even exclude the women, for he said: You ladies, too, will certainly have to do your part, or back out. I told you last Sunday to arm yourselves, and if you cannot do it any other way, sell some of your fine bonnets, fine dresses and buy yourself a good dirk, a pistol or some other instrument of war.

Arm your boys and arm yourselves universally, and that, too, with weapons of war, for we may be brought to the test, to see if we will stand up to the line.9 What people faithful to their religion and so many times survivors of even greater crises, and to them persecutions, would fail to heed such admonitions?

If Heber C. Kimball was the firebrand of the church, there were other spokesmen, no less adamant in their opposition to the government, who seemed to take a more reasoned and logical stand.

Thus it was with the editorials of Albert Carrington. In a rather lengthy dissertation under the title "The United States Government and Utah" he brought up the question of constitutional rights guaranteeing freedom of conscience, of speech, and of the press.

He referred to the advice of early leaders such as Washington, Adams, and Jefferson, and quoted the latter as extolling in his first inaugural, "a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, and shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement."10 The troubles of the time were due, in his estimation, to "rotten political pygmies" who had gained control of the government and were "fast trampling under foot the last vestige of 'unalienable rights,' utterly regardless of the correct teachings and examples of the wise and true patriots ÂŤIbid., September 9, 1857. i<>Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson (10 vols., New York, 1892-99), VIII, 4.

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and statesmen of the Revolution." Carrington briefly reviewed the condition of Utah prior to the coming of the Mormons. He mentioned the exodus from Nauvoo in February, 1846, the recruiting of the Mormon Battalion while the Saints were fleeing from persecution in Illinois and the subsequent settlement of "regions where no other people would or will dwell."

Lawless conditions in Nebraska, California, and elsewhere were always a sore point with the Mormons, especially when compared to the comparatively crime-free condition of their territory. Thoughts along this line caused Editor Carrington to ask: Why not send troops to Nebraska, where Congress is openly legislated over by a Territorial Assembly and the laws set at defiance? Wby not send troops to California, where downright insurrection and rebellion have strode rampantly over all law? Oh, they were not Mormons! Why are not troops sent to New York, Baltimore, Washington and other Cities, when the civil authorities are wantonly scouted and blood lawlessly shed by violence reddens their streets? There are no Mormons engaged in those pastimes of civilizationll And last, why send any troops to Utah, where all is peace, industry, law, order, virtue, sobriety, and the daily observance of tbe principles pertaining to both temporal and spiritual welfare and salvation? Oh, solely for the very reason that they are Mormons, and their upright and virtuous course is so unlike our deeds of darkness and we are determined to make them as lawless, bloodthirsty, and rotten as we are, or exterminate them, if we have the power.11 That the Mormons tied up opposition to them, at this time, with the political purposes of the Democratic party and some of its leaders, is demonstrated by another editorial of Carrington's wherein he commented on the speech of Senator Douglas given at Springfield, Illinois, on the previous twelfth of June and evidently taken from the Missouri Republican of June 18. While Douglas spoke on the three main points ofâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;conditions in Kansas, the Dred Scott case, and the conditions of things in Utahâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the editor confined most of his comments to the last item, and refuted point by point the allegations against the Mormons. When Douglas gave his cure for the Mormon problem and said: "to apply the knife and cut out this

"Deseret News, August 12, 1857.

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loathsome, disgusting ulcer" and to repeal the organic act setting up territorial government, Carrington blamed it on political expediency:12 It is, therefore, easy to discern that the Senator's shafts of oppression and destruction are not aimed at us because of any illegal or unconstitutional act of ours, for there is and has been no act of that description, but solely because we are Latter Day Saints and he expects to make political capital by assailing us, since that course is at present, through the prevalence and predominance of lies, so very popular.

Another singular feature in the case is that a frenzied love of office should so soon cause the Senator to steal thunder from the old line Whigs, and, at the first breeze of mere rumors and reports, abandon the only enlightened and liberal policy for the government of Territories.

In this connection it should be recalled that the Republican party in the election of 1856 used the term "twin relics of barbarism" in tying together the issues of slavery and polygamy, thus putting the Democratic party at a disadvantage and forcing it to go to great lengths to effect some sort of a divorce of the two issues.

In conclusion, Carrington addressed several paragraphs directly to Douglas, and said among other things, "that you have voluntarily, knowingly, and of choice sealed your damnation and by your own chosen course have closed your chance for the Presidential chair, through disobeying the counsel of Joseph, which you formerly sought, and prospered by following, . . ." Then followed an extract from the "History of Joseph Smith" reprinted from the News of September 26, 1856, wherein Joseph Smith is quoted as making the following remark to the then judge, in May, 1843: "Judge, you will aspire to the Presidency of the United States, and if ever you turn your hand against me or the Latter Day Saints, you will feel the weight of the hand of the Almighty upon you; and you will live to see and know that I have testified the truth to you, for the conversation of this day will stick to you through life."13

"This same general idea is expressed in Harper's Weekly for July 4, 1857, when it commented on Senator Douglas' speech and takes the stand that Douglas was not consistent in his application of the doctrine of squatter sovereignty.

In general it supported the Mormon point of view with respect to the senator's solution of the Mormon problem.

13 Deseret News, September 2, 1857. See also George Q. Cannon, The Life of Joseph Smith the Prophet (Salt Lake City, 1907), 433.

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The well-educated, scholarly John Taylor, member of the Council of the Twelve and subsequent president of the church, expressed much the same ideas of opposition as did Editor Carrington.14 That even members of the government were doubtful of the justice, if not the actual constitutionality of the plan of action against the Mormons, was shown by the remarks of Senator John Bell of Tennessee in debate on the bill to increase the size of the army.15 He pointed out that he had opposed granting territorial status to Utah in the first place, moreover, he was in favor of repealing the territorial organization even now, but affairs being as they were, he thought the government of the United States was under some obligation to be lenient toward the people of Utah. He asked: "Why did you give them this Territory?" and then pointed out, that by doing so they had been encouraged to believe that the government would protect them in the enjoyment of their peculiar institutions, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.

Obviously referring to popular sovereignty, the senator asserted that the Mormons likely had been misled by the doctrines prevalent in the country the last several years, "supported in high places, proclaimed by the highest authorities in our landâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the doctrine that any people, by the inherent right of self-government, can do as they please in a Territory."

Bell also wondered if there should be any discrimination between the fanaticism of the Mormons from that which controlled a portion of the North. His extended remark here was: I do not allude to the anti-slavery extension gentlemen, but to the Abolition party proper, which my friends around me here are rather obliged to sympathize with, because it "Deseret News, September 2, 1857. In view of the seemingly virulent words used against the government, it is perhaps only fair to the Mormons to define what they meant by the term government. An article in the News for October 7, 1857, does it fairly well when it says: "The term Government when unqualified in this article, is invariably used as synonymous with the exercise of governmental authority, or with the administrators of the Government, and in contradistinction to the Constitution of the United States, which the Saints ever have most strictly and cheerfully obeyed and sustained and intend to do so as also all Constitutional laws, for they in nowise curtail a single act which a Saint desires or expects to perform."

15 In his address to Congress on December 8, 1857, President Buchanan had requested authorization to raise four additional regiments to be used primarily against the Mormons. James D. Richardson, ed., Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1897 (10 vols., Washington, 1896-99, V, 456. Also Deseret News, February 10, 1858.

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brings them strength. How can you distinguish the fanaticism of the Mormons from that of a portion of the northern people, founded on that idea which disregards the obligation of municipal organic law in political society?16 All this is not to say that Senator Bell was primarily supporting the Mormon cause, which assuredly he was not. Keeping in mind the extreme sectional character of much political maneuvering of the day, it surely can be said that he was first, supporting the fundamental views of the South; second, opposing the increase in the army; and only incidentally supporting the doctrine of states' rights as it applied to the Mormon question.

Following the first outbursts of opposition engendered by word of the coming of the expedition, the News continued to reflect the official viewpoint of the church. Early in September, Brigham Young said that if the Saints lived as they should live the troops could not enter, but that if the worst came to pass and the Lord permitted them to enter, he would desolate the whole territory, before submitting to the corruption and bondage the wicked were trying to thrust upon the Saints solely for exercising the right of freedom of conscience.17 At the Tabernacle on October 18, he outlined in more detail the plans for resistance, adding that the people should cache grain and prepare two or three years' supply of provisions in case of necessity. Referring to the method of defense to be used against the troops, he said: If they come here I will tell you what will be done, as soon as they start to come into our settlements let sleep depart from their eyes and slumber from their eyelids, until they sleep in death, for they have been warned and forewarned that we will not tamely submit to being destroyed. Man shall be secreted here and there and shall waste away our enemies, in the name of Israel's God. And again he continued: Colonel Alexander complains of our mode of warfare. They have two or more field batteries of artillery with them, and they want us to form a line of battle in an open plain and give them a fair chance to shoot us. I did not tell the Colonel what I thought, but if he had a spark of sense he must be a fool to think we will do any such thing. I am "Congressional Globe, 35 Cong., 1 sess., 431-32.

"Deseret News, September 16, 1857.

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going to observe the old maxim:â&#x20AC;&#x201D;"He that fights and runs away, lives to fight another day."18 This should be compared with actual instructions found on the person of a Mormon militia officer when he was captured by federal troops early in October. Briefly, they said, on contacting U. S. troops, to annoy, to stampede stock, burn trains, burn the country before and on the flanks, use night surprises to prevent sleep, blockade roads, destroy fords, in general do everything to annoy and harass, but to take no life.19 On September 15, Brigham Young issued a proclamation declaring martial law and forbidding entrance of any armed forces whatsoever into the territory.20 This proclamation along with a Specific letter of instructions, ordering him to leave, were forwarded on September 29, to "The Officer Commanding the forces now invading Utah Territory."21 Together these documents constitute a very decisive step, if not the climax of the war of words.

This should not be construed to mean that the people of Utah ceased their expressions of opposition. As winter approached the Deseret News began to chronicle a series of political or civic activities, all demonstrating continued resistance to the program of the government.

The November 18 issue of the News announced the convening of the territorial legislature to be held on the fourteenth of December, next.

The December 16 issue stated that the legislature had met as scheduled, and on the fifteenth had met in joint session to hear Governor Young's message. This message, carried in full in the December 23 issue of the paper, outlined in general terms the condition of affairs in the territory. Using the unjustified cancellation of Hiram Kimball's mail contract as a starting point, he launched into a discussion of the unconstitutional actions of the government toward territories generally, and toward Utah in particular, especially referring to the corrupt officers hitherto appointed, and to the army "Ibid., October 28, 1857.

"House Executive Document No. 71, 35 Cong., 1 sess., 56-57.

20 Ibid., 34-35. Harper's Weekly for November 28, 1857, quotes portions of the proclamation, comments on it, and calls it Brigham Young's "declaration of war."

"House Executive Document No. 2, 35 Cong., 1 sess., 32. Harper's Weekly, January 9, 1858. Deseret News, January 13, 1858.

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appoaching Great Salt Lake Valley. In view of these conditions, he charged the legislature, "to take such measures as your enlightened judgment may dictate, to insure public tranquility and protect, preserve, and perpetuate inviolate those inalienable Constitutional rights which have descended to us a rich legacy from our forefathers."

Also appearing were the signed resolutions of the assembly concurring in the sentiments and doctrine advanced by the governor, and further resolving to resist the government in its attempt to appoint officers "whom the people have neither vote nor voice in electing," especially when the territory was menaced by an invading army.22 Following Governor Young's message and the resolutions of the assembly concurring therein, the territorial legislature drew up a memorial, dated January 6, 1858, to the President and Congress of the United States requesting fair treatment, justice, and the extension of constitutional rights. Further expressions of the determination to resist also were contained in the memorial.23 As previously indicated little military activity of the Mormons appeared in the News, consequently, other sources have to be used for this phase of the story. Furthermore, as the military activities of both sides were not important or decisive in the settlement of the dispute, they can be referred to quite briefly. Soon after receiving news of the impending invasion, the territorial militia had been mobilized and steps taken for the defense of the territory.

As early as August 15, an advance unit had been sent out to protect Mormon trains of immigrants, and to spy out the numbers, location, and equipment of the United States troops. Meanwhile, General Daniel Wells, commander of the Mormon muitia, had established headquarters at the mouth of Echo Canyon where about twelve hundred Mormon troops were stationed to take advantage of the strategic value of this long narrow defile. Fortifications were dug, dams were constructed, and on the overhanging cliffs piles of rocks were placed in such a way that they could be hurled down upon the invaders if they attempted to force a passage.

Leaving Echo Canyon, General Wells proceeded to Fort Bridger where he was advised of the movements of the United States troops.

"Ibid., December 23, 1857.

23 Ibid., January 13, 1858.

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At a council of war held there on October 3, Wells decided to begin active operations. One body of men was sent along the roads to Fort Hall and Soda Springs to burn the grass and to otherwise harass the enemy. After the removal of grain and supplies, Fort Bridger and nearby Fort Supply were burned. Other groups were sent out to bum, drive off stock, and to annoy the federal troops in every possible way. The most important assignment was given to Major Lot Smith. His orders were to turn east and intercept any government supply trains, to turn them back or burn them.

Smith set out on the evening of October 3, with a handful of men, and in the process of four or five days succeeded in burning three government trains. No more trains being in the vicinity, he conducted raids on the herds of livestock of the troops. Successful in this activity, he sent nearly one thousand head of cattle into Salt Lake Valley.34 The field activities thus briefly described constitute the major movements on the part of the Mormons and tend to bear out the instructions of the Mormon leaders, previously mentioned, that military activity should be guerrilla in nature.

In conformity with the original orders assembling and dispatching troops, Colonel E. B. Alexander left Fort Leavenworth in the middle of July with an advance unit of infantry. Following him at intervals of several weeks were other units under Colonels C. F. Smith and P. St. George Cooke. The well-equipped supply trains and large herds of beef cattle were sent out in advance, in the anticipation that the faster moving troops would catch up with them, and also to prevent overgrazing along the way by such great numbers of animals. This program worked out well until, as the troops passed into the mountains, trouble began. Mormons, approaching winter, and the absence of the commander, brought disaster to the expedition.

Colonel Alexander, far ahead of the other units, suffered from indecision. Rapidly disappearing supplies and forage, the necessity to find a wintering place, and the apparent impossibility of forcing an entry into Salt Lake Valley by a direct route, finally led Alexander to attempt to reach Fort Hall.

The advance began on the eleventh of October, but before many days had gone by, failure was apparent. Burned grass coupled with the arrival of snow and cold completely exhausted the animals, so that forward movement virtually ceased. But for the timely arrival "Roberts, op. citn IV, 287.

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of General Johnston, who immediately ordered a retreat to the vicinity of Fort Bridger, complete disaster undoubtedly would have been the result. As it was, near disaster attended this movement.

From the sixth of November when the retreat began, to the sixteenth, when Fort Bridger only thirty-five miles away was reached, the action must have been memorable in the lives of those who took part in it. "The advance had been slow, the retreat was simply crawling," says Stenhouse.26 Bridger was reached only after great suffering and considerable loss of animals. Besides five hundred cattle run off

by Mormons, more than five hundred other animals perished one night from hunger and cold.26 As if this were not enough, Colonel Cooke, who left Fort Leavenworth September 17, finally arrived at Fort Bridger November 19, after undergoing similar hardships. Speaking of the frozen animals and property abandoned along the road he said: "They mark, perhaps, beyond example in history, the steps of an advancing army with the horrors of a disastrous retreat." 27 Under these circumstances the Army for Utah, finally together and under the direct command of General Johnston, went into winter quarters at Fort Scott, about two miles from Fort Bridger.

Any thoughts or plans to enter Salt Lake Valley that winter were completely abandoned.

When no winter campaign appeared likely, the Mormon forces returned home, leaving a small patrol to guard Echo Canyon and to report any further movement of government forces. It is apparent from the nature of the terrain and the potential power of the opposing forces that the tactics of the Mormons were superior to those of the federal troops. In short, a small handful of men combined with favorable geography and weather did succeed in holding off a substantial military offensive for many months. With field operations at a halt, both sides spent the winter preparing for the reopening of activities in the spring. As subsequent events developed, these preparations were to no purpose.

After the first outpouring of condemnation of the government, brought on by the news of the expedition, and the accompanying near-tirades against all Mormon enemies generally, the volume of criticism seemed to slack off both in quantity and heat. Comment 25

T. B. H. Stenhouse, The Rocky Mountain Saints (New York, 1873), 369. *ÂŤA. G. Browne, Jr., "The Utah Expedition," Atlantic Monthly, HI, 371.

"House Executive Document No. 71, 35 Cong., 1 sess., 99.

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on the troubled times quite often was more reasoned and logical, and sometimes the Saints themselves came in for chastisement by their leaders. That is not to say that criticism ceased, for most assuredly it did not. As the winter of 1857-58 wore on, there began to appear in the News articles and clippings from other papers showing at least a slight trend toward a more rational approach by both Mormon and Gentile, and perhaps even a hint of a growing feeling for a peaceful settlement of the dispute.

That the Deseret News clutched at articles in other papers that were friendly or at least peaceful in their attitude toward Utah, is only natural. Besides this, it carried the two-fold implication that the Mormons, as well as the opposition, were seeking a peaceful way out.

A clipping from the Sacramento Age for January 17, said among other things about the Mormon question: "We think there will be no war."28 Well-reasoned eastern opinion seemed to be changing if a rather lengthy article from the New York Tribune of January 30 can be taken as a criterion.29 This paper pointed out that the collision with the Mormons had become too serious to be allowed to go on without a thorough investigation, and a settlement of what was to be done, as well as the means and methods to be employed.

Was this the beginning of doubt that the use of the military was the only way out?

Even more definite was a reprint from the New York Herald, which discussed the possibility of a peaceful settlement between the federal government and the people of Utah. It spoke of rumored propositions and conversations between the Utah delegate, Dr. Bernhisel, and President Buchanan, and said there was no doubt but that the President would accede to honorable arrangements for preventing the effusion of blood. Furthermore, "If President Buchanan can get rid of the Mormons by negotiation instead of by the sword, he will find many to sustain him in this measure."

It concluded by suggesting that, "it is probably premature to speak of withdrawing the troops; but that hostilities may be retarded to permit of that last effort being made to settle peaceably the "Deseret News, March 10, 1858.

J ÂťIbid., April 7, 1858.

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difficulty, by vacating the Territory or by some other compromise, is neither impossible nor improbable."30 As might be expected, the printing of the above-mentioned articles caused the editor to comment on their significance. He pointed out that, "wholesale murder of men, women and children for no offence, except their mode of worship," was not now so popular as when Buchanan had ordered out the army to escort the civil officers to Utah. He continued, "Letter writers and editors are throwing out feelers to learn whether the nation is actually so far sunken as to allow pigmy demagogues, hireling priests and rascally speculators to crush out the right to exercise freedom of conscience, so the worshippers are Latter-day Saints."31 It seems that all of this would bear out the statement of another eastern periodical, which said that Brigham Young was not opposed to the entrance of civil officers into the territory and the exercise of their functions, but would resist all attempts of the army to enter the area.32 Earlier barbs of opposition make it appear doubtful that in the beginning of the struggle Mormon leaders would have gone quite this far, but now it probably was true, and as subsequent events worked out, the army was permitted to enter the Salt Lake Valley under certain compromises.

However early the leaders of the church had begun to be less adamant in opposition to the government, at least in late March, 1858, they were still preparing the people for the eventual evacuation and possible burning of the city, if such should be necessary. This condition is borne out by Brigham Young's remarks made at the Tabernacle on March 22, in which he also chastised the Saints and blamed them for much of the troubles that now beset them.33 In the meantime, and while Dr. Bernhisel was in Washington apparently working for a peaceful solution of the dispute, there arrived in Utah, Colonel Thomas L. Kane, who had taken it upon himself as a private citizen to help bring about a rapprochement of 3

°Ibid.

"Ibid.

"Harper's Weekly, March 20, 1858.

"Deseret News, April 14, 1858.

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the contending parties.34 His arrival in Salt Lake City, on February 25, from the East via the Panama route, was briefly noted in the News for March 3.

It may at first seem strange that the Deseret News carried such little information about Colonel Kane and his mission, but more mature consideration would show that the Mormon leaders did not wish to tip their hand at this early date to the fact that they were willing to negotiate. One other consideration should be mentioned. Kane had had relations of a friendly nature years earlier with the Mormon people, and the fear may have been felt that should the Saints evince too much interest and friendship for him, his value as a mediator would be nullified.35 In any event, after several interviews with Brigham Young, Kane set out for army headquarters at Camp Scott, which he reached on March 12. The News carried no word of this, but a Los Angeles paper commented on Kane's arrival in Salt Lake City, his interviews with Brigham Young, and his proceeding to General Johnston's headquarters. It further pointed out that the impression in Salt Lake was that there would be no fighting.36 The hope entertained by Kane to separate the civil officers from their military escort bore fruit, for the News next carried the announcement that "His Excellency Governor A. Cumming and Colonel Thomas L. Kane arrived in this city, on the 12th inst., in good health and spirits. They were escorted from Davis County by the Mayor, Marshall, Aldermen, and many other distinguished citizens."37 From this it appears that all resistance to federal authority was over, at least as far as civil officers were concerned. In fact, Governor Cumming stated so in a communication to General Johnston on April 15. He said he had been everywhere recognized as the governor of Utah, and had been treated with respectful attention due a 34 Andrew Love Neff, History of Utah, 1847-1869, Leland H. Creer, ed.

