The Impact of Lifetime Events on Pensions: NDC Schemes in Poland, Italy, Sweden and Germany

SOCIAL PROTECTION & JOBS

DISCUSSION PAPER No. 1918 | April 2019

The Impact of Lifetime Events on Pensions: NDC Schemes in Poland, Italy, and Sweden and the Point Scheme in Germany Agnieszka Chłon-Dominczak, Marek Góra, Irena E. Kotowska, Iga Magda, Anna Ruzik-Sierdzinska, and Paweł Strzelecki

© 2019 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW Washington DC 20433 Telephone: +1 (202) 473 1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent.

The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries.

RIGHTS AND PERMISSIONS The material in this work is subject to copyright. Because The World Bank encourages dissemination of its knowledge, this work may be reproduced, in whole or in part, for noncommercial purposes as long as full attribution to this work is given.

Any queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to World Bank Publications, The World Bank Group, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA; fax: +1 (202) 522 2625; e-mail: pubrights@worldbank.org.

Abstract: The paper focuses on the interrupted careers in four countries where pensions are based on lifetime labor income, but they have different labor market patterns. High levels of employment in Germany and Sweden are in contrast with low levels of employment, particularly for women, in Italy and Poland. Career interruptions of women in Italy mean early withdrawal from the labor market, while in Sweden women choose parttime employment. Lower employment rates and gender pay gaps are important causes of differences in expected pension levels. The pension system design and demographics are also different. Prolonging working lives and reducing gender gaps in employment and pay, particularly for those at risk of interrupted careers, is key to ensure decent old-age pensions.

Key words: NDC, Female Participation, Interrupted Careers, Gender Gaps JEL codes: H55, J13, J16, J22, J26

2

Acknowledgments This paper is written for Progress and Challenges of Nonfinancial Defined Contribution Pension Schemes, Volume 2: Addressing Gender, Administration, and Communication, edited by Robert Holzmann, Edward Palmer, Robert Palacios, and Stefano Sacchi, to be published by the World Bank in autumn 2019. The authors acknowledge the research support from the statutory research of the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Iga Magda also acknowledges the support of the Polish National Science Centre (Grant No. 2013/10 / E / HS4 / 00445). The authors represent the Polish Pension Group (SGH-PPG). We are grateful to reviewers for comments and suggestions and to Amy Gautam for first-rate copy editing.

A first version of the paper was presented at the NDC III conference in Rome, October 5–6, 2017, and we are thankful to the participants for their comments and encouragement. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the institutions they are associated with or the views of the World Bank.

3

Abbreviations and Acronyms ESES

European Structure of Earnings Survey

FDB

Financial Defined Benefit

FDC

Financial Defined Contribution

HFP

Hypothetical Future Pension

LCGLIG

Life Course Gender Labor Income Gap

LFPR

Labor Force Participation Rate

LFS

Labor Force Survey

NDB

Nonfinancial Defined Benefit

NDC

Nonfinancial Defined Contribution

NTA

National Transfer Accounts

OECD

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development

4

Table of Contents 1.

Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 6

2.

Labor market differences: What can be learned from recent developments? ................ 9 2.1. Labor market participation ............................................................................................ 9 2.2. Gender pay gap ............................................................................................................ 16 2.3. Employment and wages combined: The gender gap on the labor market ................. 22 2.4. Employment paths: Do distinct employment patterns exist in the countries? .......... 26

3.

Employment histories and pension levels ...................................................................... 35 3.1. Pension simulations: Assumptions and the approach ................................................. 35 3.2. Hypothetical future pensions ...................................................................................... 37 3.3. Impact of employment paths and pension system design on theoretical future pensions .............................................................................................................................. 39

4.

Summary and conclusions .............................................................................................. 41

References .............................................................................................................................. 45 Appendix ................................................................................................................................. 49

5

1.

Introduction

The pension system and the labor market are two sides of the same coin. In prepaid pension systems contributions paid by workers matter for their future pensions. 1 In the case of nonfinancial and financial defined contribution (NDC and FDC) systems, the link between contributions and benefits is very close. In other types of pension systems, such as nonfinancial and financial defined benefit (NDB and FDB) schemes, the link to contributions is partial and depends on the benefit formula design and that the insured perceive contributions as quasi-taxes. 2 In tax-financed, typically flat-rate pensions, such as social pensions, no link exists between contributions and pension benefits at the individual level.

