The Washington Post National Weekly - February 7, 2016

Politics Pulling in the youth vote 4

Nation Reshaping college budgets 9

Health The crisis of being lonely 16

5 Myths Donald Trump 23

ABCDE NATIONAL WEEKLY SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2016

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NEW WAVE FEMINISM

Betty Friedan to BeyoncĂŠ: How the generation that grew up with the Internet embraces feminism on its own terms PAGE 12

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WORST WEEK IN WASHINGTON

Donald Trump

by Chris Cillizza

E

ver since Donald Trump rode his white­hot rhetoric on immigration to the top of the Republican presidential field, one question has lingered: When voters went to, you know, vote, would they have second thoughts about supporting The Donald?

The early returns suggest that the answer is yes. In the run­up to Monday’s Iowa caucuses, polling — including the almost­always­right survey conducted by Ann Selzer for the Des Moines Register and Bloomberg Politics — suggested that Trump was poised to win.

It didn’t turn out that way. Instead Ted Cruz, the senator from Texas whom Trump had systematically worked to savage in the final weeks before the caucuses, rolled to victory on the strength of his very un­Trumpian focus on building a grass­roots turnout organization.

Trump held on for second, but barely, as establishment favorite Marco Rubio nipped at his heels.

Trump, unused to losing, gave a brief — and remarkably low­key — speech Monday night after it became clear that he had come up short. Twenty­four hours later, however, he was back to his old self, swearing and threatening his way through a speech in New Hampshire. By Wednesday night, he was insisting that Cruz “illegally stole” Iowa and calling for a do­over, though there was no evidence to support his case.

The lone bright spot of the week for Trump was that favorite crutch of his: polling. Surveys conducted after the

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JIM WATSON/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE VIA GETTY IMAGES

Iowa caucuses showed him maintaining a 20­point­plus lead over all comers in advance of New Hampshire’s primary Tuesday. Of course, the Iowa polls showed Trump winning, too.

Donald Trump, for not realizing that polling doesn’t equal voting, you had the worst week in Washington.

Congrats, or something. n

This publication was prepared by editors at The Washington Post for printing and distribution by our partner publications across the country. All articles and columns have previously appeared in The Post or on washingtonpost.com and have been edited to fit this format. For questions or comments regarding content, please e-mail weekly@washpost.com. If you have a question about printing quality, wish to subscribe, or would like to place a hold on delivery, please contact your local newspaper’s circulation department. © 2016 The Washington Post / Year 2, No. 17

CONTENTS POLITICS THE NATION THE WORLD COVER STORY FAMILY BOOKS OPINION FIVE MYTHS

4 8 10 12 17 18 20 23

ON THE COVER Among other changes, New Wave feminism is held together not by national organizations and charismatic leaders but by the Internet and social media. Photo illustration by VOORHES for The Washington Post.

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POLITICS

Sanders is big winner among young voters

ALEX WONG/GETTY IMAGES

The dividing line in the Democratic candidates’ battle for support is 45 years old

BY R OSALIND S . H ELDERMAN AND S COTT C LEMENT

Nashua, N.H.

W

hile Hillary Clinton barely edged Bernie Sanders to win the Iowa caucuses, one thing became clear Monday night: The race for the Democratic presidential nomination is turning into a battle of the ages.

The dividing line was 45 years old — voters that age or older went decisively for Clinton, while

those younger flocked to Sanders. Voters under 30 were the most emphatic, with an astonishing 84 percent backing the 74year-old senator from Vermont, according to entrance surveys.

Clinton, 68, appears to face a similar problem in New Hampshire, which holds the first-in-thenation primary this week.

She kicked off her post-Iowa efforts here by touting her razorthin caucus victory with a midday rally at Nashua Community College, but despite the academic set-

ting, the 1,100-person crowd tilted older.

“Hillary just isn’t trustworthy,” said Amanda Delude, 22, who was headed to her car instead of the rally after class. She said she is likely to vote for Sanders, who she said strikes many in her generation as an uncommonly candid politician.

Chloe Bruning, a 21-year-old Boston University student who attended Tuesday’s rally, said she and other members of the group BU for Hillary were struggling to

Democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders appears at a caucus night party Monday in Des Moines. Sanders barely lost in Iowa to Hillary Clinton, but 84 percent of voters under 30 backed the senator from Vermont.

convince pro-Sanders classmates to give Clinton a new look.

“Clinton fatigue is a thing,” she said. “It really is.”

Younger voters were a problem for Clinton in 2008 as well, when they emerged as a key element of the support base that helped Barack Obama defeat her for the Democratic nomination. In Iowa that year, Obama beat Clinton among caucus-goers under 30, 57 percent to 11 percent.

Clinton’s campaign has said it intends to rebuild the Obama

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POLITICS

MELINA MARA/THE WASHINGTON POST

Hillary Clinton speaks to supporters after the Iowa caucuses Monday at her victory party at Drake University in Des Moines. At right, from top: Venee Galloway of Ashburn, Va., supports Bernie Sanders over Clinton in the presidential race. “People are looking for answers she just doesn’t have,” Galloway says. Ashley Wang of Manassas, Va., is a Clinton supporter who was surprised her victory in Iowa was so narrow. Felicia Thorpe of Ashburn is leaning toward Sanders and thinks “Hillary is in trouble.”

coalition, which included blacks, Hispanics, liberals and young people, while tapping into additional excitement among women over the possibility of the first female president.

Typically, younger voters do not turn out as reliably as older ones.

But Monday night’s entrance polls and other opinion surveys suggest a massive advantage for Sanders among those who do turn out — young women and men alike.

Ninety-three percent of caucusgoers under 30, for instance, said Sanders shared their values, compared with 53 percent who felt that way about Clinton, helping Sanders surge past Obama’s performance in that age bracket eight years earlier, according to the entrance surveys.

If Clinton wins the nomination, reaching younger voters could be a challenge for her in the fall, particularly if the Republicans nominate 44-year-old Sen. Marco Rubio (Fla.).

Her husband, former president

Bill Clinton, told NBC News on Tuesday that Sanders has built a following among young people because he offers them “emotionally satisfying” promises.

“If you vote for me, I’ll break up the big banks, tax the millionaires and give you free college, cut the cost of health care — end of story,” Bill Clinton said, recapping Sanders’s pitch. He suggested that his wife, on the other hand, would appeal to young people’s sense of realism. “You tell them what you think will really work and what we can afford that will solve the problem, and ask for their help in doing it, and it takes longer,” he said.

Hillary Clinton campaign officials noted that she performed well among many important groups, including minorities and self-described Democrats.

“Her coalition reflects all parts of the Democratic Party, and her agenda of making college affordable, tackling climate change and reforming our criminal-justice system speaks to all parts of the

Democratic Party, especially younger voters,” said campaign spokeswoman Jesse Ferguson.

“She will continue reaching out to them to earn their support.”

In terms of age breakdowns, Clinton won among older voters, and especially older women, on her way to squeaking out her Iowa victory.

A number of young people here, including some Clinton supporters, said Sanders’s appeal has gone beyond the issues. He has managed to capture an intangible quality unexpected for a rumpled grandfather figure with bad hair who has served in Congress for 25 years: He’s cooler than Clinton.

In contrast, the former secretary of state has been in the middle of partisan battles for all their lives.

Emma Sands, 21, another Clinton backer from Boston University, said that campus social media is dominated by Sanders talk. And while the BU group has more women than men, Sands said it

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offends many young women’s sense of gender equality to suggest gender as a reason to back Clinton.

“I have an issue with the argument that you should like Hillary just because she’s a woman,” she said.

Amy Chapman, 43, who came to hear Clinton speak but said she remains undecided, said she is disturbed by the candidate’s ties to Wall Street banks, which have donated millions to her presidential campaign and from which she and her husband have earned major speaking fees.

“How can you be completely unbiased when you’re taking huge amounts of money from them?” asked Chapman, adding that she may wind up voting for Clinton anyway, out of fear that Sanders would be a weak general-election candidate.

Sonia Almeida, 40, a physician assistant from Bedford, N.H., came to the rally with an undecided co-worker. Almeida said she’s convinced that Clinton is the better choice on education, health care and foreign affairs. But she had one piece of advice for the campaign: “They need to be on social media more,” she said. “You didn’t think he’d be so cool there.”

Her co-worker, Celia Ortiz, 36, said Sanders seemed “more genuine.” Ortiz said she works in New Hampshire but lives in Massachusetts, which holds its primary March 1, and was also considering Clinton because she liked the idea of electing a female president.

Clinton enjoys a lot of support at her own alma mater, the allfemale Wellesley College in Massachusetts. But there, too, Sanders dominates online, said Laura Prebble, 19, and Juliette Sander, 18, freshmen at the school who said they support Clinton.

“People are always putting up Bernie pictures or Bernie quotes,” said Prebble, who grew up in Wisconsin.

Sander, a student from France, said some of her classmates liked the idea of a newcomer to the presidential field.

“They like the idea that he’s not part of ‘the Clinton family,’ ” she said.

But the two students agreed that the idea of electing the first female president is powerfully moving to them.

“For me, that’s incredibly meaningful,” Prebble said.n

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POLITICS

A surge in state takeovers of schools Recent moves

by GOP governors have sparked protests, legal challenges and charges of racism

BY

L YNDSEY L AYTON

R

epublican lawmakers in Illinois last month pitched a bold plan for the state to seize control of the Chicago public schools, one of a growing number of states that are moving to sideline local officials — even dissolve locally elected school boards — and take over struggling urban schools.

Governors in Michigan, Arkansas, Nevada, Wisconsin, Georgia, Ohio and elsewhere — mostly Republican leaders who otherwise champion local control in their fights with the federal government — say they are intervening in cases of chronic academic or financial failure. They say they have a moral obligation to act when it is clear that local efforts haven’t led to improvement.

“I want to protect the schoolchildren and their parents; that’s my first duty,” Illinois Gov. Bruce Rauner (R) said about his plan, which would wrest control of the nation’s third-largest school district from elected city leaders and was immediately opposed “100 percent” by Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel (D).

After Ohio Gov. John Kasich, a Republican presidential hopeful, seized the struggling schools in Youngstown last July, he described it as an 11th-hour attempt to save young lives. “If you’re a school district that’s failed year after year after year, someone’s going to come riding to the rescue of kids,” Kasich said, describing the Youngstown school system, which has regularly received an F on state report cards and where just 1.1 percent of the Class of 2013 was deemed ready for college.

Eleven states have passed or debated legislation to create staterun school districts in the past year, according to the Education Commission of the States, which tracks state education policy.

“There certainly is an effort afoot in the country to dismantle local government and reduce or eliminate the role of local school boards,” said Thomas Gentzel, executive director of the National School Boards Association.

SKIP PETERSON/ASSOCIATED PRESS

“This was a blueprint to dismantle the city schools,” said Ohio Sen. Joe Schiavoni (D) after the state took over Youngstown schools last year.

State takeovers were once a rarity, but they have become increasingly popular as the number of states controlled by Republicans doubled between 2010 and 2014.

“There’s been a sea change of Republicans taking control of a great many states, and this model is quite appealing to them,” said Kenneth K. Wong, education chair at Brown University.

In the most recent versions, states are creating “recovery districts” in which they take control of large numbers of schools scattered across several districts.

Although the particulars vary, an appointed manager wields broad powers to redesign schools or close them entirely. The state manager can hire and fire, set curriculum, reconfigure the school day, sell property and, in some cases, break existing labor contracts. Increasingly, state managers are turning over traditional public schools to charter school operators, which are funded by tax dollars but are privately managed.

The idea is that the state can bring aggressive change in a way that local politicians cannot.

The best known example is the Recovery School District in Louisi-

ana, created by state lawmakers in 2003 to convert struggling traditional schools in New Orleans, Baton Rouge and Shreveport into charter schools. The district now consists of about 70 charter schools.

But the move to replace locally elected school officials with outsiders has yielded questionable results. Takeovers in Newark, Detroit and Memphis have not improved test scores — in fact, some schools have gone backward.

“These ideas kind of travel like wildfire,” said Kent McQuire, president and chief executive of the Southern Education Foundation, which recently analyzed state takeovers in three states. “But you can’t really find evidence that there’s been positive, sustainable changes in learning in those places.”