(Salt Lake City, 1940), 487. Colonel Kane, member of a prominent Philadelphia family, had secured an interview with President Buchanan, at which time he had presented his views of the troublesome situation and offered his services as a mediator. The president did not give him official status, but did commend him to the consideration of Governor Cumming and the commander of the army.

35 Ibid., 487. When dying of fever at Winter Quarters, some eleven years earlier, Kane had been nursed back to health by Mormon nurses, which would in part account for his interest in settling the dispute.

3e Southern Vineyard (Los Angeles), April 8, 1858.

"Deseret News, April 14, 1858.

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representative of the executive authority of the United States; furthermore, all records of the United States courts and other public property were unimpaired.38 That the Mormons reciprocated Cumming's good feelings is shown by Deseret News comment: "Governor Cumming, in his intercourse with the citizens of Utah, has thus far taken that straightforward course in favor of 'law, order, social decency and public decorum' so highly prized by all Utonians, and so highly creditable to every true American." 39 The Southern Vineyard concurred in this when it pointed out that the new governor was on most friendly terms with the people in Salt Lake City, and had found all charges against them groundless.40 While the difficulties were in the way of being settled in Utah, through the efforts of Colonel Kane, and by the good judgment and tact of Governor Cumming, other things were speedily happening both there and in the East.

In spite of the rapidly evolving solution to the conflict, the leaders of Mormondom found it both politically and sociologically advantageous to proceed with the long threatened exodus from their capital city. Late in March the evacuation southward began, so that by the time Governor Cumming arrived in Salt Lake he was greeted by a practically deserted city. Once again the Deseret News seemed to have nothing to say about certain local events, but not so the southern California press. The Southern Vineyard continued to print many articles on Utah news generally, and, in some, remarked about the evacuation of Salt Lake City and the movement south.41 The Deseret News itself also came in for comment. The same paper remarking that, "It [Deseret News] is suspiciously silent respecting the domestic affairs of that Territory."42 Even before this, the Vineyard had exhibited concern for the fate of any pioneer paper when it said: "The Deseret News has been suspended and will probably remain a sealed book during the migrations and wanderings of the Saints."43 Just a week later, probably on receipt of more reliable news, the Los Angeles paper contradicted itself and said: "The Deseret News had not been suspended, but 38

House Executive Document No. 138, 35 Cong., 1 sess., 2-3.

Deseret News, May 19, 1858.

"Southern Vineyard, May 29, 1858.

"Ibid., April 24, 1858. *2lbid., July 3, 1858.

"Ibid., May 8, 1858.

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would be removed to Cedar City or Parowan."44 Once again, the Vineyard reported receiving files of the News to May 5, and said that the last-named date had been printed at Fillmore.45 This is where the Deseret News had moved, somewhat belatedly following the Saints in their evacuation of Great Salt Lake City.

Concurrent with these events in Utah, public pressure and more accurate information had caused President Buchanan to issue a proclamation, April 6, 1858, offering pardon to the inhabitants of Utah, provided they would submit to the laws and assist the officers in the performance of their duties.46 Two special commissioners were to be sent to the territory to present the proclamation and to induce the people to cease resistance. Harper's Weekly took notice of this move soon after the decision was made and said the commissioners were to be Major Ben McCulloch and Governor Powell of Kentucky.47 A month later in speaking of their departure from Fort Leavenworth, bound for Utah, the same paper said: "An armistice is to be extended to the people, on the supposition that they were loyal to the only Governor they knew; but whether it be extended to the leaders will be determined by circumstances."48 While rumors to that effect may have reached Utah before, the News did not officially take note of these developments until June 2, when in clippings from eastern exchanges it printed substantially the same information as had appeared in Harper's earlier.

On June 16, the News printed the proclamation of pardon, and then announced on the following week the arrival of the peace commissioners in Salt Lake City, which they had reached on June 7.

The conference between the commissioners, Governor Cumming, and the Mormon leaders, which was held on the eleventh and twelfth, was reported by the News in some detail. The results were as successful as had been hoped. All difficulties were satisfactorily adjusted "in a manner highly honorable to both sides." The commissioners assured the people that the army would not in any way infringe on the person or property of anyone, and would not locate near any settlement.49 "Ibid., May 15, 1858.

"Ibid., June 2, 1858.

"Senate Executive Document No. 1, 35 Cong., 2 sess., 69-72.

"Harper's Weekly, April 10, 17, 1858.

"Ibid., May 15, 1858. ^Deseret News, June 23, 1858.

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For all intents and purposes the "War" was over. Even the march of Johnston's army through the deserted city appears as an anti-climax.50 In the same issue reporting on the peace conference, the News printed a letter from General Johnston, in which he assured the people that they would not be molested by the army.51 And a proclamation by Governor Cumming, dated June 14, announced that peace was restored to the territory. It congratulated the people on the peaceful and honorable adjustment of the recent difficulties. Most important, it urged those who had left their homes to return as soon as they could do so.52 Harper's Weekly, which so often had devoted space to the Mormon troubles and to descriptions of Utah, reported on the terms arranged by the peace commissioners and remarked on the desertion of Salt Lake City by the Mormons and the consequent end of any possible fighting. At the same time, in an article called the "Close of the Utah War," it gave a succinct appraisal of the whole trouble: The real issue between the United States and the Mormon people turned on the institutions of the latter. Had they been Christians there would have been no trouble; had we recognized Mormonism and polygamy as lawful institutions, we should have sent no army across the plains.

Disguise it as we may, the fact is undoubted that the United States made war upon the Mormons because their domestic institutions were deemed inconsistent with the organization of the confederacy, and the wholesome growth of selfgoverning communities on United States Territory.53 Perhaps critical members of the church would take issue with some of the terminology in the above article; but running the risk of oversimplifying an otherwise complex historical event, it can nevertheless be said that polygamy was the crux of the whole dispute.

Peace or no peace, the Mormons continued to bestow their favor where they wanted. An item about the new governor said: "Governor Cumming continues to be treated with the greatest pos60 "The Utah War, Journal of Captain Albert Tracy, 1858-60," Utah Historical Quarterly, XIII (1945), 26-27. This gives an excellent picture of the army's march through Salt Lake City. Tracy said: "It was substantially a city of the dead, and might have been depopulated by a pest or famine." ^Deseret News, June 23, 1858.

"Ibid., July 7, 1858.

"Harper's Weekly, July 24, 1858.

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sible consideration by the Mormons, whereas the other Gentiles are left severely alone, and are compelled to sleep out of doors in ambulances or wherever they can find a shelter."64 With the apparent solution of the troubles, the people must have been getting anxious to return to their homes. An address

by Brigham Young on June 27, at Provo, bears this out. He said: "The clouds seem to be breaking." General Johnston and his command in passing through Great Salt Lake City had acted with all circumspection and as to the President, he was doing all he could "to correct past bad management." But with respect to what they wanted to hear, Brigham said: "So soon as General Johnston finds a place to locate his commandâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;when we get news what he is doing with his troopsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;we will go home. Women, do not induce your husbands to go home just yet, but wait until the proper time.

It will not be long first."

It was not very long, for in the same issue of the News this notice appeared: "Returning To Their Homes.â&#x20AC;&#x201D;The First Presidency and a few others left Provo at 6 p.m. of June 30, and arrived at their homes in G.S.L. City at 3 a.m. of July 1. All who wish to return are at liberty to do so."55 The News of July 28 carried the text of President Buchanan's message of June 10 to Congress, in which he transmitted Governor Cumming's account of his reception at Salt Lake City and his belief that the troubles there were over. The message said in part, "From this there is reason to believe that our difficulties with the territory of Utah have terminated, and the reign of the constitution and the laws has been restored. I congratulate you on this auspicious event." The printing of this news marked the practical termination of articles in the Deseret News, dealing directly with the recent Utah War. Out of this recital and explanation of Mormon opposition to the armed expedition sent to escort and impose a new set of federal officials on the territory, there naturally arises several questions.

Were the Mormons justified in their vehement opposition, or, as their enemies characterized it, treasonous conduct? What part did the Deseret News play in fomenting or keeping alive opposition?

Right from the first days of the church, antagonism, both individual and group, had caused the Mormons to develop what might "Ibid., August 21, 1858. ^Deseret News, July 14, 1858.

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not unfairly be called a persecution complex. After fleeing to the solitudes of the Rocky Mountain West and living for a decade in comparative peace away from their erstwhile enemies, this new attack coming from official sources and based to a degree, as they thought, on their institution of polygamy, caused the Saints to take the stand that all opposition to them was somewhat of a crusade because of their religion and righteous living.

When taking into consideration the character and actions of the recent judges and other officials who so lately had stirred up a hornet's nest against them, and when remembering that the exodus of the Mormons to Utah in the first place had been to get away from their enemies and to be alone in their attempts to set up social and religious institutions of their own choosing, coupled with their persistent avowals of loyalty to the Constitution and democratic customs of the country, it is hard not to be in sympathy with their opposition to this new arbitrary action against them. Furthermore, if the right of petition for redress of grievances and even of revolution itself is inherent in a democratic government, it is difficult to consider them guilty of treasonous conduct. For them as individuals and as a group, self-preservation was the first law of nature.

The Deseret News was the property and official organ of the church. It was edited by persons relatively high in church councils and, consequently, reflected the official point of view. Then too, the peculiar unanimity of purpose of the people, caused by their common suffering from persecution, did not require the usual haranging and exhortation that would have been necessary where divided opinions prevailed. Perhaps it could be said that the paper served more as a solidifier of opinion rather than a molder of ideas. While outlying settlements were several days' journey from Salt Lake City, the leaders of the church were continually traveling to the various communities, and there was close contact between headquarters and the distant branches. Undoubtedly the paper did serve in a useful capacity by carrying the latest sermons and instructions of the leaders to the people. The editorials, for their part, tended to reflect the policies and, in many instances, the very words and ideas of the leaders previously uttered in public meetings. A perusal of the News, as the official organ of the church and the expression of the Mormon community point of view, is justified.

THE MORMON CROSSING OF THE UNITED STATES, 1840-1870

BY PHILIP A. M. TAYLOR*

"K ^"OST students of American history know, in outline, the story of the origins of Mormonism, of the Mormon colonization of Utah, and of the journey of thousands of European converts across the Atlantic and the United States. The details of the organization of that journey are less familiar. What follows is an attempt to analyze, largely from unpublished sources and from the Mormon periodical, Latter Day Saints' Millennial Star, the organization of the Mormon crossing of the United States from the Atlantic coast to Utah, up to the time when the development of steamship and railway transformed experiment and adventure into routine. In dealing with routes and seasons of migration, with the planning of transport, with the formulation of rules for companies, and with the character of leadership and discipline, the question will always be asked, how far Mormon experience and practice can be called typical of their period, and how far unique.

The Mormon choice of route needs no elaborate explanation.

The Pioneer Company of 1847, which established so many precedents, started from Winter Quarters, that is, Omaha, and this in turn was terminus of the previous year's journey westward from the abandoned city of Nauvoo. The same precedent helps to explain why most later companies followed the northern bank of the Platte, as far as a point opposite Fort Laramie, halfway along the thousand mile route, or even all the way to the mountains.1 The existence of Nauvoo as the destination of the first Mormon converts "Dr. Taylor, British student of American history with special emphasis on the Mormon emigration from Great Britain, has twice before contributed to the pages of this magazine. See "Why Did British Mormons Emigrate?" Utah Historical Quarterly, XXII (July, 1954), 249-70, and "Mormons and Gentiles on the Atlantic," ibid., XXIV (July, 1956), 195-214.

1 The most detailed account of the Mormon trail is William Clayton, The Latter Day Saints' Emigrants' Guide (St. Louis, 1848), reprinted as the second part of Leander V. Loomis, Journal of the Birmingham Emigrating Company, 1850 (Salt Lake City, 1928). For the advantage of the South Pass route, which made it much the most popular with all migrants, see Edmund W. Gilbert, The Exploration of Western America, 1800-50 (Cambridge, 1933), 53-55, 70-71, 75, 145-48.

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from Europe determined the early route from Liverpool: by sea to New Orleans, by steamboat to St. Louis, and then upstream by smaller steamer.2 The Mississippi route was both easy and cheap, and it remained so when Winter Quarters became the startingpoint of a trail across plains and mountains to Utah. But although it was used by almost all the Mormon migration up to 1854, it was recognized even five years earlier that it involved dangers to health.

The development of railways in the Middle West conferred more freedom of choice, for in 1854 a line reached the Mississippi at Rock Island from Chicago, itself linked to the Atlantic coast two years earlier. Beginning in 1855, the New Orleans route was therefore abandoned, and experiments were made with various water and rail routes from Boston, New York, and Philadelphia. In 1856 Iowa City became the main Mormon outfitting center, with Florence (Winter Quarters) as a subsidiary, because it was now the most westerly railhead. From 1859, New York became the sole port of disembarkation, and the Mormon route lay via Chicago to St. Joseph, the new railhead, and thence by steamboat to Florence, or, from 1864, Wyoming, Nebraska.3 It was to these points that from 1861 there came down from Utah the church teams with provisions for the immigrants whom they took back to Salt Lake City the same season. The only later changes were the abandonment of the outfitting centers, and then of the church teams themselves, as the Union Pacific tracks advanced westward, reaching Utah itself in 1869.

Like other migrants, the Mormons found the season of crossing the West rather rigidly determined. Since they were traveling in large companies with families, needing great numbers of wagons and animals, they were forced to wait for a sufficient growth of grass on the plains. Hence they could seldom start before early May, and it was

2 James Linforth, Route from Liverpool to Great Salt Lake Valley (Liverpool, 1855), 28-81. Three ships used New York in 1840 and 1841, and one, perhaps two, Quebec in 1841.

3 The final route is described in Latter Day Saints' Millennial Star, XXV (August 29, 1863), 558. Keokuk was the outfitting center in 1853 because of undue optimism about the speed of railway advance in that direction to Iowa and the Missouri. In 1854 and 1855 the center was Atchison, Kansas, which shared with all main outfitting towns the advantage of a location on that portion of the Missouri that was the readily navigable water nearest South Pass. See Ibid., XV (July 16, 1853), 457-58; XVI (July 29, 1854), 477, 480; XVII (June 16, 1855), 377-78; and (July 21, 1855), 460-61.

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imperative to cross the Rockies before winter came.4 To make this possible they had to sail from Britain in the spring, unless, as sometimes in the New Orleans period, they went in winter and stayed some months at St. Louis or in camp at the frontier. The railway, and later still the ocean steamship, made the journey faster. From 1863 sailings can be found as late as June, and from 1869 the allsteam route virtually abolished limitations of season.

Physical conditions were the same for Mormons as for other travelers of the period. Aboard the river steamboats, they did not occupy the luxurious salons and staterooms so much described by European writers. Instead, they provided their own food, cooked it at the single stove, and slept on deck, imperfectly separated from the machinery and vulnerable to a variety of accidents. Later, they traveled in special immigrant cars, or in whole trains, slow and uncomfortable but cheap, which some railways were providing from 1845, and most of the 1850's.5 But while in so many ways the Mormons were subject to the conditions which governed all western travel, the organization of all stages of their journey within the United States, as on the Atlantic, was peculiar to themselves. If the converts were to reach Utah in good health and spirits, the church had to supplement a system of protection which was defective in the extreme. At first the only protection immigrants received within the United States came from voluntary societies founded within the various ethnic groups.6 Then, in 1847, New York State established Commissioners, and in the next year licensed the runners, ticket agents, and keepers of lodging-houses. In 1855 the Commissioners set up Castle Garden as a compulsory landing-place. They developed there facilities for changing money, buying inland passage tickets, forwarding baggage, obtaining meals and medical attention, receiving news from friends ^Randolph B. Marcy, The Prairie Traveller (New York, 1859), 21-22; Henry Villard, Past and Present of Pike's Peak Gold Region (St. Louis, 1860), reprinted in Narratives of the Trans-Mississippi Frontier (Princeton, 1932), 152-53; Millennial Star, XXVI (January 23, 1864), 61.

5 Louis C. Hunter, Steamboats on the Western Rivers (Cambridge, Mass., 1949), chapters 9 and 10. The only disaster suffered by Mormons on the rivers was the explosion of the Saluda at Lexington, Mo., in 1852, with 17 deaths.

Millennial Star, XIV (June 26, 1852), 283. For an unfavorable account of immigrant trains, see ibid., XXVII (July 22, 1865), 461-62.

6 Robert Ernst, Immigrant Life in New York City 1825-63 (New York, 1949), 32, 34-36; Oscar Handlin, Boston's Immigrants, 1790-1865 (Cambridge, Mass., 1941), 156-65; Alan A. Conway, "New Orleans as a Port of Immigration, 1820-60," London, M. A. dissertation, 1949, 100-5.

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and sending messages to them, even registering at an employment agency, and all this with no interference from runners or other interested parties.7 But while Castle Garden was such an impressive institution, other facts must be kept in mind. No similar system was developed at any other port, and conditions elsewhere were unfavorably commented upon even in the early twentieth century.

Further, since the states were concerned only to encourage immigration in the mass—and that only intermittently—there was no public system of protection inland. Nor was there much private philanthropy. The immigrants had at their disposal a transport system and much helpful information, if they could get it and read it.

But they were subject to many frauds: the sale of tickets or the transfer of baggage at exorbitant prices, overcharging by employment agencies, and the luring of young women into cities en route on the pretext of offering jobs—to name only a few.8 The full system which the Mormons devised dates from 1848, though seven years earlier immigrants had been told that any who landed at New York City could obtain information from Bishop Bernhisel.9 Whereas the journey to Nauvoo had been simple, that to Utah was full of complexities. Expert assistance was indispensable if the European converts were to complete hundreds of miles in the settled districts of the United States, and a thousand across uninhabited plains and mountains, and still arrive fit to make their contribution to the new Mormon community. The central feature of the system was the appointment of agents at New Orleans, St. Louis, New York, and at the frontier outfitting centers.10 Some were sent from Utah. Some went from Britain, though often they were 7 Friedrich Kapp, Immigration and the Commissioners of Emigration of the State of New York (New York, 1870), 211-12; New York Herald, July 7, 1867; Land and Emigration (Northern Pacific Railroad newspaper, published in London), October, 1872; Ernst, op. cit., 29-30; Edith Abbott, Immigration, Select Documents and Case Records (Chicago, 1924), 140-41, for the 1848 law.

8 John F. Maguire, The Irish in America (London, 1868), 192-93, 197-98; A. Lewenhaupt, "Report on Norwegian and Swedish Immigration," Studies and Records, XII (Norwegian-American Historical Society), 50-51; see also the Report of the Immigration Commission 1907-10, Steerage Conditions, Senate Executive Document No. 753, 61 Cong., 3 sess., 39-40; Grace Abbott, The Immigrant and the Community (New York, 1921), 1-23.

'Millennial Star, II (August, 1841), 62.

"Between 1848 and 1870, appointments of agents total 57, though some men held more than one appointment during the period, a list of names is too long for inclusion here. During the 1860's, teams of two or three men were usually at New York and at the frontier; earlier, single agents were more common.

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experienced missionaries; these traveled in advance, by steamship from the early 1850's, or with the first company of a season.11 They were in constant touch with Utah and Liverpool, information being sent them from the British presidency by mail steamer. In 1869, W. C. Staines even made a short trip to Britain to consult the presidency about details of the season's migration.12 The agents made provision for those Mormons who intended to stay in the East, with a view to earning money for the final stage of their journey. In 1849 Thomas McKenzie organized branches of the church at New Orleans and St. Louis. Five years later, William Empey was trying to secure homes at St. Louis, but finding that the owners would rent only for a year with payment in advance, he chartered a boat and took the immigrants upstream to camp. In 1855, a letter was sent back to F. D. Richards at Liverpool: Our reception at St. Louis far exceeded all I could have expected, and indeed all that ever took place at St. Louis before, and we all realised the blessings of being within the organization of a Stake of Zion. About two days before our arrival, a severe frost set in and the river was nearly blocked with ice. Brothers Erastus Snow, Milo Andrus, the Bishop and his Counsellors, were early on the levee, the majority of the company were taken into the basement story of our large place of worship, the sick were the first objects of attention, and they, as well as the whole company, were located in hired houses as soon as possible.13 Mainly, however, they were concerned with a continuous journey from coast to frontier. They chartered whole steamboats, or whole trains, or negotiated for low rates for the large bodies of passengers "Millennial Star, XIV (February 15, 1852), 58; XVI (January 21, 1854), 41-42; XXV (March 28, 1863), 203; XXVII (February 25, 1865), 124; XXVIII (February 24, 1866), 122-23.

"Ibid., X (October 1, 1848), 301; XXVI (August 13, 1864), 524; XXXI (July 17, 1869), 467, (August 7, 1869), 515.

"Ibid., XVII (April 7, 1855), 222. See also Journal History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints entry of October 28, 1849, in Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City; William Empey Journal, 1852-54, 123-29. Typescript copy in the library of the Utah State Historical Society. Agents boarded ships, gave advice, arranged inland passage, and sometimes traveled upstream with immigrants. Millennial Star, X (July 1, 1848), 204-5; XI (June 15, 1849), 186; XV (June 25, 1853), 409-10. They reported on ship's captains: criticisms are in ibid., XI (February 15, 1849), 54; XII (July 15, 1850), 217. A warning to the British president against a man who was committing frauds in offering river steamboat passages is in ibid., XI (March 1, 1849), 72.