A lack of a direct individual link between contributions and pensions can lead to efficiency losses, weaker incentives to prolong working life, and increased exposure of the pension system to political pressure. If the link is individualized, lifetime developments have a direct impact on future pension levels.

Pension wealth losses due to interrupted or broken careers lead to lower expected benefits in all types of pension systems. For example, according to Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development estimates (OECD 2015), women from OECD countries who earn the average wage and interrupt their career for five years to care for two young children would lose, on average, 4 percent of their pension income. In two of the analyzed countries, this difference is much higher: Germany stands out with the steepest decline in pension entitlements, at 11 percent, while in Italy it amounts to 10 percent (OECD 2015). There is a need for flexible interventions on the labor market aimed at reduction of risks to leave a job for a long period. Such policy measures are of high relevance in pension systems that have a close link between contributions and benefits, such as NDC schemes.

1 2

Prepaid means contribution-financed as opposed to tax-financed (Gรณra and Palmer 2019).

NDC/NDB and FDC/FDB understanding in the paper follows Gรณra and Palmer (2004).

6

This paper investigates how different employment patterns over a life course impact expected pension levels. It analyzes three countries that have implemented NDC systems – Italy, Poland, and Sweden – as well as Germany, which has a point system that also provides a direct link between lifetime wages and pension levels.

The four countries are different with respect to the design of their pension systems, 3 but more importantly, their labor market characteristics differ. They have different employment rates and wage levels in general and for specific groups of workers. In particular, employment rates and wages between men and women differ substantially between the four countries. In all countries, men usually work longer than women and have higher wages. However, so far the majority of the comparative studies have focused on the expected outcomes of pension systems, simulated using similar assumptions about working careers (i.e., Pensions at a Glance reports [OECD 2015] or Pension Adequacy Reports [European Commission 2018]).

This paper analyzes how different developments of working lives of men and women in the four countries impact their potential pension income. In particular, it answers two sets of questions. The first set focuses on labor market characteristics and covers the following questions: •

How do employment rates, wages, and labor incomes differ for men and women of different ages?

•

What are the differences and similarities in the working histories of workers in the four countries?

•

What are the patterns of full and interrupted careers for men and women in the four countries?

The second set refers to pension system outcomes:

See for example Chłoń-Domińczak, Franco, and Palmer (2012) for a comparison of NDC pension system design in Sweden, Italy, Poland, and Latvia.

3

7

•

How do different patterns of working histories affect expected levels of pensions under NDC and point systems?

•

Can people with similar life course developments expect similar outcomes in terms of pensions in different countries?

•

How do pension levels differ between countries due to pension system design, life expectancy, or labor market characteristics?

•

Do interrupted careers lead to a higher risk of old-age poverty? How does this relationship differ across countries?

The first section of this paper provides evidence of current labor market developments, with a particular focus on differences between men and women by age. It looks at the gender gap in pay and employment and their changes after 2000, making use of data from the Labor Force Survey (LFS) and European Structure of Earnings Survey (ESES). The stylized life course labor incomes of men and women are compared using the National Transfer Accounts (NTA) methodology (Istenic and Sambt 2016). Then, the employment histories collected in the SHARE survey are used to identify groups of workers with “interrupted” and “full” careers.

The second section applies the stylized labor market profiles to simulate hypothetical future pensions in the four countries based on the identified sex-specific employment patterns; this assesses the level of pensions considering country and gender-specific profiles of employment over individuals’ life course. To separate the impact of differences in the labor market and differences in the pension system on hypothetical pensions, country-specific employment profiles and the Swedish pension system are used to calculate hypothetical pensions.

The final section concludes with recommendations on integrated policies focusing on policies supporting both a high level and a high quality of employment over individuals’ life course as a key in ensuring adequate pensions in the NDC framework.

8

2.

Labor market differences: What can be learned from recent developments?

