The Washington Post National Weekly - July 3, 2016

Politics Some worry about holes in strategy 4

World Danger of discontent in E.U. 10

Data Crunch Income gaps aren’t just for cities 17

5 Myths About sharia 23

ABCDE NATIONAL WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

.

IN COLLABORATION WITH

Trump says he’s been ‘basically the same’ since first grade. Many would agree.

Bold. Self-assured. Antagonistic.

How incorrigible Donny became The Donald PAGE 12

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

2

BWUSOINRELSSD Wenatchee Valley

YOUR LOCALLY

OWNED BUSINESS

ORK QUALIT Y W ft See PAGE 3 tional Woodcra Tradi

STORY A BIT OF HI Hotel See PAGE 5 terville Historic Wa

JULY 2016

$2

MAGAZINE

t s i l h s i w Our

See Page 20 Wenatchee wants The franchises

RLD’S BUSINESS WO

We publish a World of business news every month.

If you’re not already receiving a copy of this region’s leading business publication, Wenatchee Valley Business World, stop by our office and purchase a copy of our July edition.

You’ll find features on:

G PRESENTIN SPONSORS

THE FRANCHISE STORES AND RESTAURANTS ON YOUR WISH LIST

The results are in from our informal survey on the World’s Facebook page — Trader Joe’s, anyone?

A WOODWORKING FAMILY TRADITION

We profile Traditional Woodcraft of Leavenworth, where father and son keep the tradition of hand-crafted woodworking alive.

SPEND SOME TIME IN WATERVILLE

The iconic Waterville Historic Hotel, a landmark in the town for over 110 years, is a great place to spend the night, or just spend an afternoon sitting on the porch.

Plus Rick Steigmeyer’s wine column, with the results of the wine judging for this year’s Wenatchee Wine & Food Festival.

Also business briefs, real estate transactions and building permits, lively guest columnists, the Wenatchee Valley Chamber of Commerce newsletter, local business achievements and much more.

And coming in our August edition it’s our 30 under 35 section, honoring 30 individuals in our area, all under the age of 35, who are making a difference in our community.

You can find Business World and daily business news updates on our website at wvbusinessworld.com.

Enjoy the digital edition of June’s Business World at wvbusinessworld.com/digital/

Business orld Wenatchee Valley

W

PICK UP A COPY OF BUSINESS WORLD AT ALL AUT-TO MOCHA LOCATIONS, AND LES SCHWAB IN WENATCHEE AND EAST WENATCHEE. TO SUBSCRIBE BY MAIL, CALL OUR CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT AT 509-663-5161 OR ONLINE AT WVBUSINESSWORLD.COM/SUBSCRIBE-BW/ CAN’T GET ENOUGH BUSINESS NEWS? FOLLOW US ON LINKEDIN.

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

3

KLMNO WEEKLY

ON LEADERSHIP

When CEOs get political BY

J ENA M C G REGOR

S

tarbucks chief executive Howard Schultz has spoken out on gun control, race relations, and the “cynicism, despair, division, exclusion, fear and yes — indifference” in America today.

Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg said at a developer conference this year that “I hear fearful voices calling for building walls and distancing people as they label others,” even if he didn’t directly mention GOP presumptive nominee Donald Trump.

Salesforce.com CEO Marc Benioff has become a “ringleader,” in the words of one state senator, of big business executives who have opposed state legislation that limits gay rights.

These and other CEOs have increasingly begun taking on social issues, shedding long-held fears of offending certain groups of employees, customers or investors for taking risky political stances. In doing so, companies often cite a defense of the rights of employees, a belief their corporations have a broader social role to play, or a philosophy that it’s simply the right thing to do.

But a recent survey finds that the average person doesn’t see it that way.

The survey, from Weber Shandwick and KRC Research, looked at consumer views of what it calls “The Dawn of CEO Activism.” It finds that people cite media attention as the reason for CEOs’ vocal viewpoints more than anything else (36 percent chose this rationale). The next most-cited reason (21 percent of respondents, who could choose more than one reason) was to build the CEO’s reputation.

And while a similar number said CEOs were

KLMNO WEEKLY

speaking out to be “open and honest about how they personally feel about an issue,” — a positive thing, certainly — that’s not the same as people thinking it’s to help employees or make a stand for the greater good.

Indeed, just 14 percent of the 1,027 adults surveyed thought a reason CEOs were getting more political was because they wanted to “leverage their influence and financial power for good” or “do what is right for society.”

because this is such a new dynamic — people are so focused on ‘Oh my God, this company [is saying this],’ and not tying it to the reasons behind it. . . . The motivations behind why CEOs speak up have to be more clearly articulated if this trend continues.”

But despite all of this cynicism, the research also found an encouraging link — if a nuanced one — between socially active CEOs and the public’s views.

In general, more people judged CEOs favorably if they took a public stance on hotly debated current issues. But if the issue was seen as being wholly unrelated to the company’s business, the results flipped, with more having an unfavorable view.

In addition, millennials — now the largest generation in the workplace — are especially drawn to CEO activism, with significantly more of them saying they would be more loyal to an employer if the CEO spoke out on a controversial issue.

While CEOs may be speaking out more on political issues or social policies, Gaines-Ross says political endorsements are likely to remain something of a taboo. CEOs have long given money to candidates, and plenty of STEPHEN BRASHEAR/GETTY IMAGES business leaders do speak out. But it remains rare to see current CEOs of Starbucks chief executive Howard Schultz Fortune 500 companies vocally endorse a has spoken out on race and other issues. presidential candidate.

Still, Gaines-Ross says she also believes the And only 11 percent believe the rationale is to overall trend of greater CEO activism will con“speak up on behalf of the company’s employtinue, with top business leaders becoming even ees and customers.” more politically engaged and socially active on Even if CEOs really are trying to use corpohot-button issues. rate muscle to make broader changes or do “Employees and company cultures are so something to protect employee rights, “that important today,” she said, “that CEOs are message is not getting communicated,” Leslie going to take on some of these social issues in Gaines-Ross, Weber Shandwick’s chief reputathe name of their employees.” n tion strategist, said in an interview. “It may be

This publication was prepared by editors at The Washington Post for printing and distribution by our partner publications across the country. All articles and columns have previously appeared in The Post or on washingtonpost.com and have been edited to fit this format. For questions or comments regarding content, please e-mail weekly@washpost.com. If you have a question about printing quality, wish to subscribe, or would like to place a hold on delivery, please contact your local newspaper’s circulation department. © 2016 The Washington Post / Year 2, No. 38

CONTENTS POLITICS THE NATION THE WORLD COVER STORY DATA CRUNCH BOOKS OPINION FIVE MYTHS

4 8 10 12 17 18 20 23

ON THE COVER Donald Trump is seen standing next to his school teacher, top row, fourth from the left, with his kindergarten class at Kew-Forest School. Photograph courtesy of PAUL ORNISH

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

4

KLMNO WEEKLY

POLITICS

BY P HILIP R UCKER AND J OHN W AGNER

St. Clair Shores, Mich.

H

illary Clinton’s campaign strategists look at the general-election map and see a bounty of electoral college votes that are hers for the taking: in Florida and Virginia, Colorado and Nevada — all places where Donald Trump has badly damaged his standing with nonwhites and women.

Yet as Clinton plots her march to the White House, there are warning signs elsewhere — in states where her campaign is not yet making a full investment. And that has sparked concern from allies who say Trump must not be underestimated.

In Michigan, Pennsylvania and, to a lesser extent, Wisconsin, an affinity for Trump’s message of economic populism and nationalism has surprised many Democrats. These are big, industrial states they have carried for the past three decades — and where Clinton, so far, has not fully focused.

Listen to the happy-hour conversation around the bar at Waves in this politically up-for-grabs suburb of Detroit, or to young parents taking their children for a stroll along the lakefront, or to factory workers picking up a 12pack of Budweiser at the liquor store, and you hear danger for Clinton. Particularly striking is how many voters have reservations about Trump — yet are still thinking of giving him their vote.

“Trump is just insane,” said Joe Place, 57, a retired autoworker who is undecided. “I vote Democrat, but I can’t vote for Hillary. . . . I think she’s beholden to interests other than mine or the middle class.”

Four years ago, residents of St. Clair Shores narrowly voted to reelect President Obama. Now, people here want change. In the primaries, they went decisively for Trump and Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont. And in conversations recently, they espoused many of the same sentiments as British voters who defied their country’s political and business leaders by choosing to exit the European Union.

People here said they feel left behind in the economy and wronged by politicians. They are anxious about immigration and terrorism. They see corporations rebounding from the recession,

Some see pitfalls in Clinton’s strategy

JAY LAPRETE/ASSOCIATED PRESS

Rust Belt states where she hasn’t fully engaged could be trouble spots but they wonder why their families aren’t better off. They villainize globalization, fear losing their national identity, and distrust elites and institutions.

These attitudes are shaping a rollicking presidential campaign defined by two historically unpopular nominees. “We just have garbage candidates,” said Joe Fish, 33.

Or, as 18-year-old Julie Downey put it, picking between Clinton and Trump “is like finding the shiniest turd.”

With a flashy real estate mogul for an opponent, whose incendiary rhetoric and divisive policies have turned off huge swaths of the country’s electorate, Clinton has been given a seemingly enormous opportunity. Yet she carries her own burdens — primarily that the public does not trust her, according to many polls. And as a Washington fixture for a quartercentury, she is struggling to credi-

bly present herself as a change agent.

“Trump kind of scares you, like he might do something goofy, something bad,” said Scott Vezinau, 51, the owner of Waves.

“Like push the red button when he doesn’t know what he’s doing,” his wife, Denys, 49, a waitress here, chimed in.

“But I’m for change,” Scott said.

“We’re looking for something different.”

Denys explained: “We’ve been born and raised Democrat. My father worked at Chrysler, his father for General Motors. We voted for Obama. But we’re leaning towards Trump. Where else do you go?”

If Clinton is not the answer for the Vezinaus and voters like them across Michigan, as well as in Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, her campaign may be miscalculating where she should invest.

Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton speaks in Ohio, which has been a priority state. But some worry she’s not focused enough on other big, industrial states.

Clinton’s campaign is advertising heavily in eight swing states with soft-focus spots designed to rehabilitate her image. These three Rust Belt states are not on the list, despite the campaign’s organizing presence on the ground here, raising concerns among allies who fret that she cannot afford to take any of them for granted.

“I have been stunned at the number of sane people who have said they know what Donald Trump is, they know what he stands for, but they want to shake up the system,” said Rep. Debbie Dingell (D-Mich.), a Clinton backer.

Reflecting on the Brexit vote, Dingell added: “It’s a forewarning of how people are fed up. I listen and hear them every day. And it’s why I am worried and why I am paying attention.”

Clinton aides said their candi-

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

5

POLITICS date is attuned to these anxieties.

She gave back-to-back economic speeches the other week — the first painting Trump as unfit to steer the nation’s economy and the second detailing her policy prescriptions.

“Far from underestimating what’s happening out there, Secretary Clinton is seeing it and feeling it every day with her engagement with the American people,” Jake Sullivan, Clinton’s top policy adviser, told reporters hours after the Brexit vote. “She will be offering specific solutions, not slogans, not anger.”

The key for Clinton in the Rust Belt, her allies say, is to discredit Trump and to demonstrate that she has concrete proposals to better their lives — all while connecting emotionally with people’s anger.

“There’s no doubt that workers in Michigan feel the impact of manufacturing job loss,” former Michigan Democratic governor Jennifer Granholm said. “There’s also no doubt that Trump’s words about trade resonate. But besides his words, what else is there?”

Clinton’s advisers think Sanders could help Clinton with rural whites, young people and other groups that backed him in the primaries, though he has refused so far to suspend his campaign.

In the Michigan primary, Sanders hammered Clinton for her past support of “disastrous trade deals” — a salient issue here that helped propel him to an upset win.

“The secretary was a little bit flatfooted,” Sanders campaign manager Jeff Weaver said of Clinton.

Since then, Trump has been making the same argument, but Clinton has been vowing to “say no to bad trade deals,” including the pending Trans-Pacific Partnership.