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involved.14 Most revealing of all the evidence is the long letter written from a Mississippi steamboat by John S. Fullmer to Franklin D. Richards in July, 1857. Fullmer reports on the whereabouts of other agents, acknowledging their cooperation. He suggests the separation of Perpetual Emigrating Fund personnel for ease of administration. He complains of having to pay for surplus baggage, and urges that this be controlled at Liverpool. He reports on the immigrants' health and on the food they have received. His description makes it clear that he traveled far and fast. Back and forth between Pittsburgh and Philadelphia he moved, meeting companies, chartering vessels, sending telegrams, making rapid decisions as to details of the journey.15 Mormon immigrants were far more dependent on outfitting centers than were Middle Western farmers on their way to Oregon or California, who might have animals, wagons, implements, weapons, and food of their own growing. Even rural Mormons were unaccustomed to many of the essential tasks, and the majority of the British came from industrial districts.16 In 1863 the leader of one company reported that he had had to teach some Scandinavians to yoke and drive oxen, and that without knowing their language.17 Organizationâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and this meant well-considered rules and experienced agents to enforce themâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;was essential to the success of such a large undertaking.

The agents at the frontier had to collect wagons, oxen, and foodstuffs, either with church funds or with money entrusted to them by those who were financing themselves.18 Their work was somewhat reduced only when the church teams came down from Utah with basic supplies. Whenever possible contracts were made 14 lbid., XV (April 30, 1853), 282, mentions a contract for river steamboat passage; XXV (June 27, 1863), 413, shows Horace S. Eldredge securing special concessions despite agreements among railroad companies on minimum fares.

Autobiography of Pioneer John Brown, 1820-96 (Salt Lake City, 1941), 294, refers to free passes for Mormons who had contracted to work on the construction of the Union Pacific.

"Millennial Star, XVII (July 21, 1855), 458-60. " S e e the analysis of occupations and places of origin in my articles, "Why Did British Mormons Emigrate?" Utah Historical Quarterly, XXII (July, 1954), 259-66.

"Journal History, September 12, 1863.

"Examples of the sending of money with agents from Britain are in Millennial Star, XIV (November 27, 1852), 632-33; XV (February 12, 1853), 105; XVI (January 21, 1854), 41-42; XVIII (January 12, 1856), 26. After 1856, independent emigration became much smaller.

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for deliveries, and in 1856 there is even a report of a ten-year contract for timber, fuel, and ferry-tolls.18 A letter of 1857 from James A. Little to Orson Pratt in Britain deserves close attention. His report includes news of the early arrival of the George Washington company, which caused him to collect hurriedly all the tent covers and other goods being made at St. Louis and to put them hastily on the steamboat going the same night to Muscatine, landing-place for Iowa City. It includes also remarks on the poor crops that will raise the price of the immigrants' provisions and details of contracts for cattle which are being fed in Clay County, Missouri, until the first of May. He goes on to explain the reason for writing at such length: While I am labouring for the present, I wish to make the experience of these labours of some benefit to emigration next season. In this way besides the satisfaction of knowing how matters are now moving from time to time, I may throw out some ideas that will assist you in making calculations for another year.20 Such reporting was common practice and played its part in building up the church's experience of organizing migration. As a further example, the reports from Wyoming, Nebraska, may be summarized.

They include descriptions of the organizing of a company of men to unload river steamboats, the arrival of immigrants, the recruiting of single men as teamsters in freight companies, and worries over the strength of wagons in relation to loads, as well as details of the supplies collected and the buildings constructed to store them.

The work at Wyoming was on a very large scale. By May, 1864, there were two warehouses three stories high, and stocks included 2,500 sacks of flour, 70,000 pounds of bacon, 80 sacks of beans and 50 of dried apples, together with cooking stoves and other equipment.

Despite the expected arrival of church teams, additional wagons were ordered from Chicago:

"Ibid., XVIII (May 24, 1856), 333: thus, the Missouri ferry was to cost 50 cents for a wagon and team, 5 cents for additional animals, 10 cents for handcarts, while immigrants crossed free. Reports of purchases of livestock, contracts for handcarts, etc, are in ibid., XV (May 14, 1853), 317; XVI (July 29, 1854), 477; XVIII (May 3, 1856), 281. See also William Empey Journal, 1852-54, 121-22. ""Millennial Star, XIX (June 13, 1857), 377-79; Little himself went to Iowa City with the immigrants. Journal History, July 13, 1849, shows a frontier agent reporting on the misconduct of a steamboat captain.

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Our expenses are enormous. Tents and waggon covers alone make an item of over $5,000, and having to feed the emigrants so long while we wait for the waggons, makes a very heavy provision account. I have today bougbt a train of 15 waggons and 60 yoke of oxen, chains and all complete for $15,000.21 These supplies had to be distributed among the wagons, and loads carefully regulated if the immigrants were to avoid the wholesale jettisoning of goods which characterized the California migration of 1849 and 1850. It was commonly thought that a fouryoke team of oxen should pull no more than 2,500 pounds, and Mormon rules stated 1,500 pounds for two-yoke teams.22 Those Mormons who were paying their own way naturally had some freedom of choice. But in 1854 a precise scale was laid down for the Perpetual Emigrating Fund companies: each wagon was to carry 1,000 pounds of flour, 50 each of sugar, bacon, and rice, 30 of beans, 25 of salt, 20 of dried fruit, 5 of tea, plus a gallon of vinegar and 10 bars of soap. It would perhaps be fair to reckon six to ten persons to each wagon, and two or three months for the journey, though these are no more than broad averages.23 When the church teams were established, immigrants were each allowed 50 pounds of baggage free of charge.24 For the handcart companies, designed largely for economy, the scale of provision was very different. In Bunker's company of 1856, each adult had seventeen pounds of bedding and clothes and each child ten; the carts carried also the cooking utensils; heavier equipment and stores were carried in wagons; there was a tent for each twenty persons; daily rations were one pound of flour per person, plus tea or coffee, rice and sugar, milk from the eighteen cows taken with the company, and fresh meat from game shot along the trail.25 21 Andrew Jenson, "Latter Day Saints' Emigration from Wyoming, Nebraska, 1864-66," Nebraska History, XVII, 113-27 (the quotation is on p. 118). ""Millennial Star, XXIV (August 2, 1862), 491-92; XXV (March 7, 1863), 158.

23 Linforth, op. cit., 19. Millennial Star, XVII (January 20, 1855), 41, assumes 10 people to each wagon. This seems approximately correct for P.E.F. companies and many of the church teams. Independent companies seem to have had a lower ratio, and in the early 1850's examples can be found of 4 persons per wagon. Full details are available for only 49 companies, but those in the 1850's usually took three months or somewhat more from the Missouri to Utah, and those in the 1860's, two or two-and-a-half months. " I b i d , XXIV (April 26, 1862), 267.

25 Ibid, XVIII (November 29, 1856), 767.

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The organization of the companies was derived from that of the Pioneer Company, or even in some measure from the exodus of 1846 from Nauvoo. Brigham Young's Revelation of 14 January 1847, "The Word and Will of the Lord concerning the Camp of Israel in their Journey to the West," required division into hundreds, fifties, and tens, each with captain, and the Pioneer Company had two, five and fourteen of these groups.26 The 1848 migration was supervised by Young and other apostles, who had returned to Winter Quarters from Salt Lake City. The names of officers and rank-and-file were all committed to paper, together with the number of animals and wagons, and at one time four clerks were kept busy.27 In later years, companies usually had a president and two counselors, captains of fifties and tens, a captain of the guard, a clerk, and often a chaplain.28 The senior officers were selected by the agents at the frontier, and the weight of evidence supports the generalization that even the junior officers were so appointed, unless an apostle or other dignitary acted as company president, when he would naturally be allowed to choose his own subordinates.29 The officers were sometimes "sustained" in traditional Mormon fashion: The company was called together . . . for the purpose of electing officers. The Captain of the Hundred . . . was present and addressed the brethren upon the subject of a

26 B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 vols. Salt Lake City, 1930), III, 164. The Revelation can also be found in all but the earliest editions of Book of Doctrine and Covenants.

The journey from Nauvoo is described in William Clayton, Journal (Salt Lake City, 1920), 9-10, 13; the remainder of this work concerns the Pioneer Company.

It is recorded that in Brigham Young's own company of 1848, "The order of the Pioneer Camp was read as a sort of sample for us." Oliver Huntington Journal, II, 22. Typescript in Utah State Historical Society library.

"Journal History, May 31, June 1 and 8, 1848. Similarly, ibid., October 10, 1853; October 16, 1862.

2S Ibid., October 5, 1854, shows captains of tens required to report to their superiors on the needs of each family in their charge, so that food could be given to the most necessitous. In 1864, an "officer of the day" was appointed to travel in the rear and prevent straggling. Ibid, October 26, 1864.

29 In 1850, Orson Hyde organized W. Foote's company, while Wilford Woodruff organized his own. Ibid, September 17 and October 14, 1850. Eliza R. S. Smith, Biography and Family Record of Lorenzo Snow (Salt Lake City, 1884), 94, shows Snow selecting his own captains of fifties. There are still a few exceptions: thus, Journal History, October 10, 1853, shows captains of fifties choosing their own captains of tens.

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proper organization. The officers were all accepted according to their previous appointment.30 All this was in marked contrast to contemporary practice. It is true that some of the 1849 gold rush companies were elaborately organized, as joint-stock companies or with complex constitutions.

Others, with simpler structure, might be formed by groups of neighbors before leaving their homes. But most often, companies were formed at the outfitting center or on the trail to the west of it, on the basis of confused electioneering among people who had drifted together by chance. Many leaders so chosen proved incompetent, and regardless of their efficiency they were liable to be deposed if opinion turned against them. Either way, the stability and success of the expeditions suffered.31 The forming of the Mormon companies was often the occasion of detailed advice by agents or other church leaders. Thus in 1865 Thomas Taylor reported: I advised the Saints to be obedient to the requirements of their officers, and also to let Miner G. Atwood [the captain] equalise the strength of the teams. The general instruction to be moderate in driving and in the use of the whip was given . . . Elder John S. Holman remarked that the English Saints had been organized by themselves only to separate them, that in case of sickness better care and attention could be bestowed by those who understood each other's language; he also remarked that the teams were to take their turns in rolling out [i.e. starting in the morning] in order that all should have equal chances of camp-grounds. . . ,32 But in addition to such verbal exhortations, detailed codes of regulations were from time to time drawn up. There is considerable uniformity among the surviving examples, and it will be enough to describe those of 1849 in full, and then note additional features of the others. In twelve clauses, the rules of 1849 ordered that 30 Ibid, September 24, 1848. Appointment from above, and "sustaining" clearly included captains of tens in James S. Brown, Life of a Pioneer, being the Autobiography of James S. Brown (Salt Lake City, 1900), 397.

31 For detailed analysis of contemporary companies on which comparisons with Mormon methods can be based, see my article, "Emmigrants' Problems in Crossing the West," University of Birmingham Historical Journal, V (1955), 83-102. I acknowledge the courtesy of the editor of that Journal in allowing me to use here the substance of a few paragraphs and some quotations from original sources. a2 Jensen, op. cit., 123. This company also had a commissary.

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each ten should take turns to lead the company; that lost property was to be entrusted to captains of fifties; that dogs should be tied up at night; that an officer's consent was needed before anyone left camp; that prayers were to be said regularly and attended by all; that guards were to be posted each night; that the day's march was to begin at 7:30 A.M., that obedience to officers should be complete; that each man was responsible for securing his own animals at night; that each member was to be in his wagon by 9 P.M. 33 The rules of 1848 required each fifty to have a blacksmith and wagon-maker with tools; each wagon was to have a gun and fifty rounds; outfits were to be inspected before starting; weekly halts were to be made for washing and baking, while Sundays were to be set aside for rest and worship.34 The 1852 rules laid down penalties for neglect of guard duty: public reproof for the first offense, and for the second, extra duty in herding cattle. For profanity, public reproof was the punishment, and for cruelty to animals, fines.35 Those of 1853 prohibited card-playing in camp.36 Those of 1854 made it clear that all able-bodied males over sixteen were to stand guard; each ten was to have a strong rope suitable for use in fording streams; precautions were to be taken against careless use of firearms.37 Enough evidence exists for conditions in practice to show that Mormon companies experienced many of the difficulties and hardships of their contemporaries in the West. They traveled the same ten, fifteen, twenty miles a day, all but small children and sick people walking. The pace was that of the oxen, one-and-a-half or two miles an hour. Since the journey was made in summer, temperatures were high during the day with no shade, constant dust, and frequent thunderstorms. Foodâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the bacon, bread, beans, coffee, 33

Journal History, July 14, 1849.

Millennial Star, XXXI (January 9, 1869), 20-21, referring back to 1848 under the heading "An Answer to Several Questions in Relation to the History and Doctrine of the Latter Day Saints and the Settlement and Progress of Utah Territory." William Chandless, A Visit to Salt Lake (London, 1857), 16, observed the Sunday halts. But circumstances could sometimes override the most pious resolutions: Journal History, September 24, 1848, gives an example.

35 James A. Little, From Kirtland to Salt Lake City (Salt Lake City, 1890), 240-41.

36 Journal History, September 9, 1853.

"Robert Campbell's Journal. Quoted in LeRoy R. Hafen and Francis M. Young, Fort Laramie and the Pageant of the West (Glendale, Calif, 1938), 213-14.

3i

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dried fruit of all western travelâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;was monotonous. To fatigue and thirst was added loss of sleep, for the men stood guard at frequent intervals after their long day's work with the teams.38 Stampedes of the animals at some sudden fright, accidents with firearms, illness, delays and deaths due to childbirth, none of these hazards of the trail could the Mormons escape.39 The basic routine also was similar.

Like their contemporaries, the Mormons started early each day, did half or more of their mileage before a noon halt, continued until late afternoon, made camp and allowed the animals to graze again, and formed a circular or elliptical corral of wagons linked together, within which animals could be bunched for control or protection.

In 1849 the clerk of one of the companies wrote: It is quite interesting in the evening when the camp stops to witness the activity of all that are able; some watering cattle, some driving others to herd, others making fires and carrying wood for evening and morning, while others are preparing their meals; after supper, the driving up of the herd, chaining and tieing up cattle. The captain of the guard blows his horn and summons the guard to duty. The camp, after prayers, retires to rest, with their camp fires burning and their lamps lighted up in their waggons, with the lowing of oxen, the bleatirig of sheep and neighing of the horses in the corral, the howling of wolves on the distant hills and prairies, witb the half hourly cry of the guards from No. 1 up, as they cry the hour of the night with "all is right," all combined lends enchantment to the scene and a feeling of praise, veneration and thanksgiving to the God of the Saints.40

38 Clayton comments on this in his Journal, 88. The pioneers were picked men, not immigrants just arrived from Europe.

39 See my article, cited in Note 31, for further discussion and documentation; and Georgia W. Read, "Diseases, Drugs and Doctors on the Oregon-California Trail in the Gold Rush Year," Missouri Historical Review, XXXVIII (1944), 260-76.

Evidence for Mormon mortality is slight. Only 19 companies afford detailed figures, i.e. fewer than one-sixth of the known companies. Leaving aside the last two handcart groups of 1856 (72 deaths of 450 in one, and 140 or more of 700 in the other), the average mortality is slightly under 3 per cent. But within this broad average, two companies with high rates suffered from cholera, three others had epidemics among the children, while others had rates below 1 per cent. Deaths on the river and rail journeys, especially the former, must be added, but the evidence is equally inadequate. The high proportion of children and old people in Mormon companies must always be kept in mind.

"Journal History, October 27, 1849. See also Millennial Star, XXIV (December 6, 1862), 781-82; XXV (January 24, 1863), 60-61. And Chandless, op. cit., 54.

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This quotation might have been drawn from any diary of the period. But from one of the major characteristics of travel in the West the Mormons were largely exempt. In many companies an attempt was made to provide for the orderly settlement of disputes, and indeed to transport to the West the whole structure of law and order known to the settled regions of the United States. Despite this, the story of western migration is full of quarrels, sometimes attended by violence, and of the breaking up of companies, often caused by the quarrels or by discontent with elected leaders. Underlying all this was the strain imposed on human physique and temper by the conditions of the march. "The trip is a sort of magic mirror," wrote one early traveler, "and exposes every man's qualities of heart connected with it, vicious or amiable." 41 The conditions were the same for Mormons. They were often, indeed, physically far less fitted for the trail than were native Americans. Mormon companies, too, were far larger than the contemporary average, and might be expected to have been harder to manage.42 But against these factors must be set three which will be discussed in turn: the morale of the rank-and-file, the professional character of the leaders, and the special nature of the leaders' authority.

The first point needs little elaboration. The immigrants were not hand-picked by any physical tests, still less for their proficiency in frontier skills. But they were converts to a religion, and they were migrating in fulfillment of an essential part of their faith. Mormonism inspired enthusiasm, but it also stressed discipline and order.

The converts were on their way to a highly organized society virtually identical with their church. They had, in short, every reason to behave in a disciplined manner and to endure the hardships of the journey with unusual fortitude.43 Indeed, as the story of the

41 Edwin Bryant, What I Saw in California (Third edition, New York, 1849), 68.

42 Of 123 companies recorded in the period 1848-66, 80 had between 200 and 500 members, and 17 had more than 500, as compared with the 50 to 150 most common among other migrants. Mormon companies sometimes divided to find forage. Journal History, July 15, 1848; October 27, 1849; October 14, 1850; September 27, 1852. But sometimes they traveled together for protection.

Ibid, September 9, 1853; October 5, 1860; October 26, 1864.

"Although it is unlikely that much evidence will ever come to light, some desertions certainly took place. Millennial Star, IV (February, 1844), 147; XVIII (October 4, 1856), 637.

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1856 handcarts demonstrates, their courage might carry them far beyond the bounds of prudence.44 In the early years of the migration, many companies on the plains were lead by men who had presided over companies on board ship, though it would be hard to prove that the personnel of the two types of company were identical. However, only three examples of this can be found after 1859. The church team system meant not only that leaders came down from Utah each year and returned with the immigrants, but that the same men came year after year. J. R. Murdock is said to have made no fewer than eleven round trips, H. D. Haight seven, S. Roundy five, Milo Andrus and H. Duncan three each.45 In this way, too, technical doctrine could become established, and the rank-and-file could all the more easily accept rules enforced by those whose competence was so apparent.

The discipline of Mormon companies did not depend solely on the technical accomplishments or the force of personality of men elected or accepted by the companies' members. Leaders were appointed by higher authority. They were often themselves of high rank in the priesthood. They were leaders "on mission" just as much as if they had been engaged in the work of conversion overseas. As was so often true in the Mormon Church, their authority was both secular and ecclesiastical; or rather, in what was regarded as sacred work, there could be no real distinction between the two.

Offenses against the discipline they enforced were therefore punishable by penalties both material and spiritual. In 1853, one company had two disputes. One consisted of threats against the captain because of the state of the bacon supply and its distribution. The leaders decided that all had been done fairly, and that hot weather had caused the wastage that was the root of the trouble. The man who had complained was censured, and it was resolved that certain brothers "wait upon him and endeavour to remove the bad spirit from him which existed." The other concerned the refusal of several men to stand guard. The captain of the guard was told **Journal of Discourses (26 vols, Liverpool, 1854-86), IV, 115; John Chislett's Narrative, in T. B. H. Stenhouse, The Rocky Mountain Saints (New York, 1873), 316-17.

"Andrew Jenson, Latter Day Saints' Biographical Encyclopedia (4 vols. Salt Lake City, 1901-36), provides the evidence on the "professional" leaders. The generalization about ship's presidents is based on an analysis of all Mormon companies, mainly from Millennial Star.

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to take their names and hand them to the clerk; if they persisted in their refusal a formal entry was to be made in the company's journal, which the church authorities in Utah would read.46 In another company the same year, a man "was brought before the camp charged with profane swearing and abusing his team, which charges were sustained, and he failing to make suitable acknowledgement was disfellowshipped." In that same company a little later, a dispute was submitted to the president, his counselors, and the captains of tens: Brother B., being charged with profane swearing and also with threatening the life of Brother K. by shooting and preparing his gun, . . . therefore, Brother K. being charged with using abusive language towards Brother B., and the statements of the parties having been heard and the testimony of witnesses. . . . It was considered by the said board that Brother B. is guilty of the charges above specified and that he make suitable acknowledgement to the camp and humbly ask forgiveness of the same which he accordingly did. And it was further considered that Brother K. is not guilty as specified above, all of which proceedings were approved by the camp and agreed to by the said parties.47 Last may be quoted an example from a journal of 1849: A melee occurred between two Brothers, one a Welshman, the other an Englishman, concerning some cattle, in which blows and threats were used. They were brought before the president and his counsellors, severely reprimanded and a fine of doing extra duty on guard [was imposed]. They made a confession, asked forgiveness, promised to do better, and were resored to fellowship.48 Aid from Utah was not confined to the sending of leaders.