And the takeovers have sparked angry protests, legal challenges and bitter complaints of racism.

All state takeovers to date have occurred in school districts that are impoverished and majority African American and Latino.

“These proposals are not really about school reform or improvement,” said Philip Lanoue, the 2015 national Superintendent of the Year who runs a school district

in Georgia, where Gov. Nathan Deal (R) wants to change the state constitution to enable state takeovers. “These takeovers are entangled with money and power and control.”

In Georgia, Deal wants to create an Opportunity School District composed of as many as 100 lowperforming schools from across his state.

But voters first have to amend the state constitution, which currently stipulates that education must be controlled by “that level of government closest and most responsive to the taxpayers and parents of the children being educated.”

If the referendum passes in November, Atlanta would be most affected, with 27 eligible struggling schools.

The mere threat of a takeover has prompted the Atlanta public schools to act. It hired a top Deal education aide — who had designed the governor’s plan for takeovers — to advise the city on how to avoid one. Atlanta Superintendent Meria Carstarphen announced last month that she was inviting charter school operators, local nonprofit agencies and other organizations to submit proposals for ways to boost performance of those 27 struggling schools.

One elementary school in Clarke County, Lanoue’s district, would be a candidate for takeover.

He said lasting improvement doesn’t come from a top-down makeover.

“If you really wanted true reform, wouldn’t you work directly with school boards and the school system?” he said.

One of the most contentious takeovers has been the seizure of the Youngstown City Schools in Ohio, which the Kasich administration orchestrated behind closed doors.

Youngstown has been struggling since the collapse of the steel industry in the 1970s. Nearly all the district’s 5,100 students are low-income, and 1 in 5 have special needs. Classrooms churn with instability: Nearly 20 percent of Youngstown students either came into the district or left in the mid-

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POLITICS dle of the 2013-2014 school year, while more than 1 in 4 were chronically absent. In summer 2014, Tom Humphries, president of the Youngstown/Warren Chamber of Commerce and a Kasich supporter, said the governor told him to devise a plan to fix the schools.

He launched 10 months of secret meetings between top Kasich administration officials and a handful of community leaders.

Participants’ notes released by the state show the members pledging secrecy out of concern for anticipated public resistance. After nearly a year of discussions, the Kasich administration unveiled plans for a turbo-charged state takeover that includes dissolution of the locally elected school board and appointment of a chief executive officer with broad powers over local schools. A special commission controlled by Kasich appointees is expected to name a chief executive next month.

The administration and its allies in the state legislature rushed the legislation, getting it approved by a committee and narrowly passed by both houses of the legislature less than 24 hours after it was made public, drawing protests from Democratic lawmakers who said it violated procedure.

“This was a blueprint to dismantle the city schools,” said state Sen. Joe Schiavoni, a Democrat who represents Youngstown and is Senate minority leader.

Members of the elected Youngstown school board said they were blindsided.

“None of our community was involved in this, period,” said Brenda Kimble, president of the Youngstown City Schools board of education, which is suing to stop the takeover. “No board members, no parents, no elected officials, no teaching staff. Nobody knew about this.”

“This isn’t just something happening in this small city in Ohio,” Schiavoni said. “This is going to happen in other school districts in Ohio, and it’s happening all over the country.”

Talking to reporters four months ago, Kasich was baffled that some in the community oppose the takeover of a failing school district.

“What do they want to do? They want kids to continue to fail?”

Kasich said. “People ought to be outraged when kids are trapped in failing schools. It’s a disgrace.” n

CAMPAIGN

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2016 THE FIX

Debate winners, losers BY

C HRIS C ILLIZZA

H

illary Clinton and Bernie Sanders squared off in the fifth Democratic presidential debate in New Hampshire on Thursday night. I watched, and picked some of the best and worst of the night.

WINNERS

Hillary Clinton: This was not a debate in which Clinton scored a knockout blow. It was one, however, that she won on points. Clinton came out super aggressive in the debate’s first 30 minutes, pushing Sanders back on his heels on, well, everything: guns, experience, the tenor of the campaign, what it means to be progressive and plenty of other things.

There are those who will see Clinton’s tone in those first 30 minutes as over the top and, therefore, ineffective, but it seemed to me that she set up lots and lots of attacks that she can follow through on beyond New Hampshire. (Clinton made clear — at least to my eyes — that she understands the New Hampshire primary is a lost cause.)

When the subject moved to foreign policy in the debate’s second hour, Clinton was clearly more at ease than Sanders and effectively made the case that now isn’t the time to put someone in the Oval Office who needs to learn on the job.

It was far from a perfect debate for Clinton. She struggled, again, to explain the speaking fees she took as a private citizen and pointedly refused the opportunity to release the transcripts of those speeches.

Her response (or lack thereof) ensures the issue will linger.

Two-person debates: There’s a reason that networks try to limit the number of people on stage during these debates. This debate — the first one-on-one showdown of the 2016 primary season — proved that less is more in debates. The first hour was the best hour of any debate of this election: substantive, confrontational and entertaining. Both candidates had plenty of time to make their cases to voters and, more importantly,

voters had a chance to get a deep look at what these two people believe and where they differ.

Chuck Todd/Rachel Maddow: Moderating a presidential debate is really tough. Todd and Maddow did the thing that is both hardest and best for moderators at this level: They let the candidates actually debate. There is nothing that drives me crazier than when a moderator steps into the middle of a genuine conversation/disagreement between two (or more)

I thought Sanders was forceful and effective, as always, when talking about economic inequality and campaign finance reform. I thought he may have allowed himself to be put in a box as a singleor double-issue candidate down the line by Clinton, however.

Sanders also continued to struggle when the debate moved off of domestic issues and onto matters of foreign policy. On a question about what the right next steps were regarding Ameri-

DAVID GOLDMAN/ASSOCIATED PRESS

Democratic presidential candidates Bernie Sanders and Hillary Clinton spar during the MSNBC debate Thursday in Durham, N.H.

candidates in order to move on to some other topic. The whole point of a debate is to figure out where the differences are and how each candidate explains those differences, not to try to see who can ask the most questions.

Also, kudos to the duo for asking thoughtful questions that haven’t been asked of the candidates a thousand times before. Todd’s question to Sanders about why he wasn’t taking public financing for the primary campaign was an A+.

LOSERS

Bernie Sanders: I hesitate to put the Vermont socialist in the “loser” category because he did very little in the debate that will slow his momentum heading into a near-certain New Hampshire win. But I also hate when analysts and reporters take the easy way out when picking winners and losers. It was a two-person debate; if Clinton won then Sanders, by definition, didn’t win.

can troops in Afghanistan, Sanders’s answer was rambling and generally nonsensical.

New Hampshire: Clinton pledged repeatedly to fight for every vote in New Hampshire. But if you read between the lines of some of her statements, it was clear that she understands that the Granite State primary is probably already over. Her first big attack on Sanders was on his alleged lack of commitment to gun control, including votes against the Brady Bill. That attack won’t play well in New Hampshire, a Second Amendment-friendly state, and Clinton knows it. But she also knows that among Democrats nationally, being the candidate regarded as more liberal on gun control is a good place to be.

New Hampshire, which fashions itself the picker of presidents (or at least presidential nominees), almost certainly won’t get the attention it has in past primary fights. n

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NATION

Now arriving: Uncertainty at airports BY

C HRISTOPHER E LLIOTT

T

hese are confusing times for airline passengers.

In recent weeks, the government has made two surprising policy changes: First, the Transportation Security Administration announced that screening with a full-body scanner would no longer be optional for some passengers, and then the Department of Homeland Security said that soon your state-issued driver’s license might not be sufficient ID for you to pass through the airport screening area.

The result? Travelers are less certain about the airport screening experience than they’ve been in years.

Despite scattered reports of travelers being required to pass through the TSA’s scanners, the agency insists that there’s only a small chance you’ll be screened by the controversial machines if you don’t want to be. In other words, you can generally still “opt out” and receive what the agency refers to as an enhanced pat-down from an agent. And your state-issued ID will continue to work until 2018, and probably long after that, even if it doesn’t comply with the new federal standards.

The full-body scanners represent the most high-profile public concern. Since the agency assigned to protect America’s transportation systems implemented its new no-opt-out policy Dec. 18, there have been a few media reports of agents insisting that passengers use the scanners.

A passenger with the TSA’s PreCheck designation in Akron, Ohio, complained in a comment on a civil rights blog that she’d been selected for a mandatory scanning. PreCheck is an expeditedscreening program that costs $85 for a five-year membership and allows you to bypass the full-body scanners.

“The agent handed me a laminated green sheet and told me I was randomly selected for additional screening and needed to go through the full-body screening machine,” said Tara MacLaren, a marketing consultant who works

DAVID MCNEW/GETTY IMAGES

Policy changes about full-body scanners and IDs are the latest source of confusion for travelers for a Houston-based software company. “When I tried to opt out, I was told that was no longer an option for those with TSA PreCheck.”

MacLaren reports that she “pushed back,” telling the agents she was pregnant. Only then did the agents relent, allowing her to be screened with a metal detector.

“I was not given any assurance that my pregnancy will be sufficient opt-out justification in the future, just told that the rules had changed and those with TSA PreCheck are not eligible for opting out,” she said.

The TSA refused to comment on that and other incidents. A representative said that “generally” passengers undergoing screening will have the opportunity to decline being screened by a full-body scanner. “However, some passengers will be required to undergo screening [with a scanner] if their boarding pass indicates that they have been selected for enhanced screening,” said Bruce Anderson, a

TSA spokesman.

It remains unclear how someone might be selected for mandatory full-body screening.

Passenger advocates don’t like the scanners because they say they were deployed without giving the public a chance to comment, as required by federal law. They say the devices violate the Fourth Amendment right to protection from unreasonable searches and seizures. And they believe the scanners may present health risks.

Adding to the uncertainty is the possibility that Congress could act soon to rein in the TSA. An influential coalition of civil rights groups recently sent a letter to Rep. Jason Chaffetz (R-Utah), chairman of the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, asking him to take immediate action to stop the scans. They demanded that the government suspend funding for full-body scanners until a public rulemaking process has been completed and that the TSA evaluate the cost,

The Transportation Security Administration recently announced that screening with a full-body scanner would no longer be optional for some passengers.

including lost time to passengers, of screening procedures using full-body scanners.

As if that’s not enough, the DHS on Jan. 8 also announced the “final” implementation of the REAL ID Act. The law established minimum security standards for the issuance of sources of identification, such as driver’s licenses, and prohibited federal agencies from accepting for certain purposes driver’s licenses and ID cards from states not meeting the act’s minimum standards.

Soon, air travelers with a driver’s license or ID card issued by a state that doesn’t meet the requirements will have to present an alternative form of identification, such as a passport, to board a domestic commercial flight.

Although the deadline isn’t for another two years, travelers are nervous about their IDs not working. Only 23 states are compliant or certified as making progress toward being compliant with the REAL ID Act. Another 27 states and territories have been granted extensions. Six states and territories — Illinois, Minnesota, Missouri, New Mexico, Washington and American Samoa — are noncompliant and do not currently have extensions. You can find a list of compliant states and territories on the DHS website.

The actual deadline for REAL ID won’t come until at least Oct. 1, 2020, when every air traveler will need a REAL ID-compliant license or another acceptable form of identification for domestic air travel.

But that is by no means a hard deadline, according to author and consumer advocate Edward Hasbrouck. He says the ambiguous scanning rules and the national ID requirements amount to an overreach of the TSA’s authority.

“If the government tries to carry out its latest threats to harass, delay or prevent people without an ID it deems acceptable from flying, those actions are certain to be challenged in court and likely to be overturned as unconstitutional,” Hasbrouck says.

In other words, air travel may get even more confusing. n

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An out-of-state shift at top colleges B Y N ICK A NDERSON AND D ANIELLE D OUGLAS- G ABRIEL Tuscaloosa, Ala .

A

merica’s most prominent public universities were founded to serve the people of their states, but they are enrolling record numbers of students from elsewhere to maximize tuition revenue as state support for higher education withers.

The shift has buttressed the finances and reshaped the profile of schools across the country, from the University of California’s famed campuses in Berkeley and Los Angeles to the universities of Arkansas, Oregon, Missouri, South Carolina and numerous other places. Forty-three of the 50 schools known as “state flagships” enrolled a smaller share of freshmen from within their states in 2014 than they had a decade earlier, federal data show. At 10 flagships, state residents formed less than half the freshman class.