Republicans boast that Trump is awakening “Reagan Democrats” — whites who crossed over for Ronald Reagan in the 1980s but now vote only irregularly.

However, many Reagan Democrats by now are either dead or have become reliable Republicans.

“The map is problematic for any Republican going into this election. It’s even worse — substantially worse — for Donald Trump,” Democratic pollster Mark Mellman said, citing Trump’s low favorability ratings. “Obviously, he’s looking at fantasy land if he thinks he can put places like California and Michigan into play.”

Picking between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump “is like finding the shiniest turd.”

Julie Downey, 18, who works at Steve’s Backroom in St. Clair Shores, Mich.

PHOTOS BY NICK HAGEN FOR THE WASHINGTON POST

“We just have garbage candidates.”

Joe Fish, 33, shown with his wife, Brandi Fish, 30, as they take their children out for a stroll at Veterans Memorial Park in St. Clair Shores.

This thinking explains why Clinton is not on the air in Michigan, Pennsylvania or Wisconsin, at least as of now. Clinton spokeswoman Lily Adams said, “We’ll continue to monitor states throughout the general election” to consider changes in future ad buys. By comparison, Trump is not airing any ads, meaning Clinton has no pressure to match him.

Of the three states, Pennsylvania appears the most competitive; a recent Quinnipiac University poll showed a virtual tie. Priorities

USA, a pro-Clinton super PAC, has announced it would purchase $10.5 million worth of ad time in Pennsylvania between July and November.

Clinton aides express a steely confidence about all three states.

They think the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia this month will generate positive attention across Pennsylvania. In Michigan, they are doubtful that Trump could outperform Mitt Romney, who was born here and whose father was a popular governor; Rom-

KLMNO WEEKLY

ney lost to Obama by nearly 10 percentage points in 2012. And in Wisconsin, Clinton allies are heartened by the reservations many prominent conservatives there have voiced about Trump.

On the ground, Clinton’s campaign has been working with the Democratic Party to deploy scores of staffers — though they are getting a later start than in higherpriority states such as Ohio.

In Pennsylvania, which also has a competitive Senate race, the Democratic Party said it has a field staff of more than 100. In addition, outside groups are spending millions of dollars to augment the party’s voter registration, persuasion and turnout activities.

“You take what the Clinton campaign is doing, you layer that on top of what labor is doing, then you take these affiliated groups, and you compare it to the other side of the ledger — which for all intents and purposes is a goose egg — and that lays a foundation for a very positive outcome,” said T.J. Rooney, a former Pennsylvania Democratic Party chairman.

Trump’s campaign is so underfunded that it has outsourced its ground game to the Republican National Committee, which said it has 54 staffers in Pennsylvania and 34 in Michigan. “Winning these two states would definitely put us on the path to 270 electoral votes,” said Jon Black, the RNC’s director of turnout and targeting.

Clinton led Trump 43 percent to 39 percent in the most recent Michigan poll, a May survey by the Detroit News. Democratic strategists think Clinton’s huge advantage among black voters in Detroit, coupled with the opposition to Trump from some mainstream Republicans, will prove difficult for Trump to overcome.

But Ronna Romney McDaniel, the state Republican Party chair, thinks otherwise. She recalled seeing a few thousand people at Trump’s first Michigan rally, last August in Birch Run, and realizing that he could turn her state red for the first time since 1988.

“I remember thinking, this is not a typical Republican audience,” she said. “There are people here who are coming out for Donald Trump that I have never seen at a Republican rally before in our state. They were union Democrat voters . . . and they believe that he is going to be a champion for them in the White House.” n

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

6

KLMNO WEEKLY

POLITICS

The revolutionary’s next tactic

BY D AVID W EIGEL AND J OHN W AGNER

Syracuse, N.Y.

W

hen Bernie Sanders came to this city in April, he was flat-out running for president.

Six thousand people packed a downtown arena to cheer him on, and a thousand more cheered from outside.

The crowd was smaller here in late June, just 500 people — but technically, they were not here for Sanders. The senator was rallying for 70-year-old Eric Kingson, who was running for Congress and who worked the crowd, praising “Bernie’s genuineness and indisputable integrity” as he promised to expand Social Security.

The campaign stop, Sanders’s first for a congressional candidate, offered a glimpse of the postpresidential-bid figure he would like to become: a politician who uses his unexpectedly strong showing in the presidential race to push his progressive policies in Congress, in campaigns and across the country.

But as he ponders his next moves, and the fate of perhaps the biggest donor list in politics, Sanders is facing a challenge almost as steep as a presidential campaign.

How does a revolutionary persuade his supporters to continue the revolution with someone else? Can he maintain the enthusiasm of followers who were new to politics after falling in the primaries to establishment stalwart Hillary Clinton? Can he transfer his popularity to relatively unknown figures?

And has Sanders frittered away the leverage he built by remaining an active candidate when most of the party has moved on to a bruising fall battle against Donald Trump?

On his website, Sanders has already started to make the transition from active candidate to another kind of leader. “This is your movement,” it now says, showing a montage of diverse faces.

And at the urging of his wife, Jane, he has been talking to his inner circle about launching a grass-roots organization to harness the energy of his supporters.

MICHAEL GREENLAR/SYRACUSE NEWSPAPERS VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS

Sanders enters a new phase: Trying to push both Congress and his supporters in new directions Among aides, there is chatter about who might staff such an organization, which might resemble Democracy for America, the group that former Vermont governor Howard Dean launched after his failed 2004 presidential bid.

Sanders’s profile in the Senate is expected to increase once he returns to the chamber full time, and aides say he will almost certainly seek reelection in 2018 — though it is unclear whether either will translate into more muscle on Capitol Hill. Sanders has suggested that he will try to mobilize his supporters around key issues and that he wants to lead the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, which has jurisdiction over many of the high-profile issues he pushed during his campaign.

Sanders’s donor list, which the campaign says includes 2.7 million contributors across the country, is another uncertain — and highly coveted — asset. Sanders proved to be a surprisingly potent fundraiser, taking in more than $229 million

as of May, the vast majority in online, low-dollar increments.

Eric Kingson was looking to be one of the early beneficiaries of Sanders’s new role. He was hoping the late-campaign assist from Sanders would help him come out on top this past Tuesday against Colleen Deacon of Syracuse and Steve Williams of Baldwinsville in the race for the Democratic nomination in New York’s 24th District.

Kingson told Syracuse.com’s Mark Weiner that a Sanders fundraising email led to some $20,000 in contributions from more than 3,800 people a few hours after it was sent.

But Kingson lost Tuesday’s primary to Deacon, who had New York’s Democratic establishment behind her.

In fact, Sanders’s only big endorsement win so far in the primary season was a candidate that Emily’s List and numerous other progressive groups supported.

Zephyr Teachout, who won in New York’s 19th District, is a law profes-

Bernie Sanders stumps for Eric Kingson, who was a candidate in Tuesday’s primary for New York’s 24th District. Sanders has begun endorsing candidates who support his views.

sor whom some have compared to Elizabeth Warren and many progressives said was on their list of the next big movement leader.

In other words, she was making waves in progressive circles even before Sanders’s big presidential campaign; his support was the icing on the cake.

At the June rally for Kingson, Sanders let Kingson speak first, and then spent much of his own 24-minute speech praising the candidate.

The crowd showed an awkward but promising transition for Sanders. A warm-up band called Sophistafunk got the crowd to dance and cheer for “President Bernie Sanders.” Many in the crowd said the senator from Vermont was the only candidate they trusted.

“It’s my last chance to introduce my son to an honest politician,” said Stacey Edwards, 31, with 13year-old Jonathan in tow. “I’ve been a fan of Bernie for 20 years, and I’m so glad he’s back.”

Edwards and others said they could not support Clinton for president. “I’ll go Green or I’ll write in Bernie,” she said. Then she added a caveat: “Down the ballot, I’ll vote for anyone who shares his values.”

That was what Sanders wanted to hear. Since June 16, when he asked supporters to run for office, at least 21,000 said they would — or at least hit the streets to help.

What is unclear is whether Sanders, who enjoys higher favorable numbers than Clinton or President Obama, will ever tell those voters to support the winner of the presidential primary contests.

Clinton aides have privately expressed frustration over Sanders’s continuing campaign and refusal to this point to endorse her, a step they believe could help unify the party heading into the fall.

“The intensity of his supporters is so much greater than the intensity for any other candidate, including Hillary Clinton,” said Rep. Beto O’Rourke (D-Tex.), a Clinton endorser whose El Paso-based district went strongly for her but who suggested that Sanders could pull out voters who might normally skip elections. “In El Paso, she crushed him, and yet in terms of

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

7

POLITICS incoming calls and emails to our office, asking where to vote, it was like 3 to 1 Bernie. In Texas, he could get some of those folks who don’t traditionally vote to come out.”

Sanders’s role is under discussion, but he has said a more immediate priority is trying to find common ground on the issues he championed during the primaries.

“It’s not just Bernie Sanders saying, ‘Oh, yes, just vote for Hillary Clinton,’ ” Sanders told CNN a week ago. “It is Hillary Clinton standing up and saying, ‘You know what? These are the things we need to do.’ And if she does the right thing, I am absolutely confident that the vast majority of my supporters will vote for her.”

Sanders has been lobbying Clinton to embrace several of his proposals, including tuition-free public universities and a $15 minimum wage. Asked on “CBS This Morning” why he had yet to endorse Clinton, Sanders said he had not “heard her say the things that need to be said.”

That struggle is visible in Sanders’s attempts to influence the Democratic Party platform, as well. A chief reason he has given for remaining an active candidate, the negotiations illustrate both the opportunity and the limitations of his newfound status.

A draft document approved recently would move the party to the left on wages, banking reform and climate change, and represents several concessions by Clinton.

But Clinton allies on the panel also resisted Sanders’s aggressive overtures on trade, several environmental issues and universal health care, a core of Sanders’s mission to tackle income inequality.

There is some evidence that most Sanders supporters have already fallen in line behind Clinton.

In a Washington Post/ABC News poll released last week, just 8 percent of Democrats said they would vote for Trump; just 1 percent of Democrats and 3 percent of selfidentified “liberals” said they would vote for the Green Party.

The Clinton camp, meanwhile, is moving forward with other highpowered campaign surrogates. On Monday, Sen. Elizabeth Warren (DMass.), another darling of the left and a potential running mate, campaigned with Clinton in the battleground state of Ohio. Obama is expected to join her next week.

Amber Phillips contributed to this report.

KLMNO WEEKLY

“I told him (Governor Paul LePage) my money I earn here I’m putting in a kitty. I want to buy a car this summer.”

— Ann LePage

Wife of Maine’s governor is ready to take orders BY

P ETER H OLLEY

T

hat Ann LePage — the wife of Maine Republican Gov. Paul LePage — snagged her latest job using her family “connections,” is hardly surprising.

What is surprising is that those connections didn’t come from her powerful husband, but instead from her daughter, who is in law school.

Last summer, Lauren LePage made a whopping $28 an hour at McSeagull’s, “a bustling restaurant touting double-wrapped bacon scallops and views of Boothbay Harbor,” according to the Associated Press.

This year, her 58-year-old mother is following in her footsteps to make some extra dough.

“Oh honey, it’s all about the money; it’s all about the money,” LePage told CBS affiliate WGME. “I told him (Governor Paul LePage) my money I earn here I’m putting in a kitty. I want to buy a car this summer.”

What kind of car? Not a Mercedes or a Range Rover — the political elite’s preferred modes of transportation — but a Toyota RAV 4, the kind of modest SUV a person apparently buys when their spouse is the lowest-paid governor in all 50 states, according to the AP. As governor, LePage’s annual salary is $70,000 a year. The average yearly income for a married-couple family in Maine is about $87,000, according to U.S. Census data.

Earlier this year, the governor proposed more than doubling the salary of future governors to $150,000, which would be the job’s first pay raise since 1987, according to WGME. In the meantime, his wife has joined the ranks of more than 10,000 or more seasonal employees in Maine, many of whom land temporary jobs at restaurants and bars, the station reported.