As early as 1848, relief was sent to the companies on the march, and in the following year David Fullmer's party went as far east "Journal History, October 10, 1853. *7lbid., September 9, 1853. Names of persons are omitted at the request of the Church Historian. " I b i d , October 27, 1849. Some examples of disputes raise no question of principle. Thus in 1854, two men sharing a wagon quarreled over the weight of each other's baggage. "A committee was appointed to investigate the matter and decide justly." Ibid., October 5, 1854. In 1856, one member of a company refused to comply with a rule that assigned to the family in greatest need any loose livestock found on the trail; the leaders decided to save themselves trouble by allowing him to keep certain animals, as he desired. Ibid, November 8, 1865.

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as the Sweetwater River.49 When the handcart plan was put forward, it was at once appreciated that relief would be more than ever necessary. The preparations suggested in 1852 did not need to be put into practice. However, in 1856, the first year of the handcarts, aid was organized on a large scale. On 5 October, Brigham Young appealed for twelve tons of flour, wagons to carry it, teamsters, and forty spare men. The quota was made up in three days, together with quantities of other provisions, blankets, boots, and clothing. Further appeals were made at Salt Lake City three weeks later, and one hundred twenty people volunteered to join an expedition.50 Other settlements contributed. At Provo, no fewer than forty-eight people helped to make up the quota of two thousand pounds of flour, in amounts of twenty-five to one hundred pounds each. At Union, five wagons with provisions started at only a day's notice. Provo contributed again in November, ninetysix church members offering a wagon, horses, harness, grain, or other supplies according to their means, to make a total of ten teams with seven tons of flour.51 The relief parties went as far east as Devil's Gate, and they helped to mitigate, though they could not avert, the disaster to the last two handcart companies.

Such relief became unnecessary as the church teams were organized.52 But immigrants always needed aid on arrival in Utah. " I b i d , August 28, 1848; John M. Wooley Journal, 29-30. Typescript in Utah State Historical Society library. Salt Lake Stake History, for August 12, 26, 1849, in Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City. J. M. Stewart, "Overland Trip to California in 1850," Southern California Historical Society Publications, V (1901), 179, refers to a relief expedition on the Sweetwater. For later years, see John Pulsipher Journal, I, 31. Typescript in Utah State Historical Society library; Journal History, October 5, 28, 1854 (a man was sent ahead from one company to find a relief party expected to be at Green River, to report to them on the company's condition and to urge them to come further to give aid); Millennial Star, XV (February 19, 1853), 115; XVII (November 17, 1855), 730. soibid, XIV (July 31, 1853), 355; Journal of Discourses, IV, 113 (Brigham Young, October 5, 1856); Journal History, October 4, 7, 1856 (the first entry consists of the minutes of a meeting at which Young learned the needs of the handcart companies from returning missionaries who had overtaken them; the second gives details of the clothing and other supplies offered). See also Salt Lake Stake History, October 26, 1856; Oliver Huntington Journal, II, 105-7.

Typescript copy in Utah State Historical Society library.

51 Provo Historical Record, Minutes of General Meetings, Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City, October 6 and 9, 1856; November 29, 1856. Journal History, November 9, 1856. Deseret News, October 29, 1856.

B2 Space forbids a full discussion of this system, which was a plan for the entire migration rather than limited programs of aid from Utah. An annual quota was fixed, of teams, teamsters and guards, and flour, this to be cached en route or taken to the frontier and there used by the immigrants or bartered

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They were tired, and their supplies were low. It is probable that many had little or no money. They had no certain employment and no promised home. Here, too, church organization and private philanthropy combined. In 1859, when news of a company's approach was received, "immediately every horse and vehicle in the city was seemingly in motion, conveying those who were anxious to witness the egress of the company from the Canyon." 53 The first P.E.F. company, in 1852, was greeted by the first presidency, with a band, a salute of guns, and a speech by Brigham Young. A similar welcome was accorded to the first handcart company in 1856.

Food also was distributed.54 In 1859, Edward Hunter, the presiding bishop, was ordered to clear the Tithing Yard to receive the immigrants' cattle, to have food cooked, and to allow the new arrivals to camp in Union Square.55 In 1864, the bishops of the Salt Lake City wards organized the serving of "hot soup, beef, mutton, potatoes, pies, etc." 56 After early years of temporary camping, a wooden building near the General Tithing Office was set aside for the immigrants' use, and in 1866 they were being fed at church expense.57 Brigham Young's workshops, and such public works as the Temple, provided some temporary employment.58 But many of the immigrants had to be distributed through the territory. Friends and relatives often met them and took them back to outlying settlements, and in this they were aided by the publication in the Deseret News of such lists of members of arriving companies as were available.59 In 1864, church members attending the General Conference at Salt Lake City took the opportunity of collecting newly arrived friends, to such an extent that "twenty-four hours after the arrival of each train it would have been difficult to find a family on the public for other goods and services. Quotas were apportioned downward by authority, until in the wards volunteering under the usual social pressures supplied individual contributions. The teams assembled at Salt Lake City, went to the outfitting center, and returned the same season with the migrating Saints.

"Journal History, September 4, 1859.

"Deseret News, September 18, 1852; Millennial Star, XIV (December 25, 1852), 698-700, which includes Brigham Young's speech; XVIII (December 13, 1856), 794-95.

55 James S. Brown, op. cit., 404.

"Journal History, October 26, 1864. " I b i d , October 8, 1866; Millennial Star, XXVIII (October 13, 1866), 651. ^Journal of Discourses, VIII, 11-12 (Brigham Young, April 5, 1860); Edward W. Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City (Salt Lake City, 1886), 671, 677.

69 Such lists are in Deseret News, September 12, 1855; October 15, 1856; September 24, 1862; August 26, 1864.

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square." But the distribution often required the intervention of church authorities. In 1850, Brigham Young diverted the occupants of the first eight wagons of Aaron Johnson's company to the new settlement of Springville.61 In 1854, the following instructions to the bishops were published: You are hereby instructed to proceed forthwith and make diligent enquiry, to ascertain who in your wards can take into their families and houses some of the brethren, or members of their families, who are now on the road to this land, and give employment and food until the harvest of 1855, and furnish those who may need it transportation from this city to their several places of destination.62 In the autumn of the same year, Bishop Tarleton Lewis came from Cedar City with thirty wagons and persuaded one hundred fifty P.E.F. immigrants to return with him to Iron County, together with some Danes from an independent company.63 In 1856, the first presidency ordered the bishops to distribute immigrants through Utah in such a way as to use their skills to the best advantage.

The directive included a complaint that hitherto the bishops had taken the able-bodied, leaving the aged and infirm to be a burden on Salt Lake City.64 In 1866, a gentile observer was allowed to attend a discussion at which bishops from all over Utah stated their need for labor and, as it were, apportioned the immigrants among their several wards. "In a few minutes I saw that two hundred of these poor immigrants had been placed in the way of earning their daily bread." 65 In the same year, one company was brought to Utah under the church team plan in wagons provided mainly

by Utah County. After unloading in the Tithing Yard, these teams

â&#x20AC;˘^Millennial Star, XXVI (February 20, 1864), 122. Journal of Discourses, IV, 88 (Heber C. Kimball, November 9, 1856), refers to the collection of friends by church members in relief expeditions.

"Milton R. Hunter, Brigham Young the Colonizer (Salt Lake City, 1940), 229-30. This is the best book yet published on the planned settlement of Utah, though its detail becomes far less complete after the first decade. ""Deseret News, July 6, 1854. ^Millennial Star, XVII (January 27, 1855), 61. " S a l t Lake Stake History, October 15, 1856. Church members were of course still exhorted to care for their own friends and relatives.

"William H. Dixon, New America (2 vols, London, 1867), I, 252-53.

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gathered such of the immigrants as had decided to settle in that country, and left at once on the last stage of their journey.66 The Mormon system of crossing the United States was therefore characterized by the same thoroughness that can be seen in their Atlantic crossing. The success of the system owed something to the loyalty of converts, something to technical skill, much to the spiritual element in the leaders' authority. But even this does not account for all the contrast between Mormons and their contemporaries in the westward movement. Mormon immigrants were bound, not for some mining camp or district of pioneer farms, but for a community which from the beginning was integrated under authority. Utah was "Zion," the focus of their religious hopes. From the economic standpoint, it was a centrally planned society. It was the source of authority and leadership. It was the source also of aid. In short, it must never be forgotten that for the Mormon Church conversion, migration, and the colonization of Utah were indivisible.

S6 Journal History, October 8, 1866. One more example may be given. Millennial Star, XXXI (September 18, 1869), 613, shows relatives being met at the railroad; but the bishops were distributing other immigrants "as may appear most advisable or as the emigrants may choose."

LETTERS OF A PROSELYTE T H E HASCALL-POMEROY CORRESPONDENCE*

(conclusion) XIX Addressee:

Col Wilson Andrews North New Salem Massachusetts Franklin County

Postmarked: Kane Iowa 16 [hand stamped black circle] Great Salt Lake City July 27 1850 Dear Sister, have you forgotten your sister or is it because she is a mormon in the rocky mountains or have my letters been destroyed by some evil hand that would still persecute the best people on earth if they had an opportunity, that I have not received an answer to my two last letters, one dated July 49, the other Feb. 1850, W e received your letters by the politeness of Brother Patrick.

There was much in them that we had not heard. I'd like to have you write about all my acquaintainces and relatives. I do not know why it gave so unplea[s]ant a sensation to hear [of] the death of Mrs Brooks as I never expected to see her. I always loved her and felt to mourn. I am glad that your family are well. I am not surprised to hear you have failed the most. I know very well the hardship and trials of body and mind. I think by this time your children can help themselves and you too. It is remarkable that mother is so well. I always wish I had brought her with me. There are a great number of aged people here. Not but one died in consequence of the journey, she caught cold carelessly. W e are getting along first rate. Since Francis left Irene has another son with blue eyes looks T h i s is the fourth and final installment of the "Letters of a Proselyte," written by Irene Hascall Pomeroy and her mother, Ursulia B. Hascall, the first installment of which appeared in the January issue of this magazine. In this series life in the valley during the first years of settlement, the growth of the community, and such important events as the laying of the cornerstone of the temple are depicted. In addition, the religious zeal and intense missionary efforts of individuals within the church are expressed.

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like Aunt C Carey, bom June 26, weighed 10 pounds. She dreamed she should have a son and call his name Elijah and so it is, she says she never combs Francelle ['s] hair but she thinks of Ophelia, just such [a] head. I suppose you are grandmother by this time. I wonder if George is married. Tell him to come here and be a mormon and live with the saints and be happy. How is Waldo, is he able to come. Thales would like to see him here and take each a horse and scout the valley, no woods in the way. W e have to draw wood from six to twelve miles. It is a perfect meadow one hundred and ninety miles long, twenty broad, interspersed with creeks, one river named Jordan, the mou[n]tains look like snow drifts from the city except they are green [and] all sizes and shape, Thales is now harvesting his wheat although he hires gold diggers to do the heaviest part, pay[s] in wheat as they are out of flour when they arrive here, our City is thronged with them. W e can see the waggons pouring through the mountains into the city. They look like ships at sea.

We look at them with pity. Gold is their God of course or they would not all [come] for it. Sometimes I think Samanthy is amoung them [and] going [to] stop with me. O how gladly would I embrace her. Shall I ever. O yes. I will cherish the idea however vain. It is not in my power to convince you of the truth of the gospel but it is in the power of my h[e]avenly Father with [whom] I will trust it. I grow stronger and stronger the more I learn, Sister Akin has not apostatized but she has left her husband and has a lot in the city. Lives with B. [Smith?] and Fanny. Brother Akins has a lot, lives by himself. The greatest difficulty I can find out from her is he married her for money and he is willing to own it. She is called Sister Smith, but I think she is Nancy Lozell and she shows it out pretty well, The Woodburys are well, raising heavy crops of wheat and everything else. W e have five acres of wheat, twenty five [bushels] from an acre at smallest calculationsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;flour as good as any fancy brand you ever saw. I should like to have you eat some of my nice bread and butter together with every thing else the valley affords. There is quite a supply of goods here now, there are merchants on the way with heavy laden waggons. I have a new summer dress, I will send a piece. I am going to get me a winter dress like yours when the goods arrive. I have seen a number of the sisters that came with Green in the ship Brooklyn. They were on the way here with him to this valley. He told them a great deal about his wife and children, made them promise to visit us on his

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account. They tried to make him think he would live to get here, but he said you do not know how I feel. They brought me a dress pattern and some other things that were his. We keep them as choice memmorials. You say you do not know why you did not say more against my coming here. I do not know as you said a thing.

Mother never objected but appeared perfectly willing, she knew I was doing right. She was mormon enough to know that by the spirit that was in her. I have always wanted to write to Mrs Whittaker as she was once an orthodox sister and tell her that system of religion will never save her. Give my love to her, as she lives alone and has much time to pray, tell her to go in earnest prayer to our Heavenly Father and plead with him to show her the true and only way. Where are our Amherst kindred. Tell me about them. Some of them are not satisfied with the religion they profess if I may judge from what I saw and heard when I was last there. Where is Whittamore. Tell mother I do not think he ever sent her letter he wrote for her. Tell Eliza I love her and I wish her name was numbered amongst the saints, Give my love to all the Hascalls and every body else. I feel as if I wanted to put forth my hand and pull them into the ark of safety.

Thales wishes to tell Grandmother that he sold his oxen for ninety dollars in gold and silver and it about fills his purse she knit him, he belongs to the horse company of the Nauvoo Legion.

[They] dress in uniforms, green coats trimmed with red, white pants, blue caps and green gaiters. When I started from Nauvoo I did not expect to ever see another hog, but they brought quite a number here when I came. Last spring we bought a pig, gave four dollars for it [when] six weeks old. Irene has a pet lamb named Billy that furnishes wool for our stockings. We have sold all our cows but three, pay a boy two cents for herding them on the prarie.

There has been a school in every ward this summer. Francelle learned finely. She wishes she could see her cousins in Massachusetts and greatgrandmother. She says she must keep her little doll until she can get it. Mother our children look as Harriet Gleason did, as if they were imported. I [would] like to show them to you. I expect we shall have to live in our cabin with one room until Mr Pomeroy comes home or sends. Irene has some new bed curtains,

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very handsome. I have my old ones. Thales sleeps in the tent. He says it the best place to sleep he ever saw. So much written for mother.

Your affectionate sister U B Hascall

XX Addressee:

Samanthy O Andrews North New Salem Mass.

Franklin Co.

Postmarked: Salt Lake City U.T. Nov. 1 [Hand stamped straight line in black, hand stamped rate marks 5 X in black] Great Salt Lake City Oct 29th 1851 Dear Aunt, I have neglected writing too long but I hope you [will] be more rejoiced to receive one after looking so long in vain.

Mother received a letter from Ophelia not long since but they are so long coming. W e have never received one less than six months.

Mother has not answered it, she say[s] I must write for her. She will write soon but her eyes trouble her some and we are about building a new house and we have hired men and three children and meetings. I tell you we have never a leisure moment. If we do we are too tired to write so I think you must excuse not writing often. The mail leaves this city for the states every month and arrives from the same once every month. I should have written to Ophelia but very likely she had ere this left her childhood home.

If she will write to me and tell me all about herself I will answer it. I expect my letters will seem as rough to her as Grandmother Hastings old letters did to us when we use[d] to read them to find the mistakes in them. Mother says she liked Ophelia's letter, it was just such a one as she wanted. It told about every body and every thing and that was the sort. She wanted to know how we all looked. Mother looks the same except she is more grey and looks some more wrinkled. He[r] humor does not trouble her at all except her eyes by spell [s] but not very serious. She does a great

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deal of work but can stand nothing hard. W e have a maid considerable of the time and should all the time but mother says she [would rather work] as long as she can, than to have one around in her way. Thales is a young man. He is very steady. He is now putting in wheat. He has a team of his own, a span of mules but he says he does not like farming much. He thinks a good deal of travelling to see the world. Hiram Clark has gone to the Islands, Sandwich I think. He writes fine stories. Thales is taller than Mr. Pomeroy. He think [s] of attending the high school this winter under the direction of Professor Orson Pratt. 1 He has never been to school since we left but has studied at home. I think we shall keep him untill he is a little older and he will not think of going.

He likes the valley. He would never think of leaving it, only for a season. He often says he is going back to make a visit. My ink is so poor [but] if I stop to get any more I shall have no time to write. You wished to know how we all looked. Mr. Pomeroy is not altered much excepting older. He has been through a good many hardships in travelling.2 He has been to the coast to the mines. He says it is perfect confusion—drinking gambling cursing swearing murdering burning and he would not stay there for all the gold there is there. As regards his own personal feelings he understands the Spanish and was requested to go by the church [to] trade with the Spaniards. Well Irene—Thales says she isnt at all as she used to be. You know when a person changes from a wild rude girl to a mother of three children she must be somewhat changed. I asked him if I was better or worse. He said he did not know but he thinks nobody can make or do anything right for him but Irene. Any little puzzling job, where's Irene she can do it. Now the children, I expect it will not do for me to describe them. Francelle is a little girl of six. She is a fine scholar. She reads in the third class and spells in the second. She will take up any book and read all the people from New Salem say. She looks like Ophelia, she does except her eyes are black. Her head is just the shape of x ln October of 1851, Orson Pratt taught mathematics in the "Parent School" of the University of Deseret. The Thirteenth Ward School House was used for a classroom. On December 15, 1851, he commenced a series of lectures on astronomy and its religious implications, in the Council House. These educational efforts technically were part of an adult educational program. See T. Edgar Lyon, "Orson Pratt—A Biographical Study," The Instructor (August, 1947), 361-62.

2 See Utah Historical Quarterly, XXV (July, 1957), 255, note 22.

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Ophelia's. I never comb her hair but what it reminds me of old times. There is a lady waiting for me to go to meeting. Francis Ashbell looks some like his father but he is tall and slim. Thales says there isnt a child of his age in the city knows as much as he does. He will ride a horse on the trot with no one to hold him.

Now the youngest. He is the smartest of the whole, little Elijah we call him. He is a great noble fellow, [has] a very high forehead, a deep dimple in his chin, features like Uncle Green, complexion like motherâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;black eyes sandy hairâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;but not as red as mothers. I think when he was eleven months he would ride a stick around the door yard with his brother.

The people from New Salem are all well. Mother Woodbury is dead. Father Woodbury married again a woman from Westfield.

Catherine is well, has another child a little girl, calls it Maria Catherine. Emeline has two little girls. Her husband died one year ago3 she sends her love. Brother Pond had a son born the other day, all well. Tell Grandmother how glad I would be to see her.

Love to all Irene P.S. I want you or grandmother if she is living to get all the names and ages of all our friends or near acquaintance [s] and the time they died, day, month and year, all that you can. I mention G r a n d mother because I knew if she had her usual health she would love to do it. Our Grandparents Gran[d]father and Grandmother Hascall and their parents if you can, their names if nothing more as far back as you can trace it on every side. I will be very much obliged if you will ask uncle Jacob. I want to know when Aunt Lidias children died, Wilson Hascall, Silas Harding and every body you think I would be interested in. I received a letter from Augustus after it had been round by California, was very glad. Tell him to write again. I think they will come quicker now

3

Ibid, 250, note 15.

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XXI Addressee:

Col. Wilson Andrews North New Salem Franklin Co. Mass.

Postmarked: Salt Lake City Utah T Oct 1 [hand stamped circle in

black] Great Salt Lake City Sept 30th 1852 Dear Sister, The mail has just arrived from the states and no letter from you, Ophelia said mother would write soon. I have looked for a letter the two last mails and now I will not wait any longer but sit down this morning and write you all I can get time to, the mail leaves tomorrow at six oclock. I suppose you will wonder why I cannot write all day, Irene has a babe four weeks old yesterday, we have twelve in the family most of the time. Our girl had to leave last week, we cannot have the one we like until next week, Irene has three boys, John Hascall is the babes name, she has an indian girl Francis got to wait upon her nine years old, call her Anna Pomeroy. The children like her much she is a very kindhearted sensible child. She goes to school with Francell and Ashbel to Emeline. She [Emeline] is now teaching the second term.

She comes here very often. W e have a new house, a very pretty and convenient one, they say mother may have her choice in rooms.

I think I shall take a chamber for the present, I should have written to Ophelia had I known where to have directed it, I was very much gratified with her letter it was so like herself. I could see her as far back as the time she and Irene used to tease me to make warm gingerbread and coffee. I hope she has recovered her health and [is] happily situated but I am some like Orra about Drs.4 We wondered where Aunt Samanthy was at the time she opened her eyes and saw her father so pale by her side. She did not know but it would be something new to us to hear of such a performance not at all. W e have papers from the cities in the states, from France and England. Then we have missionaries in all most every part of the world that are writing and coming and going bringing all the 4 For the attitude of the Mormons to doctors and the medical profession generally, see Joseph R. Morrell, "Medicine of the Pioneer Period," Utah Historical Quarterly, XXIII (April, 1955), 127-44.

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news and the fashions5 but we adopt our own fashions pretty much.

Here I must begin anew. W e have company to spend the day.

I spent a hour with her and commenced writing. She is a sister from Wales. I have [been] acquainted with her five years. W e have some of the best people from the old countries. W e have for neighbors five families from Boston and quite a number from New england one from Poland. He taught Thales to play the accordian, Francis brought from Francisco, paid thirty two dollars for it. It is a beautiful thing. W e have pianos on each side of us. The Governors little daughters are learning to play the pianoâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;teacher from England.