Nowhere is the trend more pronounced than here at the University of Alabama, where students who cheered recently when the Crimson Tide won its fourth national football championship in seven years were mostly from other states.

In 2004, 72 percent of new freshmen here were Alabamians. By 2014, the share was 36 percent.

That was the largest swing in the country among 100 flagship and

Average tuition and fees at four-year public universities $9,410 In-state

$23,893 Out-of-state

Fewer in-state freshmen Of 100 schools analyzed, the University of Alabama saw the biggest drop in the percentage of freshmen from in-state over a 10-year period: 2004

72%

2014

36%

Sources: College Board, Washington Post analysis of federal education data

EVELYN HOCKSTEIN FOR THE WASHINGTON POST

Share of local freshmen drops at dozens of universities, reshaping profiles of state schools other significant state universities The Washington Post analyzed using federal data on student residency.

The percentage of in-state freshmen fell at more than 70 of those schools during that decade.

There were declines of 20 or more percentage points at UCBerkeley and UCLA, Idaho State University and the flagships of South Carolina, Missouri, Oregon and Arkansas. There also were drops of more than 15 percentage points at Michigan State, Ohio State, and the universities of Illinois, Iowa, Kentucky and Washington.

The overhaul of the student body at big-name schools reverberates in statehouses and among consumers.

“People inside states believe that they have greater access to their state universities,” said Marguerite Roza, a Georgetown University research professor who studies education finance. Many are now asking, she said, “who

does that public university belong to anymore? And what is it doing?

Is it seeking ‘elite’ status? That’s great, but not if your own kids can’t go there.”

Kendall Roden, 21, of Garland, Tex., said she was lured to Tuscaloosa even though she had been admitted to the University of Texas. Alabama offered her a sizable scholarship. Plus she got to see coach Nick Saban’s team win national titles in her freshman and senior years. Being a football fan, she said, is “a huge part of my life and Alabama’s culture. It’s the lifeblood of the university.”

On one level, the shift is all about money. Tuition and fees for out-of-state students at four-year public universities average $23,893, according to the College Board. In-state students are charged an average of $9,410. The out-of-state premium, 150 percent, is lucrative for schools that draw thousands of nonresidents.

“They pay full freight,” said UCLA Chancellor Gene Block.

Elliot Spiller of Pelham, Ala., said support from out-ofstate students helped propel his election as the first African American student government president at the University of Alabama in decades.

“They bring in huge amounts of additional revenue.” That funding is key to maintaining academic excellence, he said.

In 2004, 94 percent of UCLA’s freshmen were Californians. Ten years later, the share was 73 percent. The number of Californians entering as freshmen at Westwood remained relatively stable — averaging about 4,100 from 2008 to 2014 — but the number of nonresidents surged after the economic recession in 2007 to 2009.

There was an out-of-state spike at Berkeley, too, creating political problems. Three of every 10 freshmen at the California flagship in 2014 came from out of state, up from 1 in 10 a decade earlier. Gov. Jerry Brown (D) — a Berkeley alumnus — wondered last year whether “normal” residents from the nation’s most-populous state were getting a fair shot at admission to their top university.

All of UC’s undergraduate campuses are planning to raise their in-state totals significantly in the next school year.

Numerous studies have shown the historic decline of state support for higher education, although several states raised appropriations modestly in recent years. The Delta Cost Project at American Institutes for Research found last month that state and local funding per student at public research universities was 28 percent lower in 2013 than in 2008, after adjusting for inflation.

The fiscal vise forced universities to trim costs and raise revenue, largely through tuition increases or additional students.

Out-of-state expansion proved especially crucial for schools in states with stagnant numbers of high school graduates.

Experts say there is no sign the trend will reverse.

“The reliance on nonresident tuition income is probably going to continue,” said George Pernsteiner, president of the State Higher Education Executive Officers Association. “Even in the states that have seen increases in state support in the last few years — have they reduced their nonresident enrollment? Well, no.” n

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Drought ravages a parched Kenya A BIGAIL H IGGINS Kalokol, Kenya BY

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he lake that Philip Tioko relies on for survival is a fine turquoise strip that seems to recede farther into the distance each day. His fishing village once hugged the shore, but now it is 800 feet away, and everything — food, water and employment — is drying up.

Tioko, 46, remembers when fish were abundant in Lake Turkana, the world’s largest desert lake, and there was enough rain for his livestock. “I used to have so many animals. The lake used to be full — life was good,” he said.

But rainfall has been decreasing in the northwestern Turkana region of Kenya for decades.

Droughts now drag on interminably; one a quarter-century ago wiped out his goat herd. Rivers that once supplied drinking water have run dry.

As the world grows increasingly concerned about the looming effects of climate change, the perils are already visible in African regions such as this one.

Temperatures have risen by at least 0.5 degrees Celsius — that’s nearly 1 degree Fahrenheit — in the past 50 to 100 years in most parts of Africa, and they are projected to rise faster than the global average in the 21st century, according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the leading international authority on the subject. Most scientists say this increase is because of man-made greenhouse-gas emissions.

Turkana has long suffered from cyclical drought, and the lake’s levels have risen and fallen over the years. But the increasingly erratic rainfall pattern hews to scientific predictions about the effects of climate change.

Scientists think the warming will probably continue even if the world makes good on the commitments reached recently in Paris in a landmark treaty to lower greenhouse-gas emissions.

In Africa, the effects of rising temperatures could be especially dramatic. By mid-century, climate change will probably reduce the

EMILY H. JOHNSON FOR THE WASHINGTON POST

Climate change is endangering the lives of poor residents near the shrinking Lake Turkana yields of major cereal crops in sub-Saharan Africa by more than 20 percent, according to the IPCC. “Africa is projected as the continent that will experience climate deviations earlier and more severely than any other region,” said Richard Munang, coordinator of the Africa Regional Climate Change Program for the U.N. Environment Program.

A variety of factors make the continent especially vulnerable. Africa is naturally subject to extreme weather, and two-thirds of the continent is already made up of desert or drylands. Africans depend heavily on natural resources — rain-fed agriculture employs 70 percent of the population, according to the WorldBank.Manycountriesaretoo poor to afford projects to help residents cope with the change, such as sophisticated irrigation systems.

The impact of the warming will vary. In some areas, droughts will extend; in others, there will be flooding caused by rising sea levels as glaciers melt or seawater ex-

pands because of higher temperatures, scientists say.

“I don’t know what climate change is, but I know from all the changes — the constant droughts, the seasons are gone — these are changes happening in our land.

Our life is becoming hard, and we can’t do anything,” said Tioko’s 60-year-old father-in-law, Joseph Ekimomor.

Turkana is known as the “cradle of mankind,” because its soil holds the richest fossil record of human origins ever found.

Tioko lives in Namakat, a village of acorn-shaped huts. Two decades ago, he had 200 goats and two camels. He married three women, a sign of prosperity in Turkana culture.

But the region was already drying out. From 1940 until this year, rainfall has decreased by 25 percent in Turkana while temperatures have risen steadily, according to research by Chris Funk, a geographer at the University of California at Santa Barbara. Kenyan govern-

Ekaale Ewoi guides a fishing boat out to deeper water near Impressa Beach as the sun rises on Lake Turkana in Kalokol, Kenya. Rainfall has been decreasing in the region for decades.

ment figures obtained by Human Rights Watch show temperatures in Turkana increased by between 3.6 and 5.4 degrees Fahrenheit between 1967 and 2012.

“We always used to have droughts, but they didn’t finish everything. I’d remain with at least five goats, and then I could start over again, but then there was the drought that finished everything,” Tioko said.

He does not remember when that occurred, but it was probably the drought in 1991-1992 that affected 1.5 million Kenyans. He now survives by fishing.

Climate change is exacerbating the droughts: Warming temperatures reduced the April-to-June rainfall in East Africa in 2014 by 11 percent, according to research by Funk.

Tioko’s wife, Elizabeth Lomare, kneeled along open coals under Turkana’s sweltering midday sun one recent day. She swirled five palm-sized Nile perch in water in an aluminum pot for herself and her nine children. Tioko had gotten lucky with fishing, providing their first meal in two days.

“The difference between life and death for the Turkana people is just so fine, and this is putting them over that balance,” said Felix Horne, a Human Rights Watch researcher who has studied Turkana.

After the last of his goats died, Tioko moved his family closer to the lake so he could at least fish for food. His father-in-law and mother-in-law, Leah Nakadi, 58, followed. But the supply of fish has dwindled, in part because of decreasing water levels.

The situation in the region is expected to worsen — and not just because of climate change. Ethiopia recently completed the Gibe III dam, which hydrologists say will choke Ethiopia’s Omo River Basin, the source of more than 90 percent of Lake Turkana’s water.

“With my age, I’m just counting the days. I’ll die anytime, but what of my grandchildren? I want them to have a future, but what are their lives going to be?” Ekimomor asked.

“Maybe God knows how we’ll survive,” his wife added. n

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KLMNO WEEKLY

Could refugees be Merkel’s undoing?

A NTHONY F AIOLA Berlin BY

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he was Time magazine’s Person of the Year, a compassionate leader who opened Germany’s door to more than a million desperate migrants. Frau Nein became Frau Nice. There was even talk of a Nobel Peace Prize.

But German Chancellor Angela Merkel is suffering a harsh reversal of fortune, confronting a political backlash that is isolating her both at home and across Europe.

As Merkel is pushed into a corner on migrant policy, political pundits are sounding a once-unthinkable alarm, warning that her job may be at risk if she does not quickly change course.

“I don’t think there is any question anymore,” said Werner J. Patzelt, a political analyst at Technical University Dresden. “Angela Merkel is really in trouble.”

For Merkel, the bad news just keeps getting worse. In the aftermath of attacks in Cologne on New Year’s Eve — in which asylum-seekers allegedly assaulted dozens of Germanwomen—anewpollfound that 40 percent of respondents now want her to resign. Rebel lawmakers in her ruling coalition are openly criticizing her. The head of the Christian Social Union in Bavaria — formerly a staunch ally — is even threatening to sue the government if it does not curb the influx.

A new German poll says 81 percent of those asked think the government mishandled the refugee crisis and Merkel’s approval rating has fallen to 46 percent, the lowest since August 2011.

Known for ruling by opinion poll, Merkel has seemed to backtrack on aspects of her open-door policy in recent days — insisting, for instance, that most people seeking refuge in Germany should go back home after peace comes to countries such as Syria and Iraq.

Her cabinet on Wednesday backed new measures aimed at delaying refugees from bringing in close relatives for two years and declaringthreeNorthAfricancountries as “safe,” making it far harder forasylumseekersfromthosecoun-

KRISZTIAN BOCSI/BLOOMBERG NEWS

German chancellor — once seen as a Peace Prize nominee — is ‘really in trouble’ as crisis continues tries to win refugee status.

But she is still mostly sticking to her guns and refusing to close Germany’s doors. It is presenting a chancellor who first came to power when George W. Bush was still the U.S. president with one of the toughest choices of her decadelong tenure: whether to keep holding up the banner of humanitarianism or to be politically expedient.

“Merkel has become a prisoner of her own politics,” said Jürgen Falter, a political scientist at Mainz University. He added, “I think the likelihood is about 60 percent that her policies don’t work out and she throws in the towel.”

It is an unusually tight spot for the Iron Chancellor, a woman who rose to be the de facto leader of Europe by driving hard bargains on rescues for bankrupt Greece. In the process, she elevated Germany to the zenith of its post-World War II power.

But the refugee crisis has damaged her profoundly, underscoring the high price of compassion in a risk-averse world. A nation whose World War II past made it fully aware of the dangers of xenophobia, modern Germany was leading by example in the 21st century, becoming a beacon of hope for desperate foreigners fleeing war and poverty. Merkel staked her job on upholding what she likes to call “European values” — in effect, that the progressive people of wealthy Europe should not turn their backs on the human right to sanctuary for Syrians, Iraqis and others.