Many factors contribute to differences in labor market participation and wages between men and women. These include, most importantly, choices of nonstandard employment, including part-time or self-employment. Women choose these forms more frequently than men to reconcile their work and family lives, which can be more difficult in some countries than in others. These choices have implications for pension levels once they retire. This section discusses the evidence related to the gender gap on the labor market and its accumulated impact on life course labor income. Therefore, the focus is on both employment and wage gaps, as well as their impact on the difference in life course earnings by men and women. Typical profiles of full and interrupted labor market careers of men and women in the four countries are identified – these reflect the differences observed at the macro level, using labor market histories of individuals gathered in the SHARELIFE survey.

2.1. Labor market participation Labor market participation, which is crucial for future old-age pension entitlement in defined contribution (DC) systems, differs significantly among the four countries. Sweden experienced the highest increases in the labor force participation rate (LFPR) for both men and women in the last decades. Participation rates have steadily increased since 2000, reaching 89 percent for men and 84 percent for women in the 20–64 age group in 2016. The German labor market is characterized by an equally high and stable LFPR for men (86.5 percent), but a much lower rate for women (77 percent in 2016). Yet women’s labor market participation also increased – between 2000 and 2016 it rose by 11 percentage points.

In Italy and Poland, the LFPR of 20–64-year-old men slowly increased, reaching around 80 percent in 2016 in both countries. Labor market participation is lower for women (59 percent in Italy and 66 percent in Poland). As a result, the gap between the LFPR of men and women is highest in the latter two countries, particularly in Italy (Figure 2.1). The difference in the LFPR of men and women has declined in Italy since 2000, which may indicate

9

gradually changing patterns of economic activity. The German labor market reveals a similar development. In Poland, the gender gap in employment remains stable.

Gap between LFPRs

Figure 2.1: The gap between men’s and women’s LFPR (age 20–64), 2002–2016 0.35 0.30 0.25 0.20 0.15 0.10 0.05 0.00

2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 years Germany Italy Poland Sweden

Source: Eurostat database and authors’ assessment.

The employment rate in age groups 50 and over increased between 2002, 2010, and 2016 in all studied countries, particularly in Germany, Italy, and Sweden (Figure 2.2). In Italy, the employment rate declined for those in the prime age group. Older workers survived the last economic crisis relatively well and in some aspects, they were in a better situation in 2016 compared to the years before 2007.

10

Figure 2.2: Employment rates by age group, gender, and country in 2002, 2010, and 2016

1.00 0.80 0.60 0.40 0.20

age group 2010

0.60 0.40 0.20

2016

Employment rate

0.40 0.20 0.00

age group 2010

0.80 0.60 0.40 0.20 0.00

age group

2016

2002

0.80 0.60 0.40 0.20 0.00 age group 2010

2010

2016

Sweden, women Employment rate

Sweden, men

2002

2016

Italy, women

1.00

0.60

2002

age group 2010

2002

0.80

Employment rate

0.80

Italy, men

1.00

1.00

Germany, women

0.00

0.00

2002

Employment rate

1.00 Employment rate

Employment rate

Germany, men

1.00 0.80 0.60 0.40 0.20 0.00

2002

2016

11

age group 2010

2016

Poland, women

Poland, men Employment rate

Employment rate

1.00 0.80 0.60 0.40 0.20 0.00

1.00 0.80 0.60 0.40 0.20 0.00 age group

age group 2002

2010

2002

2016

2010

2016

Source: Eurostat LFS database.

The Italian labor market has nearly come back to its pre-crisis employment level, which is still relatively low, especially for women. However, it struggles with a high share of nonstandard contracts, such as “employer coordinated freelance work” (Contratto di Collaborazione Coordinata e Continuativa, co.co.co), “project work” (Contratto di Collaborazione a Progetto, co.co.pro), and self-employment, which can also lead to lower levels of access to social protection (Spasova et al. 2017). Swedish employment rates for both sexes stabilized at a high level. Employment rates in Germany are at a high level as well. Despite an increase in employment of people over 50, Poland’s women’s employment rate is the lowest among all countries. With the exception of Italy, where women work on average less than men at any age, employment rates between sexes differ mainly at older age groups.

The level of education influences employment as well as the gender gap in employment.

The highest difference between men’s and women’s employment rates is among those with the lowest level of formal education. It is particularly high but declining in Italy. In Poland, a rising employment gap is observed between men and women with below tertiary education. In Germany, the gender gap in employment by educational attainment declines.