Mother I will now write a little to you. I enjoy better health than [I] ever did for many years before I left the east. I have not had any [trouble] in [my] face for two years. Thales is well but he has grown so fast he gets tired sooner than Francis, he does not have to work any more than he has a mind. He has a span of good mules that he will not take less than three hundred dollars for, he has now gone [on] a journey with them not far from three hundred miles to meet the bretheren that are coming in from the states to carry out provisions to them if they should need and help them draw their loads.6 There is between eight and ten thousand coming into the valley this season, there are twenty waggons and eighty yoke of oxen besides horses and mules. I often wish you were here in the evening to see the lights in buildings. I think you would not be lonely, I hope you enjoy yourself better than you did when you wrote me last. You must not think you are a burden to Samanthy.

I presume it is a pleasure to her to wait upon you. Judge by yourself would it not be a pleasure to you to wait upon your mother.

I know it would, for that reason make yourself happy. I expect you will live to be as old as granny parce nin[e]tynine because you have horns on your toes and so had she. I want you should live untill you are baptized into this church and then I will be willing you should die, I should then expect to shake hands with you and my father for I or some of the family shall be baptized for him 5 Though the early settlers were isolated geographically, this passage emphasizes the cosmopolitan quality of their society.

6 E. K. Fuller was captain of the relief train. Thales, one of this company, was sent alone and unarmed from Green River back past Chimney Rock with letters to the Eli B. Kelsey company. He returned with the Beebe company.

See Thales Haskell, "Autobiography," (for the years 1834-1909), MS, 10. Typescript copy in the possession of A. E. Smith, Salt Lake City, Utah. See also Philip A. M. Taylor, "The Mormon Crossing of the United States, 1840-70," supra., 332-36.

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that he may [be] judged according to men in the flesh. I know you are a mormon and believe the gospel as it is laid down in the bible.

It is no new gospel that the mormons preach. It is the same the Jesus and the apostles preached eighteen hundred years ago. There it is in my old bible father gave me. I have read it there and so I know it is there. Now mother if there is a mormon elder comes along do you rise up and be baptized for the remissions of your sins and have him lay his hands on your head that you may receive the gift of the Holy Ghost according to the pattern laid down in the new testament and the Lord will bless you forever Amen. Your daughter U B Hascall Samanthy I must now fold my letter and send it along just as it is without finishing but I shall finish it and another with it and mail it the first day of November. The mail is to leave the first day of every month. I sent a paper to Waldo and Irene sent one to Uncle Jacob at the same time. Remember me to everybody Grandfather and mother Andrews. Kiss all your children for me.

Tell Wilson I remember him with love and esteem. Tell James Paige to come here and be a mormon. Tell Mrs Holden, Edwin is just here with his wife and five children. We live on migration street.7 I hail every company to find him. The last one told me he would be in in three days. Your affectionate sister U B Hascal I thought I had written in haste before but this drives me

XXII Addressee:

None

Postmark:

None Great Salt Lake City, August 29th 1853

Dear Sister, You know not how much I want to see you in this valley and enjoy the society of the saints with me. It is truly the greatest happiness that can be enjoyed this side the veil. I desire to thank my Heavenly Father that I was born to live in this 'Probably refers to East Third South.

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age of this world, and be where I can associate with the chosen people of the most High God and Jesus Christ his Son, and hear the truth flow from the mouths of his servants the prophets, The first thursday in every month we have a fast, If I can not go to meeting I fast, and pray, at home, I write this, that you may know what I am doing on so many days out of three hundred and Sixty five, Our temple is commenced.8 The comer stone was laid the sixth of last april, the birth day of the church, I was there, It was a time of great rejoiceing among the saints I assure you, W e have a very handsome and commodious tabernacle, where we hold our meetings, twentyfive hundred can be seated, It is filled to overflowing every sabbath, the alleys are full and the doors surrounded as far as they can hear anything. I thought before I commenced my letter I would not write mormonism so called, but I am as full of it as a person filled with electricity, if I touch anything or anything touches me it will fly out, and if you do not relish it, you must excuse your animated sister, for surely I can feel to say as it says in the Bible, it is my meat and my drink, I know your good honest heart would open a place for the Holy Spirit if you could rend the thick bandage of tradition and prejudice that is so interwoven around you. My patriarchal blessing says I am the lawful heir of Joseph the son of Jacob that was sold into Egypt and surely you must be the same, if you do not remember the blessings that were pronounced upon him I want you should take your bible and read carefully and see if it is not worth living for.

I wdl now try to write something about our family, The cities south of us for three hundred miles have been some annoyed by the indians, they sent to this city for an hundred and fifty men to assist them in bringing them into subjection, Thales was one of the number, he has been gone about five weeks, he is all engaged in military business,9 it does not give me any uneasiness at all, I think he will be called where he can do the most good, and that is what I wish him to do, I expect him home every day. Tranquility is restored and the men are returning to the city. Francis and Thales bought an hay lot that produces abundantly fifteen miles from the city, while Thales has been gone Francis and his hired men have been cutting and hauling the hay, there will be seventy tons at 8 See B. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 vols. Salt Lake City, 1930), TV, 15-19.

9 For the chief events of the Indian Wars of 1853, see ibid, 46-51.

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least, they have an house on it where they stay and cook for themselves except their bread, that I bake for them, our family is from twelve to fifteen for this four months past, and will be for the present, cooking, and washing dishes is the order of the day. Irene has a woman to wash and iron and sew for her the rest of the time, I do my own, the chilfdren] are plump and healthy, Hascall enough in them so that I can see it shine out occasionally, our little one year old Johnny Hascall, is a beautiful child, every one says what a handsome child, Elijah, three years old, has red hair, very white [skin] with black eyes, He [is] as keen as you please, Looks more like his mother than any of the others, after all I have said of him, Francis Ashbel, four years and half old, is more like Thales than anybody else. Francelle talks a great deal about Samanthy and her cousins, and great grandmother, wishes she could see them, she still resembles Ophelia. Irene says she never combs her hair but she thinks of Ophelia, Irene is rather languid this summer,10 the weather has been excessively warm this season. I think she will brighten up now it is growing cooler. She enjoys as good health as she ever did, she spends a good deal of time in teaching her children, a pleasant task I assure you. Her little indian girl learns to read and sew and knit, wash dishes, sweep, and take care of the baby and wait upon her. As for myself people tell me I do not grow old at all, brother Wallace says I look the same [as] I did when he first saw me, but I think I have improved for I have not had a red blotch on my face for three years. I do not take any tea nor coffee, I have learned to drink butter milk, it makes me feel first rate, it is not such as you have, I save the last quart from each cow every milking and churn it every day or every other day, the butter is very nice and the butter milk is delicious, now I think you smile, but it is a fact, I have learned to love it.

Irene has just gone to visit Emeline, she has married a fine man, He is a perfect gentleman and has a good education, has 10 In April of 1853 Francis took a second wife, Sarah Matilda Colborn. It is interesting to note the absence of any mention of polygamy in these letters.

Plural marriage as such is simply ignored. In letter 16, Irene says that Emmeline lives in Br. Whitney's home, but she does not say that it is as his wife. In letter 19, Ursulia mentions, that Sister Aikins lives with B. [Smith] and Fanny. In letter 22, she says: "Sister Nancy Smith as she calls herself and Ben live together," and then "Fanny is married." Was Fanny married to Ben also? If not, why was she living with him? Too, in letter 22 when comment is made regarding Emmeline's second marriage, there is no mention of the fact that it is to a man already married.

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abundance of books and newspapers for her to read and she is quite happy, her sister Lucy send him Barre Gazette, we had quite a social time over it, why do you not send us some papers, they would seem like an old friend. Catherine was here last evening, her family, and father Woodburys are well, sister Nancy Smith as she calls herself and Ben live together. They have plenty to make them comfortable, Fanny is married, she is a very genteel pretty girl. Brother Ponds family are well, Loenza died with a consumption brought on by a sudden cold. She was taken with a hoarseness that lasted six weeks. She tried every thing she could think of but nothing would help it, she then had a severe cough that caused her to suffer very much and at last wore her out. She has left three little girls, they have a good father, Sister Brimhall is well, has a kind husband.

People often say to me "you do not get picked up yet." I tell them I do not get picked up so easy as some do. How is mother, is she still living, if she is read this letter to her, tell her to be contented and happy, tell her she will hear the gospel preached after she has left her friends here, and we shall some of us be baptized for her and then if she will accept it, she can live forever with the righteous, but if there is an elder comes along (that comes with good authority from the church of latter [day] saints) to be baptized for the remission of her sins. If she can not get [out] of her bed, tell her it will not hurt her it will do her good, now mother I want you should believe this, be assured it is the truth, do I not know this is the true church and there is none other on this wide earth, most assuredly I do, from what I have seen and heard and experienced since I have been in it, this is the gospel the Savior and his apostles preached, and Paul said whoever preached any other gospel let them be accursed, then why not believe what the scriptures say, we believe the bible just as it reads.

While I am writing the children come running up stairs, grandmother Thales has come, I leave and go down to see him with his long beard and dusty garb, hardly looks like himself. Mother I have got home, but I am going [at] six oclock in the morning on another campaine of twenty days in the eastern part of the Territory,11 "The military action to which this passage refers was probably the following: Jim Bridger had been accused of furnishing the Indians with ammunition for use against the whites. Confirmation of the feeling that Bridger was hostile to the Mormons is expressed in a letter to F. W. Richards, written by I. C. Haight in August of 1853, in which he says: "We met a large posse going out to arrest Bridger and some of his gang, that resisted the authorities of Utah. They have

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I want my clothes ready tonight, The indians are trying to steal the animals from the emegrants, all right, they are ready and he is gone, and now I will finish my letter, I must say something of James Paige. I am glad he has never married. I hope that peculiar vein of Paige blood will run out. Do you not. Yes, you say. Is every body alive and well, especially your own family, dear Waldo with his hard breathing, I think of him often with a motherly sensation, it always distressed me to see him, are any of them married, and you a grandmother, tell Ellen she may have my pitcher and Phebe the coffee pot, look at them and think how Aunt Ursulia loves them, how are all the Hascalls, I should like they should make me a visit, write to me and send me some papers. Mrs Amos R and Fanny, give my best love to them and Mrs Dexter Mrs Jim Day Hascall and Eliza Carey and all that take pains to enquire, and Mr Orcutt and wife, tell Hascall, Thales has the scratch awl he sent to Green. Isaac Price and wife were here four weeks since on their way to the gold mines, she said to get rich, but she never will with that man, his health was very poor. Hundreds and hundreds have passed here on there way to the mines, but few will live to get there from the news we hear, cattle dying on the way enough to make a fence each side of the way for fifty miles, people dying with the cholera, I look at them with pity as they pass. I wish you to tell Mrs Almoda Clark, of Erving, or send word to her, that her mother, Mrs Buss, is well, made us a visit this week, tell Mr Orcutt and wife, I remember them with love and gratitude for former kindness. T[ell] Wilson I can see him stick out his lips and turn up his nose at the mormons but never mind, he can do no hurt by his looks and I love him as well as ever. Your affectionate sister Ursulia B Hascall I do not care much about Whittemore only for Elizas sake, but I never shall cease to love her like my own kindred. Why she always seemed so near to me I cannot tell. Write as soon as you receive this or we shall not get it until spring. Write us of Mr Hardings family. Tell Mother Andrews and family I should think George Boyce would sail out here some day, I intend to write to Erastus stirred up the Indians to commit depredations upon our people, and some of our people have been killed; . . ." The above events led to the purchase by the Saints of Fort Bridger in 1853 for $8,000. See Andrew Love Neff, History of Utah 1847 to 1869, Leland H. Creer, ed. (Salt Lake City, 1940), 233.

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Bridgeman, he always seemed very near to me. The children have been troting around since I have been writing. Some mistakes I have corrected and left the rest. I think you can read it if you have good spectacles.

Mother says she will leave room for me to write to Grandmother.

I want if she still lives and can know what is said to her you should tell this to her. If you do not tell just exactly what I say [or] read it right to her, her sins shall fall on your head. Tell her Irene says If there is any Mormon that has authority to baptize if she will be baptized for the remission of sins while she yet lives if she has to be carried on a bed no matter if she will only obey the gospel thus far be baptized and confirmed a member of the church of latter day saints before she dies which is all she can do in that place, I will pass through all other ordinances for her (and save Grandfather for her in the ressurection) I expect it look[s] strange perhaps folly to you to hear us talk of preparing and passing through various ordinance [s] before we can enter a fulness of Glory. In the presence of the father and the son all will have their just reward, but believe it, yes, be assured of, Mormonism will reign over everything else and the followers of it will have power and dominion over every thing else.

None other will enter Celestial but their glory will [be] Teristrial and Celestial as differs the Moon and stars from the Sun. I must preach to you. Everything else seems of so little consequence. What is 70 or 80 years compared with eternity. If we prepare for eternity and make a ressurection to celestial glory surefly] the rest is small beside of that still it is our duties to make our selves as proficient as possible in every good and true principle. What we learn here we shall know to commence with in the resurrection. I do believe you have good honest truth about you to be saved with a fulness of glory, if you let this worlds goods alone. You can not carry them with you, but you can your mind. I think I will not write so much religion to you, it will do no good and you will never wish me to write again (perhaps that is why you do not write) but I feel such an interest in you because I know just what you are and you are my only relations on Mothers side. I know no other way only to burn without reading them which I know you will not be so cruel to your only niece. What I say to one I say to all who hear it and

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I wish it was proclaimed on the Housetops. Love to all. I remember every one but have no room. Mr Pomeroy sends respects to all Irene If Ophelia is married, love compliments and respects to her husband.

Tell her to write all about herself. We feel very anxious to know about our ancestors. If you can get the genealogy as far as you can get it please send it. W e wish very much to have it.

XXIII Addressee:

None

Postmark:

None Great Salt Lake City Aug 31st 1853

Cousin Ophelia, A long time has passed since we have received any communication from you or any of our friend [s] in Mass.

We do not think you have ceased to think of but presume you have so many other cares and associations and cares that your time is more profitably spent, or you write and we do not receive them; we are very anxious to hear concerning the health and prosperity and general circumstances of our relatives and friends; we have written several letters since we have received one from any of you; we have come to the conclusion you do not receive ours. You mentioned in one of yours that you had sent a package by Mrs Patrick. She arrived last season. She brought things for Father Woodbury's family and Catherine but said she never received any for us. The mail goes regular now, once every month. I think we will be more likely to receive them. I hope you will remember us and write often.

My family cares have greatly increased the passed few years. I have three little bright eyed boys aged 5, 3, and 1 years, fine healthy children named Francis Ashbel, Elijah and John(ny) Hascall. Francelle my only daughter is teasing me to let her write to Cousin Ophelia. I asked her what she would write, she says ("O I'll write I am quite, a large girl 7 years of age and I study Geography Arithmetic and read in the third reader. I am learning to write well enough I will write to you.") She said this as fast

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as she could speak then said "Wont that be sufficient Mother."

She is the best reader in school of her age. She is very proud to know she has Uncles Aunts and Cousins in the states. She thinks it a great honor. She cried the other day to send you her likeness "she is very proud" I have an Indian girl about 10 years of age. She is very kind to the children very quiet modest and diffident. She speaks English very well. We have had her nearly two years. She take[s] almost the entire care of the babe. I will send you a lock of his hair. W e think it so pretty.

The Indians steal children from one another and sell them.

The Governor says buy them treat them kindly and educate them.

Mother and Thales live with me. Mother is writing. I expect she will write all the news. Perhaps she has not [written] to you about the mineral springs and hot springs.12 The former are for bathing and as warm as one can comfortably bear, the latter so hot I can hardly keep my hand in to count twenty. They come out at the base of the Mountains. Some of the mountains are continually covered with snow. The climate is about like Mass. with less storm.

I will tell you about our temple. The corner stones were laid the 6th of Apr. surround [ed] by 6 or 8 thousand people. The block on which it is to be built contains 10 acres is to be enclosed by a wall (partly done) 25 feet high. The temple will have 6 towers 3 fronting East and 3 west. It will far exceed that of Nauvoo.

My believe in mormonism is confirmed every day if possible.

Suffice it to say It is true I know it is true I ever have known since I received the holy Ghost by laying on of hands. How can it be untrue when it embraces all truth. Every true principle on earth or in heaven is mormonism. We believe everything which is eternal truth. It makes no difference whether it is some of Methodist baptist Millerites Unervarsalist or what every true principle we claim so how can it be delusion or wrong. Thales was baptised his last birthday. He had too much Hascall about him to be very pious but he knew Mormonism was true and if he wished to be saved in with the greatest glory possible for man to receive this was the first step into Mormonism. I expect place any one of you alone with no one to know anything about it you would believe and obey it.

Love compliments and respects to all.

Irene 12

See Utah Historical Quarterly, XXV (April, 1957), 251, note 17.

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Love to Grandmother. Tell her she would be proud of her three grandsons if she could see them.

I wrote this to put inside Mothers but we thought perhaps we had better put them in seperate wrappers and you would get one if not both. Good bye for a while. Write immediately or we shall not get before winter. Mr Pomeroy sends love.

Irene

XXIV Addressee:

None

Postmark:

None Great Salt Lake City Aug 29 /54

Dear Aunt, W e received a letter from Waldo directed to Thales a few weeks since. As he was absent on a mission three hundred and fifty miles south I opened and answered it. W e now have an opportunity of sending direct to Massachusetts and perhaps to your own door. Br. Elijah K. Fuller, Ellen Calista Woodward's husband is going to visit the Woodward girls Sisters and if he can without too much trouble he will visit you. He is a worthy man and I presum[e] will be received with much pleasure by all who have friends in this place.

We are all well contented and happy surrounded by healthy smiling faces. I have five children all fine and healthy. The youngest a babe of three months, we call it Irene Ophelia. My little Indian girl died of consumption caused by the whooping Cough. She was a very kind affectionate child. When she was sick and wished to get up if I went to assist her she would say "don't you lift me mother I am afraid it will hurt you" It shows what they might be if they were [cut out of letter] white people they learn easy [cut out of letter] ings there are quite a number of them in the city living with families. They are bought generally.

Waldo wrote about Ophelia's babe but did not write its age.

I wish O. would write me all about him. I will send a little lock of her namesake's hair & Francelles likeness to Grandmother. I wish O. would send her baby's likeness and her own and husbands die expense is not much there, Francelles cost $3.50. Mother sends

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you a piece of her black dress the other is mine. Francelle says send one of mine the blue lawn is hers. Mother says "tell Aunt Samanthy to write and not wait for time to write it just so particular.

Take a sheet of paper and write on it whatever comes into your mind. She says I can read it if you shut your eyes while you write.

We want to hear all the news. Ophelia wrote once since she was married but it was very short with a promise mother would write all the news but it has never come (but though short it was very acceptable) I wish you would all write and write often. It is but a little trouble if you will only commence. I think Ellen and Phebe Loraine can write and George also. Tell Waldo we are very much obliged to him. If you ever see Albert remember Thales love to him. Tell him to write to him and we send our love also love to all Elvira and Sophia &c &c.

[Signature cut out, but memorandum says "from Irene"] Mr Pomeroy and Mother send love. I am at Emelines and I have forgotten the piece of lawn. Mother says Francelle isn't half as pretty as common. She is quite thin for her. She goes to school and plays hard but the likeness is very correct.

The following letter received by Thales Haskell, postmaster at Manassa, Colorado, from E. D. Andrews, postmaster at North New Salem, Massachusetts, does not belong to the series. It does, however, reveal conditions at North New Salem sixty years after Irene, Thales, and their mother Ursulia left that community.

Addressee:

T. H. Haskell Manassa, Colorado

Postmarked: North New Salem, Mass Aug 31 1904 Dear Friend, I reed, your letter of June 15th O.K. Augustus Haskell died about six years ago & I send you notice of his oldest son's death . . . .

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Your old house is in first class repair painted and blinded. . . .

The Old Store is painted yellow and owned by Bill Dexter, Old Dexters son. Our school house has been remodeled twice since you was here. . . . Albert is failing slowly he comes down after mail every day. If [he] stayed home a week I don't think he would be able to come. I have P. O. here at house. (I have been P.M. here 32 years). . . .

We have mail at 9 & 1 each day from Millington to Orange and from Orange to your Uncle Wilsons Brick House. . . . about 60 families in my P.O. limits. Do you remember you and your sister and my going blue-berrying over across the meadow east of my house. That has grown up to timber & been cut off & blueberries are as thick as ever this season. I have never been berrying there since till this season & I thought of you and Irene.

Yours with respect E. D. Andrews

IS I T O N E W O R L D ?

William Mulder, his wife Gweneth, and their three children, late in June traveled by air and were transported nearly overnight from the brash young civilization of the American West to the ancient Eastern civilization of Kipling and Maugham. Here, at the University of Osmania in the city of Hyderabad, India, Professor Mulder will spend a year as a Fulbright instructor teaching American and English literature. Professor Mulder is associate professor of English at the University of Utah, editor of the Western Humanities Review, prominent writer, historian, and long-time member of the Society. His interesting and thought-provoking letter, here reproduced, was written to the editor of this magazine on Utah's natal day, which fact, no doubt, caused the author to make appropriate parallels between the East and the West he had left so recently.

—Ed. note.

Hyderabad, India July 24, 1957 TJROFESSOR

I celebrate the 24th by turning my thoughts to you. India celebrates all sorts of holidays—Hindu, Mohammedan, Sikh, Parsee, and Christian—but it hasn't yet heard about the Mormon Pioneers.