But she has run into serious stumbling blocks. The attacks in Cologne did not help her cause, nor did the November massacre in Paris that occurred after militants entered Europe disguised as migrants. Additionally, a large percentage of the newcomers, it turns

A new poll says 81 percent of Germans think the government mishandled the refugee crisis, and German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s approval rating has fallen to 46 percent, the lowest since 2011.

out, were not really escaping war at all — but seeking to leverage German kindness to build lives away from places such as North Africa, the Balkans and Pakistan.

She also erred by effectively promising her countrymen something that she has thus far been unable to deliver: a pledge that other nations in Europe would take in more migrants and start to share Germany’s burden.

Instead of pitching in, countries across Europe are barring their doors. A voluntary European program to legally resettle refugees has failed, with nations mostly refusing to accept newcomers from the Middle East and elsewhere.

In fact, both publicly and privately, European politicians long opposed to welcoming refugees are reveling in the schadenfreude of Merkel’s comeuppance. Recently, Czech Prime Minister Bohuslav Sobotka announced that a bloc of anti-refugee nations — including Hungary, Poland and Slovakia — would hold their own meeting ahead of a key E.U. summit in February to discuss alternative solutions to the crisis. Suggesting Berlin has gone too soft, Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico scoffed that migrants have become a “protected species” in Germany.

Meanwhile, the European Union finally approved a key $3 billion deal on Wednesday in which Turkey would crack down on the human traffickers ferrying thousands of migrants to Europe via Greece every week. But Turkish demands for more money raise questions about how quickly change may happen on the ground.

Add it all together, and Merkel is in a precarious spot. If she sticks to her principles, it means Germany stands virtually alone in Europe as a haven for migrants. That is a burden that the Germans — initially welcoming to the waves of refugees — are increasingly reluctant to shoulder.

“She is extremely worried about the state of the public mood, but she also sees a bigger picture,” said Stefan Kornelius, foreign editor of the Süddeutsche Zeitung. “It feels like she is fighting for the European soul.” n

NEW WAVE FEMINISM

An old issue gets a new look

BY DAVE SHEININ, KRISSAH THOMPSON, SORAYA NADIA MCDONALD AND SCOTT CLEMENT

S

tudent and professor sat across a desk from each other one October morning in a Georgetown University office. The subject was an essay assignment in Professor Elizabeth Velez’s Feminist Theory class, in which she tasked her 19 students with writing a five- to seven-page paper explaining and supporting their own personal theory of feminism.

Velez had invited all the students to visit during her regular office hours to go over their theses.

This particular meeting did not go well.

“Feminism is not a political movement,” said Madeline Budman, a sophomore English major from Norfolk, bouncing her thesis off her professor.

Velez, a veteran of feminism’s Second Wave, was “dumbfounded.” “Of course it’s a political movement,” she recalled thinking. “I was never going to dismiss her point of view, but I was certainly going to push her to think it through more. Part of me feels very strongly: How can you see it otherwise?”

Budman left Velez’s office that day feeling “disheartened,” she said. “It was like, ‘Wow, my definitionoffeminismiswrong.’Shedidn’tsaythat,butI felt like it was implied.”

Andthroughthatexchange,studentandteacher had arrived at one of the central tension points confronting feminism’s modern age, and the one that may define it going forward: the growing tendency of younger generations of women to untether feminism from its political and activist foundation.

WHAT TYPE OF FEMINIST (OR ANTI-FEMINIST) ARE YOU? A national survey by The Washington Post and the Kaiser Family Foundation reveals six distinct groups with a range of views about feminism, the women’s movement and policies that affect women in the United States.

‘HELL, YEAH’

‘OKAY, SURE’

17% Of those, 98% are among strong feminist all women or feminist

22%

‘YES, BUT’

94%

This group has the most passionate Over 9 in 10 identify with the Percentage of women in each group who … views toward the feminist movement; only 20% say they are …movement. say feminism is yeah” empowering “Hell, feminists “strong feminists.” 87% have are the most politically active group favorable views of feminism; 51% 87% 88% ‘HELL, YEAH’ SURE’ Like and see a very active role for the say it has a‘OKAY, good reputation. government to play. They place a the “Hell, yeah” group, they are higher priority on getting women likely to say the feminist movement …elected say feminism outdated to office;is95% have voted is focused on the changes they for a candidate because of their want; however, they are far less apt 16% 12% stand on women’s issues. Twoto have engaged in contacting Of those,is98% 22% posting 94% thirds say17% discrimination the are elected officials, online or among strong feminist bigger issue keeping women back, voting regarding these issues. … say the feminist movement all women or feministfocuses on changes they want the most of any group.

78%

74%

2

95%

16%

This group overwhelmingly identifies as feminists, but takes more critical views of the movement than others. 48% say 58% on the BUT’ feminism is ‘YES, not focused changes they want. 50% say it does not accurately reflect the view of most women. 63% say it is outdated and angry. 70% say it 63% looks down on women without jobs.

95%men for 74% say it16% unfairly blames women’s challenges.

35%

Percentage of women in each group who … say feminism is empowering ……support more government action to ensure equal pay 87% 91%

77% 88%

58%

87%

say feminism is outdated ……voted for a candidate because of their support for women’s rights 95%

16%

12%

34%

42%

63%

Note: How these groups identified?

A nationally representative … say thewere feminist movement focuses on changes they wantWashington Post-Kaiser Family Foundation survey of over 1,600 American 78%

74%

35%

… support more government action to ensure equal pay 91%

77%

87%

… voted for a candidate because of their support for women’s rights 95%

34%

42%

Note: How were these groups identified? A nationally representative Washington Post-Kaiser Family Foundation survey of over 1,600 America

‘NO, BUT’

21%

‘WHATEVER’

NONE

This group is distinguished by the fact that none of them identifies as a feminist. But they are not the most hostile to feminism either. They ‘NO, BUT’67%policy largely support progressive positions but are divided on whether the movement is focused on changes they want. They are more likely to view feminism as optimistic 25% than outdated or and empowering 21% NONE angry, and a majority says the movement is still needed.

13%

51%

11%

While about half of this group identifies as feminists, only 7% identify strongly with the movement and 21% have no opinion. They have 68% ‘WHATEVER’ mixed views on policy positions; 52% say government should take a more active role to ensure wage equality, compared with 70% of all women. Two-thirds say feminism is 26% empowering. 72% say optimistic and 13% women51% that the choices make are the bigger factor holding them back.

36%

38%

67% 74%

87%

‘CERTAINLY NOT’

25% 29%

This group is basically opposed to anything and everything that feminists support. 85% are not feminists, with 12% identifying as 23% the highest ‘CERTAINLY NOT’ anti-feminist, of any group. This group is overwhelmingly Republican and conservative. 21% say that women should not be social, political and economic equals 55% with men. 85% say the choices 11% are the bigger 8% factor women make holding them back.

2%

52% 68%

26% 21%

8%

38%

7%

23%

55%

9%

of over 1,600 Americans was analyzed identify unique clusters of women based on their views of feminism and women’s rights issues.

ILLUSTRATIONS BY OLIMPIA ZAGNOLI FOR THE WASHINGTON POST

36%

87%

38%

74%

29%

2%

52%

21%

38%

7%

9%

of over 1,600 Americans was analyzed identify unique clusters of women based on their views of feminism and women’s rights issues.

ILLUSTRATIONS BY OLIMPIA ZAGNOLI FOR THE WASHINGTON POST

Young women (and, increasingly, men) are still coming to the movement in strong numbers, but this feminism looks different, in many ways, than that of earlier generations. This New Wave feminism is shaped less by a shared struggle against oppression than by a collective embrace of individual freedoms, concerned less with targeting narrowly defined enemies than with broadening feminism’s reach through inclusiveness, and held together not by a handful of national organizations and charismatic leaders but by the invisible bonds of the Internet and social media.

This feminism stresses personal freedom as much as it does equality and, when infused with the younger generation’s bent toward inclusion, has the capacity to make room for both Carly Fiorina and Beyoncé — even though older generations might permit neither.

Feminism is still a vibrant part of today’s culture: Forty-seven percent of the public (and 60 percent of women) identified themselves as feminists in a Washington Post-Kaiser Family Foundation poll of 1,610 American adults. That’s up six percentage points from a Feminist Majority Foundation poll conducted 20 years ago.

But within the same poll data are signs of fundamental disconnects, both old ones and new ones. The word itself — “feminist” — still is a sticking point for many, loaded with negative connotations, thanks at least in part to the efforts of influential right-wing radio host Rush Limbaugh, who popularized the pejorative term “feminazi” with his listeners. When half the Post-Kaiser polling sample was asked whether feminism has a good or bad reputation, 55 percent of the respondents chose “bad” — with little difference between women and men — while 32 percent chose “good.” But when the other half was asked the same question, except with “the women’s movement” substituted for “feminism,” the results were essentially reversed: with 54 percent choosing “good” and 35 percent saying “bad.”

In contrast, 94 percent embraced feminism’s bedrock principle: that men and women should be social, political and economic equals.

Clearly, people believe in feminist ideals — just not feminist labels.

“I believe women should have equal rights to everything — in the workplace, equal pay,” said Ashley Huber, a 24-year-old college student from St. Petersburg, Fla., in a telephone interview after she answered the poll questions.

“What I don’t want to be is the hard-core feminist: extreme and radical. . . . It’s not that I don’t believe in feminism at all. I’m just not one of those radical people who obsess over it.”

Broken down by age groups, the poll results illuminated differences in generational stances toward feminism. Millennial women (defined as ages 18 to 34) identified as feminist in numbers, 63 percent, that approached those of baby-boomer women, 68 percent of whom identified as feminists, and to a greater degree than the women in between: those aged 35 to 49. Fifty-one percent of that Generation X age group identified as feminists. When asked whether the word “empowering” accurately continues on next page NOTE: HOW WERE THESE GROUPS IDENTIFIED? A NATIONALLY REPRESENTATIVE WASHINGTON POST-KAISER FAMILY FOUNDATION SURVEY OF OVER 1,600 AMERICANS WAS ANALYZED TO IDENTIFY UNIQUE CLUSTERS OF WOMEN BASED ON THEIR VIEWS OF FEMINISM AND WOMEN’S RIGHTS ISSUES. ILLUSTRATIONS BY OLIMPIA ZAGNOLI FOR THE WASHINGTON POST

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represents feminism, for example, 58 percent what it means to mobilize has shifted dramatidescribes their view of feminism, 83 percent of of participants in last summer’s Post-Kaiser cally,” said Tiffany Sun of Rockville, Md., a women 35 or younger said yes, compared with poll chose “no one” or offered no opinion. senior government and gender studies student 56 percent of women 65 or older.

Hillary Clinton was named by 22 percent of the at Georgetown and one of Velez’s current stuThrough a closer look at the poll data, as well poll respondents. No other individual was dents. “The Internet is the medium where as dozens of interviews, it is clear there is one named by more than 3 percent. people assemble now.” central disconnect: Although millennial womIn conversations with people for whom femiWithin the shifting media environment, moden, as a whole, view themselves largely as nism continues to resonate, it increasingly is ern feminism is blossoming most vividly, from feminists — a logical notion, given their proxtaking place not in a political space but a the wealth of provocative feminist writing found imity to issues such as workplace equality and cultural one, a sphere dominated by powerful online to the popularity of television shows such reproductive rights — their view of what it young women — Beyoncé, Taylor Swift, Jennias “Girls,” “Orange Is the New Black” and “Transmeans to be a feminist is often far different fer Lawrence and others — who identify publicparent” that might have been unimaginable than that of their mothers and grandmothers. ly as feminists. This version of feminism is, by even 10 years ago.

“To me, it’s about women being able to do what definition, more inclusive than the versions In the Post-Kaiser poll, 69 percent of women they want within legal boundaries and about that came before. It is more in tune with what in the 18-to-34 age category said “yes” to the being people not defined by what genitalia you academics call “intersectionality” — gender, question of whether there is an active movehave,” said Jamie McLaulin, 25, a ment in the United States today. fast-food worker in the Hampton Forty-six percent of women 65 or Roads area of Virginia who identifies older agreed.

POLL Washington Post-Kaiser Family Foundation Poll herself as a feminist. My feminism “is Another large intergenerational morepersonal,becauseI’mnotgoing gap in the poll came in regard to the Q: Do you consider yourself to be a strong feminist, a feminist, to meetings or rallies or anything.” true-false question of whether femnot a feminist or an anti-feminist?