ROBERT F. BUKATY/ASSOCIATED PRESS

Ann LePage chats with diners after taking their order at McSeagull's restaurant. Her manager said LePage is “an amazing employee.”

“It’s a big business in Maine in the summer — particularly on the coast,” LePage said during a recent town hall, according to WGME. “My daughter last year, she’s in law school, she made $28 an hour working in Boothbay as a waitress, server,” he added. “She did so well, my wife, the first lady, to supplement the governor’s salary is waitressing this summer. I’m kidding — not kidding really.”

Ann LePage told the AP that waitressing is “something I’ve always, always wanted to do.” Previously, she told WGME, she had spent her time on “first lady duties.” Without a second income, she noted, “it’s tight sometimes.”

Now that she’s entered the workforce, Ann LePage said her next challenge is proving herself.

She’s already working three days a week, the AP reported, but she’s asking for more shifts, where she’ll continue to serve dishes like the “Lobster Chicken Bomb” and “Off The Wall Cheeseburger Pizza.”

“Because of who I am and who I’m married to, I want to work

extra hard just so I can show them I can do the job,” she said.

Her manager told WGME that the first lady’s work ethic is already apparent.

“She’s an amazing employee,” general manager Jackie Barnicoat said. “I’m a big fan; love having her on board.”

LePage told the AP that she doesn’t reveal her political identity to people unless they inquire first. Even so, some customers — who are used to seeing the first lady raising money for veterans or making public appearances on television — have their suspicions.

“I knew, that’s why I kept staring!” Nina Stoddard, a Republican, exclaimed to the AP. Stoddard’s friend, Laurie Green, told the AP that she loved the example the first lady was setting.

“I really hate a lot of our politicians nowadays that have the wealth, the money,” said Green, who identified herself as an unaffiliated voter. “They have no clue what the average person out in the world is doing.” n

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

8

KLMNO WEEKLY

NATION

States look to tax distance, not gas BY

M ICHAEL L ARIS

A

group of East Coast states wants to help overhaul the way America pays for its decaying roads, and it’s starting with Monopoly money.

Delaware, Pennsylvania, Connecticut and New Hampshire are proposing pilots to figure out how they might charge motorists a fee for the miles they travel — rather than taxing their gas, as state and federal officials do today.

The I-95 Corridor Coalition, which represents transportation officials from 16 states and the District of Columbia, applied for a grant in May to test the idea.

Officials would stitch together the policies and technologies needed to count the miles driven by 50 recruits from each of the four states, including state legislators, transportation officials or other willing guinea pigs. They would send out “faux invoices” monthly.

And they would collect the data that legislatures — and the driving public — would require to decide if the change makes sense.

Although California plans to launch a pilot in July, also with fake invoices, and Oregon has had success with a volunteer program collecting actual cash, the concept is not particularly well known — or well loved across the country.

The Mineta Transportation Institute, which has polled the public on a variety of tax questions for the past seven years, found that the mileage tax was “unwaveringly unpopular.” In the latest survey, which covered 1,500 people and was released last month, the institute found that support ranged between 23 percent and 48 percent, depending on how the question was framed. More people liked the idea if the mileage tax varied by how much a car pollutes.

But Jennifer Cohan, Delaware’s secretary of transportation and coalition chair, said states have no choice but to seek alternatives.

“Reliance on the gas tax as a major contributor to funding transportation is no longer a viable option,” Cohan said.

The federal gas tax of 18.4 cents per gallon has not been raised

ROBERT CRAIG/WILMINGTON NEWS-JOURNAL VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS

Despite privacy concerns, East Coast coalition wants to track and bill drivers for their mileage since 1993, and many states have not indexed their own gas taxes to inflation, so key funding sources have fallen far behind needs.

And efforts to raise gas taxes can hit a political wall, as one did in Delaware last year. “In general, it just leaves a bad taste in their mouth when you mention the words ‘gas tax,’ ” Cohan said.

According to the latest Mineta survey report, written by Asha Weinstein Agrawal and Hilary Nixon, which was presented in June at the Commonwealth Club of California, between 31 and 75 percent of people supported raising the gas tax — the higher figure if it was dedicated to maintenance.

Delaware ended up raising DMV fees instead. But advocates said that there needs to be a more comprehensive approach to plugging the gaping hole in the nation’s transportation funding, which is why the group of states is delving into the intricacies of “mileagebased user fees.”

“It’s kind of hard to wrap your head around it,” Cohan said, adding that she hopes to tap would-be opponents as some of the test subjects if they are awarded the grant.

“Whatever it ends up being, at least we’ll have data. We’ll actually have something to show: This is what it will look like if we actually implement it,” she said.

Privacy remains a key issue, including how the government can track miles traveled without raising fears of snooping on where people are going.

Backers say that they are sensitive to such concerns, particularly after Edward Snowden’s revelations about data collection by the National Security Agency left many spooked about government overreach. At the same time, people readily allow their movements to be charted and their personal details to be broadcast via smartphone apps.

Louis Neudorff, an engineer at the firm CH2M Hill, helped man-

A traffic jam plagues Interstate 95 near Wilmington, Del. The state tried to raise gas taxes last year but met with great resistance.

age Oregon’s effort and would play a key role if the I-95 group secures federal funding. He said there are a range of technological tools that allow miles to be tallied without intrusion. Drivers can plug a counting device into a port already found on many cars, he said. Cellphone apps are another option, including one that calls for the driver to take periodic photos of the odometer. One firm promises to pull mileage data from cars through a device hooked to gas pumps at local service stations, Neudorff said.

Cheaters seeking to game the system are a challenge as well.

Of course, some people have no objections to one of the most straightforward solutions: using GPS to measure distances. Such a method would also help solve one of the big questions the East Coast pilot projects would seek to answer: how to divvy up all the miles (and money) based on which state the car is in.

“You can drive three or four hours in our part of the world and go through three or four states,” said Neudorff, who lives on Virginia’s Eastern Shore. Loads of toll data from E-ZPass transponders that are already in many cars could help, he said.

“You cannot mandate GPS or, politically, this will never go anywhere. You have to have choices,” Neudorff said.

Patricia G. Hendren, executive director of the I-95 coalition, said that people could opt out. Any future approach “will offer the option to simply pay an annual fee,” she said. But setting that fee could be sticky.

Backers said such questions, and even basics such as how much to charge per mile, are part of what needs to be hashed out in the experiments. Oregon, for example, has been charging 1.5 cents per mile in its volunteer program, which was designed to raise the same amount as gas-tax revenue.

The intent is that the mileagebased fee “is not additive, but a substitute for the gas tax,” Hendren said. The fake monthly bills would include “estimated gas-tax credits,” she said. n

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

9

NATION

KLMNO WEEKLY

In U.S., Zika policies all over the map

BY B RADY D ENNIS AND L ENA H . S UN

C

ommunities across the country are preparing for the arrival of the Zika virus, but they aren’t preparing equally.

One county is ready to leap into action with a fleet of helicopters and planes to spray for diseasetransmitting mosquitoes. Others facing a similar risk of the disease can’t afford much more than educational coloring books. Some localities have signed up private contractors to wage war on disease-carrying mosquitoes. For others, the only line of defense is an overworked parks employee responsible for all kinds of maintenance — “Chuck in the truck,” as one expert put it.

As the mosquito season kicks into full swing, the story playing out across the country is one of haves and have-nots. With no aid in sight from the federal government, local officials are preparing as best they can for the possibility that Zika could soon spread within the United States. But the task has fallen to a patchwork of state and local programs that have a huge disparity in financial resources and manpower.

In Lee County, Florida, the country’s best-funded mosquito control authority plans to mobilize its fleet of helicopters, airplanes and on-the-ground workers over a one-square-mile area wherever a Zika case surfaces.

In Alabama and New Mexico, officials are handing out hundreds of thousands of mosquitothemed coloring books to schoolchildren, hoping to teach them and their families how to avoid the mosquitoes that carry the Zika virus.

In South Dakota and a few other states, authorities are collecting and shredding mountains of old tires, a favorite breeding ground for the mosquitoes that spread Zika.

Places with ample funding, such as New York City, have extensive efforts underway to control the mosquitoes that carry the virus and respond aggressively

MARK LENNIHAN/ASSOCIATED PRESS

Without federal aid, localities brace for virus with disparate — and often depleted — resources should the disease begin to spread locally. Yet many areas of the South and Southwest — which are at far higher risk of Zika because they are home to the disease’s primary mosquito vector — have so few dollars that they are relying largely on a mixture of public education and good luck.

Zika infections are especially dangerous for pregnant women, putting their fetuses at risk of developing severe birth defects, including microcephaly, in which the brain fails to grow properly.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is monitoring at least 265 pregnant women with Zika infections in the continental United States, and that number is expected to grow. Eight U.S. pregnancies have already resulted in birth defects.

So far, the Zika cases detected in the United States are in people who contracted the virus while traveling or whose sexual partners were infected abroad. Infected people have the potential to

pass the virus to others through mosquitoes; infected men also can pass it to their sexual partners.

The Obama administration asked Congress for $1.9 billion in emergency funding to fight Zika four months ago. Lawmakers have so far failed to reach an agreement on it.

The CDC plans to send rapidresponse teams at the states’ request to any community on the mainland or Hawaii where the virus begins to spread locally. The expert teams will help state and local authorities monitor cases, perform lab tests and plan for mosquito control.

But for the most part, mosquito control remains the responsibility of local authorities.

CDC Director Tom Frieden said he was encouraged by the dedication of communities around the country aiming to educate the public and reduce the risk of infection.

“But not having the [federal]

New York City Health Department workers load bags of mosquito larvicide on the side of a helicopter for aerial treatments on Staten Island. The city is one of the places with ample funding to fight Zika.

funding hinders states, cities and counties and makes it harder to protect pregnant women,” he said.

“CDC is scraping together funds to meet immediate needs — but this is no way to fight an epidemic.”

And while the risk of outbreaks might be low, the consequences could be devastating, Frieden said. “You are now in a situation where you could be sitting on your patio somewhere in the U.S. South and you get a mosquito bite and your life changes,” he said.

Even if federal funding materializes, it may be too late, some public health experts warn.

Without additional resources, the already-depleted health departments in many states and localities aren’t actively looking for infections in humans, said Peter Hotez, a tropical disease expert at Baylor University.

“There may be cases appearing that are not getting diagnosed,” he said. “Right now, if things don’t change, I’m worried we won’t realize we’ve had a Zika epidemic until months from now, when we start seeing microcephaly cases on obstetric wards.”

The CDC has warned that local transmission is most likely to occur in areas that have reported cases of dengue or chikungunya in the past, two viruses related to Zika and spread by the same mosquito — the Aedes aegypti.

Many communities are facing the unenviable choice of trying to fight the mosquitoes that could cause a Zika outbreak, while also treating for the mosquitoes that spread West Nile, said Dan Markowski, of Vector Disease Control International, a private mosquito control service that contracts with numerous states and localities.

Almost no place has the resources to do both well, he said.

“Public enemy number one is still the Culex mosquito for West Nile. That’s still going to be our number one vector-borne disease here,” said Dallas County Health and Human Services Director Zachary Thompson. “But the fact that you have Zika with the potential for local transmission — that raises the bar.” n

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

10

KLMNO WEEKLY

WORLD

E.U.’s main threat is will of its people

BY A NTHONY F AIOLA AND M ICHAEL B IRNBAUM

Berlin

T

he vote in Britain to leave the European Union lays bare the most dangerous obstacle confronting the world’s most ambitious economic and political bloc: the voice of the European people.

The elites who forged the union — a sprawling labor and consumer market of more than 500 million — have for decades pursued an agenda of deepening integration. French bakers, German bankers and Italian restaurateurs would find themselves beholden to Brussels — the administrative capital now viewed with the same amount of voter sympathy in the towns and villages of Europe as Washington in the American heartland.

The British result amounted to a shock because of its sweep — an outright pullout from the E.U. It forces Europe to face the fact of broad public discontent with the E.U., by no means confined to Britain. Voters in France, Ireland and the Netherlands have previously made that clear when refusing to endorse various proposals that would have furthered European integration. But the U.K. vote was a direct challenge to the E.U.’s viability.