Even Coca Cola hasn't been able to replace Lipton's Tea in Hyderabad. Drop in at my office in the stone splendor of the Arts College —a beautiful combination of Mohammedan and Hindu architecture—and a barefooted, beturbaned bearer will serve us a hot cup, heavy on the milk and sugar, promptly at 11:00 every day. School is in session on Saturdays too.

We've had a very full month in India. Pan-American's magic carpet wafted us from one enchanting place to another—Honolulu, Tokyo, a fueling stop at Wake, Hongkong (a half day there), and Bangkok—each more exotic than the other until we reached Calcutta. We were not prepared for the shock of India's poverty as we first glimpsed it on the way from the airport in to the city, a midnight ride like a visit to Dante's lowest circle in hell. What a cesspool of humanity the streets seemed, a deformed, impoverished, uprooted humanity, an excrescance on the pavement. It was a traumatic experience, a raw introduction to India's gravest problem.

Delhi, where we stayed overnight at headquarters of the U. S.

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Educational Foundation and received a welcome advance of 500 rupees (rupee worth about 21 cents), was better. In its design and spacious architecture it reminded us of Washington, D.C., a noble seat of government. W e left Delhi burning on its plain (the monsoons had not yet started) and found the approach to Hyderabad, a thousand miles southward, even more delightful. The Deccan Plateau is high and dry, a desert country smiling green now under brief daily rains, a rolling carpet of reddish sand and giant granite outcroppings topped by ancient forts or mosques, a landscape which seems to us a composite of Moab and St. George and the Wyoming highlands. But the life on it is a series of pictures from the Old Testament (or now and then the Navajo reservation, or an African village): the mud huts, thatched or tiled, the goat herds, the bullock carts, the stick plows, the dark peasants in their gay rags.

All this we see from our window, where we live on the outskirts of town, just a stone's throw from the university. The natives make patty cakes of cow dung, slap them on a rock to dry in the sun, and use them for fuel the way the overlanders used buffalo chips. No sacred cows have yet wandered into my classroom, but we do have to watch our step. And there are hordes of bicycles, and bicycle rikshaws, and a few cars (the ubiquitous jeep among them) all going the wrong way, as the lefthand traffic seems to us. The dominant impression of life here is not twentieth century at all. The Mexicans would feel at home here: Gweneth is strongly reminded of their way of life at every turn. Manana. And we are learning to be less impatient to get things done in a hurry.

School got underway finally after a prolonged postponement because of the flu epidemic. We have escaped anything more serious than a cold. . . . I can't get over the feeling that town is a Hollywood set with the narrow winding streets full of extras in costume, and all in technicolor. The barefooted, beturbaned, befezzed, and diapered population is an eternal fascination, though I suspect we furnish a sight too: Barbara with her very fair skin and blond pony tail attracts constant attention, as do the boys, two look-a-likes with crew cuts and an American swagger. There are three or four other American families in town, connected with the Technical Cooperative Mission. W e are a decided minority, white specks in a sea of color. Our American speech is difficult for the English-speaking here (and English is universal among the educated); their own Eng-

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lish is unbelievably rapid and clipped, with accents falling on wrong syllables which render the words strange and comical. I have two M.A. groups, one in American literature and another in Elizabethan drama and Shakespeare, whose frequency I've finally tuned into and we seem to communicate. The U. S. Information Service operates a fine library in town and conducts public lectures. I am to give one shortly. I am also to be the "chief exhibit" at the All-India Conference in English to be held at Osmania in December. Tom and Dick are attending Nizam College, Barbara, St. Ann's high school run by Catholic sisters. College seems casual; the high school exceedingly strict. A large portrait of Gandhi presides over the University library's main reading room, giving study there a special consecration.

We subscribe to the Deccan Chronicle and the Times of India (Bombay), full of free and frank reporting and discussions of the second Five-Year Plan, austerity, the rights of untouchables, linguistic rivalries, Kashmir (no neutrality here), outspoken editorials, and astrologyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a subject taken seriously in a land where many prospective partners to a marriage still compare horoscopes. The voice of India is decidedly democratic. W e feel we are standing up to our hipboots in a mainstream of history and shall do a good deal of fishing in it before we come home.

Everyone is wonderfully friendly. It's hard to get used to the beggars (the census calls them self-employed), and the servants who won't let you do anything for yourself. W e live in a mausoleumlike stone house, sparingly furnished with rented furniture (mosquito netting is an essential part of the beds). W e have no Persian rugs or dancing girls, but two manservants, a cook, Oomia, and a housekeeper, Swamy (without crystal ball), who do the marketing and parley with the people who come to the door. W e get fresh milk every morning when the herdboy drives his water buffalo up to our gate (richer than cow's milkâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;good on oatmeal). Of course we have to boil the milk and all the water and take vitamin pills faithfully. And once a day we take a Hindi lesson, the family sitting around with slates like ABC scholars. The climate is mild if windy, the monsoons soft, the skyscapes beautiful. W e like it and are good for a year. Drop us a line and give us the gossip.

So long, Bill

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REVIEWS A N D RECENT PUBLICATIONS William Tecumseh Sherman and the Settlement of the West. By Robert G. Athearn. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1956, xii + 371 pp., $5.00) Here is a volume which students of Western military history will welcome as a real contribution. In readable style it describes the routine, unromantic work of the army; presents a glimpse of the Indian campaigns; and portrays the personality and professional competence of one of America's truly great soldiers, General William Tecumseh Sherman, in a little-known phase of his life.

Dr. Athearn is presently associate professor of history at the University of Colorado. Highly commendable is his selection of source material for military and Indian affairsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the National Archives' files of the War Department and Interior Department, together with the extensive collection of Sherman papers in the Library of Congress.

His numerous quotations from newspaper editorials possess less evidentiary value. The three accompanying maps materially assist understanding of the text.

Lieutenant General Sherman commanded the Division of the Missouri from 1865 to 1869. It extended from the Mississippi River to the western boundary of Utah and from Canada to Mexico, not including Texas and Louisiana. Upon the inauguration of President U. S. Grant, Sherman succeeded him as general of the army. Until his retirement in 1883 he exercised military jurisdiction over the entire United States. But his greatest interest remained in the West.

Sherman quickly sensed his major strategical and tactical objectives to be the extension of the transcontinental railroads, especially the Union Pacific. Consequently, he disposed his relatively small regular forces to guard them and the principal overland routes for emigrants. The railroads vastly increased the mobility of troops, facilitated logistical problems of supply, drove an effective wedge between the Indian tribes, and eventually replaced the ox-drawn wagon trains of the pioneers.

But in accomplishing his mission "Uncle Billy" was continually beset by exasperating oppositionâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a niggardly Congress, conniving bureaucrats from the Interior Department, demands for protection

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from governors and mayors, and howling of newspapers motivated by local interests. If the army lost a skirmish or pursuit, Westerners ridiculed it. If it won a battle, the Eastern editors, clergymen, women, and do-gooders in general claimed inhuman treatment of the poor redskins.

Sherman met this with certain characteristics derived from his Civil War experiencesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;firmness, decisiveness, self-reliance, and persistence. Moreover, he despised politicians, deeply distrusted newspaper correspondents, and detested living in official Washington.

So he remained calm and, for the most part, silent. Finally his official course of action won general approval.

The volume deals primarily with the region immediately east of the Rockies, paying scant attention to the Pacific Coast and virtually none to Nevada and Utah. As to non-military matters, the author begins his final chapter by asserting: "The settlement of the High Plains was . . . more difficult . . . than earlier frontiers." No doubt professional historians will challenge this conclusion, because by 1865 eleven states west of the Mississippi had been admitted and nine territories created by Congress. Only the area covered by the present states of Idaho, Wyoming, and Oklahoma had not yet been separately organized.

Cambridge, Massachusetts

Hamilton Gardner

The Journal of Captain John R. Bell, Official Journalist for the Stephen H. Long Expedition to the Rocky Mountains, 1820.

Edited by Harlin M. Fuller and LeRoy R. Hafen. Volume VI, The Far West and the Rockies Historical Series, 1820-1875.

(Glendale, California, The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1957, 349 pp., $9.50) The expedition to the Rocky Mountains in 1820 under the leadership of Major Stephen H. Long was a major federal government project for exploration of the Louisiana Territory. Captain Bell was designated the official chronicler of the expedition. His diary is now published in full for the first time with limited but adequate annotation by the editors, with most attention to the part that deals with the trans-Mississippi region.

Bell prepared his journal at the end of the trip from notes taken en route. He confesses a lack of preparation for the task because of a deficient education. One eloquent passage (p. 177) reveals

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a talent for writing that would have been welcome more often.

Otherwise his style is disjointed and a mild irritation is experienced when a key word is omitted or incompletely spelled. The editors could have interpolated words in brackets without detracting from their aim of presenting an exact copy of the original.

Bell's journal supplements Long's and provides corrections for some errors in geography. Bell's errors in turn are pointed out by the editors. The route of the expedition to the Rockies was "followed substantially" by the later stage coach and the present-day Union Pacific Railroad. The explorers skirted the east side of the mountain, then Bell led a detachment homeward by way of the Arkansas River while Major Long followed the Canadian.

This journal provides interesting and useful insight into the lives of the Indian folk and the vicissitudes of travel on the plains caused

by Mother Nature or the ineptness of man. Captain Bell would not have won a Boy Scout merit badge. The first night of camping under the stars was marred by breaking a hatchet in preparing firewood. Three days later he lost that most useful of articles, his coffee cup.

Information from interpreters and personal observations describes the costumes and manners of the Indians. Otto Indian chiefs were observed wearing medals bearing the likeness of Jefferson and Madison, an old diplomatic practice of the white man in dealing with the aborigines. The travelers carefully observed protocol in Indian diplomacy and boldly resisted the Indian's tendency toward "thievery."

As volume VI of the publisher's The Far West and the Rockies Historical Series 1820-1875, it will be welcomed as another item in Western Americana, and will prove serviceable to scholars in several fields of study.

Fort Gibson was established in 1824 (cf. p. 270 note).

University of New Mexico

Frank D. Reeve

Prairies & Mountain Sketches. By Matthew C. Field, edited by Kate L. Gregg and John Francis McDermott. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1957, liv + 239 pp., $4.50) In all respects, except for the end product which emerges, this might be a remarkable book. Much fine effort, talent and skilled

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collaboration of several able persons has been squandered on this work. Others, perhaps, will disagree, but this is my premise.

For Clyde and Mae Reed Porter this book resulted from their arduous following of the dim imprint of Sir William Drummond Stewart's second sporting expedition (1843) to the West (after they became aware of it during their beneficial rediscovery of the color sketches by Alfred Jacob Miller, who traveled with Sir William on his first trip in 1837). This, and the subsequent work they did on Sir William and Matthew Field's writing, represents almost an eighteen-year effort.

With a voluminous mass of raw material having thus been laboriously collected, the Porters then called on Kate L. Gregg to edit it. This she set about to do in her usual scholarly and meticulous manner, until the time of her death. Then she was succeeded by John Francis McDermott, who ably completed the manuscript task.

Before Miss Gregg's death, she had checked the news stories written by Matt Field and printed in the New Orleans Picayune and the St. Louis Reveille and had transcribed, as well, his unpublished diaries. She had nearly completed her annotations. Mr. McDermott then skillfully spliced the sketches, letters and diaries, into one continuous narrative and arranged Miss Gregg's notes in their proper order.

In his splendid introduction, John Francis McDermott not only synthesizes and interprets, but he writes so well that everything worth sayingâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;all of the meatâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;is boiled down to some twenty-two masterful pages. Aside from minutiae, supplemented but not aided materially by more detail and the flowery, wordy style of Field's writing, there is little more to be learned than what McDermott says so brilliantly in this condensation.

"Everybody went west," McDermott's introduction begins.

"Fur traders and missionaries, Santa Fe merchants and the military, emigrants to Oregon and California poured year after year over the great plains. Botanists and artists and gentlemen of leisure clung to the shirt-tails of every westward party. In the spring months of 1843 at St. Louis and Westport a new expedition under young Lieutenant John Charles Fremont outfitted for another round of exploration in the Rockies. John James Audubon, now in pursuit of the quadrupeds of North America, with a party of four waited to ascend the Missouri in tbe American Fur Company steamboat Omega. Jesuit missionaries made ready for the

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Flathead country. A thousand emigrants gathered on the frontier beyond Westport for the long pull to Oregon.

Santa Fe traders and their escort of dragoons rode out over the trail southwest. Travel was growing commonplace over the roads to the West." (Sounds mighty interesting, doesn't it?). The introduction continues: "What was newsworthy this season was the gigantic 'party of pleasure of the Rocky Mountains'—talked of for months —led by that veteran sportsman of the Rockies, Sir William Drummond Stewart, an excursion of twenty gentlemen and thirty hunters, muleteers, and camp servants with no other purpose than the fun of riding out hundreds of miles to the Wind River Mountains and the excitement of buffalo hunting."

But what was indeed newsworthy then—and it would be today —turned out to be an unusually dull affair. From May 22 to July 5—650 miles to Fort Laramie—they encountered only three meagre bands of buffalo. The "sporting tour" proved fatiguing and tedious.

There was many a time when the young men were "dull, gloomy, weary, and cheerless in the last degrees," as Field himself states.

And even when this was not true, one reads nothing of greater interest than the leaving of a three-day buffalo calf to starve, climbing a high promontory to secure snow for a cold drink of punch, the first sighting of a common prairie whirlwind, the staging of Shakespearean drama on the prairie. The text is singularly devoid of information on Sir William. All of the exciting frontier events are those recounted, second-hand, along the trail by the few frontiersmen and mountain men encountered.

It is recognized that the Old West was never as bloody or exciting as fictioneers and flamboyant writers have tried to convey.

But either Matt Field saw little of great interest, or fell flat in reporting it. It is simply not contained in his wordy writings.

Real talent and much effort went into the preparation of this book. But the end results are very, very, disappointing.

Historical Society of Montana

Michael Kennedy

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367

The Land Between; Dr. James Schiel's Account of the GunnisonBeckwith Expedition into the West, 1853-1854. By Frederick W . Bachmann and William Swilling Wallace. (Los Angeles, Westernlore Press, 1957, 162 pp., $6.00) The Schiel account of the Gunnison expedition gives a good description of the country, and differs in many respects from other reports of this tragic trek across the mountains into Utah.

The first English printing of Schiel's book was published in the biography of John William Gunnison in 1955. The translation was made by Maria Williams, a German girl employed by the Denver Public Library, and differs somewhat from the one in The Land Between. No mention of it was made by either editor; the publication announcement of The Land Between states it was the first translation of Schiel's book.

The editing of The Land Between is spotty and incomplete in the various chapters into which the book is divided. Nine footnotes appear in the Introduction; Chapter II, "Bent's Fort," has only three footnotes; Chapter VI, "The Land of Zion," has only one explanatory note; there are two Chapters IV. On page 119, the word "Ohm" should be "aam," which is an old German word equivalent to 36 to 42 wine gallons.

The odometer from the Franklin Institute, pictured on page 32 with the caption, "Odometer of the Type Used in the Pacific Railway Surveys," differs from the one in the high school museum at Grantsville, Utah, which was the one supposed to have been used by Captain Gunnison.

The placing of the seventy-one notes in the back of the book is very disconcerting to me as a reader.

This volume is a duplication; yet it may have a place in the collection of Western Americana.

Denver, Colorado

Nolie Mumey

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HISTORICAL NOTES / ^ \ N MONDAY, July 22, between the hours of 3:00 and 8:00 P.M., an ^-^ Open House was held in the building of the Utah State Historical Society at 603 East South Temple. The celebration was held in honor of the sixtieth anniversary of the founding of the Society and the formal opening of the historic old Kearns mansion in its new role as an historical center. The affair was highly successful, with upwards of one thousand people visiting, touring the building, viewing the facilities and displays, and enjoying the punch served from the silver punch bowl which once belonged to the battleship Utah.

The Society wishes to thank the many members and friends who visited on that day and contributed to the success of the occasion.

Also, the letters of encouragement and good wishes from those unable to participate were appreciated, as were the lovely bouquets of flowers presented by the Office of the Secretary of State and the Salt Lake City Chamber of Commerce.

The staff of the Society were shocked and saddened at the sudden death of one of their members, Miss Merlyn Jenson, on Sunday, June 30, 1957. Though physically fragile, Miss Jenson had managed to accomplish a great deal in her too short life. She was a graduate of the University of Utah where she had worked in the library, and she came to the Historical Society as a skilled and talented employee. In a relatively short time, she processed hundreds of pamphlets and catalogued approximately twenty-five hundred photographs, using a system of cross-references and subject headings which is proving to be effective. Her presence will long be missed.

A significant addition to the collections of the Society was the recent gift of the journals, letters, and other papers of Elias Hicks Blackburn. Dr. Blackburn, as he came to be known, was a pioneer of 1849. Although he had no formal medical education, he was in wide demand by the residents of the communities in which he lived for treatment of the sick and injured. His journal makes many references to healings, which he attributed not so much to his own ministrations, as to Divine help. The materials were presented to the Society

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by Joseph C. Blackburn, a son of the early pioneer. They have been microfilmed and thus made available to scholars, researchers, and family members for perusal and study.

In recent correspondence from Dr. Omer C. Stewart, chairman of the department of anthropology of the University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado, he stated that "Olive Burt was simply too kind" in her review of Wilson Rockwell's The Utes, A Forgotten People.

We quote: I have the painful duty to call attention to more errors in the book by Wilson Rockwell entitled The Utes, A Forgotten People, reviewed by Olive W . Burt in your July, 1957, number of the Utah Historical Quarterly. I think Mr. Rockwell has learned a great deal while trying to write a history of the Ute. Unfortunately, his background and his scholarship are too limited for him to accomplish the job he set himself to do. My main reason for writing is to suggest that people should be warned so that they will not be misinformed through the many errors in Rockwell's book. I will draw attention to just one which should have made anyone in Utah aware of the mistakes Rockwell has made. On page 255 is the statement which gives a completely false impression. Referring to the Indians from central Utah who moved into the Uintah Reservation from Spanish Fork, Utah, Rockwell says: "This band, whose members were not Utes, should not be confused with the Uintah band of Utes in North-western Colorado."

Mr. Rockwell consulted the easily available published material on the Ute of Colorado and ignored the extremely rich literature on the Ute of Utah. The fact that Mr. Rockwell and his publisher were apparently ignorant about the Ute of Utah does not change the fact that they were Ute, and should have been given equal attention if the book were in reality what it claims to be on the dust jacket: "The first published book devoted solely to an overall history of the tribe." It is regretable that the errors of Mr. Rockwell's book are so numerous that it must be judged more harmful than useful.

Sincerely yours, / s / Omer C. Stewart.

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Edward R. Tuttle, who by his hobby has become well known as a writer in the field of non-fiction and verse, has written a delightful little book entitled "The Heart of Timpanogos." It is the intriguing Indian legend, told in verse, of the great stalactitic heart found in Timpanogos Cave, American Fork Canyon, Utah. Copies of the book may be purchased from the author at his home, 231 East Eighth South, Salt Lake City, Utah.

The University of Chicago and the University of Virginia are sponsoring the publication of a new and complete edition of the papers of James Madison. The editors will appreciate information about the location of letters by or to James Madison or his wife, especially letters in private possession or among uncalendared manuscripts in the collections of public or private institutions. Please address, The Papers of James Madison, 1126 East 39th Street, Chicago 37, Illinois.

During the past year, three individuals have been welcomed to the life-membership roll of the Society. They are: Mr. John A. Spencer, Jr., and Mr. Douglas D. Alder, both of Salt Lake City, and Mr. David M. Warren of Panhandle, Texas.

Thanks are accorded the following friends and members of the Society for their gifts: Dale L. Morgan, Robert Inscore, Joseph Blackburn, Leland H. Creer, Mrs. Kate B. Carter, Mrs. H. W . Bond, M. Wilford Poulson, Cache County Chamber of Commerce, LeRoy R. Hafen, Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., Jacob Heinerman, Donald Prince, Donald P. Wyatt, Levi Edgar Young, William Mulder, Charles M. Woolf, Miss Lucile Francke, Edward R. Tuttle, Angus C. Woodbury, Thomas T. Purhaw, and the Smithsonian Institution.