If feminism is more personal inism “accurately reflects” the view than collective now, then each womof most women. Overall, 53 percent 1995 women 2015 women an’s experience has its own meanof women chose “true,” but a trend ing. And within Budman’s journey line was clear: Younger women 14% in a single essay assignment — a chose “true” in much larger numStrong feminist 17% process that essentially carried bers than older women — includBudman’s thesis from “feminism is ing 64 percent of women in the 37% not political” to the more nuanced youngest category, compared with Feminist 43% “feminism is not only political” — 44 percent of women in the oldest. one can see larger truths: that there This divide may reflect the long35% Not a feminist/ are more similarities than differstanding criticism of feminism as anti-feminist 33% ences between the politicized femibeing overly focused on the needs nism of the 1960s and ’70s and the of white, upper-class women. It is a 13% No opinion more individualized version pracperception that has endured, sug7% ticed by today’s generation. gested the poll, in which 77 percent Note: 1995 results based on Feminist Majority Foundation poll. Percentages may not add up “It’s kind of a cliche,” Budman of respondents agreed that femito 100% due to rounding. said, comparing her brand of feminism has helped white women, WEIYI CAI/THE WASHINGTON POST nism to that of her professor’s, “but while 64 percent said the same for she grew up with the civil rights black women, and 55 percent for movement. We grew up with FaceHispanic women. About half said book.” race and sexuality coming together to inform a feminism has helped poor women, while about single identity — and less concerned with 7 in 10 said it has helped middle-class women.

Contrasts to Second Wave women’s-only spaces, in part because gender is The notion of a divide within feminism is Ninety-six years after the ratification of the increasingly viewed as something that is fluid, nothing new. Over the years, some have com19th Amendment gave American women the as opposed to binary. plained that it was a zero-sum game that sought right to vote, marking the unofficial end of Like much of American society, the feminist to diminish men, or that women were too often feminism’s First Wave, and 53 years after the agenda has migrated to the Internet, making it at guilty of “eating their own” by being hypercritipublication of Betty Friedan’s “The Feminine once less centered and communal, but more cal of one another. But as feminist author Mystique” ushered in the Second Wave, modaccessible and democratized.

Rebecca Traister said, “It’s a social movement ern feminism has entered some new place.

“It’s not really one singular wave but multitrying to create opportunities for 51 percent of Far from the largely monolithic feminism that ple waves — because there are so many differthe population — that means you are going to came of age amid the upheaval of the 1960s and ent lines of thought,” said writer Jessica Valenti, be inevitably riven by discord.” ’70s, it is splintered and amorphous. It fits varied 36, who co-founded the popular website FemiCriticism from elders interests and groups under one massive umbrelnisting. “That doesn’t mean it’s not doing its job la.WherewomenoftheSecondWavefoundtheir or that feminism isn’t working. It just means “The personal is political,” went one popular entrée into feminism in a rousing speech, a book, that we don’t necessarily need . . . a handful of slogan for Second Wave feminism, and some a march, a copy of Ms. Magazine or a women’s organizations or one cohesive platform in oryounger feminists have revived the slogan to group, now young women are frequently introder [to reach people]. At the end of the day, all of reflect their belief that pursuing individual duced to it through a Beyoncé video, a season of those waves are moving in the same direction.” freedoms is very much a political exercise and to HBO’s “Girls” or a website such as Jezebel — all of For a generation that came of age online, defend themselves against criticism from older them occupying wildly different plots on the joining a Tumblr discussion or sharing an feminists that they aren’t political enough. vast, untamed feminist landscape. article link is as natural as joining a women’s “I think the critique that our generation is While there was never much question as to circle or attending a rally were to the movevery individualistic is misguided,” said Alyssa who were the prominent faces of the Second ment’s pioneers, who often question the effecPeterson, 23, an associate editor for the Center Wave — Friedan and Gloria Steinem among tiveness of this new “hashtag feminism.” for American Progress and a former student of them — the new feminism is largely leaderless “I don’t know that our generation is any Velez’s at Georgetown. “The conversation surand faceless. Asked to name a figure who more or less political. I just think our view of rounding feminism in pop culture and about

from previous page

“Part of the reason people are having trouble connecting to feminism is because everything you do in your life has to be a big feminist stance. And I don’t think that’s the case.”

Madeline Budman, 19

“I feel like the personal is also a part of feminism.

The microaggressions you go through every day kind of aren’t part of the larger societal issue that exists.

So being assertive . . . [is] still important to recognize, as well.”

Victoria Riley, 20

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KLMNO

femininity as a construct is very political. We’re and now. Whatever feminism is today, even the case. . . . I think I speak more for people who negotiating the political landscape in different those who identify as feminists would probably don’t identify as a feminist — even though I do.” ways, because previous generations already say it is not a revolution.

In Budman’s recollection of her initial meetachieved so much. Our battles are against more ing with Velez, she argued, “Women can define Bridging the gap subtle forms of discrimination. It’s odd to me feminism for themselves.” Velez’s response: that ‘the personal is political,’ as feminists have In Velez’s Georgetown classroom, where “Well, then what is it?” been saying for years, but somehow [feminism some 50 years of life experience separates “It made me really think hard about what I within] pop culture is a separate thing.” teacher and students, the disconnect between was saying,” Budman recalled. “I basically deWhere that leaves the political facet of femithe new view of feminism and that of the leted everything I had.” nism is open to interpretation. It is not as if Second Wave is something to be dissected, A Jew who is considering a career as a rabbi, today’s generation has abandoned it completedebated and — in many cases — bridged.

Budman had a breakthrough when she hit ly. Awareness over sexual assault, for example, Velez, 70, is a product of the 1960s and ’70s upon the idea of using the story of Lilith as a has given rise to a period of intense activism on and a self-described Second-Waver — the brand narrative device. According to Jewish folklore, college campuses — to the point where there of feminist who fought the political battles of Lilith was created from the same earth as has been an equally intense backlash against it. that era and endured the type of discrimination Adam, and simultaneously, but rejected the And it’s not as if full equality has been that would be unfathomable to her students subservient role God ascribed to her — making achieved: not when women make her, in a sense, the original femiup 20 percent of members of Connist. In this folklore, Lilith was cast gress and 5 percent of CEOs of out of Eden as a demon, and Eve POLL Washington Post-Kaiser Family Foundation Poll Fortune 500 companies; and not was created to replace her. with women earning 78 cents for Budman decided to call her How many women identify as “feminist”? every dollar earned by men. brand of feminism “Lilithian FemiWomen in different age groups identify themselves as “feminist”(strong “It’s a long and everlasting batnism” — one predicated upon an feminist or feminist) differently. tle,” said Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand unflagging dedication to equality, (D-N.Y.), 48. “We have not achieved inclusion and personal choice. full equality. We certainly don’t Another breakthrough came have political parity. We haven’t when she decided to tweak the old Age achieved the level of success in feminist credo, “The personal is 35-49 65+ 50-64 18-34 corporate America that our talents political,” by arguing the converse. would dictate. . . . We really should “Theidea,”shesaidlater,“wasthat have 51 percent [representation] the personal was also personal. Yes, of women in Congress.” it’s political, and we need those polit63% identified 51% 68% 58% Despite those realities, the Postical gains to further the movement, as strong feminist Kaiser poll reflected feminism’s and nothing can happen without poor feminist lack of political will or any visible litical change. But also, nothing can WEIYI CAI/THE WASHINGTON POST momentum at the grass-roots levhappen without personal change.” el. Asked to choose their “top priIn a subsequent office visit, Budorities for improving women’s man presented Velez with her new lives,” 84 percent of respondents selected “retoday. A native of Alabama, where her introducthesis — essentially saying, feminism is not only ducing domestic violence and sexual assault,” tion to social causes was through the civil rights political — and her outline. Velez listened closely making it the top choice, and 75 percent selectmovement, Velez arrived at Georgetown, a and said, according to Budman: “This is much ed “equal pay for equal work.” Thirty-two perJesuit university in Northwest Washington, in more nuanced. You’re getting there. Good job.” cent chose “getting more women elected,” mak1981 as a graduate student in the English On her third visit, Budman handed in her ing it the lowest-rated of the 11 choices. department. She has been teaching the Femipaper. Its title: “Before Eve, There Was Lilith: A “It’s hard to talk women into actually getting nist Theory course for the women’s studies New Take on Feminism and the Original Wom[into politics] — because politics is so unapdepartment for 30 years. an.” “Before feminists can work to empower pealing sometimes and made so unattractive,” But Velez has noticed something changing in other women, they must work to empower said Mary Jean Collins, 75, a prominent Second the past few years, a shift in attitude that has themselves through their own choices,” she Wave feminist who was president of the Chicaforced her to revamp her syllabus and rethink wrote. (Budman shared a copy of her paper go chapter of NOW in the 1970s and a national the way she steers the classroom discussion. with The Washington Post with the condition vice president in the 1980s. “But I think to Largely unburdened by the type of outright that any excerpts be cleared with her in ad[make progress], it really requires that we get discrimination Velez and her peers faced at the vance.) “… While it’s also important to attend more women into political office.” same ages, her students often see feminism as rallies for [abortion rights] and sue companies Collins isn’t interested in kicking the younger equating to personal freedoms — such as sexual for workplace discrimination, a woman’s strongeneration of feminists. In the cacophony of expression, gender identity and the choice to gest impact is living her life and expressing her voices and media today, she sees signs of proghave both a career and a family. womanhood on her own terms.” ress. She acknowledges the effectiveness of The essay assignment — describing one’s perVelez’s students received their essay grades hashtag feminism in connecting like-minded sonal theory of feminism — was the first major in November. Budman’s received an A. women. She notices college students organizing writing assignment of the class, and one of the “A lot of thought went into this, for both of around the topic of sexual assault. “I see young first to visit Velez’s office to discuss it was Budus,” Velez said. “The essay she turned in was women trying to make a difference for their man, the sophomore from Norfolk. A self-dewell written and thoughtful, and she went generation, and I applaud them,” she said. scribed feminist who serves on the board of through a difficult intellectual process to get But it is only when she describes the past that H*yas for Choice, an abortion-rights campus there. For me, Maddy is on a journey. I think Collins becomes animated. “We actually organization, Budman nonetheless rejects what she’s still thinking about it. And I’m still thinkthought we were making a revolution,” she she sees as the rigidity of Second Wave feminism. ing about it. I certainly listen to my students said. “We said we were making a revolution. We “Part of the reason people are having trouble and learn from them. And I think that’s crucial. wrote books as though we were doing that, or connecting to feminism is because everything Their ideas continue to evolve, as all of ours do.” poems, or songs. We made it explicit.” youdoinyourlife hastobeabig feministstance,” The great gift of feminism, Velez said, “is it’s Left unsaid was the contrast between then she said in an interview. “And I don’t think that’s always in some kind of evolution.”n

WEEKLY

“We have this weird and often damaging tendency to [divide people], where you’re either one thing or you’re not. . . .

I think being a feminist takes all different forms, and at the core of it is being inclusive and not excluding.”

Grace Smith, 20

“I don’t know that our generation is any more or less political.

I just think our view of what it means to mobilize has shifted dramatically.”

Tiffany Sun, 21

SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2016

16

KLMNO WEEKLY

HEALTH

The menace of loneliness

ISTOCKPHOTO

BY

A MY E LLIS N UTT

I

t torments the young and terrorizes the old. It carved “caverns” in Emily Dickinson’s soul and left William Blake “bereaved of light.”

Loneliness, long a bane of humanity, is increasingly seen today as a serious public health hazard.

Scientists who have identified significant links between loneliness and illness are pursuing the precise biological mechanisms that make it such a menace, digging down to the molecular level and finding that social isolation changes the human genome in profound, long-lasting ways.

Not only that, but the potential for damage caused by these genetic changes appears comparable to the injuries to health from smoking and, even worse, from diabetes and obesity. The scientists’ conclusion: Loneliness can be a lethal risk. And the United States — which so prizes individuality — is doing far too little to alleviate it.

“In public health, we talk all the time about obesity and smoking and have all these interventions, but not about people who are lonely and socially isolated,” said Kerstin Gerst Emerson, an assistant professor at the University of Georgia’s Institute of Gerontology.