In Sweden, virtually no differences exist in employment rates of men and women with

12

tertiary education. With the rising share of highly educated women in the population, the total gender gap in employment is expected to decline in all countries (Figure 2.3).

Figure 2.3: Differences between men’s and women’s employment rates by education, 2002–2016 Lower secondary or below Upper secondary and post- Tertiary secondary (ISCED 3 and 4)

lower secondary or below

upper secondary and post-secondary

(ISCED 5 and 6) Tertiary 0.40

0.40

0.40

0.35

0.35

0.35

0.30

0.30

0.30

0.25

0.25

0.20

0.20

0.15

0.15

0.10

0.10

0.05

0.05

-

(0.05) 2000 2004 2008 2012 2016

0.25 0.20 0.15 0.10 0.05 -

-

(0.05) 2000 2004 2008 2012 2016

(0.05)

2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016

(ISCED 2 and below)

Germany

Italy

Germany

Italy

Germany

Italy

Poland

Sweden

Poland

Sweden

Poland

Sweden

Source: Eurostat LFS database.

Note: ISCED = International Standard Classification of Education.

High employment rates of women in Germany and Sweden are partly due to higher parttime work shares (Figure 2.4). Part-time employment in Italy has been rising for over a decade. Marginal part-time work (below 20 hours a week) is relatively high in Germany (15 percent in 2014), partly due to popular “Minijob” regulations. It is around 8 percent in Sweden and Italy, and low and stable in Poland (3 percent). The incidence of part-time employment is four times higher for women than for men in Germany and three times as high in Sweden. This means that the interrupted career profiles in these two countries are

13

rather through part-time employment and not a withdrawal from the labor market, discussed later in the paper. An increasing share of part-timers accompanies the increasing women’s employment rate in Italy. Moreover, because of the economic downturn, involuntary part-time work has increased significantly in Italy to 63 percent in 2014, from an already high level in the past. To compare, 31 percent of part-timers involuntarily work less than full-time in Poland, 13 percent do so in Germany, and 23 percent in Sweden (European Parliament 2016, 81).

Figure 2.4: Part-time employment as a share of total employment (age 20–64) between 2000 and 2016 women

0.5 Share of part time employment

Share of part-time employemt

men

0.4 0.3 0.2 0.1 0

Poland Italy

0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.1 0

Germany Sweden

Poland

Germany

Italy

Sweden

Source: Eurostat LFS database.

A higher incidence of interrupted careers among women results mainly from the necessity to reconcile work and family obligations, especially those related to children (Hofäcker and König 2013; Matysiak and Węziak-Białowolska 2016; Rostgaard 2014). As women usually care for children, maternity duties temporarily reduce their labor force participation.

Consequently, employment rates of women with small children are much lower in

14

Germany, Poland, and Italy in comparison to childless women of the same age (opposite than for men) (Table 2.1).

Table 2.1: Employment rates (%) of men and women (age 20–49) with at least one child younger than 6, by number of children and country 2005 Germany

Italy

Poland

Sweden

No children 1 child 2 children 3+ children No children 1 child 2 children 3+ children No children 1 child 2 children 3+ children No children 1 child 2 children 3+ children

79.0 87.7 89.8 81.9 81.0 93.8 93.3 90.5 67.4 87.0 85.4 77.0

2010 Men 83.4 91.8 92.1 84.9 76.5 90.8 90.8 84.8 75.4 90.3 91.1 86.7 78.6 90.0 95.0 87.4

2016

2005

83.6 92.6 92.8 83.8 70.7 87.7 88.1 80.8 79.2 93.5 94.5 88.7 77.6 95.1 94.2 92.1

79.7 51.6 47.4 32.8 66.9 58.4 49.5 35.7 67.2 56.8 52.8 45.7

2010 Women 83.9 62.2 53.2 38.8 65.2 58.4 51.5 34.5 74.5 64.1 60.3 54.3 74.4 69.3 80.4 74.9

2016 84.4 69.3 63.1 43.6 62.0 59.1 51.9 39.1 78.8 69.1 66.0 49.2 74.5 85.1 80.8 79.5

Source: Eurostat LFS database.

The largest gap in employment by the presence of children is noticed in Germany and Poland. Interestingly, in 2016 employment rates of Swedish women with children were higher compared to childless women and in general were the highest of all countries, showing the effect of the developed and affordable institutional care for small children in this country. In Italy, even childless women demonstrate lower employment rates than those observed in the other countries.