I N D E X

Aikins family, 55, 64, 70, 245; in Winter Quarters, 244; traveling across plains, 248 Aikins, M r , 62, 134, 340 Aikins, Mrs, 137, 139, 145, 340 Alder Creek, 226 Alemany, Archbishop Joseph Sadoc, 225, 227, 230 Alexander, Colonel E. B , 306, 309 Allen, Captain James, 149n Allen, William C , 292 Alta, Utah, 230 Alter, J. Cecil, 191, 212 Amalgamated Sugar Company, 201 America Moves West, by Riegel, reviewed, 80 American Association for State and Local History, awards program of, 91, 92, 203, 205 The American Heritage Reader, reviewed, 78 American Mission Conference of Utah, 159 Andersen, Martin, 156 Andersen, William, "The NorwegianDanish Methodist Mission in Utah," 153-61 Anderson, Andrew S , 111 Anderson, Edithia, 64, 67 Andrews, E. D , 357 Andrews, Ophelia M , 55, 68, 133, 342, 345; addressee, 139, 241 Andrews, Phoebe, 55, 240, 351 Andrews, Samanthy H , 55, 340; addressee, 342 Andrews, Simeon, 247 Andrews, Waldo, 355, 356 Andrews, Wilson, 55; addressee, 143, 146, 237, 245, 248, 252, 254, 339, 345, 357 Andrus, Milo, with church teams, 332 Anti-Bigamy Act, 124 Archivists, see Society of American Archivists

Archives Division, see Utah State Historical Society Arizona, Mormon colonizing of, 289-92 Army for Utah, see Utah War Arrington, Leonard J , Koontz award winner, 185 Association of Protestant Churches, 112 Athearn, Robert G , "Railroad Renaissance in the Rockies," 1-26; review by, 174-76 Auerbach, Herbert S , 192, 193 Austin, Nevada, 229 Averett, George and company, 293 Averett, Mrs. Elizabeth, 294

B Babbit, Almon W , 95 Backenstos, Jacob B , 49, 70n Baldwin, L. W , 6 Ballinger, Jesse O , 292 Bancroft, Eleanor, 93 Bear Lake, Idaho, 155 Bell, Senator John, of Tennessee, quoted, 305 Benson, Charles, 112 Benton, Thomas Hart, 128 Bernhisel, John M , delegate, 117, 311, 312, 322; motion of, 121 Big Cottonwood Canyon, celebration at, 298n Bigamy, a misdemeanor, 99 Bikuben (The Beehive), 156 Bingham, Edwin R, review by, 73, 74 Bird, Elvera, see Cooley, Elvera Bird Bitton, R. Davis, "The B. H. Roberts Case of 1898-1900," 27-46 Blackburn, Elias Hicks, papers presented to Historical Society, 368 Blair, Francis P., Sr, of Maryland, 127 Blake, Father Patrick, 234 Blood, Governor Henry H , quoted, 17 Blythe, John L , Arizona settler, 290, 291 Bourin, Father Honore, 230

372

INDEX

Bowdle, J. R, 107, 111 Bowling Green, 58 Brandreths Pills, 64, 143 Brannan, Samuel, 57, 59, 141, 239n, 253 Breckinridge, John C , Democratic candidate for vice-president, 126 Breen, Patrick, 226 Brendan, the navigator, 223 Brigham City, Utah, Norwegian Methodists in, 155; Scandinavian congregations in, 158 "Brigham Young" (train), 11 Brigham Young, by Burt, reviewed, 80 Brimhall, Mrs, 62, 134, 137, 145, 239, 250, 350 Brinton, Valeria, see Young, Valeria Brinton "Broken Hand," see Fitzpatrick, Thomas Brooklyn (ship), 54, 239, 340 Brooks, Juanita, biography of, 193-95; "Lee's Ferry at Lonely Dell," 283-95; picture of, 218 Brooks, William, 194 Brown, James S, 291 Brown, Susan, see Swensen, Susan Brown Browning, Clarissa Haskell, 62n Buchanan, President James, 95, 126, 129, 297, 305n Buchman, Louis, biography of, 195, 196; picture of, 218 Bunker, Edward, 288 Burt, Olive W , reviews by, 176, 177, 270, 271 Buss, Mr, 62, 134; family of, 64 Buss, Mrs, 134 Butler, Jacob and company, 295 Butte, Montana, in "mining circuit," 232 Cache County, Utah, activity of Constitutional Convention delegates from, 114 Cache Valley Centennial, award of merit for, 91 Caine, John T , 191, 193 California and the Southwest, Zierer, ed, reviewed, 79 California Star, printing of, 239n

Camp Douglas, Utah, 97, 228 Camp Floyd, Utah, 226 Camp of Israel, letter dated from, 146, 237 Camp Scott, army headquarters at, 313 Cannon, George M , 112, 113 Cannon, George Q., quoted, 35, 42 Carrington, Albert, quoted, 298, 302-4, 312 Carthage jail, 47, 50 Castle Gardens, New York, 58, 321, 322 Catholic church, bishop for Utah, 229; population of, 222, 232; western expansion of, 224 The Cattle Drives of David Shirk, Schmidt, e d , reviewed, 79, 80 Caughey, John W , review by, 71-73 Caves, in Great Salt Lake Valley, 251 Chamberlin, Ralph V , article by, 203 Channing, Edward, 207 Chavez, Dennis, 14 Cherry Creek, Colorado, 227 Chicago Tribune, quoted, 131 Chidester, John F , 111 "Chili line," 14 Christensen, Mary Lee Creer, 197 Christian Advocate, 153 Christiansen, Mrs. C , 294 Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, disincorporated, 28; doctrine of, 347, 348; early branches of, 323; seventies, 58; see also Mormons Church team system, 324, 325, 332, 335, 346 Civil War, attitude of Mormons toward, 96 Clark, Mrs, 59, 142, 145; death of, 239 Clark, Hiram (Hyrum), 239, 248, 250, 295, 343 Clawson, Spencer, 191, 193 Clay, Cassius, 5 Clear Creek, Utah, gas field in, 203 Cleveland Plain Dealer, 125n Cleveland, President Grover, 29, 100, 116 Clyde, Governor George D , mention, 186, 279 Colfax, Schuyler, 123

INDEX

Colorado Conference; see Methodist Episcopal Church Colorado National Bank, 4 Colorado River, 283; exploration of, 284; ferry boat for, 285, 287-89; Marble Canyon bridge over, 283, 292 Congregational Association of Utah, resolution of, 34 Connor, Colonel Patrick Edward, 97, 228 Constitutional Conventions, memorial to Congress, 124; see also Ivins, "A Constitution for Utah," 95-116 Cooke, Colonel Philip St. George, 309, 310 Cooley, Elvera Bird, 211 Cooley, Everett L, activities of, 279; biography of, 210; picture of, 218 Cooley, Henry W , 210 Cooley, Laura Finlayson, 210 Coray, L. L, 113 Council Bluffs, Iowa, 148 Croten, Aqueduct, 58n Creer, Leland Hargrave, biography of, 196, 197; picture of, 218; publications by, 197 Creer, Leland Morrison, 197 Creer, Mary Jones, 196 Creer, Mary Lee, see Christensen, Mary Lee Creer Creer, Thomas O , 196 Creer, Verona Morrison, 197 Creer, William, 107 Creighton, Edward, 227 Cripple Creek, Colorado, 232 Crocket, David, 113 Crosby, Jonathan, 250 "Crossing of the Fathers," 283 Cumming, Governor Alfred, 95, 297, 298n; arrival in Salt Lake City, 313; peace proclamation of, 316

D

Dall, Jones & Mattice, 295 Daly, Marcus, 230, 234 Daly mine, 234 "David Moffat" (train), 11 Davidson, Helen, see Toronto, Helen Davidson

373

Davis County, Utah, activity of Constitutional Convention delegates from, 114 Davis, Iris, 280 Dawes, Charles G, 2, 16 Dayton, William L, vice-presidential nominee, 127 De Armond, David A , 38, 44 Democratic party, 28, 29, 100, 123, 129, 131 Democratic Press, 125n Den Christelige Talsmand, 153-59 Den Danske Pioneer, 154 Denver Post, quoted, 16 Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad, 1-26; centralized traffic control, 12; conversion to diesel power, 11, 12; "off-track" maintenance, 12; research laboratory, 13; revenues, 10, 16-18; utilization of single track, 12 Denver and Salt Lake Railroad (Moffat), 2, 5, 6, 22 Deseret News, 33, 51; lists of immigrants, 335; quoted, 30, 97, 314, 317; quoting otheT papers, 311, 312; removal of, 315; reports on the "Utah War," 297-318 Dibble, Celia, 43 Dillon, John, 233 Dodds, Captain, report of, 286 Dominguez, Fray Francisco Antanasio, 225 Donner party, 226 Dotsero Cut-off, 3-5 Douglas, Stephen A , 49, 119, 121, 303, 304 Drummond, Judge W. W , 300 Duncan, H , with church teams, 332 Dundas, William H , 2nd assistant postmaster general, 299 Dunne, Judge E. F , 233 Dwyer, Bishop Robert J, "The Irish in the Building of the Intermountain West," 221-35 Echo Canyon, Utah, fortifications at, 308 Edmunds-Tucker law, 28, 40; enacted, 99

374

INDEX

Education, debates on, 108 Egan, Emma B. Sullivan, 198 Egan, George F , biography of, 198, 199; picture of, 218 Egan, Mary Elizabeth Reid, 198 Egan, Thomas A , 198 Eicknor, Dennis C , 113 Eldredge, Alma, 33, 113 Ellsworth, S. George, mention, 92; quoted, 278 Elsinore, Utah, Scandinavian congregations in, 158 Emergency Relief Administration, 194 Emerton, Ephraim, 207 Emigration, from Utah to Arizona, 283; individuals subject to frauds, 322; organization of companies, 327; supplies of companies, 147; see also Mormon emigration companies Emigration Canyon, Utah, 243n Empey, William, 323 Enabling Act, 41 Endowments, 61, 65 Ephraim, Utah, 155, 156 Episcopal sees, 224 Escalante, Father Silvester Valez de, 225, 283 Eureka, Utah, in "mining circuit," 232 Evans, David, 110, 111, 113; motion of, 101; quoted, 105 Evans, John, 6, 7, 23, 24; picture of, 1; quoted, 20, 21

Fabulous Farmer, by Holmes and Bailey, reviewed, 81 Farley, David, 294 Farr, Lorin, 55, 62, 101, 142, 148; mission to Vermont, 252; quoted, 108 The Far Western Frontier, by Billington, reviewed, 264, 265 Felt, Etta, see Toronto, Etta Felt Fenian Brotherhood, organized in Utah, 231 The Fighting Cheyennes, by Grinnell, reviewed, 177-79 Finlayson, Laura, see Cooley, Laura Finlayson First National Bank of Denver, 7

First Norwegian Methodist Church, of Salt Lake City, 154 Fish, Sarah, see Smith, Sarah Fish Fitch, Senator Thomas, 98 Fitzpatrick, Thomas ("Broken Hand"), 225, 233 Fleming, Mrs, 62, 134 Florence, Nebraska (Winter Quarters), 320 Foltz, Clara, 115 Ford, Governor Thomas, 50 Fort Bridger, Wyoming, burned, 309; purchased by Mormons, 35 In Fort Douglas, Utah, 230 Fort Hall, Idaho, 255, 309 Fort Supply, burned, 309 Foster, Warren, Populist candidate, 34, 35 Fountain Green, Utah, 155 Franklin, Peter A. H , 154, 155, 157, 158 Freeman, William R , president of the Moffat line, 4 Freeman, W. and company, 293 Freer, Romeo H , 38 Fremont, John Charles, 131; nominated for president, 127 Fuller, Frank, representative to Congress, 98 Fullmer, John S , 324 The Fur Hunters of the Far West, by Ross, reviewed, 73, 74

Gallagher, Father Joseph, 227 Galligan, Father Thomas, 234 Gardner, Hamilton, review by, 362, 363 Garner, D. E , 293 "Gathering," 134 Geneva Steel Plant, 23 Ghosts of the Glory Trail, by Murbarger, reviewed, 176, 177 The Ghost Towns of Wyoming, by Pence and Homsher, reviewed, 268, 269 Giddings, Joshua R , of Ohio, quoted, 122, 127 Gittins, Professor Alvin, 184 Gold, discovery of, 249, 253

INDEX Gold rushers, 253-255 Gold Field, in "mining circuit," 232 Gove, Jesse, 226 Goodwin, C. C , 107, 110, 111, 113; amendment offered, 111; editor of Salt Lake Tribune, 100 Goodyear, Miles, 246n Grant, Jedediah M , 58 Great Salt Lake, 243, 244 Great Salt Lake City, celebration of first harvest in, 246; collection of maps of, 215; companies on way to, 246; description of, 252; description of old fort, 241, 242n, 248; first stores in, 250, 255; food raised in, 245, 246; horse trading with Spaniards in, 246; Indians in, 247, 250; letters dated at, 241, 245, 252, 254, 339, 342, 347, 355; mail service at, 249n, 252, 342; prices of goods in, 256; products in, 249, 250; tabernacle in, 348; temple building in, 335, 354; see also Salt Lake City Great Salt Lake Valley, caves in, 251; description of, 244, 340; gold rushers in, 340; native trees in, 244; produce of, 340; springs in, 251, 354 Green, J. A , 293 Groesbeck, Elizabeth, 202 Groesbeck, Helen M , see Morgan, Helen M. Groesbeck, Nicholas, 202

H Haagensen, Andrew, 154, 155, 157 Hafen, Le Roy R , mention, 280 Hafen, Mary, see Leavitt, Mary Hafen Haight, H. D , with church teams, 332 Haight, Isaac C , assistant in road building company, 288 Halloran, Luke, 226 Hamblin, Jacob, 284, 287, 294 Hammond, F. A , 108, 110, 113 Hammond, John Hays, 196 Handcart companies, aid for, 334; greeting of, 335; scale for loads, 326 Hanks, Ephraim K , 292 Hardin, Colonel, 49 Harnden &. Company, 59 Harney, Brevet-Brigadier W. S , 298

375

Harris, M r , 64, 239 Harris, Mrs, 145 Harper's Weekly, 304n; quoted, 316 Hart, Albert Bushnell, 207 Hart, Charles H , 107, 108, 113; quoted, 105 Hascall, spellings of, 53n "Hascall-Pomeroy Correspondence," see "Letters of a Proselyte" Hascall (Haskell), Ashbel Green, 54, 59, 60; addressee, 138, 340; death of, 257; in California, 246, 248 Hascall (Haskell), Augustus, 344, 356 Hascall (Haskell), Catherine, see Woodbury, Catherine Hascall Hascall (Haskell), Irene, see Pomeroy, Irene Hascall Hascall (Haskell), Thales Hastings, 54, 58, 59n, 65, 135, 136, 142, 143, 149, 237, 241, 242, 247, 251, 341, 343, 346 Hascall (Haskell), Ursulia B. Hastings, 53, 54, 57, 65; addressee, 133, 141; letter by, 146-51, 245-47, 252-54, 257, 339-42, 345-47, 347-51 Haskell (Hascall), Benjamin, 59n Haskell (Hascall), Jacob, 59n Haskell (Hascall), Jonathan, 59n Haskell (Hascall), Rebecca, 59n Haskell (Hascall), Sally, 59n Haskell (Hascall), Samuel, 59n Hastings, Phoebe Page, 59 Hatch, Ira, 291, 294 Hats, braiding of, 63, 66, 67, 137 Heath, James, 287 "Heber C. Kimball" (train), 11 Heckner, Christian Jorgen, 158 Helgesen, Bessie, teacher, 157 Henry E. Huntington Library, 194 Historical Records Survey, 194 The History of a Valleyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Cache Valley, Ricks, e d , reviewed, 76, 77 Hoar, Ebenezer Rockwood, 127 Hodge, Frederick Webb, 93 Holladay, J. D , 111 Hooper, William H , 98, 232 Hoover, Herbert, 196 The Hopi Indians, by James, reviewed, 179, 180 Home, Flora Bean, 192

376

INDEX

House Rock Valley, 289 Hughes, Archbishop John, 223 Hunter, Milton R, article by, 207-9 Hyde, Orson, 64, 327n

Iliff Church, 154 Indians, 242; baptised by Joseph Smith, 151; books on reviewed, 177-81; depredations, 348, 350, 351; depredations at Provo (Utah City), 255; living with families, 247; Navajos, 285; treatment of, 256; use of Lee's ferry, 293 Inscore, Robert, 280 Interstate Commerce Commission, 3, 4, 19-21, 23; Senate Committee of, 14 Iowa City, Iowa, Mormon outfitting center, 320 Ireland, Archbishop John, 224 Irrigation, at Lonely Dell, 285 Irish, in America, 221-35; surplus of labor, 224; in ranks of Johnston's Army, 226; mining activities of, 225; "mining circuit," 232 "Is It One World," letter by Mulder, 359-61 Ivers, James, 234 Ivins, A. W , motion of, 102, 103, 109, 111 Ivins, Stanley S, "A Constitution for Utah," 95-116 Jackson, William Henry, 172 Jackling, Daniel C, 196 James, John, Jr., 212; librarian, 279 James, William F, 113, 207 Jensen, Charles and company, 294 Jenson, Andrew, 191, 193 Jenson, Merlyn, 279; death of, 368 Jim Savage and the Tularena Indians,

by Mitchell, reviewed, 272, 273 "John Evans" (train), 11 Johnsen, H , 157 Johnson, Aaron, company of, 336 Johnson, Senator Edward, 14

Johnson, Warren M, operating ferry, 291; purchased ferry, 292; account books of, 293 Johnston's Army, see Utah War Johnston, General Albert Sidney, 298; ordered retreat, 310 Jolley, J. L, 113 Jones, Mary, see Creer, Mary Jones Jordan River, Utah, 244, 340 Joseph Reddeford Walker and the Arizona Adventure, by Connor, Berthrong and Davenport, eds, reviewed, 265, 266 The Journal of Captain John R. Bell,

by Fuller and Hafen, reviewed, 363, 364 The Journal of Lt. Thomas W. Sweeney, Woodward, ed, reviewed, 78 Judge, John, 234 Judges, salaries of, 107

K Kanab, Utah, 284 Kane, Colonel Thomas L, arbitrator, 313 Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 121, 123; Utah precedent for, 120 Kearns, Jennie Judge Wilson (Mrs. Thomas), 218, 234; picture of, 218 Kearns, Margaret Maher, 233 Kearns, Thomas, 111, 112; biography of, 233-35; in constitutional convention, 234; motion of, 107; picture of, 218 Kearns Corporation, 198 Kearns Mansion, 235 Keams-St. Ann's Orphanage, 234 Keith, David, 234 Keith, Lawrence M, 121 Kelly, Reverend Edward, 229, 230 Kennecott Copper Corporation, 195 Kennedy, Michael, review by, 364-66 Kerr, W. J, 109, 110, 112; attitude toward high school, 108; head of Brigham Young College, 100 Kiesel, F. J, 106 Kimball, Heber C, 50, 137, 147; quoted, 301, 302 Kimball, James N , 102

377

INDEX Kimball, Hiram, mail contract cancelled, 298-300 Kingsbury, Joseph T , 191, 193 Kinsman, 30 Knight, Governor Goodwin J, 186 KTVT, television station, 91

Labor and arbitration, 111 Lake, George, 292 Lamy, John Baptist, Bishop of Santa Fe, 227 Lanham, Samuel W , 38 The Land Between; Dr. James Schiel's Account of the Gunnison-Beckwith Expedition, by Backman and Wallace, reviewed, 367 Landis, Charles B , 38 Lannan, Colonel Patrick H , 234 Larsen, C. P , 104 Latter Day Saints' Millennial Star, 319-17; editor of, 28; quoted, 95 Leadville, Colorado, 232 Leatherwood, Ohleen, 280 Leavitt, Dudley Henry, 193 Leavitt, Mary Hafen, 193 Lee, Emma (Mrs. John D.), 283; alone at the Dell, 291; birth of child to, 284; settled in Arizona, 292 Lee, Frances Dell, born, 285 Lee, John D , 283-95; arrest of, 291; conviction and execution of, 292; in penitentiary, 291; meeting with President Young, 290 Lee, Governor J. Bracken, 187 Lee, Rachel (Mrs. John D.), 285 Lee's Ferry, at Lonely Dell, 283-95 Legislature, Thirty-Second Session recorded, 185 "Letters of a Proselyte, the HascallPomeroy Correspondence," 53-70, 133-51, 237-57, 339-57 Lewis, T. B , territorial commissioner of education, 100, 112 Lewis, Bishop Tarleton, 336 Liberal party, 28, 100, 231 Lima, Illinois, 69 Lindgren, Raymond E , 280 Linford, Ernest H , review by, 75, 76

Little Colorado River, 292 Little, James A , letter of, 325 Littlefield, Charles E , 38, 44 Lonely Dell, naming of, 283 Lootens, Louis, Belgian priest, 229 Lucifer's Lantern, 30, 38 Lund, Apostle, 42 Lundegaard, C. J, 160

M Mabey, Afton Rampton, 199 Mabey, Charles R, 186; biography of, 199, 200; picture of, 218; writings of, 200 Mabey, Joseph Thomas, 199 Mabey, Sarah Tolman, 199 Machebeuf, Bishop Joseph, 227, 229, 230 Mackintosh, Richard, 104 Macklprang, Julius, 295 Maeser, Karl G , 100, 112; attitude toward high schools, 108, 109 Mail service, 249, 252, 353 Manifesto, 28; issued, 100 Manogue, Patrick, 230 Manti, Utah, 156 Marble Canyon bridge, 283, 292 Mork, Emil E , 159 Marott, Arthur, 293 Marry Me, Carry Me, by Kennelly, reviewed, 79 Maude Adams, by Robbins, reviewed, 81 McCarthy, Wilson, 1, 2, 5-10, 12, 18, 25; picture of, 1; quoted, 15 McCrea, Beatrice O'Connor, 201 McCrea, Bruce, 201 McCrea, Judy, 201 McCrea, Patricia, 201 McCrea, William Barclay, 202 McCrea, William F , biography of, 201, 202; picture of, 218 McCrea, Judge William M , 201 McCulloch, Major Ben, peace commissioner for Utah, 315 McGroarty, William, 231 McKay, Katherine, see Ricks, Katherine McKay