And alarmed leaders fear a domino effect of exit votes that could unravel the bloc. They are vowing a swift reinvention of a cumbersome, complicated and often confusing institution that the average European loves to hate.

Even those who support the E.U’s lofty ideals concede a profound disconnect between the bureaucrats in Brussels calling for “more Europe” — a slogan meaning more integration — and the millions of citizens they serve who say they want less.

“A jolt is necessary,” French President François Hollande, who was in Berlin this past week for crisis talks with German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, said in the aftermath of

AXEL SCHMIDT/REUTERS

Britain’s rejection forces leaders to face the broad public discontent that exists throughout the bloc the British referendum. He added, “The E.U. must be understood and controlled by its citizens. I will do everything to secure profound change rather than decline.”

The lower-middle-class neighborhood of Rudow in the progressive German capital of Berlin has seen more and more voters support the Alternative for Germany party, a populist movement that recently published a manifesto calling for the dissolution of the E.U. Ralf Gotthardt, a 58-year-old retired bus driver smoking a cigarette in front of the local supermarket, offered a picture of the resentment threatening the bloc.

“I understand the British,” he said. “Decisions are just being made over our heads, and we need a referendum. The English did the right thing.”

He blames the E.U. for just about everything sub-par in Rudow. For the non-German-made

washing machines in local stores that “break after only two years.”

For goods and services that seem to cost more than they used to.

For the E.U.’s failure to come up with a real plan for handling a record wave of migrants from the Middle East. For crime — which he sees as the byproduct of the free flow of movement across European borders.

Even before the British vote, a poll by the Pew Research Center suggested the extent of the citizen backlash. The populations, if not the governments, in Eastern European nations such as Poland and Hungary are the bloc’s strongest supporters. But the French, the poll showed, actually dislike the E.U. more than the British. And a majority of Greeks and pluralities of Swedes, Dutch, Germans, Italians and French said they wanted some E.U. powers returned to their national governments.

For generations, the continent’s citizens saw the push for

A man holds up the German newspaper Bild with the headline "OUTsch!" in Berlin after Britain voted to leave the European Union.

European integration — born of the ashes of World War II — as a bulwark against more violence.

The fall of the Soviet Union was celebrated as a triumph for grand Western projects like the one in Brussels. So leaders pushed forward with even tighter integration, sweeping away internal borders, then embracing the common euro currency, which made it possible to save money in one nation and spend in another.

But leaders were reluctant to hand over the real political power to Brussels, leading to the debt and migration crises still dogging Europe today.

When voters in France and the Netherlands rejected a proposed E.U. constitution in 2005, E.U. leaders came back two years later and implemented many of the same changes through a different legal path that did not require voter approval. That helped fuel a sense that the E.U.’s expanding ambition had a life of its own, unchecked by national will.

In Brussels, at an exhibition at the granite-and-steel European Parliament building devoted to explaining the E.U.’s byzantine workings to the public, visitors on a recent day traced the arc of E.U. history in a long hallway.

Each of the 28 member states had its own section.

One large group of visitors to the center — known as the Parlamentarium — were students getting masters’ degrees in European studies — essentially a graduate program in how the E.U. works. Many aspired to working inside the bloc’s institutions and were devoting more than a year to studying the intricate patchwork of commissions, directorates, councils and Parliament.

It is, perhaps, telling that a higher degree is needed to fully grasp the E.U. — a fact that has isolated it from many of the citizens it serves.

“I think it would be better if people understood how the European Union worked, because then they could understand what it’s actually doing,” said Nathalie Nied, 24, a graduate student from Germany in the program. n

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

11

WORLD

KLMNO WEEKLY

A yellow fever explosion K EVIN S IEFF Luanda, Angola BY

A

lmost 80 years after the yellow fever vaccine was created in a New York laboratory, a massive outbreak of the disease has killed hundreds of people in this country, where most were never immunized.

Now, the virus is jumping across borders into other nations whose populations are also largely unvaccinated. More than 3,000 suspected cases are in Angola and 1,000 are in neighboring Congo, making this the biggest urban epidemic in decades. More than 400 people have died. There are growing concerns that Chinese workers — of whom there are thousands in Angola — will carry the virus to Asia, where nearly all of the rural poor are also unvaccinated.

The explosion of yellow fever has put severe strain on stockpiles of the vaccine. And the four major manufacturers that produce the vaccine cannot make enough to conduct the kind of campaign that would quickly halt the spread of the disease in other parts of the region.

Yellow fever was once a devastating scourge in the West — in 1702, New York City lost 10 percent of its population to the virus. Thanks to the vaccine and mosquito eradication programs, it faded in the United States long ago. The fact that the disease is emerging again as an international threat reflects a lack of preparedness by local and global health institutions and Africa’s transformation into a more urbanized and interconnected continent.

Fourteen years after the end of a brutal civil war, Angola boasts road networks and airlines that allow more people to travel at a faster pace than ever before. Yellow fever — which in recent decades has emerged again in remote, sparsely populated locations — has taken advantage of the same infrastructure to spread.

For years, the World Health Organization kept 6 million doses of the vaccine in case of a public health emergency. But, as is apparent, that was not nearly enough for

NICHOLE SOBECKI FOR THE WASHINGTON POST

Urban epidemic in Angola that's killed hundreds may become global crisis amid vaccine shortage a fast-moving epidemic that crosses porous borders. In Angola, even after a campaign that vaccinated 6 million people in Luanda, millions of people remain unvaccinated. If swaths of rural China had to be immunized, the demand for vaccines would skyrocket.

The factories that make the vaccine “are above the capacity of production. They don’t produce more than 2.4 million doses per month. That hampers what we are doing. We need to vaccinate 25 million people” in Angola, said Hernando Agudelo, the WHO representative in this former Portuguese colony.

Yellow fever is far less deadly than Ebola, or even malaria, and it is much easier to safeguard people from the disease. One jab of the vaccine serves as a decade-long inoculation. But each dose takes about 12 months to make — hindering a nimble response to an expansive epidemic.

“It is tragic because we have an intervention that makes the dis-

ease entirely preventable,” said Ray Arthur, the director of the Global Disease Detection Operations Center at the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

In Luanda, the Angolan capital, the disease haunts some of the city’s most desperate communities. Outside of the central hospital one recent morning, a woman whose younger brother had just died of yellow fever wailed uncontrollably. A few miles away, at Hospital dos Cajueiros, several patients — feverish and delirious — said they were sure they had the illness. At the sprawling Camama cemetery, where a stream of mourners affix pictures of the dead to their cars, a man looked at the picture of a baby girl in a pink dress named Marisa Jose Almeda taped to a pickup.

“Febre amarela,” he said, Portuguese for “yellow fever.”

Small outbreaks of yellow fever are common in remote parts of Africa and Latin America. But urban epidemics are particularly

Women grieve over the casket of a boy who had died two days prior in Luanda, Angola, either of yellow fever or malaria.

frightening since the disease can spread rapidly in heavily populated areas where many residents are not vaccinated.

In the past, yellow fever outbreaks “happened in the forest in general. It happened in tropical areas where there are bushes and so on,” Agudelo said.

But, he added, “The border between the rural areas and the urban areas is disappearing.”

Now, Angolans can get on a bus or a plane in the jungle and, within hours, land in the sprawling capital, where the mosquitoes that serve as carriers of the disease swarm, especially during the rainy months. They are even more ubiquitous this year, since an economic downturn and significant budget cuts led to a reduction in sanitation services and garbage collection.

Since January, there have been more than 3,000 cases of yellow fever reported in Angola and probably many more unreported ones.

About 350 people in the country have died of the disease.

At first, the disease can look a lot like malaria. Symptoms include fever, muscle aches and nausea. But yellow fever often turns the skin sallow and causes victims to bleed from the nose, mouth and eyes. About 5 to 10 percent of people who contract the disease die, most of those within 10 days.

In 2006, the WHO and UNICEF had begun immunizing high-risk countries through the Yellow Fever Initiative, a program supported by governments, nonprofits and vaccine manufacturers. But because the supply of vaccines was limited and the capacity to conduct large public-health campaigns was weak in many subSaharan African countries, the scale of the initiative was restricted. Countries such as Nigeria and Sudan were prioritized, since they had more recorded outbreaks of the disease.

Given the lack of resources, said William Perea, coordinator for the Control of Epidemic Diseases Unit at the WHO, “you cannot vaccinate everywhere at the same time.

You have to make some prioritization.” n

COVER STORY

A

s a 5-year-old, the boy followed his babysitter on an urban safari, descending into a sewer that was under construction beneath New York City. The light fading, the sitter grew concerned that the boy would panic. But little Donny Trump kept walking into the gathering darkness.

In elementary school, Donny impressed classmates with his athleticism, shenanigans and refusal to acknowledge mistakes, even one so trivial as misidentifying a popular professional wrestler. No matter his pals’ ridicule, one recalled, he doubled down, insisting wrestler Antonino Rocca’s name was “Rocky Antonino.”

At the military academy where he attended high school, Donny grew taller, more muscular and tougher. Struck with a broomstick during a fight, he tried to push a fellow cadet out a second-floor window, only to be thwarted when two other students intervened.

Long before he attained vast wealth and far-reaching fame, Donald J. Trump left an indelible impression in the prosperous Queens neighborhood where he evolved from a mischievous, incorrigible boy into a swaggering young man.

He was Trump in miniature, an embryonic version of the bombastic, flamboyant candidate who has dominated the 2016 presidential race, more than three dozen of his childhood friends, classmates and neighbors said in interviews. Even Trump has acknowledged the similarities between himself as an adult and when he was the boy whom friends alternately

AS A BOY, DONALD TRUMP LEARNED VITAL LESSON:

BY PAUL SCHWARTZMAN AND MICHAEL E. MILLER

Donald Trump, second from the right in the back row, in his class photo during his last year at Kew-Forest School. The next year, his father sent him to a military boarding school.

referred to as “Donny,” “The Trumpet” and “Flat Top” (for his hair).

“When I look at myself in the first grade and I look at myself now, I’m basically the same,” the 70-year-old presumptive Republican nominee once told a biographer. “The temperament is not that different.”

His face crowned by a striking blond pompadour, young Donald commanded attention with his playground taunts, classroom disruptions and distinctive countenance, even then his lips pursed in a way that would inspire future mimics. Taller than his classmates, he exuded an easy confidence and independence.

“Who could forget him?” said Ann Trees, 82, who taught at Kew-Forest School, where Trump was a student through seventh grade.

“He was headstrong and determined. He would sit with his arms folded with this look on his face — I use the word surly — almost daring you to say one thing or another that wouldn’t settle with him.”

A fierce competitor, Trump could erupt in anger, pummeling another boy or smashing a baseball bat if he made an out, two childhood neighbors said. In school, he misbehaved so often that his initials became his friends’ shorthand for detention.

His father Fred C. Trump’s success as a real estate developer paid for the private schools, limousines and 23-room house to which Donald and his four siblings grew accustomed. Yet Donald also learned that comfort and security

PHOTOS COURTESY OF PETER BRANT

PHOTOS COURTESY OF PETER BRANT

could be fleeting if his grades and behavior were poor. When Donald was 13, his father abruptly sent him to a military boarding school, where instructors struck him if he misbehaved and the requirements included daily inspections and strict curfews.

“He was essentially banished from the family home,” said his biographer, Michael D’Antonio. “He hadn’t known anything but living with his family in a luxurious setting, and all of a sudden he’s sent away. That’s a rough way to start out in life.”

Trump, in an interview with The Washington Post, described his years at the military academy in rosier terms, saying his parents thought the discipline “would be good for me because I was rambunctious.”

“I was a wise guy, and they wanted to get me in line,” he said. “Thinking back, it was a very positive influence.”

If nothing else, the military academy taught young Donald a lesson that would prove valuable in adulthood as he navigated two divorces, bankruptcy and regular spasms of bad publicity: No matter the crisis, he could prevail.