The presence of children contributes not only to the lower labor force participation of mothers but also to a reduction in the number of hours worked. The strongest reduction of

15

working time among mothers with young children can be observed in Germany and Sweden.

Summing up, the gender gap in employment exists in all four countries, despite the increasing labor force participation of women. It is higher in Poland and Italy compared to Germany and Sweden. Lower educational attainment and a larger number of children increase the gender gap. In Sweden, the gender gap in employment is low. Moreover, it is nonexistent among men and women with tertiary attainment. Employment rates of women aged 55 and over drop quickly in Poland and Italy, while they remain stable until around 60 percent in Germany and Sweden. 4 This positive development is to a certain extent offset by a large share of women working part-time, particularly in Germany and Sweden. A major increase is also observed in the share of women’s part-time employment in Italy. Only in Poland do workers most often work full-time.

2.2. Gender pay gap Differences in wages earned by men and women are another important determinant of gender pension gaps, particularly in pension systems based on DC (Chłoń-Domińczak 2017).

This section looks at gender pay gaps in the four selected countries to determine their level and cross-country differences, as well as age and cohort patterns. 5 The discussion below refers to raw gender pay gaps, which reflect the difference in average wages earned by men and women. Adjusted pay gaps (accounting for different compositions of male and female workers with respect to their age, education, or other jobrelated factors) are a better indicator of gender wage inequality, yet from the perspective of

To some extent that can be an effect of a lower retirement age for women in Poland and Italy, who are in a worse competitive position relative to men.

5 The analyses were carried out within the framework of a “Gender Pay Gaps – A Cohort Analysis” project supported by the Polish National Science Centre (Grant No. 2013/10 / E / HS4 / 00445). The analyses are based on the European Structure of Earnings Survey (2002, 2006, 2010, and 2014 waves) provided by Eurostat. All errors are the authors’.

4

16

the pension system and gender pension gaps, raw gender pay gaps reflect the labor market characteristics that contribute to future pension inequality. Thus, most of the analysis is based on the raw differences in wages earned by men and women.

Considerable differences arise in average hourly wages of men and women in all four countries studied (Figure 2.5). In 2014 in Poland, the average hourly wage of women was 11 percent lower than the average hourly wage of men; in Germany this gap exceeded 18 percent, and it reached almost 33 percent in Italy.

0

.1

raw gender pay gap .2 .3

.4

Figure 2.5: Raw hourly and monthly gender pay gaps in 2014

month hour

month hour

month hour

month hour

Italy

Germany

Sweden

Poland

Source: Authors’ analysis of the European Structure of Earnings Survey 2014.

Differences in hourly wages of men and women fail to show the entire impact of gender pay gaps on gender pension gaps, as they conceal the fact that women work shorter hours in part-time employment. This contributes to accumulating less pension wealth. To account for this, raw gender pay gaps are presented in terms of hourly and monthly earnings (Figure 2.5). Gender differences in average monthly earnings are higher than gender differences in hourly earnings in each of the four countries. Thus, the overall gender pay gap in earnings –

17

which are the base for pension contributions – amounts to around 20 percent in Poland and Sweden but exceeds 30 percent in Germany and 40 percent in Italy. The difference between hourly and monthly pay gaps is particularly striking for Germany, where a large share of women work part-time (Matysiak and Steinmetz 2008). While it makes combining work and family life easier, at the same time it translates into a significant pension disadvantage.

The size of the gender pay gaps varies by age, though the age patterns are strongly countryspecific. The differences are highest in Germany, where young women (age 20–29) earn wages approximately 15 percent lower than men’s wages (Figure 2.6). This gap is almost double that for those aged 30–39, and exceeds 40 percent for men and women aged 40–49 (slightly decreasing afterward). In Poland and Sweden, gender pay gaps also increase with age and show a similar pattern, but the differences are much lower. In Italy, young men and women display substantial differences in average wages. These gaps increased substantially in 2014. This may relate to the decline in the employment gap among low-skilled men and women – the increased share of low-paid women translated to a higher pay gap. For older Italian workers, the differences are similar across age groups.