“There are really tangible, terrible outcomes. Lonely people are dying, they’re less healthy, and they are costing our society more.”

Psychologist Steve Cole, who studies how social environments affect gene expression, says re-

searchers have known for years that lonely people are at greater risk for heart attacks, metastatic cancer, Alzheimer’s and other ills.

“But we haven’t understood why,” he said.

Then last year, Cole and his colleagues at the UCLA School of Medicine, along with collaborators at the University of California at Davis and the University of Chicago, uncovered complex immune system responses at work in lonely people. They found that social isolation turned up the activity of genes responsible for inflammation and turned down the activity of genes that produce antibodies to fight infection.

The abnormalities were discovered in monocytes, a type of white blood cell, produced in the bone marrow, that is dramatically changed in people who are socially isolated. Monocytes play a special immunological role and are one of the body’s first lines of defense against infection. However, immature monocytes cause inflammation and reduce antibody protection. And they are what proliferates in the blood of lonely people.

Such cellular changes, says University of Chicago social neuroscientist John Cacioppo, are a byproduct of human evolution.

Early on, when survival depended crucially on cooperation and communication, social isolation was a huge risk. So evolution shaped the primitive human brain to desire and need social interaction in the same way it shaped the

brain to desire and need food.

Today, social isolation is often an unavoidablelifestyle.Butitputsthe body, on the cellular level, on constant alert for a threat. That helps explain why lonely people are more likely to act negatively toward others, which makes it that much harder for them to forge relationships.

“I do see these patients all the time,” said psychiatrist Jacqueline Olds, who has a private practice in Cambridge, Mass., and has cowritten two books on the subject.

“Many of the people who end up lonely give off signals they want to be alone out of anxiety. . . . Feeling left out has a huge effect on our psyche from our evolutionary worries that everyone else will survive and we won’t.”

The most broadly accepted definition of loneliness is the distress people feel when reality fails to meet their ideal of social relationships. Loneliness is not synonymous with being alone. Many people live solitary lives but are not lonely. Conversely, being surrounded by others is no guarantee against loneliness.

Loneliness is also not the same as depression, though the two often go hand in hand. The first, related to the drive to belong, is motivational. The other, a more general feeling of sadness or hopelessness, is not.

At the University of Georgia, Gerst and health economist Jayani Jayawardhana wanted to see how widespread the distress from loneliness actually is. They analyzed longitudinal data from

Scientists find social isolation is more dangerous than diabetes, obesity

two national health and retirement studies conducted in 2008 and 2012. Through the answers provided by 7,060 individuals 60 and older, the researchers concluded that chronic loneliness was “a significant public health issue,” one that “contributes to a cycle of illness and health-care utilization.”

Among their more unusual findings: Even when controlling for an increase in physician visits because of illness, loneliness appeared to be an important predictor of those visits. The doctorpatient relationship, it seemed, provided one of the few social outlets for isolated people.

Psychotherapist Matt Lundquist, director of TriBeCa Therapy in New York City, has become something of an expert on loneliness. Hardly a week goes by, he says, without one of his patients expressing “agony” over something seen on Facebook. “It’s a reinforcement that everybody has these connections and [they] don’t,” he said.

A study published online recently in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, suggests there is also a parallel effect with health and loneliness.

With every positive increase in social relationships, researchers in North Carolina and China saw improvement in specific physiological biomarkers such as blood pressure and body mass index.

The largest positive effect was associated with those who had a variety of relationships, such as with friends, romantic partners and co-workers.

Many researchers believe the United States is not doing enough to address loneliness as a public health issue. For inspiration, they point to the United Kingdom. Begun in 2011, its national Campaign to End Loneliness involves five social-service agencies and about 2,500 smaller organizations, all working to raise people’s awareness of loneliness.

German psychoanalyst Frieda Fromm-Reichmann could have predicted the science more than a half-century ago. One of the first to examine social isolation from an empirical perspective, she wrote that the “naked horror” of loneliness shadows our lives because the longing for intimacy is always with us.

“There is no human being who is not threatened by its loss.” n

SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2016

17

FAMILY

KLMNO WEEKLY

The high cost of infant day care In December, Secretary of Labor Thomas Perez announced new aid for parents struggling to cover child-care costs.

Below is a comparison of the annual cost of full-time care for an infant at a day-care center in the 10 most costly states, some major cities and Washington, D.C., according to government data. — Annys Shin

1. Minnesota

2. Oregon

3. New York

4. Massachusetts

5. Colorado

ANNUAL COST OF INFANT CARE IN A CENTER:

ANNUAL COST OF INFANT CARE IN A CENTER:

ANNUAL COST OF INFANT CARE IN A CENTER:

ANNUAL COST OF INFANT CARE IN A CENTER:

ANNUAL COST OF INFANT CARE IN A CENTER:

$14,366

$11,322

$14,144

$17,062

$13,154

% OF MEDIAN FAMILY INCOME:

% OF MEDIAN FAMILY INCOME:

% OF MEDIAN FAMILY INCOME:

% OF MEDIAN FAMILY INCOME:

% OF MEDIAN FAMILY INCOME:

MARRIED COUPLE

MARRIED COUPLE

MARRIED COUPLE

MARRIED COUPLE

MARRIED COUPLE

15.2

15.2

15.2

53.6

50.7

54.5

SINGLE PARENT

SINGLE PARENT

SINGLE PARENT

15.1

15.1

46.6

62.8

SINGLE PARENT

SINGLE PARENT

6. Washington

7. Illinois

The District

8. California

9. Nevada

ANNUAL COST OF INFANT CARE IN A CENTER:

ANNUAL COST OF INFANT CARE IN A CENTER:

ANNUAL COST OF INFANT CARE IN A CENTER:

ANNUAL COST OF INFANT CARE IN A CENTER:

ANNUAL COST OF INFANT CARE IN A CENTER:

$12,733

$12,964

$22,631

$11,817

$9,852

% OF MEDIAN FAMILY INCOME:

% OF MEDIAN FAMILY INCOME:

% OF MEDIAN FAMILY INCOME:

% OF MEDIAN FAMILY INCOME:

% OF MEDIAN FAMILY INCOME:

MARRIED COUPLE

MARRIED COUPLE

MARRIED COUPLE

MARRIED COUPLE

MARRIED COUPLE

14.8

14.4

14.7

49.2 SINGLE PARENT

10. Kansas ANNUAL COST OF INFANT CARE IN A CENTER:

$11,201 % OF MEDIAN FAMILY INCOME:

14.1 MARRIED COUPLE

46.9

54 SINGLE PARENT

14.4

14.2

44.9 88.5

SINGLE PARENT

SINGLE PARENT

Post analysis of cost of full-time center-based infant care, five days a week, 52 weeks a year, in select other cities in 2011-2012, based on available city, state and federal data (annual cost and % of median family income): The District: $18,528, 23% New York City: $13,520, 19% Chicago: $11,856, 16% Boston: $19,500, 21% Dallas: $7,613, 11%

SINGLE PARENT

SOURCE: U.S. CENSUS, AMERICAN COMMUNITY SURVEY; CHILD CARE AWARE OF AMERICA; DAY CARE COUNCIL OF NEW YORK; ILLINOIS ACTION FOR CHILDREN; MASSACHUSETTS CHILD CARE RESOURCE AND REFERRAL NETWORK; D.C. OFFICE OF THE STATE SUPERINTENDENT FOR EDUCATION; D.C. DEPARTMENT OF PLANNING; TEXAS WORKFORCE COMMISSION

34.9 SINGLE PARENT

SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2016

18

KLMNO WEEKLY

BOOKS

Facing the camera, eyes on the cause NON-FICTION

F PICTURING FREDERICK DOUGLASS An Illustrated Biography of the Nineteenth Century’s Most Photographed American

By John Stauffer, Zoe Trodd and CelesteMarie Bernier Liveright.

288 pp. $49.95

l

REVIEWED BY ELIZABETH R. VARON

rederick Douglass escaped from slavery in Maryland in 1838, then forged a storied career as his era’s preeminent champion of emancipation and civil rights. In his long campaign against racial prejudice, he marshalled not only the power of words but also the power of visual images.

Douglass was photographed more than any other American of his era: 160 distinct images have survived (compared with 126 for Abraham Lincoln). In “Picturing Frederick Douglass,” we see that the photographic portraits of the abolitionist crusader had a distinct political purpose. Douglass intended for them to be powerful refutations of the pro-slavery creed, with its theories of race hierarchy and its venal stereotypes, and to demonstrate the equality, fitness for citizenship, variability and individuality of African Americans. By the late 1840s, Douglass the radical reformer had perfected a look of “artful defiance or majestic wrath” intended to shake viewers out of their moral complacency.

Douglass’s portraits were reproduced and widely disseminated in his day in the form of lithographs or engravings cut from the photographs. Professors John Stauffer, Zoe Trodd and CelesteMarie Bernier have produced a beautifully crafted and contextualized compendium of the extant photographs of Douglass, images that reflect Douglass’s passion for the emerging medium of photography and his conviction that the new technology could be a powerful tool for creating a truly democratic society.

In a superb epilogue, Henry Louis Gates Jr. notes that modern viewers cannot help but be astonished by the technical quality of the images. The large-format plate cameras of the day, with their long exposure times, produced portraits of extraordinary detail. Some of the photographs seem almost threedimensional in their depth.

ALBERT COOK MYERS COLLECTION, CHESTER COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY

NELSON-ATKINS MUSEUM OF ART

NEW-YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY

EDWIN BURKE IVES AND REUBEN L. ANDREWS/ HILLSDALE COLLEGE

JOHN HOWE KENT/ ROCHESTER PUBLIC LIBRARY

DENIS BOURDON/FREDERICK DOUGLASS NATIONAL HISTORIC SITE/NATIONAL PARK SERVICE

Top, from left: May 1848, Edward White Gallery, New York; circa 1855; circa 1858. Bottom, from left: 1863, Hillsdale, Mich.; January 1874, Rochester, N.Y.; May 10, 1894, Notman Photographic Company, Boston.

Part one of the book highlights 60 images, most of which have never before been published in their original form. They are arranged in chronological order and annotated, with information about the photographers who took them — and thus the images trace Douglass’s prodigious travels on the anti-slavery reform circuit and the arc of his growing authority and fame. After the Civil War, in his capacity as a distinguished statesman, Douglass favored more conventional threequarter and profile portraits.

Part two, a short section on “contemporaneous artwork,” conjures up the contours of the “visual war” that Douglass, in solidarity with anti-slavery photographers, waged against racist caricatures.

The lithographs, paintings, drawings and other renderings of Douglass’s image that circulated in his era lacked the accuracy and objectivity that the medium of

photography could provide.

Part three, on the “photographic legacy” of the 19th-century images, makes the case that Douglass won the visual war. We see how individual photographic plates have inspired a huge range of modern artworks, most notably sculptures and murals that locate Douglass among the great heroes of early American history and, since the 1960s, alongside modern icons such as the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., Mahatma Gandhi and Malcolm X. Douglass’s place in the socialjustice pantheon is due primarily to his gifts as an orator and writer, and these are represented in “Picturing Frederick Douglass,” too, in the form of three previously unpublished speeches that the authors label, somewhat misleadingly, as Douglass’s “writings on photography.” The three speeches do celebrate the advent of photographs. But they do much more

than that. Douglass meditates about the power of art, the capacity for picture-making and picture-appreciating that all humans share and that makes us distinct from the rest of creation.

Even as he saw photography as a potential vessel for objectivity, he also acknowledged the pitfalls of the new technology: It could promote vanity and a conservative conformity to fixed images of ourselves. Douglass continually refashioned himself in photographs to transcend these limits, and he implicitly argued in these essays that technology is a force for good only if we use it in the right spirit.

The final section of “Picturing Frederick Douglass” presents, nine images per page, all 160 of the extant photographs. Together they illuminate American history and memory. In the context of the antislavery struggle, Douglass’s aim was to prove irrefutably that he was fully a man. Modern readers who bring to this book a reverence for Douglass as almost superhuman can find poignancy in the evidence that Douglass was just a man.