The home that stood out In Jamaica Estates, the Queens neighborhood where Donald grew up, the Trumps’ house on Midland Parkway was distinct, if not for its size then for what it suggested about the wealth of its builder, Fred Trump.

Donald Trump, left, jumps over his classmate Michael Hill at Kew-Forest School in Queens.

At right, Trump’s friend and classmate Peter Brant jumps over Jeffrey Strauss.

At right, Donald and Peter, each about 11 years old, play with snorkel gear in the pool of the Roney Plaza Hotel in Miami Beach.

no matteR WHAT, he could prevail

Seventeen brick steps led up a sloping hill to the entrance, which was framed by a Colonialstyle portico, a stained-glass crest and six white columns. Two Cadillacs were in the driveway, their license plates bearing their owner’s initials, “FCT1” and “FCT2.”

“No one had individualized license plates in those days,” said Ann Rudovsky, who grew up nearby. “Everyone talked about the Trumps because of the house and the cars.”

Unlike most families in the neighborhood, the Trumps had a cook, a chauffeur and an intercom system. Their color television, a rarity at the time, was among the Trumps’ accoutrements that most impressed Mark Golding, Donald’s childhood friend.

“He had the most amazing train set,” recalled Golding, a lawyer in Portland, Ore. “He had all these special gadgets and gates and switches, more extensive than anything I’d seen. I was very envious.”

Donald is the fourth of Fred and Mary Trump’s five children, the first of whom, Fred Jr., a gregarious airline pilot, suffered from alcoholism and died at the age of 43. Maryanne Trump, Donald’s older sister, became a U.S. Appeals Court judge. Another sister, Elizabeth, was an administrative secretary. His younger brother, Robert, went into business.

Their mother, Mary, a Scottish immigrant, relished attention, thrusting herself to the center of social gatherings. She also loved continues on next page

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

14

KLMNO WEEKLY

COVER STORY

COURTESY OF PAUL ONISH

from previous page

pageantry, spending hours watching on television the 1953 coronation of Queen Elizabeth.

Mary Trump suffered a hemorrhage after Robert’s birth that forced doctors to perform an emergency hysterectomy. She also developed an abdominal infection that required several more surgeries, during which she nearly died.

At one point, Fred Trump informed his daughter that her mother “wasn’t expected to live, but I should go to school and he’d call me if anything changed,” Maryanne Trump once told Gwenda Blair, who authored a detailed history of the family. “That’s right — go to school as usual!”

Maryanne Trump declined to comment for this article except to say, “He’s still a simple boy from Queens. You can quote me on that.”

Neither Elizabeth nor Robert Trump responded to messages.

Fred Trump, with his thick mustache and hair combed back, was a stern, formal man who insisted on wearing a tie and jacket at home. A conservative Republican who admired Barry Goldwater, Fred Trump and his wife forbade their children from cursing, calling each other by nicknames and wearing lipstick.

Fred Trump “was really very kind of tightfisted,” said Peter Brant, a newsprint magnate who was among Donald’s closest childhood friends.

“He didn’t give Donald a whole bunch of rope.”

When Fred Trump visited one of his contrac-

Mark Golding, Donald Trump, Irik Sevin, Peter Brant, Paul Onish and Malcolm Mallory pose for a photo at Onish’s bar mitzvah. Onish says he and Trump were among the most mischievous students at Kew-Forest.

tors, he sometimes brought Donald along and hired a teenage boy who lived next door to watch him during the meeting. One afternoon, recalled the sitter, Frank Briggs, 81, he led Trump on a sewer adventure during which “it was pitch black and you couldn’t see the entrance.”

“The thing that amazed me,” Briggs said, “was that Donny wasn’t scared. He just kept walking.”

Dennis Burnham was four years younger and lived around the corner from Donald. He inherited his own impression of his neighbor from his mother, who warned that he should “stay away from the Trumps.”

“Donald was known to be a bully, I was a little kid, and my parents didn’t want me beaten up,” said Burnham, 65, a business consultant in Texas.

Once when she left Dennis in a playpen in a back yard adjoining the Trumps’ property, Martha Burnham returned to find Donald throwing rocks at her son. “She saw Donald

standing at the fence,” Dennis Burnham said, “using the playpen for target practice.”

Creating mischief For kindergarten, Donald went to the private Kew-Forest School, which required skirts for girls and ties and blazers for boys. Everyone had to rise when their teacher entered the room.

Donald was among a group of boys who pulled girls’ hair, passed notes and talked out of turn. “We threw spitballs and we played racing chairs with our desks, crashing them into other desks,” recalled Paul Onish, a classmate, describing himself and Trump as “probably the two worst.”

Donald spent enough time in detention, Onish said, that his buddies nicknamed the punishment “DTs” — short for “Donny Trump.”

“He had a reputation for saying anything that came into his head,” said Donald Kass, 70, a retired agronomist who was a schoolmate.

When Trump misidentified Rocca, the pro wrestler, Kass recalled, “We would laugh at him and tell him he was wrong, and he’d say he was right. The next time, he would make the same mistake, and it would be the same thing all over again.”

In his neighborhood, Donald and his friends were known to ride their bikes and “shout and curse very loudly,” said Steve Nachtigall, who lived nearby. Nachtigall said he once saw them jump off their bikes and beat up

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

15

COVER STORY another boy.

“It’s kind of like a little video snippet that remains in my brain because I think it was so unusual and terrifying at that age,” recalled Nachtigall, 66, a doctor in New Jersey. “He was a loudmouth bully.”

In his memoir, “The Art of the Deal,” Trump wrote that his main focus as a youngster was “creating mischief.” As a second-grader, he wrote, he “actually” gave his music teacher a black eye because “I didn’t think he knew anything about music, and I almost got expelled.”

None of Trump’s childhood friends recall the incident or Donald talking about it then.

At a 2009 reunion, Kass said, the teacher, Charles Walker, told him that Trump had never struck him. But Walker, who died last year, claimed no affection for Trump. In the final stages of his life, according to his son, Charles Walker learned that Trump was considering a presidential bid.

“When that kid was 10,” Peter Walker recalled his father telling family members at his bedside, “even then he was a little [expletive].”

Aiming to overpower If his grades suffered and he annoyed his teachers, Trump found success on the playground. During dodgeball games, he was known for jumping and pulling his knees up to avoid balls thrown at him.

“The Trumpet was always the last man standing,” recalled Chrisman Scherf, 70, a classmate who is a surgeon in Arizona.

Trump’s best sport was baseball, a passion

that inspired him, at 12, to write a prose poem that was published in the yearbook.

“I like to hear the crowd give cheers, so loud and noisy to my ears,” Donald wrote. “When the score is 5-5, I feel like I could cry. And when they get another run, I feel like I could die.

Then the catcher makes an error, not a bit like Yogi Berra. The game is over and we say tomorrow is another day.”

By sixth grade, Donald’s power as a righthanded hitter was enough that fielders shifted to left field when he batted. “If he had hit the ball to right, he could’ve had a home run because no one was there,” said Nicholas Kass, a schoolmate. “But he always wanted to hit the ball through people. He wanted to overpower them.”

A catcher, Trump’s uniform was often the dirtiest on the field, and he shrugged off foul balls clanging off his mask. After once making an out, Donald smashed neighbor Jeff Bier’s Adirondack bat on the pavement. The bat cracked, Bier said, but Trump did not apologize.

In those years, youngsters yearned for the new mitts with intricate webbing that Rawlings had begun manufacturing. Peter Brant persuaded his father to help pay for the $30 glove, but Donald could not persuade Fred Trump to buy him one. Too expensive, he said.

At New York Military Academy, Trump distinguished himself on the baseball and football teams. He even once wrote a composition about his love of baseball.

KLMNO WEEKLY

Straight to boarding school In 1958, when they were 12, Trump and Brant liked to board an E train bound for Manhattan, a distant land of soaring, exotic promise. They did not ask their parents for permission for their Saturday expeditions. Manhattan was too far and too dangerous for two boys from the tranquil, low-slung reaches of Queens.

Exiting the train at 53rd Street and Fifth Avenue, Donald and Peter felt like an urban version of Lewis and Clark. They explored Central Park’s bucolic recesses, watched African American men play basketball on courts along the East River and observed the panhandlers and hustlers in midtown.

Around Times Square, they discovered novelty shops, where they bought stink bombs, hand buzzers and fake vomit — perfect accessories for pranking their pals. The shops also sold switchblades. On Broadway, “West Side Story” was a smash, and the boys, imagining themselves as gang members, bought knives to fit the part.

Near the end of seventh grade, Fred discovered Donald’s knives and was infuriated to learn about his trips into the city. He decided his son’s behavior warranted a radical change.

In the months before eighth grade, Fred Trump enrolled Donald at the New York Military Academy, a boarding school 70 miles from Jamaica Estates.

D’Antonio, the biographer who wrote “Never Enough: Donald Trump and the Pursuit of Success,” said Fred Trump’s decision was “a continues on next page

NEW YORK MILITARY ACADEMY

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

16

KLMNO WEEKLY

COVER STORY

from previous page

very severe response to a kid who hadn’t gotten arrested and wasn’t involved in drinking and drugging. He was essentially a smart aleck.”

“This was a profound rejection of Donald,” he said.

Donald did not announce his departure to his friends, who, when word filtered out, struggled to understand. “It was a very, very sudden thing and I was really surprised and sad,” Brant recalled. “I always said to myself, ‘Is there something I didn’t know about his past that would make his father send him to the military academy?’ ” Irik Sevin, a prominent executive who was a year behind Trump at Kew-Forest, described Donald as a “normal, rambunctious kid.”

“The rug was pulled out from under him,” Sevin said.

Confidence and aggression At the military academy, Trump wore a crew cut, a thick wool uniform and was awoken daily by a recording of reveille.

Instead of steaks prepared by his family’s cook, Donald sat in a crowded mess hall and filled his plate from vats of meatloaf, spaghetti and something called “mystery mountains,” a stew of deep-fried leftovers remade as meatballs.

Instead of his own bathroom, he had to shower with fellow cadets.

Instead of his father, Donald’s new taskmaster was Theodore Dobias, a no-nonsense combat veteran who had served in World War II and had seen Mussolini’s dead body hanging from a rope.

Dobias, who died recently, would smack his cadets with an open hand if they ignored him, students recalled. He set up a boxing ring and forced students with poor grades and disciplinary problems to fight each other.

“At the beginning, he didn’t like the idea of being told what to do, like make your bed, shine your shoes, brush your teeth, clean the sink, do your homework,” Dobias said in an interview last fall, referring to Trump. “We really didn’t care whether he came from Rockefeller Center or whatever. He was just another name.”

Dobias said he recognized in Trump an innate drive: “He wanted to be number one. He wanted to be noticed. He wanted to be recognized. And he liked compliments.”

Trump won medals for neatness and took pride in his grades. He distinguished himself on both the baseball and football teams.

To his classmates, Trump was a blend of friendly and cocky. He boasted that his father’s wealth doubled every time he completed a real estate deal. “He was self-confident and very soft-spoken, believe it or not, as if he knew he was just passing time until he went on to something greater,” said classmate Michael Pitkow.

In his room, Trump played Elvis Presley and Johnny Mathis albums. He liked to screw an ultraviolet light into the overhead socket and lie down for a tan.

“I don’t want to be made anybody’s sucker.”

NEW YORK MILITARY ACADEMY

In his final year at the military academy, Trump was appointed a captain, and he was able to inspire respect without having to raise his voice.

“We’re going to the beach,” Trump would announce to his roommate, David Smith.

By senior year, Trump was known for bringing stylish women to campus and showing them around. “They were beautiful, gorgeous women, dressed out of Saks Fifth Avenue,” recalled classmate George White.

“Ladies Man” read the caption beneath a photo in the senior yearbook of Trump.

At times, Trump clashed with fellow cadets, including Ted Levine, with whom he shared a room at one point. Donald, Levine recalled, folded his towels and underwear so that “every single one was perfectly squared. Like, insanely neat.”

“Mr. Meticulous” was Levine’s nickname for Donald.