18

Figure 2.6: Age patterns of gender pay gap (GPG) differences, 2014, monthly earnings

Germany

19-29 29-39 39-49 49-59

Italy

19-29 29-39 39-49 49-59

Poland

19-29 29-39 39-49 49-59

Sweden

19-29 29-39 39-49 49-59 0

.2

.4 raw gender pay gap

.6

Source: Authors’ analysis of the European Structure of Earnings Survey 2014.

Finally, the dynamics of gender pay gaps over time are investigated from a cohort perspective. In other words, the question asked is whether, for example, today’s young women are less disadvantaged in terms of pay compared to young women in the early 2000s (which would be expected given the implementation and promotion of antidiscriminatory legislation and equal pay policies in most European countries). To this end, raw gender pay gaps in average wages by age groups are examined at four points in time (2002, 2006, 2010, and 2014 6) in all four countries.

The expected drop in gender pay gaps over time for subsequent cohorts is not found in any country but Sweden (Figure 2.7a–d). In Germany, Poland, and Italy, gender pay gaps in 2014 for the respective age groups are higher than in 2002/2006. In Germany, gender pay gaps increased in particular between 2006 and 2010. In Poland, gender pay gaps decreased

The choice of these reference points is due to data availability. In particular, 2002 data are unavailable for Germany.

6

19

during this time, but increased afterward (by 2014). Italy experienced no change in gender pay gaps between 2002 and 2010, and a high increase afterward. Finally, Sweden observed a substantial increase in gender pay gaps in 2006 – and a strong fall afterward. Overall, while the patterns of increasing or decreasing gender pay gaps vary between countries, no trend of more equal wages can be observed, at least in the medium term captured with these data.

What could explain the differences in gender pay gaps by age? It seems that the institutional setting is likely to play a major role (Baran et al. 2014). For instance, the fact that gender pay gaps decrease for the oldest age group (49–59) in Poland (and Germany to a lesser extent) is likely explained by self-selection of (better-earning) women, reflecting large flows of women to inactivity in that age group, explained by the availability of early retirement schemes. The fact that older women are much more disadvantaged in terms of pay than younger women – in virtually all countries studied – points to the importance of the cumulated job experience, which is lower for women, and different job careers of men, rarely interrupted for family reasons. The strong age disadvantage observed in Germany likely reflects its family policy setting, which included several incentives for women to withdraw from the labor market and lower their attachment, with low support for equal partnership policies (OECD 2017).

20

Figure 2.7: Gender pay gaps (GPG) by cohort, 2002–2014 a. Germany

b. Italy

19-29

19-29

29-39

2006

2006

2010

29-39

2002

2002

2006

2006

2010

2010

2014

2014

2010

2014

2014

39-49

39-49

49-59

2006

2006

2010

49-59

2002

2002

2006

2006

2010

2010

2014

2014

2010

2014

2014

0

.1

.2

.3

.4

0

.1

.2

.3

0

.4

.2

.4

.6

0

.2

.4

.6

IT

DE Graphs by agegroup

Graphs by agegroup

c. Poland

d. Sweden

19-29

19-29

29-39

29-39

2002

2002

2002

2002

2006

2006

2006

2006

2010

2010

2010

2010

2014

2014

2014

2014

39-49

39-49

49-59 2002

2002

49-59

2002

2002

2006

2006

2010

2010

2014

2014

2006

2006

2010

2010

2014

2014

0

0

.05

.1

.15

.2

.25

0

PL

.05

.1

.15

.2

.1

.25

.2

.3

0

.1

.2

.3

SE Graphs by agegroup

Graphs by agegroup

Source: Authors’ analysis of the European Structure of Earnings Survey 2002, 2006, 2010, and 2014.

21

2.3. Employment and wages combined: The gender gap on the labor market The combination of average wages and employment rates by age and sex indicates the overall labor market gap. This gap is estimated based on the data structure of the ESES discussed in sections 1.1–1.2, but also based on the results of the NTA (Istenic and Sambt 2016), which use the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) to estimate the age profiles of labor income.

Stylized profiles of labor income of men and women are depicted in Figure 2.8.

Combining the two dimensions shows that the gender gap in labor income is higher compared to the wage gap. Germany tends to have the highest income gap, and Sweden the lowest.