Some of the most affecting photographs are the rare ones taken outside of studio settings, such as the 1850 image of Douglass and some fellow abolitionists seated in an apple orchard in Cazenovia, N.Y. Here we glimpse, as if in a moment of time travel, Douglass alongside the men and women he worked with and inspired; there is no formality to hide the vulnerability of these reformers, who were in the throes of a seemingly unwinnable struggle. Even the posed solitary portraits convey some vulnerability: Like photographs of Lincoln during the Civil War, the portraits of Douglass invoke the profound burdens of leadership, an abiding spirit of humility and solemn intimations that even the greatest men and women are mortal. n Varon is a professor of history at the University of Virginia and the author of “Appomattox: Victory, Defeat and Freedom at the End of the Civil War.”

SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2016

19

BOOKS

KLMNO WEEKLY

New series from a mystery master

A sweeping story of autism’s history

F ICTION

N ON-FICTION

T

l

REVIEWED BY

M AUREEN C ORRIGAN

here’s the thrill that comes in discovering a terrific new mystery writer, and then there’s the thrill that comes in discovering a terrific new — and different — mystery novel written by an already acknowledged master.

Reed Farrel Coleman has been a big macher on the mean streets of hard-boiled detective fiction for a couple of decades now. He has created standalone novels and several series, foremost among them the acclaimed Moe Prager books featuring a Jewish ex-cop in 1980s New York, whose cases have led him into the shadowy side of Coney Island and the Catskills.

Coleman is a busy guy, but like many of the best mystery and suspense writers, he seems to thrive on deadlines rather than downtime. Which leads us to his superb new novel, “Where It Hurts,” the first in what promises to be another standout series.

“Where It Hurts” sticks close to the hard-boiled formula, yet in Coleman’s hands, all the standard elements seem as radiant and new as a freshly peroxided blonde. The main character, Gus Murphy, is yet another middle-aged ex-cop who’s been chewed up and spat out by life. When his teenage son dies suddenly, Gus’s marriage falls apart and he sinks into depression.

Seeking numbness as a survival strategy, Gus lands a job at the Paragon Hotel (“a paragon of nothing so much as proximity, proximity to Long Island MacArthur Airport”) where, in exchange for a paycheck and a room, he drives the courtesy van and works security at the dreary joint. “The Paragon wasn’t the kind of place with bridal or presidential suites. It wasn’t the kind of place with suites at all,” Gus says. “No one came here to be pampered or to have free wine at five or complimentary continental breakfast in the morning. People came here to leave.”

Perhaps not since F. Scott Fitzgerald surveyed the Valley of Ashes has a writer so evocatively

nailed the peculiar deadness of certain stretches of Long Island that fortunate commuters pass through on the way to better places.

Early one morning, Gus is roused from his room at the Paragon by a phone call from the lobby: A man is waiting for him in the hotel’s airplane-themed “Runway coffee shop.” The mystery caller turns out to be Tommy Delcamino, “Tommy D.” — a small-time drug dealer and thief whom Gus, in his days on the force, arrested many times. A few months earlier, Tommy’s son, T.J., was murdered — his body burned and then dumped in a garbage-strewn vacant lot. In their meeting, Tommy D. offers Gus a roll of cash to ask around and find out why T.J.’s murder is such a low priority for the police.

Gus responds by exploding in white-hot rage. He suspects Tommy D. of trying to manipulate him because they’re both grieving fathers. But, as days pass, Gus finds that he can’t forget the image of Tommy D’s wrecked face — a mirror image of his own. Soon enough, Gus is driving all over “the Island,” seeking out cops and criminals who might know something about T.J.’s murder. Along the way, Gus not only stirs up more violence, but also stirs himself back to life.

“Where It Hurts” is one of those evocative mysteries that readers will remember as much for its charged sense of place as for any of its other considerable virtues.

Coleman draws on loads of flashy local color. After all, as Gus tells us: “Outsiders don’t get Long Island, most New Yorkers don’t understand it. They can’t see past the beaches and the sound, the Hamptons and the Gold Coast, the country clubs and the marinas. . . .

What off-islanders see is the 24karat gilding along the edges where the money flows, not the fool’s gold in the middle.” n Corrigan, who teaches literature at Georgetown University, is a book critic for the NPR program “Fresh Air.”

I WHERE IT HURTS

By Reed Farrel Coleman G.P. Putnam’s Sons.

368pp. $26.95

IN A DIFFERENT KEY The Story of Autism

By John Donvan and Caren Zucker Crown. 670 pp. $30

l

REVIEWED BY

A NN B AUER

was on Page 86 of John Donvan and Caren Zucker’s magnificent opus, “In a Different Key: The Story of Autism,” when I began casting the movie.

This is when the gentle Leo Kanner — a psychiatrist who first used the word “autism” to describe the childhood disorder in 1943 — turns on the mother he’s been encouraging and mentoring to care for her odd and special child.

Up until this point, Kanner had a close relationship with Mary Triplett, whose son Donald’s story bookends “In a Different Key.” Donald was autism’s “Case 1,” so Mary’s information was critical to Kanner’s research. In letters, the doctor assured her that she was an excellent mother, admirable and capable, and that Donald’s peculiarities were not her fault.

But in 1949, Kanner recanted all of it, writing a major article about the “coldness,” “obsessiveness” and “maternal lack of genuine warmth” he’d seen in the vast majority of mothers of autistic children — including Mary Triplett.

Why would he do such a cruel thing? The answer, according to Zucker and Donvan, is ambition.

Kanner (who should be played by Ben Kinsgley) seized on a darkly provocative theory — also espoused by Bruno Bettelheim — because it elevated his work. When Kanner could offer no scientific explanation for autism, he got little attention and respect. But finding a witch to burn set fire to his career.

Kanner’s betrayal is the centerpiece of this book — a fable about greed, power and betrayal told through the lens of autism.

Don’t worry that I’ve ruined the drama. “In a Different Key” is chock-full of suspense and hairpin turns. This is a story of violence, avarice, politics and valor. From mid-century institutions where children deemed feebleminded were committed to live in dark corners covered with their own excrement to the millennial vaccine mania that corrupted autism research and set health policy

back years, Donvan and Zucker paint the story in sweeping, cinematic bursts.

Yes, there are crucial omissions in this far-reaching book. Despite a nearly 80-page section on Ivar Lovaas and his breakthrough behavioral approach (called ABA) for children with autism, Donvan and Zucker fail to mention that Lovaas used the same sort of pyschological conditioning to “normalize” young boys suspected of being gay or transgender.

In fact, parents get very loving, Hallmark-television treatment from the two authors (one of whom has an autistic child). The only families who come under fire are the anti-vaxxers, along with researcher Andrew Wakefield, whose vaccine studies — later discredited as fraudulent — unleashed epidemic disease.

Much as I think Donvan and Zucker tried to be objective, “In a Different Key” reads not like a history but a story (hence, the subtitle), with drama and narrative, heroes and villains, a beginning, middle and end. But this is precisely the magic of their extraordinary book. Because a story can lift and inspire and center you.

I have been the mother of an autistic son since 1988. So I came to “In a Different Key” braced for a tedious lecture. Who were these authors to tell me about autism?

Yet this book does what no other on autism has done: capture all the slippery, bewildering and deceptive aspects.

I wept and laughed and raged while reading it, all the while thinking, “Yes! This is my experience,” including the raw and dirty parts, but also the wonder and joy.

It’s the bones of a screenplay about what it’s like to be human in this particular, vulnerable way. More important, this is my son’s story, his whole strange, endearing clan brought to life with dignity and affection on the page. n Bauer is the author, most recently, of the novel, “Forgiveness 4 You.”

SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2016

20

KLMNO WEEKLY

OPINIONS

Why do so many people hate Cam Newton?

CINDY BOREN writes for The Washington Post’s sports blog The Early Lead and is the social media editor for Sports.

This season, Cam Newton’s level of play, and the according level of notoriety, has risen sharply. But along with the acclaim for a star quarterback playing at an elite level, so, too, rose a furor from those who see the face of the Carolina Panthers as more villain than hero.

He dances, he smiles, he hands footballs to young fans — each action rustling up irate radio callers or a flurry of letters to the editor. For his part, Newton maintains he doesn’t care but with his Panthers playing in Super Bowl 50 today, the conversation around the perception of perhaps the NFL’s best player has only intensified.

“I’m an African American quarterback that may scare a lot of people because they haven’t seen nothing that they can compare me to,” Newton said the other week, confronting the matter head-on.

Race, as he pointed out, almost certainly has something to do with it. Fox Sports’ Jason Whitlock may envision Newton as the new Magic Johnson, with a dazzling smile and a game to match, but Ryan Clark, a former NFL player turned ESPN commentator, recalled the wife of one player telling him that Newton “rubs her the wrong way and I don’t know why.” “ ‘Here’s why he rubs you the wrong way, because you don’t understand it,’ ” Clark said he told her, as retold on the “Mike and Mike” show. “Because for so many years black quarterbacks didn’t have to conform to a way of playing quarterback, they had to conform to a way of behavior.

[Seattle Seahawks quarterback] Russell Wilson is easier to take because every time he gets on the mic, he speaks about God.” Where does the intense dislike for the presumptive MVP — whose jersey is only the 22nd best seller in the NFL — come from?

It’s an issue that bubbled up and intensified during the regular

season. Newton’s joyous touchdown celebrations triggered many angry letters to the editor of the Charlotte Observer, with a Tennessee Titans fan asking how she could talk to her daughter about dancing quarterbacks, concluding by calling Newton a “spoiled brat.” Another letterwriter criticized Newton later in the season for having a child with his girlfriend outside of marriage.

Never mind that the appropriateness of suggestive dance moves might be better directed to the NFL’s cheerleaders. And never mind that New England Patriots quarterback Tom Brady also fathered a child out of wedlock. It was Newton that earned their ire.

Where exactly is the harm in his touchdown dances, in exuberantly being himself? In terms of conduct unbecoming, there are certainly better examples.

Critics will point to a stolen laptop in college, but Newton confronted that in November and spoke of his maturation.

“When I talk to people, I try to make it personable, because if I can make it anybody can,” Newton said. “You’re talking about a person six or seven years removed from a stolen laptop – things that people don’t really

CHRIS KEANE/ASSOCIATED PRESS

want to talk about – a person that had to go to junior college. It’s athletes all in junior college right now asking, ‘Am I going to make it? Am I going to get a scholarship?’ But I did all of that, and look at who I am today.

“I’m not saying that to brag or boast. I’m saying that because somebody is listening to this right now and they’re in that situation right now where they may have had a mistake that happened, but that doesn’t necessarily describe who they are as a person. We all make mistakes. But yet, it’s all about how you rebound from that mistake instead of just giving up.”

Since he has been in the NFL, he has reached out to help disadvantaged people and children during the holidays — and literally reaches out to kids with a football after every touchdown he scores.

Maybe the vitriol toward Newton is partly rooted in his outspokenness, confidence and competitiveness. He warned opponents that the best way to stop his touchdown dances was to keep him from scoring.

Newton is clearly being held to a different, higher standard and one easy explanation is that he is black. But ESPN’s Clark traces the dislike of Newton to culture, not race.

“He isn’t disliked because he’s brown-skinned. He’s disliked because it’s culturally hard to understand for most people,” he said. “See, for many years, if you looked at the black quarterbacks that were accepted, it wasn’t about skill set. . . .

“Russell Wilson is a brown quarterback, but Russell Wilson’s culture is easier to understand.

Russell Wilson doesn’t dance.

Russell Wilson doesn’t have the hip-hop culture. Young Jeezy and Future aren’t going to Russell Wilson games. So, for the Caucasian fan, for the fan who doesn’t understand that culture, Cam Newton’s culture is too young, hip-hop, too young brown.”

Part of it, too, is that we’ve never seen a quarterback quite like Newton. At 6-foot-5 and 260 pounds, he is a powerful runner with a strong, accurate arm.

Newton embodies the evolution of the NFL quarterback, and people are slow to embrace such bold change, particularly after the cerebral Peyton Manning-Tom Brady era. Everything is scrutinized, no matter how many charity events he hosts in Charlotte or how often he hands a football to a kid in the stands.

Now, in his fifth season and leading a team with just one loss this season to the Super Bowl, Cam Newton should be becoming the face of the league, no matter how difficult that may be for some people to accept.

“People can’t even articulate why they don’t like him, but I’m not going to turn this into race and say they don’t like him because he’s black,” Clark said.