After finding Levine’s unmade bed while on inspection duty, Trump tossed the sheets on the floor. Levine, who was a foot shorter than Trump, said he “grabbed everything that was grabbable,” hurling a combat boot at Donald and hitting him with a broomstick.

Enraged, Trump shoved Levine toward a

second-floor window.

“He tried to push me out,” Levine said, but two cadets intervened.

Within the academy’s testosterone-driven culture, Levine said, Trump’s aggression was understandable. “Would I have respected him if he didn’t?” he asked. “No. If he took that [expletive] from the little crap I was, he wouldn’t be where he is today.”

Destiny on Fifth Avenue In his senior year, the academy appointed Trump to the prestigious position of captain of A Company. As a leader, recalled Peter Ticktin, a company platoon sergeant, Trump could inspire respect without raising his voice.

“He never yelled at anyone,” said Ticktin, now a Florida lawyer who touts Trump’s candidacy on his Facebook page. “He’d just look at you, the eyebrows kind of raised. The kind of look that said you can’t disappoint him.”

A month after senior year started, Trump faced a crisis. One of his platoon sergeants shoved a plebe, Lee Ains, against a wall because the freshman was too slow snapping to attention. At the time, the academy was already dealing with a serious hazing incident and was sensitive to new allegations of abuse.

The administration reassigned Trump as a battalion training officer.

Ains said the academy concluded that Trump had not monitored his officers “as closely as he should have.”

Trump described his reassignment as a promotion. “I did a good job and that’s why I got elevated,” he said.

After his transfer, Trump led a drill team in New York City’s Columbus Day parade. Standing on Fifth Avenue, Trump turned to Maj. Anthony “Ace” Castellano and declared his ambition.

“You know what, Ace?” Castellano recalled Trump saying. “I’d really like to own some of this real estate some day.”

College awaited, but Trump seemed to know that he would follow his father into business, telling a roommate that he “felt like he might be missing out” if he did not. He considered attending film school in California but then decided New York would be his destination.

In 1964, after graduating from high school, Trump joined his father at the dedication of the Verrazano-Narrows Bridge. Amid the pageantry, Donald noticed that no one paid homage to the bridge’s 85-year-old Swedish designer, who had traveled from Europe for the occasion.

“I realized then and there that if you let people treat you how they want, you’ll be made a fool,” he later told a reporter. “I realized then and there something I would never forget: I don’t want to be made anybody’s sucker.”

By his 18th year, Donald Trump had a clear sense of his own destiny, a vision he shared with a fellow cadet, Jeff Ortenau.

“I’m going to be very famous one day,” Donald promised.

“You know what?” Ortenau recalls telling Trump. “You’re probably going to be president.” n

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

17

DATA CRUNCH

THE RURAL REACHES OF INCOME INEQUALITY BY

WEEKLY

Income inequality in in thethe U.S., by county Income inequality U.S. A county-by-county county-by-county look top 1 percent of earners makes compared withwith the bottom 99 percent.

A lookatathow howmuch muchthe the top 1 percent of earners makes compared the bottom 99 percent.

Results range 233 times asas much.

Results rangefrom fromfive fivetimes timesasasmuch muchtoto 233 times much.

Income of the top 1% compared with the bottom 99% Seattle

5x

K IM S OFFEN

11

19

27

36

233

No data

New York City

Chicago

I

t’s widely known that income inequality has grown rapidly in recent decades. As it stands in the United States, an average member of the top 1 percent of earners makes 25 times as much money as an average member of the other 99 percent does. But this is just a national figure; across the country, the ratio ranges from 5 to 1 all the way up to 233 to 1.

What might be more surprising is precisely where income inequality hits those peaks. A lot of inequality is where you would expect it: in big cities along the coasts. The super-wealthy live cosmopolitan lifestyles near the financial centers where they work, alongside the poor who live in cities for their social services, job opportunities and inexpensive transportation. Counties with a population greater than 1 million are twice as unequal, on average, than those with a population less than 1 million.

But there is also a more hidden inequality in the nation, deep pockets of extreme income gaps in a place where it might not be expected: rural America.

Look at the darkest spots on the map, which shows the level of inequality in every U.S. county, and you’ll see zones of inequality far from big urban centers.

The data comes from the Economic Policy Institute in a report calculating income inequality by county.

This rural inequality seems to come in two forms. One, a sort of “homegrown” inequality, is where the local industries create large income disparities. The other, a “flown-in” inequality, is where rich people who made their income elsewhere take up residence.

Homegrown inequality occurs predominantly in areas with significant energy-related industries.

KLMNO

Denver St. Louis

Los Angeles

Houston

In La Salle County, Tex., the top 1 percent makes 125.6 times as much as the bottom 99 percent, on average.

SOURCES: ECONOMIC POLICY INSTITUTE, U.S. CENSUS BUREAU

Sources: Economic Policy Institute, U.S. Census Bureau

Drilling for oil or using hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, to extract natural gas requires a lot of open land, so it happens in rural areas.

And because of the immense value of these energy sources, the landowners who have property rights over them become tremendously wealthy, while the people who keep the oil rigs running do not.

This is clear in South Texas, which is filled with oil fields. In La Salle County, where nearly a third of residents live below the poverty line, the top 1 percent of earners makes on average 126 times as much as earners in the 99 percent do. Karnes, DeWitt and Gonzales counties — the dark cluster northeast of La Salle on the map — all also have high oil production and income inequality.

In La Salle, there’s a significant population of low earners and some in the middle. But aside from the handful of the ultra-rich, there are very few high earners.

This phenomenon is not confined to Texas. Mark Price, one of the authors of the report, says a

Urban centers don’t have monopoly on disparate pay

Miami THE WASHINGTON POST THE WASHINGTON POST

similar disparity is starting to develop in eastern Ohio, a major center for fracking.

Then there’s flown-in inequality — the already-rich moving to rural resort towns. As Price puts it, “If you were a billionaire, where would you want to live in the United States?”

One answer to that question is the sparsely populated Teton County, Wyo., which is by far the most unequal county in the United States. Here, the average member of the 1 percent makes 233 times as much as the average person in the 99 percent does. The area, which includes the famed Jackson Hole ski resort, has been home to the ultrarich, with Dick Cheney and Christy Walton, Walmart heiress, living among the chairlift-ticket scanners.

Teton County sees a very different income distribution than La Salle does. Here, the income inequality is driven by the immense wealth of the area’s richest residents. In Teton, more than 9 percent of households make more than $200,000. That’s the highest in Wyoming by far — more than

triple the state figure and more than double the rate of the next highest county. The average income of a member of the 1 percent here tops $28 million, more than quadruple the next highest average in the country.

But the rest of Teton County is not much worse off; even ignoring the households making more than $200,000, Teton County is still among the richest counties in Wyoming. It has the second-lowest rate of households making less than $10,000 among the state’s 23 counties — just 3 percent — and its other low- and middle-income measures fall similarly in rankings. In other words, Teton County’s members of the top 1 percent are so wealthy that they can take an already-rich community and still make it the most unequal place in America.

A similar effect, though to a lesser extent, is seen in other ski resort towns across the Rockies, including Summit County, Utah, home to the Park City resort, as well as Pitkin County, Colo., home to Aspen. n

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

18

KLMNO WEEKLY

BOOKS

1960s Dodgers: Riots and victory N ON-FICTION

T THE LAST INNOCENTS The Collision of the Turbulent Sixties and the Los Angeles Dodgers

By Michael Leahy Harper. 473 pp. $26.99

l

REVIEWED BY

D AVID L . U LIN

here’s a fascinating story to be told about the Dodgers of the 1950s and 1960s, although it’s not the one we’ve come to recognize. You know: the saga of Walter O’Malley and Robert Moses, and the betrayal of a borough when the team pulled up stakes and abandoned Brooklyn for Los Angeles after the 1957 season. That’s a compelling narrative also, don’t get me wrong — one of my favorites, with all it portends about our current era of continental, or even global, baseball — but what it leaves out is that by the early 1960s, the Dodgers were a team transformed.

“The Dodgers represented the model of the superstar athlete to come, one with a wryer sense of sports as show biz and quick to see the benefits in moving back and forth between baseball and the entertainment world,” Michael Leahy writes in “The Last Innocents,” a book that seeks to place the team within a broader historical and cultural context. “The biggest names in Hollywood wanted the players for their shows. Bob Hope already had signed [Sandy] Koufax, [Don] Drysdale, and Tommy Davis to appear on a network special with him.”

Leahy, whose previous books include “When Nothing Else Matters: Michael Jordan’s Last Comeback,” was a longtime feature writer for The Washington Post. “The Last Innocents” grew out of a 2009 story for the paper about Maury Wills, the Dodgers’ fiery shortstop and team captain, who faced a race-based backlash when he broke Ty Cobb’s single-season record for stolen bases in 1962. Here, the author expands his focus to several representative players — Wills, Koufax and Davis, along with Jeff Torborg, Dick Tracewski, Lou Johnson and Wes Parker — using their stories, personal and professional, as a lens through which to examine the team’s impact on and off the field. The 1960s, he reminds us, were a decade of both enormous optimism and sig-

ASSOCIATED PRESS

Sandy Koufax, left, and John Roseboro celebrate after the Los Angeles Dodgers defeat the New York Yankees in the 1963 World Series.

ASSOCIATED PRESS

From left, Dodgers Don Drysdale, Tommy Davis and Koufax rehearse for Bob Hope’s television show in Hollywood in 1963.

nificant disruption: Camelot, civil rights, assassinations, Vietnam.

We tend to imagine, even now, that sports can stand apart from all this, that it is a place we go for escape. Yet Leahy’s argument is that upheaval can’t help but infiltrate every corner of the culture, even the playing field. Take Davis,

who in 1962 organized a group of African American players to approach Peter O’Malley, son of Dodgers owner Walter O’Malley, and demand the integration of Holman Stadium, the field at the team’s spring-training facility in Vero Beach, Fla. “Tommy pointed out things we were negligent on,”

O’Malley remembers. “He was eloquent. And I knew he was right.”

Still, segregation not only persisted but also continued to affect black players in insidious and destructive ways. When the team’s St. Louis hotel finally integrated its dining room in 1964, the Dodgers’ taciturn catcher John Roseboro continued to eat meals in his room. “The passage of the Civil Rights Act,” Leahy writes, “had come too late to change the ways of Roseboro and other wary black friends, who never would be comfortable sitting in some places that once had wanted nothing to do with them.”

This is the strength of “The Last Innocents,” the way it moves beyond the game to the issues underneath. Koufax is most compelling not as the team’s ace starter but as a private and self-aware individual, whose premature retirement — the result of arthritis in his pitching arm — had less to do with baseball than with long-term ramifications for his health. Gold Glove-winning first baseman Wes Parker, on the other hand, is driven by a more complex set of demons: the insecurities and terrors of his upbringing by parents who were distant and often destructively cruel.

For many of these players, baseball offered a necessary refuge. “It was so beautiful,” Wills said of Dodger Stadium. “It protected me from everything on the outside, at least when I was there.” And yet, time takes its toll, as surely on the field as off. Injuries, age, turnover: Those Dodger teams, which won two World Series in three years, could not maintain their success.

Just like the Yankees, whom they swept in 1963, they grew old and tired, swept in their turn by a young Baltimore Orioles squad in 1966. The following year, they finished eighth. As Leahy tells us, smartly, “It is hard to keep holding on.” n Ulin, a former book editor and book critic of the Los Angeles Times, is the author of “Sidewalking: Coming to Terms With Los Angeles.”

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

19

BOOKS

P

l

REVIEWED BY

N ON-FICTION

P ATRICK A NDERSON

aul Tremblay’s suspenseful new novel takes a close and painful look at how the disappearance of a 13-yearold boy shatters his family.

Tommy Sanderson lives in a town near Boston with his single mother, Elizabeth, and younger sister, Kate. One night when he’s sleeping over at a friend’s house he and his pals Josh and Luis help themselves to a six-pack and slip off to their favorite refuge, a huge boulder called Devil’s Rock in a nearby state park. Around midnight, according to the other boys, Tommy inexplicably raced into the night and didn’t return. Soon the police and scores of volunteers are looking for him.