378

INDEX

McKenzie, Thomas, 323 McPherson, Smith, 38 McRae, Thomas C , 36 Men To Match My Mountains, by Stone, reviewed, 174, 175 The Messenger, 239n Methodist Episcopal church, 154, 156, 159 Mexican War, 149 Miege, Bishop John Baptist, 227 Miers, Robert W , 38 Miles, Carrie Owen, 294 Miles, John, arrested for polygamy, 293 Miller, David E , 92; review by, 76, 77 Miller, Reverend George P , 100, 112; quoted, 106 Mining, in the West, 224-35, 249, 253, 286 Ministerial Association, petition of, 35, 37 Mississippi River, 61, 64; description of boat travel on, 143, 144; steamboating on, 139, 145 Missouri Compromise, in relation to Utah, 119, 120 Missouri Pacific Railroad, 19 Missouri Republican, 303 Moenavi, see Moenkopi Moenkopi (Moenavi), 289 Moffat Railroad, see Denver and Salt Lake Railroad Moffat Tunnel, 3 Molasses, mills for making of, 250 Morgan Commercial College and Normal School, 202 Morgan, Dale L , 214; article by, 193-95; review by, 265, 266 Morgan, Helen M. Groesbeck, 202 Morgan, John, 202 Morgan, Nicholas G , Sr, 93; articles by, 195, 196, 214-16; biography of, 202, 203; library, 214; picture of, 218 Morley, Isaac, 48 Morley Settlement, 48, 69n The Mormon, quoted, 125, 126, 128 Mormon Battalion, gold discovered by members, 249; organized, 149

Mormon emigration companies, 60, 145; aid from Utah for, 333-35; camp of, 148; discipline of, 331-33; disposition throughout territory, 335, 336; equipment of, 147; illness and deaths in, 151, 330n; leadership of, 332; organization of, 327-29; outfitting centers, 324; pioneer company, 319; routes and systems of travel, 320, 322-24 Mormons, attitude toward Civil War, 96, toward the government, 63, 68, toward slavery, 126; cancelling of mail contract with, 298-300; colonizing of Arizona, 289-92; doctrine of, 254, 256, 352, 354; Methodist missionary work among, 153-61; peculiarities rehearsed in Congress, 118; persecution complex of, 318, 339; persecution of, 69, 70, 299; political influence of, 119n; political repercussions of, 123; proselyting of, 153; relations with Indians, 66; Scandinavian emigration of, 153; temple building of, 61, 63, 138, 164, 335, 354; treatment of Gentiles, 317 Moroni, Utah, Scandinavian congregations in, 158 Morrill, Representative Justin S , 130 Morris, Robert P., 38 Morrison, Verona, see Creer, Verona Morrison Mortensen, A. R, 91, 93, 185, 212; activities of, 279; appointed director of Society, 192; biography of, 209, 210; editorial by, 189, 190; "A Local Paper Reports on the Utah War," 297-318; picture of, 218; publications of, 210; review by, 271, 272 Mortensen, Florence Page, 210 Mount Pleasant, Utah, 155; Scandinavian congregations in, 158 Mount Pisgah, 150 Moyle, James H , 29, 30; nomination of B. H. Roberts, 31 Mulder, William, Fulbright scholarship, 281; letter of, 359-61; review by, 264, 265 Mumey, Nolie, review by, 367 Munson Street, in Nauvoo, 60 Murbarger, Nell, review by, 268, 269 Murdock, J. R, with church teams, 332 Murdock, Sister (Sally Stacy), 239, 253

INDEX

N Nanthrup, Emmanuel L , 160 National Bureau of Catholic colonization, 233 Nauvoo House, 61 Nauvoo, Illinois, 70, 319; description of, 60, 67, 69; foodstuffs in, 67, 145; letters postmarked at, 133, 136, 138, 139, 141, 143; plans for removal of Saints from, 138, 139; provisions in, 65, 66; sheriff of, 136; temperature in, 64; temple building in, 138 Nauvoo Legion, 49, 136, 255; uniforms of, 341 Nauvoo Neighbor, 68n Nauvoo Temple, 61; building of, 138; endowments in, 140; purchase of canvas for outer court of, 64; work on, 63 The Navajos, by Underhill, reviewed, 180 Nebeker, Acquila, quoted, 110 Nelson, Martinus, 154-57 Narratives of Exploration and Adventure, by Fremont, Nevins, e d , reviewed, 173, 174 New Salem, Massachusetts, 54, 55, 61, 62 New York Herald, 130; quoted, 125, 311 New York Messenger (The Prophet), 57, 68, 239n New York Times, quoted, 125 New York Tribune, quoted, 311 Newspaper Agency Corporation, 198 Noall, Claire, "The Plains of Warsaw," 47-51; review by, 269, 270 Norwegian-Danish Conference, 154 Norwegian-Danish publications, 158

o O'Connor, Beatrice, see McCrea, Beatrice O'Connor O'Connell, Right Reverend Eugene, 229, 230 Ogleby, George, 293 Ohio Columbian, quoted, 125 The Old West Speaks, by Driggs, reviewed, 171, 172 Omaha, Nebraska (Winter Quarters), 148, 149, 237, 240, 319

379

O'Neill, Nebraska, 233 Ophir, Utah, 230 Orcutt, M r , 135, 140, 150, 239, 251, 351 Orcutt, Mrs, 135 Overland travel, 146-49, 242, 243, 319-37; difficulties of, 329-31; foods of, 147, 148

Page, Florence, see Mortensen, Florence Page Park City, Utah, 232, 234 Park, John R , 202 Parley's Park, 230 Paradox Valley, Utah, development of oil and gas resources of, 203 Paria River, floods of, 285; mouth of, 283 Partridge, Edward, 113 Patriarchal blessings, 66 Patrick, M r , 339 People's party, 28; dissolved, 100 Perpetual Emigrating Fund, 324; companies scale for loads, 326; greeting of first company of, 335; immigrants to Iron County, 336 Peterson, Mons, 110 Phelps, Wolcott, 226 Philadelphia Portage and Canal System, 59n Philips, Albert F , 191, 193 Pierce, President Franklin, 121; appointment of non-Mormon governor, 123 Pioneer Atlas of the American West, Morgan, ed, reviewed, 271, 272 Pioneer Company, of 1847, 319; organization of, 327 Platte River, Mormon trail along, 319 Plenary Council, second meeting of bishops, 228 Plural marriage, see Polygamy Polk, President, 239 Poll, Richard D , "The Mormon Question Enters National Politics, 1850-56," 117-31; article by, 205, 206 Polygamy (plural marriage), 42, 117-31; crux of dispute in Utah War, 316; doctrine of, 95; legislation against,

380

INDEX

121; misdemeanor, 99; officially announced, 118; renounced, 158; troubles over, 287 Pomeroy, Anna (Indian child), 345, 355 Pomeroy, Elijah Hascall, 339, 344, 349 Pomeroy, Eugenia Francelle, 140, 141, 149, 240, 255, 339, 341, 343, 349, 355, 356; birth of, 133 Pomeroy, Francis Ashbel, 344, 349 Pomeroy, Francis M , 54, 62, 64, 135, 137, 149, 241, 248, 251, 341, 343; member of first party to enter Salt Lake Valley, 237n, 238; mission to California, 255; steamboating on river, 139, 141, 145; stock owned by, 247; trading with Spaniards, 246 Pomeroy, Frank, 60 Pomeroy, Irene Hascall, 53, 54, 133, 149, 252, 344, 355; letters of, 57-70, 134-42, 241-45, 248-52, 342-44, 352, 353-55 Pomeroy, Irene Ophelia, 355 Pomeroy, James, 67 Pomeroy, John Hascall, 349 Pomeroy, Roselle, 60 Pond, Elizabeth, 238, 244, 245, 253 Pond, Loenza, 238, 244, 245; death of, 350 Pond, Lowell, death of, 239 Pond, Stillman, 55, 60, 63, 134, 145, 150, 151, 250; birth of son, 344; deaths in family of, 245; family of, 55, 70, 238; helping Saints over the river, 145; ill health of, 239; married, 253 Pond, Mrs, 62, 64, 66, 133, 134, 137, 138; illness of, 239 Popular sovereignty, 117, 122-25, 305 Powell, Governor, of Kentucky, peace commissioner, 315 Powell, Major John Wesley, 283; boats of, 286; party, 284, 286 Prairies and Mountain Sketches, by Field, reviewed, 364-66 Pratt, Addison, 250n Pratt, Harry Edward, 93 Pratt, Orson, 61, 325; school of, 343 Pratt, Parley P , editor, 57 Presbytery of Utah, 30, 34 Presidential amnesties, 41

Presidents of Utah Historical Society, 193 Preston, William B , 100 Price, Isaac, 351 The Pride of the West (boat), 143 Prohibition, 112, 113 The Prophet, see New York Messengei "Prospector" (train), 11 Pulsipher, Leonard Ernest, 194 Powers, H. Henry, of Vermont, quoted, 46 Powers, Judge O. W , 28 Public debt, article in Constitution on, 111 Pyeatt, J. Samuel, 4, 6

Q "Queen of the Comstock," see St. Mary-in-the-Moun tains Quincy, Illinois, 47, 48, 51

R Railroads, completion of transcontinental, 228; increase in revenue, 19; see also Athearn, "Railroad Renaissance," 1-26 Raleigh, Alonzo H , 114, 115 Rampton, Afton, see Mabey, Afton Rampton Raverdy, Father John, 229 Rawlins, Joseph L , 30, 98; introduced statehood bill, 100 Ray, Able, 294 Reconstruction Finance Corporation, 1, 2, 4-6, 8, 19, 20 Reed, Justice Stanley, 24 Reeve, Frank D , review by, 363, 364 Reid, Mary Elizabeth, see Egan, Mary Elizabeth Reid Republican papers, anti-Mormon attitude, 125 Republican party, 29, 100, 120, 126, 130; platform of, 117, 123, 127, 304 Rich, Charles Coulson, mission to California of, 255 Richards, Franklin D , 191, 193, 323 Richards, Franklin S, 110, 113 Richards, S. F , 42

INDEX Richards, Willard, 49-51, 151 Richardson, James D , 36, 37 Richfield, Utah, Methodist camp meetings in, 158 Ricks, Joel Edward, 191-93; biography of, 203, 204; picture of, 218; "The President's Report," 259-63 Rio Grande Motorways, Inc., 15 Rio Grande Railroad, see Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Riter, Anna Elizabeth, see Young, Anna Elizabeth Riter Road building, 287, 288 Roberts, Brigham H , 100, 102, 110, 112, 113; arguments of, 103-6; editor, 28; eligibility for office of, 40; majority and minority reports on, 43, 44, 46; motion of, 111; quoted, 44, 45, 105; special committee on, 38 Rock Valley, 257 Rockwell, Orrin Porter, 49, 239n, 298 Rolle, Andrew F , mention, 280; review by, 173, 174 Rollins, George W , review by, 177, 178 Rollins Pass, 3 Roundy and Ingram, 293 Roundy, Lorenzo W , 287 Roundy, S , with church teams, 332 Ru/us B. Sage, His Letters and Papers, Hafen & Hafen, eds, reviewed, 71-73 "Runaway justices," 118 Russel & Company, 301 Russell, Mrs, 59, 145, 247 Ryan, Hugh, 192, 193

Sacramento Age, quoted, 311 St. Brigid, 225 St. Bridget, 225 St. Louis-San Francisco Railroad, 19 St. Mary's Cathedral, dedication of, 235 St. Mary-of-the-Assumption, 234 St. Mary-in-the-Mountains ("Queen of the Comstock"), 228 Saints of Sage and Saddle, Folklore Among the Mormons, by Fife & Fife, reviewed, 266-68 Salt Lake City, Utah, evacuation of, 314, 316n, 317; Scandinavian

381

congregations in, 158; see also Great Salt Lake City Salt Lake County, activity of convention delegates, 114 Salt Lake Daily Herald, quoted, 31, 33 Salt Lake Telegram, 201 Salt Lake Tribune, 100, 198, 234; quoted, 31-35, 113 Salt Lake Valley, settlement of, 226 Saleratus, 137n San Francisco, California, (Yerba Buena), 239n San Francisco Mountains, 288 Santaquin, Utah, Scandinavian congregations in, 158 Saugstad, Lisa M , 155 Scandinavian Methodist camp meetings, 158 Scanlan, Bishop Lawrence, 230-32, 235 Schroeder, A. T , 30, 40, 42, 43 Schumaker, Thomas M , 6 Schwartz, Harry H , 14 Scott, General Winfield, 297 Seegmiller, Frank K , 191 Sessions, Chester, 293 Seward, Senator William H , quoted, 120, 124, 126 Sharp, Thomas C , 47, 48, 51 Shipp, Dr. Margaret, mention, 43 Shipstead, Henrik, 14 Silver King mine, 234 Simmons, Elder, 250 Sinclair, Marguerite, 192, 212 Skeeks, Ben, quoted, 98 Smith, Calvin, 142, 245, 250, 253 Smith, Colonel C. F , 309 Smith, Elias, 298n, 301 Smith, Eliza, 239 Smith, George Albert, 124, 290 Smith, Hyrum, 146 Smith, John Henry, 33, 100; president of convention, 101; quoted, 107 Smith, Joseph, Jr., 47, 50, 61, 256; burial of, 146; prophecies of, 95, 96, 139, 304 Smith, President Joseph F , 29, 42 Smith, Major Lot, 292, 309 Smith, Louisa, 27 Smith, Sarah Fish, 142

382

INDEX

Smith, Senator Truman, 121 Smith, Uncle Tommy, 287 Smith, William, 62 Smoot, Abraham O , 298, 300 Snow, Edward H , 107, 111 Snow, Apostle Erastus, quoted, 99 Snow, Lorenzo, 42 Snow, William J , 192, 193 So Far From Spring, by Curry, reviewed, 75, 76 Society of American Archivists, meeting of, 92 Soda Springs, Idaho, 309 Sorensen, Virginia, awarded Newberry Medal, 185 Sorensen, Horace A , 92 Southern Pacific Railroad, 19 Southern Vineyard, 314 Spalding, Bishop John Lancaster, 224 Spanish Fork, Utah, Methodist mission in, 157; Scandinavian congregation in, 158 Spencer, Emily, 294 Springs, hot mineral, 251, 354 "Squatter sovereignty," 129 Squires, George B , 113 Staalberg, Nielsen, 157 Stacy, Sally, see Murdock, Sister Staines, William C , 323 Stanton, Benjamin, of Ohio, 124 State Archives, creation of, 192 State universities, debates on consolidation of, 109, 110 State of Deseret, bid for statehood rejected, 117; constitution for, 95, 97 Stenhouse, T. B. H , quoted, 310 Stewart, James A , 124 Stewart, Omer C , quoted, 369, review by, 180 Steptoe, Lt. Col. E. J, 123 Stites, Helena B , 279 Stoddard, Judson, 298 Stores, first, 250, 255n Stout, Hosea, journals of, 187 Strevell, C. N. 112 Strickler, Beulah, see Swensen, Beulah Strickler Sturges, Philip C , article by, 196, 197

Sullivan, Emma B , see Egan, Emma B. Sullivan, 198 Sullivan, W. W , 8 Sumner, Senator Charles, quoted, 120, 128 Summerhays, Dorothy, 280 Swan, Henry, 1, 2, 6-9, 12, 13, 18, 24, 25; picture of, 1 Swensen, Ann, 205 Swensen, Beulah Strickler, 205 Swensen, Laird, 205 Swensen, Russel B , biography of, 205, 206; picture of, 218; review by, 171, 172 Swensen, Shauna, 205 Swensen, Susan Brown, 205 Swensen, Swen L , 205 Symes, Judge J. Foster, 6, 7, 9, 11, 16, 19, 25; picture of, 1; quoted, 20-23

Talmage, James E , 191, 193 Taylor, John, 98, 124, 128, 305 Taylor, Robert W , 36-38, 43 Taylor, Philip A. M , "The Mormon Crossing of the United States, 1840-1870," 319-37 Telegraph, transcontinental, mapping of, 227 Temples, Mormon, 61, 65, 67, 335, 354 Tenney, Ammon M , 291 Tennessee Pass, 12, 14 Thatcher, Apostle Moses, 29, 100, 110, 112 Theses at USAC, a checklist of, 163-69 Thorn, Abigail, 253 Thorne, Joseph E , 114 Thurman, S. R, 103, 108, 110, 112, 113 Timpanogos Lake, see Utah Lake Times and Seasons, 68n Tintic, Utah, 233 Tithing, 61; office for, 335, 336 Tocotaw, Indian runner, 287 Tolman, Sarah, see Mabey, Sarah Tolman Tombstone, Arizona, 233 Tonopah, Nevada, 232 Tooele, Utah, 230

383

INDEX Toronto, Albert, 206 Toronto, Etta Felt, 206 Toronto, Helen Davidson, 206 Toronto, Lamont Felt, biography of, 206, 207; mention, 184; picture of, 218 Tracy, Albert, 226 Trumbull, Senator Lyman, 130 Tuba, Chief, 289 Tuohy, Dennis, 232 Twelve Apostles, 48; proclamation of, 135 "Twin relics of barbarism," use of term, 117, 127, 128, 130, 131, 304 Tyler, Mrs, 294

u Union Catalog, of Mormons and Mormonism, 214 Union Square, camping of immigrants at, 335 United States District Court, 5 Unlawful cohabitation, 28, 37, 42 Utah Commission, 41 Utah Copper Company, 195 Utah Expedition, see Utah War Utah's Health and You, by Morrell, reviewed, 269, 270 Utah Lake (Timpanogos Lake), 243n "Utah, The Mormons and the West: A Bibliography," theses at USAC, 163-69 Utah, peace commissioners for, 315; recordings of legislature, 185 Utah State Historical Society, annual meetings of, 278; archivist of, 210, 211; archives, 216-18; Board of Trustees, 193-209; Cache Valley chapter of, 91, 92, 281; director of, 209, 210; legislation pertaining to, 279; library of, 211-16; open house of, 368; pictures of, 218; President's Report, 259-63; presidents of, 191-93; Quarterly of, 192; sixty years of organized history, 191-220 Utah Territory, bids for statehood rejected, 95-100; legislature of, 97, 98, 307-9; slavery in, 126 Utah Tidende (Utah News), publication of, 158

Utah War (Johnston's Army, Utah Expedition), 95, 131, 189, 297-318; retreat of army, 309, 310 The Utes A Forgotten People, by Rockwell, reviewed, 270, 271

Valley Tan, 227 Van Home, W. G , 102; quoted, 106 Varian, Charles S, 100, 102, 110, 113; amendments of, 107-9; motion defeated, 105, 106; quoted, 115 Vidnesbyrdet (The Testimony), 158, 159 Virginia City, Nevada, 227, 232

W Wagons, description of, 147 Walbridge, Hiram, 121 Wallace, George B , 138, 139, 143, 151, 238n, 242, 246, 349; mission to Germany, 255 Walsh, Father Patrick, 231 Wann, Ralph, 9 Ward, Margery, 280 Warsaw, Illinois, 47, 48 Warsaw Signal (Western World), 48 Washington, George and company, 325 Weber County, activity of Constitutional Convention delegates from, 114 Wells, Daniel H , 55, 308; quoted, 98 Wells, Emmeline B , Woodward, 62, 64, 70, 134, 137, 145, 239, 243, 250n, 255, 344, 356; marriage of, 349; teaching school, 345 Wells, Heber M , 102, 104; quoted, 35 Wells, John A. quoted, 127 West, Governor Caleb W , 115 Western Norwegian-Danish mission conference, 159 Western Pacific Railroad, 19 Western World, see Warsaw Signal Whiting and Isaacson, 295 Whitney, Newell K, 250 Whitney, Orson F , 104, 191 Whigs, 123 Widtsoe, John A , 193 "Wild Geese," 223

384

INDEX

Wiley, Bishop Isaac D , 154, 155, 160 William Tecumseh Sherman and the Settlement of the West, by Athearn, reviewed, 362, 363 Williams, Colonel, Levi, 48 Wilmot, David, 127 Wilson, Jennie Judge, see Kearns, Jennie Judge Wilson Wilson, John R, 114 Winberg, A. W , 156 Winter Quarters, see Omaha, see also Florence, Nebraska Wishard, Dr., mention, 39 Woman suffrage, debates on, 103-6 Women's Home Missionary Society, 155 Woodbury, Catherine (Caty) Hascall, 61, 64, 70, 134, 137, 142, 150, 242, 244, 245, 250, 256, 344, 350 Woodbury family, 55 Woodbury, M r , 64, 70, 150, 238, 244, 344 Woodbury, Samuel, death of, 238 Woodbury, Stillman, 67 Woodbury, Thomas, 62, 134, 137, 238, 256 Woodruff, Wilford, 42, 61, 100, 150, 294, 327n Woodside mine, 234

Woodward, Emmeline B , see Wells, Emmeline B. Woodward World War II, effect on business, 16-18 Worrell, Frank, 49, 51 Writers' Project of the Work Projects Administration, 194 Wyoming, Nebraska, 320; emigration organization at, 325

Yerba Buena, see San Francisco, California Young, Anna Elizabeth Riter, 207 Young, Brigham, 49, 50, 147-49, 297, 298n, 312; chosen as governor, 96; letter to John D. Lee, 290; proclamation of, 307; public works of, 335; quoted, 117, 119, 301, 306-8; quoted from governor's message, 97; in St. George, 287; supervising migration, 327 Young, Joseph W , directing road building, 288 Young, Levi Edgar, 192, 193; biography of, 207-9; picture of, 218; publications of, 208 Young, Seymour B , 207 Young, Valeria Brinton, 209