“They don’t like his culture. They don’t like what he embodies, what he embraces. It’s not right for that position, but he’s winning and it’s right for that team, so we all just need to get over it and just stop having this conversation.” n

SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2016

21

OPINIONS

KLMNO WEEKLY

TOM TOLES

Cancer ‘moonshot’ isn’t a cure-all VINAY PRASAD is a cancer researcher and assistant professor at Oregon Health and Science University and is co-author of the 2015 book “Ending Medical Reversal: Improving Outcomes, Saving Lives.”

Like many oncologists and cancer researchers, I rolled my eyes when I first heard about Vice President Biden’s cancer “moonshot,” but not because of the noble goal. I was among the many people who were deeply sorry to hear about the death of the vice president’s son Beau from cancer last year. And I, too, have mourned the untimely deaths from the disease of people close to me. Those of us who care for cancer patients would give nearly anything to be able to cure all those with cancer or, at a minimum, to greatly extend their lives. Today, we can sometimes do this, but sadly those circumstances remain far too limited.

But a cancer moonshot evokes a sense of deja vu. The 1970s ushered in the War on Cancer, which was largely unsuccessful at generating better treatments. In 2003, it was then-National Cancer Institute head Andrew Von Eschenbach assuring then-Sen. Arlen Specter that, for just $600 million a year, we could rid the world of cancer five years ahead of 2015, the target at that time. Now here were Biden and the Obama administration making another tall promise. Did we really need this again?

One of Biden’s first announcements was that the Food and Drug Administration would speed the approval of promising drug combinations.

But thinking you will substantively improve cancer treatment by altering how it is

regulated is like thinking you can run a faster mile by buying a new stopwatch. The efficacy of cancer drugs is beyond the FDA’s control, and no one doubts it would approve transformative drugs or drug combinations if they appeared. A study of 71 drugs approved for solid tumors from 2002 through 2014 showed that the median improvement in survival times was just 2.1 months. If we are going to make real progress against cancer, we must acknowledge that such marginal gains — achieved at the price of substantial cost and toxicity — are not good enough.

Another oft-mentioned proposal is harnessing the power of big data. One such idea is to closely examine what therapies have worked for individuals and which unique genetic traits

allowed those therapies to work, and then extend these findings to other patients. Unfortunately, such an approach is fraught with limits. My colleague Andrae Vandross and I recently reviewed the published reports of patients who have had an exceptional response to a cancer drug. In many instances, we found that these patients responded unusually well not only to the studied drug but also to older ones. It is hard, then, to conclude which patients have great outcomes because of a drug and which simply have slow-growing cancers. Observational data — no matter how “big” — will have difficulty overcoming this challenge.

Biden has recently offered up two more moonshot ideas: immunotherapy and increasing access to trials. Immunotherapy refers to promising new drugs that harness the body’s immune system to fight cancer, and indeed these have generated impressive outcomes for some patients. But with dozens of immunotherapy studies underway, that rocket has already lifted off, and it’s unclear what Biden’s moonshot can add.

And, unfortunately, the bitter reality is that immunotherapy is unlikely to be a panacea.

Increasing access to cancer trials would be a great thing, but

it is hard not to think of it as only a modest step, as well.

But the fundamental problem with a moonshot — a surge of concentrated effort to tackle a single problem — aimed at cancer is that it does not fit the way that medical progress occurs.

Scientific discovery is hard to predict, and breakthroughs occur in serendipitous and unexpected ways, arising from diverse disciplines. A serious moonshot would require funding science broadly, consistently and in steadily increasing amounts. This money would go to cancer biology research, but also to physiology, molecular biology, genetics, physics, chemistry, social science, clinical trials, supportive care and on and on. The way in which we will ultimately make progress in fighting cancer, and for that matter Alzheimer’s disease, and emphysema, and mental illness, will probably surprise even the most farsighted experts, and may have surprisingly diverse origins.

Such science is not just the best way to improve human health but also the only way. A commitment to funding science generally in times of budget surplus and shortfall, would be a true moonshot for the United States.

Sadly, this is the one moonshot no one in politics seems to have the courage to fight for. n

SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2016

22

OPINIONS

BY WASSERMAN FOR THE BOSTON GLOBE

A bipartisan Obamacare solution NEWT GINGRICH AND TOM DASCHLE Gingrich, a Republican, was speaker of the House of Representatives from 1995 to 1999. Daschle, a Democrat, was Senate majority leader from 2001 to 2003. They are co-chairs of the Bipartisan Policy Center’s Insurance Coverage Initiative.

Last month, majorities in Congress voted to repeal the Affordable Care Act. Not surprisingly, President Obama vetoed the repeal bill, and the Republican Congress was unable to override the president’s veto.

As former leaders in Congress, we have a message for both sides in this debate: It’s time to give the states a chance.

This doesn’t mean that conservatives and Republicans have to give up the fight to reduce the regulations and taxes in the law. It also doesn’t mean that progressives and Democrats have to stop defending protections for the underinsured and uninsured.

Instead, it’s time to look to a provision of the Affordable Care Act — Section 1332 — that can achieve what both sides earnestly wish for: providing more Americans with access to more affordable, flexible, patient-centered health care.

Since we share these goals, we prepared a report with the Bipartisan Policy Center by working out our differences and seeking common ground. The process was at times grueling, but that made it all the more rewarding to be able to develop collaborative, bipartisan recommendations. We wanted to offer a way past the impasse over the Affordable Care Act without either of us having to sacrifice our core principles.

Section 1332 of the Affordable Care Act creates a process for

generating State Innovation Waivers — the result of a bipartisan agreement between Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) and then-Sen. Bob Bennett (R-Utah).

As a result, both sides have the ability to explore ways to serve taxpayers and patients better by rewarding innovative, localized and effective systems of care delivery while maintaining critical protections.

Beginning in 2017, the provision allows states to opt out of the Affordable Care Act requirements, so long as certain conditions — or “guardrails” — are adhered to. These guardrails require states to offer coverage that is at least as comprehensive as the ACA’s essential healthbenefits package; that is at least as affordable; that insures at least a comparable number of

KLMNO WEEKLY

BY OHMAN FOR THE SACRAMENTO BEE

residents; and that maintains federal deficit neutrality.

So long as those conditions are satisfied, the waiver provision is intended to give states a great deal of flexibility. Namely, states can waive certain provisions of the law, including those relating to the individual and employer mandates, provided they demonstrate that a comparable number of residents would receive coverage. However, some provisions, such as requiring the coverage of those with preexisting conditions, cannot be waived.

Unfortunately, the administration didn’t promulgate its interpretation of Section 1332 until December.

Consequently, in the absence of earlier guidance, states have been slow to act on this opportunity to experiment, innovate and transform their health-care systems within this framework. And the recent federal guidance may further delay the use of this provision should states perceive it as not providing sufficient flexibility.

To correct this, we encourage the Obama administration to convene the nation’s governors to advise it on future Section 1332 rule-making. Collaboration between the states and the Department of Health and Human Services would ensure

the implementation of a regulatory framework that can help states realize their full potential as laboratories of innovation.

While we support the administration’s decision to interpret the requirement to permit deficit neutrality over the length of the waiver, we would encourage it to go a step further.

The administration should allow states to combine related funding streams (such as from Medicaid and tax credits) into any comprehensive waiver program put forth. Together, these recommendations would maximize state flexibility and ensure that upfront costs were invested wisely by the states.

This, and other efforts to improve our health-care system, will require bipartisan consensus and action from Congress and the administration. Despite the talk of dysfunction in Washington and the heated rhetoric of another campaign cycle, we believe it’s essential that this opportunity not be missed.

Our proposal represents a step toward bipartisan health-care reform. More important, it offers a glimmer of hope that pressing concerns can be addressed thoughtfully and substantively by this and the next generation of leaders in Washington. n

SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2016

23

KLMNO WEEKLY

FIVE MYTHS

Donald Trump on Donald Trump BY

G LENN K ESSLER

Plenty of would­be presidents make dubious claims about what they have accomplished in office (created millions of jobs! slashed spend­ ing!). Few make such claims about their personal attributes. Donald Trump has no such hesitation. Here are five of the biggest myths Trump tells about himself.

1

“I’m, like, a really smart person.”

Of course, “smart” is a bit subjective. There’s book smarts as well as street smarts. Many would say Trump has run a pretty smart campaign. But clearly he’s saying that his brain is very sharp — as he puts it, “super-genius stuff.’’

Trump’s college background, in fact, is often his key piece of evidence for his intellectual superiority. But there’s less here than meets the eye. Trump did graduate from the Wharton School of business at the University of Pennsylvania, an Ivy League college. But Trump did not get an MBA from Wharton; he has a much less prestigious undergraduate degree. He was a transfer student who arrived at Wharton after two years at Fordham University, which U.S. News & World Report currently ranks 66th among national universities. (Besides, simply going to an Ivy League school doesn’t prove you’re a genius.)

For years, numerous media reports said Trump graduated first in his class from Wharton, but that’s wrong. The 1968 commencement program does not list him as graduating with any sort of honors.

2

“I have the world’s greatest memory.”

One of Trump’s most controversial claims is that he saw a television news report about thousands of Muslims in New Jersey cheering the collapse of the World Trade Center in 2001. That statement ended up on the Washington Post Fact Checker’s list of 2015’s biggest

Pinocchios.

Trump insisted he was right because he has such a great memory.

But no television network could find such a clip — though extensive searches were made. No news reports were tracked down to validate Trump’s claim of “thousands.” The closest thing ever found was a local newscast at the time, from a CBS affiliate in New York, that reported on the arrest of eight men who neighbors said had celebrated the attack. That’s a far cry from thousands. There were also video clips of several Palestinians in the Israeli-occupied territories cheering. But that wasn’t New Jersey — and again, it wasn’t thousands.

Trump also tried to point to a line in a Washington Post article written days after the attacks that said law enforcement authorities detained and questioned some people who were allegedly seen celebrating. But when one of the reporters, Serge Kovaleski, said the article did not validate Trump’s claim, the real estate magnate mocked Kovaleski’s disability. (Kovaleski has a chronic condition that limits his mobility.)

Trump later denied doing so, claiming that he didn’t know the reporter — even though Kovaleski had closely covered Trump in the 1980s and 1990s and had interviewed him several times.

Maybe Trump should rephrase his boast: “I have the world’s most selective memory.”

3

“I’m proud of my net worth. I’ve done an amazing job.”

RAINIER EHRHARDT/ASSOCIATED PRESS

Trump frequently touts his financial acumen. He often says he is worth $10 billion, though most analysts say that is exaggerated. Bloomberg News closely studied his 92-page financial disclosure report and concluded that he is really worth $2.9 billion.

That may sound like a lot of money. But don’t forget that Trump inherited a lot of money, too — about $40 million in 1974.

National Journal noted that Warren Buffett was also worth $40 million in 1974 — and he managed to turn that into $67 billion today. But then Buffett doesn’t have a long list of business flops, such as Trump Airlines, Trump Vodka, various Trump casinos, Trump Steaks and Trump University.

4

“I’m self-funding my campaign.”

Trump keeps saying that unlike his rivals, he’s paying for his own presidential campaign, but that’s largely false.

At the start of his campaign, he loaned his political operation $1.8 million.

As of Oct. 1, he had given his campaign an additional $104,829.27 — but he had also received $3.9 million from donors, which accounted for the vast majority of the $5.8 million

his campaign had taken in by then.

Ultimately, all of his spending — and where the money came from — will have to be disclosed in campaign finance reports. The odds are his personal share of the spending will be less than 50 percent.

5

“I’m probably the least racist person on Earth.”

Trump has a pattern of racially tinged remarks and actions.

Speaking to the Republican Jewish Coalition in December, Trump made a speech riddled with Jewish stereotypes, such as: “Look, I’m a negotiator like you folks; we’re negotiators.”

Another Trump observation: “A well-educated black has a tremendous advantage over a well-educated white in terms of the job market. . . . If I were starting off today, I would love to be a well-educated black, because I believe they do have an actual advantage.’’

When Trump launched his campaign, he made a broadbrush accusation against Mexico: “They’re sending people that have lots of problems, and they’re bringing . . . drugs, they’re bringing crime, they’re rapists.

And some, I assume, are good people.” n

SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2016

24

2016

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