The novel moves between the continuing search for Tommy and flashbacks to him and his friends in the weeks leading up to the night he vanishes. Tommy’s uncertain fate is a crushing blow to his mother, grandmother and sister. His mother agonizes about whether she was somehow at fault. Too little discipline? Too much? Has her seemingly happy, level-headed son run away from her, as his father did?

Tremblay is a prize-winning writer of supernatural horror fiction (“A Head Full of Ghosts”), and “Devil’s Rock” reflects his fascination with the unseen. Elizabeth calls upon her now-dead ex-husband for otherworldly assistance and becomes convinced that she has seen Tommy’s ghost: “She truly believes Tommy has somehow visited her, and that means her son is not lost or a runaway or is anything else but dead.” It’s a touching portrait of a mother’s suffering.

Tremblay also writes well about the lives of teenage boys. Before Tommy vanishes, we study him and his two friends as they talk, argue and boast at their Devil’s Rock hideout. Their obsessions include Minecraft, bicycles, a fungus that allegedly turns South American ants into zombies, sex in the abstract, Iron Man, “Dawn of the Dead” and middle-school shenanigans.

We also watch their budding

friendship with a glib and mysterious young man named Arnold who seems to be in his early 20s.

They met Arnold outside a 7-Eleven and he begins hanging out with them at Devil’s Rock. He brings beer, which they don’t much like but pretend to drink. Arnold is a big talker and his interest flatters them, even as they wonder “why Arnold would hang out with them, three unpopular eighth graders to be.” The reader fears the worst.

Tremblay’s portrait of these boys is arguably brilliant, although it can also be maddening. The teens use a lot of seriously dumb profanity and endlessly call each other a “hardo,” which translates as someone who tries too hard to act tough or cool and can lead to sentences like “My mother was so not hardo that I’d end up staying with the hardest of hardos.” We are reminded that close exposure to the minds of 13-year-old boys carries the risk of permanent brain damage for someone of mature years.

Yet the novel also offers an abundance of fine writing. Unwelcome visitors to Tommy’s home “eventually float toward the open door like lost balloons.” Tremblay pays close attention to Tommy’s sister, 11-year-old Kate, and after a mother-daughter spat we’re told “Elizabeth loves this smart-ass version of her daughter so much it breaks her heart, because it’s impossible that she can love equally all the versions of Kate to come.”

Tremblay also has a sharp eye for the nitty-gritty of everyday life.

A basketball is “Boston Celtics green and white, an outdoor ball, the kind that is all rubber, smells like a tire, and bounces as wildly as an excited electron.”

Ultimately, Tremblay, who has two children, has written a book about parenthood, one that will be most fully appreciated by others who have known the mingled joy and heartbreak that accompany that greatest of life’s challenges. n Anderson reviews mysteries and thrillers for The Washington Post.

WEEKLY

A thousand cuts in the lives of women

Thriller conveys parental fears FICTION

KLMNO

I DISAPPEARANCE AT DEVIL’S ROCK

By Paul Tremblay Morrow. 327 pp. $25.99

SEX OBJECT A Memoir

By Jessica Valenti Dey Street. 204 pp. $25.99

l

REVIEWED BY

K ATY W ALDMAN

n books like “Why Have Children?” and “The Purity Myth,” Jessica Valenti announced herself as a provocateur on the subjects of women, feminism and gender issues. But her new memoir, “Sex Object,” despite its suggestive title, feels far less raucous and adversarial.

This aching — and at times infuriating — account of attempting to live, date and work while female is a brave admission of vulnerability, an invitation to intimacy from a woman with no reason to trust that a great many readers won’t throw her disclosures back in her face. (The book’s epilogue consists of appalling Internet responses to her tweets, posts and articles: “You’re one heck of a disgusting ugly looking hag. . . . I hope some mack truck crashes head on into you.”)

Valenti, founder of the site Feministing and a columnist for the Guardian, resists playing the hero. Instead, she sets down something more private and surprising: a thoughtful lament, an elegy for the person she might have been in a less sexist world.

“Given all that women are expected to live with — the leers that start when we’ve barely begun puberty . . . the violence we survive or are constantly on guard for — I can’t help but wonder what it all has done to us. Not just to how women experience the world, but how we experience ourselves,” she writes. “Maybe we’re doing ourselves a disservice by working so hard to move past what sexism has done to us rather than observe it for a while.”

So we observe.

We see a motley crew of men who’ve impressed themselves upon Valenti’s life, from the subway lurker who ejaculates on the back pocket of her jeans when she’s in the eighth grade to the teacher who ogles her chest and barters top grades for hugs. We meet the boyfriend who has sex with her after she passed out from drinking too much. There’s also

the passel of fraternity brothers who bedecked the door of Valenti’s dorm room with a condom and a slur, pushing her into a depression that led her to transfer schools.

Later, she describes a blog post in Politico that turned a photograph of her meeting with former president Bill Clinton into an occasion to comment on her breasts and forwardness.

In aggregate, the relentless press of these stories is as exhausting as it is perversely mesmerizing. Valenti argues that the multiple razor nicks add up to a psychologically potent wound, and the experience of reading her book is a demonstration of that fact, a crescent stroke from the blade of her collected violations.

Interestingly, she focuses not on the men but on the way their words and looks have warped her inner life. After a close male friend of Valenti’s propositions her, despite his bond with her husband, she flares not with anger but with shame. “He must have thought I was open to hearing it,” she explains. “Men see that I am the kind of person for whom doing the right thing does not come easily.” It’s strange — and bitter — to hear this self-doubt and selfblame flowing from someone who elsewhere seems so confident.

It must be said that “Sex Object,” which registers a life spent under the gaze of others, doesn’t always hold up under aesthetic scrutiny. It feels like the work of a passionate but tired feminist, a fighter too worn down by struggle to alchemize it.

On the other hand, Valenti may not care about intellectualizing her experience or belaboring her prose. Valenti appears to want to dose our era of giddy, optimistic feminism — “We laugh with Amy Schumer,” she writes, “listen to Beyonce tell us girls run the world” — with a shot of something sober. The result isn’t always intoxicating, but it is real. n Waldman is a staff writer at Slate.

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

20

KLMNO WEEKLY

OPINIONS

Court’s pragmatism has left conservatives fuming DANA MILBANK writes about political theater in the nation’s capital. He joined The Washington Post as a political reporter in 2000.

They celebrated outside the Supreme Court after Monday’s surprise decision reaffirming abortion rights.

They danced to Michael Jackson (“I want to love you . . .”), as they had earlier to the Spice Girls and to Harry Belafonte’s “Jump in the Line.”

In the front row, facing the marble temple, a young woman held up a homemade sign: “Roses are red Violets are blue Abortion is legal So [expletive] you.”

Justice Anthony Kennedy didn’t use those words, but that was, essentially, the valentine he delivered to the antiabortion movement. The justice, siding with the liberal bloc, lent his name to Justice Stephen Breyer’s resounding defense of abortion rights in his 5­to­3 majority opinion. In doing so, Kennedy put an end to any thought of banning abortion in America anytime soon — even if a future Republican president names a conservative to fill the late Antonin Scalia’s seat.

The Republican-controlled Senate refuses to consider President Obama’s nominee, Merrick Garland, but a fifth liberal justice has arrived anyway.

Kennedy, a Reagan appointee and the longest-serving current justice, surprised many the other week by joining the liberals in defending race-based affirmative action. In earlier terms, he provided the key vote in legalizing same-sex marriage.

It’s not that Kennedy has become a bleeding heart (he sides with the conservatives on gun rights, campaign finance and Obamacare) but that he has split with conservative colleagues such as Samuel Alito who, by temperament, are disinclined to find consensus.

You could see it Monday morning in the chamber, where, for the second week in a row, Alito

took the unusual step of reading aloud from his dissent in a case that found Kennedy on the opposite side.

While Breyer read the majority opinion in the abortion case, Alito was a study in agitation. He shook his head, raised his eyebrows, clenched his jaw, rocked in his chair and carried on a silent conversation with himself — apparently rehearsing, in his head, his dissent.

When Breyer finished, Alito pulled up his microphone and delivered a bitter rebuttal, even citing Breyer by name. He had the acidity of Scalia’s legendary dissents, but he lacked Scalia’s neutralizing humor: “No justification. . . . Obviously wrong. . . . Contrary to a cardinal rule. . . .

This is an abuse of our authority.

The majority in this case has not done what a court of law must do.”

MICHAEL REYNOLDS/EUROPEAN PRESSPHOTO AGENCY

Abortion rights supporters rally outside the Supreme Court before the court's ruling Monday in a case over heavy on abortion clinics in Texas.

Alito informed his colleagues that they violated the concept of res judicata (claim preclusion), then added: “Res judicata predates the founding of the country. That’s why it’s in Latin.”

During this performance, Kennedy sat calmly, reading and rocking gently at times. But mostly he sat, lips pursed, staring directly ahead of him — as still and silent as the stone likenesses of Hammurabi, Moses, Solomon and Confucius on the frieze above him.

He’s no King Solomon, but Kennedy, the perpetual swing vote, may be the dominant lawgiver of his day. Unlike Alito and Clarence Thomas (and, to a lesser extent, Chief Justice John Roberts), he recognizes the importance of public consensus on cultural issues, such as the growing acceptance of gay marriage. On abortion, which chronically divides Americans, Kennedy has avoided destabilizing change.

“No one who follows the Court can doubt that he finds abortion very troubling,” the Atlantic’s Garrett Epps wrote earlier this year. “. . . But no one also doubts that Kennedy takes the Supreme Court, and its place at the center of American law, seriously as well.

His head here may conflict with his heart.”

In Whole Woman’s Health v.

Hellerstedt — the Texas case decided Monday that would have forced abortion clinics to close by

imposing near-impossible restrictions on them — the appellate court brazenly ignored the 1992 Planned Parenthood v.

Casey decision, which Kennedy co-wrote. He was having none of it. He didn’t merely agree to strike down the law on technical grounds; he joined a full-throated affirmation of abortion rights.

Justice Elena Kagan looked toward the media and gave a satisfied smile as Breyer said they had declared the Texas law unconstitutional because it imposed an “undue burden” on abortion seekers. Breyer ridiculed the idea that abortion needed stricter regulations than procedures such as childbirth (which is 14 times as deadly), colonoscopies (10 times as deadly) and liposuction (28 times as deadly).

Alito was grim. Leaning forward, his lower jaw protruding, he informed the majority that they are encouraging the view that “if at first you don’t succeed, sue, sue again.” He said that the sort of thing that occurred in the case could have qualified as “abusive litigation.” He accused the majority of being lazy and of ignoring “the normal rules.”

His discouragement is understandable. The Senate’s refusal to confirm Garland was supposed to prevent a liberal majority on the court. But, somehow, it happened anyway. n

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

21

OPINIONS

KLMNO WEEKLY

TOM TOLES

A letter from Pat Summitt SALLY JENKINS is a sports columnist for The Washington Post

knoxville, tenn. — For more than two decades, I’ve been asked

what Pat Summitt is really like, and failed to answer the question, for the simple reason that most words aren’t large enough to capture her.

Paltry one-dimensional terms can’t describe the roiling, sparkling ocean of a person that Pat was. I know of just a few words that really summarize her, and it turns out they are deceptively simple, and they are her own. They follow below.

Pat’s loved ones, friends, colleagues, players, family members stood vigil in recent days as she fought on against Alzheimer’s disease, and they passed the time telling innumerable stories, punctuated alternately by wracking breakdowns and explosive shouts of laughter, attempting to parse just what it was about her that inspired such devotion. As loved as Pat was by the public, she was even more so privately.

Her nearest ones will swear that her reputation hardly does justice to her — partly because Pat didn’t rest easy on the pedestal. She was a lot more interesting than that.