22

Figure 2.8: Stylized age profiles of labor income estimated using LFS and ESES data, 2014 Italy

160.0

160.0

140.0

140.0

120.0

120.0

% of average wage

% of average wage

Germany

100.0 80.0 60.0 40.0

100.0 80.0 60.0 40.0 20.0

20.0

0.0

0.0

20 23 26 29 32 35 38 41 44 47 50 53 56 59 62 65 68

20 23 26 29 32 35 38 41 44 47 50 53 56 59 62 65 68

Age

Age DE males

DE females

IT males

Sweden

160.0

160.0

140.0

140.0

120.0

120.0

% of average wage

% of average wage

Poland

IT females

100.0 80.0 60.0 40.0 20.0

100.0 80.0 60.0 40.0 20.0

0.0

0.0 20 23 26 29 32 35 38 41 44 47 50 53 56 59 62 65 68

20 23 26 29 32 35 38 41 44 47 50 53 56 59 62 65 68

Age

IT males

Age

IT females

SE males

SE females

Source: Authors’ assessment.

Note: Age profiles are calculated by multiplying average wages in 10-year age groups and employment rates in 4-year age groups, as presented in sections 1.1. and 1.2.

The gender gaps at different ages lead to a higher cumulative gender gap in the life course. Summing the stylized life course income for men and women, the accumulated life course gender labor income gap (LCGLIG) is substantial. To measure the LCGLIG, the following equation is proposed: ∑65

đ?‘“đ?‘“

đ?‘¤đ?‘¤ ∗đ?‘’đ?‘’

đ?‘“đ?‘“

đ??żđ??żđ??żđ??żđ??żđ??żđ??żđ??żđ??żđ??żđ??żđ??ż = 1 − ∑65đ?‘–đ?‘–=20đ?‘¤đ?‘¤đ?‘šđ?‘šđ?‘–đ?‘– ∗đ?‘’đ?‘’đ?‘–đ?‘–đ?‘šđ?‘š, where: đ?‘–đ?‘–=20

đ?‘–đ?‘–

đ?‘–đ?‘–

23

������ – average wage of men at age i measured in relation to the average wage in the country,

������ – employment rate of men at age i, ��

���� – average wage of women at age i measured in relation to the average wage in the

country, and đ?‘“đ?‘“

���� – employment rate of women at age i.

Based on Eurostat data, the estimated value of LCGLIG is highest in Germany, at 46.8

percent. In Italy the value is 44.3 percent, in Poland 35.4 percent, and in Sweden 27.3 percent. This shows that even relatively low differences at given ages can lead to a large difference in lifetime income, which translates directly into a similar difference in the level of pensions.

The impact of both lower labor market participation and wage gaps on labor income at various ages is also confirmed by the shape of the age profiles of labor income estimated using the NTA methodology (Lee and Mason 2011; Mason et al. 2009).

24

Figure 2.9: Age profiles of labor income in the four countries (NTA estimates), 2010

DE male

Age

DE female

IT male

Age

IT female

Sweden

1.4 1.2 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0 6 12 18 24 30 36 42 48 54 60 66 72 78 84 90+

0.0

1.6 1.4 1.2 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 0 6 12 18 24 30 36 42 48 54 60 66 72 78 84 90+

1.6

Average wage of workers aged 3049

Poland

Average wage of workers aged 3049

1.6 1.4 1.2 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 0 6 12 18 24 30 36 42 48 54 60 66 72 78 84 90+

1.6 1.4 1.2 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0

Average wage of workers aged 30-49

Italy

0 6 12 18 24 30 36 42 48 54 60 66 72 78 84 90+

Average wage of workers aged 30-49

Germany

Age PL male

Age SE male

PL female

SE female

Source: Istenic and Sambt 2016.

As shown in Figure 2.9, in all countries the labor income of women is below that of men, which is consistent with the stylized profiles shown in Figure 2.7. The NTA estimates are based on actual reported incomes, which are complemented by analysis of the reasons for the existing gaps in labor income related to employment gaps and wage gaps, as presented in Figure 2.8. Both estimates show that the gender differences are already visible for women under 30, particularly in Sweden and Germany, which can be a result of career breaks due to childbearing periods.

Women’s income at their prime age is also below that of men. The largest differences refer to persons at prime age. Only in Sweden does the labor income of men and women converge at later stages of the life course.