Behind all that statuesque eminence was a woman of high mischief and a love of cocktails, who once agreed that the best word to describe her was “subversive.” Pat married so

many contradictory qualities in one slender figure. She had majesty and humility. Baffling naivete and genius. She was demanding and gentle. She never stayed still, and as a basketball coach was the single most discontented creature after a win that you ever saw. Winning wasn’t good enough: As soon as things were going well, Pat had to change it all up, create a new edge. Her former player Kara Lawson said: “She’s a kaleidoscope. She changes everything. If not for her, you’d still be looking at the same damn boring old picture.”

You will pardon me if I allow Pat to take over the rest of this space. I’ve prized her friendship for 20 years and co-written three books with her, but never managed to explain her as well as she explains herself below. It’s a simple document: a letter to a

young University of Tennessee freshman named Shelia Collins, on the occasion of starting her first game. It illustrates exactly why more than 50 of her players, young and old, rushed to her bedside, drove all night, flew across the country, slept on floors and sat in the hallways of a retirement home, where they passed the time playing bean bag games with seniors, just to see her and whisper a few words in her ear.

This is the impact Pat had on the life of a young woman: a letter saved for 34 years. Long, long after playing days are over, taken from a drawer and reread whenever there is trouble.

It’s impossible to peruse it without finally understanding Pat, the soul-stretching generosity at the heart of her, and the degree to which she tried to live out her values. It’s dated Nov. 22, 1982: Shelia, This is your first game.

I hope you win for your sake, not mine. Because winning’s nice.

It’s a good feeling. Like the whole world is yours. But it passes, this feeling. And what lasts is what you’ve learned. And what you’ve learned about is — life. That’s what sport is all about — life!

The whole thing is played out in an afternoon. The happiness of

life, the miseries, the joys, the heartbreaks. There’s no telling what will turn up. There’s no telling how you’ll do. You might be a hero. Or you might be absolutely nothing.

There’s just no telling. Too much depends on chance, on how the ball bounces.

I’m not talking about the game. I’m talking about life. But it’s life that the game is all about.

Just as I said, every game is life, and life is a game. A serious one.

Dead serious. But here’s what you do with serious things. You do your best. You take what comes.

You take what comes and you run with it.

Winning is fun . . . Sure.

But winning is not the point.

Wanting to win is the point.

Not giving up is the point.

Never letting up is the point.

Never being satisfied with what you’ve done is the point.

The game is never over. No matter what the scoreboard reads, or what the referee says, it doesn’t end when you come off the court.

The secret of the game is in doing your best. To persist and endure, “to strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.”

I’m proud to be your Coach, Pat Head Summitt n

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

22

OPINIONS

BY WALT HANDELSMAN FOR THE NEW ORLEANS ADVOCATE

How Dory, Nemo depict disability ALYSSA ROSENBERG writes about pop culture for The Washington Post’s Opinions section.

Forget “Me Before You,” the weepy romantic drama about a quadriplegic man, the young woman who falls in love with him while working as his caregiver and his plans to commit suicide, which has come under fire from disability activists. The biggest movie about characters with disabilities hit theaters recently, and it had a record opening weekend.

Of course, it says a lot about the state of storytelling about disability in Hollywood that the characters in question are cartoon fish.

But the entertainment industry’s larger failings in no way diminish “Finding Dory,” the sequel to the 2003 Pixar smash “Finding Nemo.” In the first film, a clownfish named Marlin (Albert Brooks) overcomes his fears and chases after his son Nemo (voiced

by Alexander Gould in 2003, and Hayden Rolence in 2016) when Nemo is scooped up by an aquatic collector, meeting a regal tang named Dory (Ellen DeGeneres), along the way. “Finding Dory” is devoted to Dory’s search for her parents, from whom she was separated as a child.

It’s easy to read both films broadly as stories about parents learning to trust their children.

Marlin was deeply affected by an early loss: his wife, Coral

(Elizabeth Perkins), and many of their eggs were eaten by a barracuda, leaving Marlin to raise Nemo alone. Dory’s parents, Charlie (Eugene Levy) and Jenny (Diane Keaton), never gave up hope that their daughter would find her way home to them.

And in both cases, the children in question have disabilities. The barracuda attack on his family caused trauma to Nemo’s egg, and he hatched with a small right fin that somewhat impairs his swimming. And Dory has shortterm memory loss that means she repeats herself, forgets what she’s doing or where she’s going, and even how to find her way home.

The way Marlin, Charlie and Jenny handle their children’s growing independence is inevitably influenced by Nemo’s fin and Dory’s mind. Marlin, rather than seeing Nemo’s determination and persistence in learning to swim as quickly and as

KLMNO WEEKLY

BY DANA SUMMERS

far as his friends, only sees his son’s weakness and vulnerability.

Charlie and Jenny are more encouraging, finding ways to give Dory long-term memories, teaching to her brain, rather than trying to make it work differently.

One of the more poignant threads in “Finding Dory” is the idea that while Marlin has learned that Nemo’s disability doesn’t make his son weak, he is still impatient with, and occasionally unkind to, Dory. Marlin discourages her from going to school because he believes she will be nuisance. And at one point, he snaps at her to “Go wait over there and forget. It’s what you do best.”

Nemo has to point out to his father than denigrating Dory for the way her mind works is just as cruel and unfair as denigrating Nemo for his fin. “You made her feel like she couldn’t do it,” Nemo tells his father, suggesting that Marlin’s skepticism is a bigger obstacle for Dory than her own unique brain.

Along her journey, Dory meets other fish and whales who deal with their own impairments.

Destiny (Kaitlin Olson), a whale shark whom Dory knew as a child, has limited vision, and often bumps into the sides of her tank.

Bailey (Ty Burrell), a beluga whale, has a head injury that has interfered with his echolocation.

And octopus Hank (Ed O’Neill)

has lost a tentacle and fears losing another one. Where they see their limitations, Dory sees their variety and their talents.

Together, they free themselves and help reunite Dory with Jenny and Charlie again.

I suspect that many of the families who go see “Finding Dory” will walk out of the theater without thinking much about the film’s treatment of disability, though those for whom the themes are particularly resonant will notice them everywhere. When thinking back on “Finding Nemo” before seeing “Finding Dory,” I have to admit Nemo’s fin wasn’t the first thing that came to mind. But if we treat Nemo’s fin or Dory’s brain as normal dramatic challenges, rather that causes for tragedy or pity, maybe that’s the point.

“Finding Dory” is a joyful movie, one that thrills in Dory’s capabilities and creativity, rather than lamenting what her brain has cost her. Her mind may operate in its own “Dory way” as Jenny puts it, but it still brought her home.

Just as the sheer variety of fish and landscapes in the ocean are what make “Finding Nemo” and “Finding Dory” beautiful, the different ways Nemo and Dory move through the world, and the kindnesses they find there, make us see just how challenging and marvelous it can be. n

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

23

KLMNO WEEKLY

FIVE MYTHS

Sharia BY

A SIFA Q URAISHI- L ANDES

Clearly, Americans fear sharia, Islam’s legal framework. At least nine states have passed “foreign law” statutes banning sharia in American courts — even though no U.S. court has ever ruled based on sharia.

Falsehoods about Islam abound, and many of them center on what sharia is and what it is not. Here are five myths.

MYTH NO. 1 Sharia is “Islamic law.”

Sharia isn’t even “law” in the sense that we in the West understand it. And most devout Muslims who embrace sharia conceptually don’t think of it as a substitute for civil law. Sharia is not a book of statutes or judicial precedent imposed by a government, and it’s not a set of regulations adjudicated in court.

Rather, it is a body of Koranbased guidance that points Muslims toward living an Islamic life. It doesn’t come from the state. The human interpretation of sharia is called “fiqh,” or Islamic rules of right action, created by individual scholars based on the Koran and hadith (stories of the prophet Muhammad’s life).

Fiqh distinguishes between the spiritual value of an action (how God sees it) and the worldly value of that action (how it affects others). Fiqh rules might obligate a devout Muslim to pray, but it’s not the job of a Muslim ruler to enforce that obligation. Fiqh is not designed to help governments police morality in the way, say, Saudi Arabia does today. According to classical fiqh scholarship, a Muslim ruler’s task was to put forth another type of law, called siyasa, based on what best serves the public good.

Sharia doesn’t hold that everything objectionable to Islam should be outlawed.

MYTH NO. 2 In Muslim countries, sharia is the law of the land.

While it’s true that sharia influences the legal codes in most

Muslim-majority countries, those codes have been shaped by a lot of things, including, most powerfully, European colonialism. France, England and others imposed nation-state models on nearly every Muslimmajority land, inadvertently joining the crown and the faith.

In pre-modern Muslim lands, fiqh authority was separate from the governing authority, or siyasa. Colonialism centralized law with the state, a system that carried over when these countries regained independence.

MYTH NO. 3 Sharia is anti-woman.

While it’s true that many majority-Muslim societies have laws that treat women unfairly, many of these laws, like Saudi Arabia’s ban on female drivers, have no basis in fiqh. In instances where there is a fiqh origin for modern legislation, that legislation often cherry-picks certain rules. And on a range of issues, Islam can fairly be described as feminist. Fiqh scholars, for instance, have concluded that women have the right to orgasm during sex and to fight in combat. Fiqh can also be interpreted as in favor of abortion rights, with certain scholars positing that although abortion is forbidden, firsttrimester abortions are not punishable.

Fiqh doctrine says a woman’s property, held exclusively in her name, cannot be appropriated by her husband, brother or father.

(For centuries, this stood in stark contrast with the property rights of women in Europe.)

To be sure, there are

CHAIDEER MAHYUDDIN/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE VIA GETTY IMAGES

Police escort a man accused of gambling in Indonesia. But traditionally in Muslim societies, sharia was separate from civil law.

patriarchal rules in fiqh, and many of these are legislated in modern Muslim-majority countries. But these rules are human interpretations, not sharia.

origin, but it comes with an extremely high evidentiary burden of proof: four eyewitnesses. It’s a sin but not one that is the business of the state to punish.

MYTH NO. 4 Islam demands brutal punishment.

It doesn’t help that the Islamic State routinely kills innocents for all sorts of perceived transgressions, despite the Koran’s prohibition of wanton violence: It forbids attacks on civilians, property, houses of worship and even animals.

In the same way that the Ku Klux Klan’s tactics are a poor representation of Christian practice (despite its claims to be a Christian organization), the Islamic State is the worst place to look to understand what sharia says about punishment and the treatment of innocents and prisoners. It’s true that sharia permits harsh corporal punishment, including amputation of limbs, but fiqh restricts its application. Theft, for example, doesn’t include anything stolen out of hunger or items of low value. Adultery? Yes, corporal punishment for extramarital sex is Koranic in

MYTH NO. 5 Sharia is about conquest.

There is a widely held view that Muslims are bound to wage war against non-Muslims.

But no such duty exists. The Koran repeatedly commands Muslims to keep promises and uphold covenants. That includes treaties among nations and extends to individuals living under non-Muslim rule. Muslims have lived as minorities in nonMuslim societies since the beginning of Islam. And fiqh scholars have always insisted that Muslims in non-Muslim lands must obey the laws of those lands and do no harm within host countries. If local law conflicts with Muslims’ sharia obligations?

Some scholars say they should emigrate; others allow them to stay. But none advocate violence or a takeover of those governments. n Quraishi-Landes is an associate professor at the University of Wisconsin School of Law.

SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2016

24

Pick up a copy of the July-August Foothills Magazine and Be Bold this summer--Ziplining, Parasailing, Skydiving, River Snorkeling-we’ve got your summer covered in this edition of Foothills.

CHECK OUT OUR NEWLY REDESIGNED WEBSITE AT NCWFOOTHILLS.COM

• Foothills FREE RACK locations • Subscribe - have Foothills mailed to your home • Link to read Foothills online • Social media links

Read Foothills Magazine online with our new Digital Edition at ncwfoothills.com/digital • Flip pages digitally • Switch to “dynamic view” with thumbnails of each story - looks great on mobile!

• Zoom in and out or double click the story to read in “article view” • Email and share stories on social media right from our digital magazine

NCWFOOTHILLS.COM

FACEBOOK.COM/FOOTHILLS.MAGAZINE

@FOOTHILLSMAG