25

Both estimates confirm that a combination of three factors – the gender pay gap, gender differences in employment rates, and lower work intensity due to the higher share of women working part-time – leads to a significant gap in per capita incomes that will undoubtedly translate into a gender pension gap. The estimates of the LCGLIG on the gender-specific NTA labor income profiles indicate higher differences between men and women, compared to the profiles derived from the LFS and ESES data. In Germany, the LCGLIG reaches 49.2 percent, in Italy 48.3 percent, in Poland 42.1 percent, and in Sweden 30.5 percent.

2.4. Employment paths: Do distinct employment patterns exist in the countries?

Interruptions in work careers are usually not randomly distributed in the population but cumulated for specific persons. They are omitted in the analysis of the aggregate average age profiles. The following section copes with that problem by comparing individual work careers from the retrospective survey to find typical patterns of full and interrupted careers characteristic of the analyzed countries and gender. The average differences in the labor market participation of men and women result from a combination of different individual life course developments that lead to interrupted employment careers, particularly for women. However, unstable and interrupted work careers are not only assigned to women. Many explanations arise for different patterns of work careers. One explanation is the family situation. As discussed earlier, in families with children employment rates are lower, particularly for women. As a result, persons can have limited or no work experience. There are also persons who decide to reconcile work and family life with more frequent career breaks or by working part-time. This heterogeneity of decisions can be explained by psychological factors that lead to more child care-oriented behavior (Hakim 2003; Vitali et al. 2007). However, such choices frequently reflect the limitations of institutional child care. The differences in labor market choices of persons with different numbers of children have an impact on individual pension levels (Kotowska, Stachura, and Strzelecki 2008; Vitali et al. 2007).

Another determinant for the divergence in patterns of the stability of work experiences is the heterogeneity of health and disabilities in the population (Adeline and Delattre

26

2017). The process of collecting human capital during a life course can also lead to heterogeneity in patterns of more and less educated persons. Persons with tertiary education usually enter the labor market later but are more attached to employment in later ages. The significant share of unstable work careers can be an indicator of a dual labor market, with relatively better opportunities for persons without interrupted careers, and fewer stable jobs for persons whose career was interrupted (Reich, Gordon, and Edwards 1973; Elger 2015).

To address the problem of the heterogeneity in employment biographies, retrospective data from the SHARE database Waves 1, 2, 3 (SHARELIFE), 4, 5, and 6 7 are used (see Börsch-Supan et al. [2013] for methodological details). This section uses data from the generated Job Episodes Panel 8 (see Brugiavini et al. 2013 and Antonova et al. 2014 for methodological details). The Job Episodes Panel release 6.0.0 is based on SHARE Waves 1, 2, and 3 (SHARELIFE). 9 The SHARE dataset contains retrospective data about past employment based on the answers of persons aged 50 and over. This analysis uses data about the episodes of work in each year of career for all four countries. The limitation of such approach is the fact that employment histories are typical of people from already retired generations, while younger generations most likely experience different patterns. Nevertheless, the country differences illustrate the divergent labor market developments that are still likely to affect different pension outcomes for people by country.

7

DOIs: 10.6103/SHARE.w1.610, 10.6103/SHARE.w2.610, 10.6103/SHARE.w3.610, 10.6103/SHARE.w4.610, 1 0.6103/SHARE.w5.610, 10.6103/SHARE.w6.610 8 DOI: 10.6103/SHARE.jep.600 9 (DOIs: 10.6103/SHARE.w1.600, 10.6103/SHARE.w2.600, 10.6103/SHARE.w3.600. The SHARE data collection was primarily funded by the European Commission through FP5 (QLK6-CT-2001-00360), FP6 (SHARE-I3: RII-CT-2006-062193, COMPARE: CIT5-CT-2005-028857, SHARELIFE: CIT4-CT-2006-028812), and FP7 (SHARE-PREP: N°211909, SHARE-LEAP: N°227822, SHARE M4: N°261982). Additional funding from the German Ministry of Education and Research, the Max Planck Society for the Advancement of Science, the U.S. National Institute on Aging (U01_AG09740-13S2, P01_AG005842, P01_AG08291, P30_AG12815, R21_AG025169, Y1-AG-4553-01, IAG_BSR06-11, OGHA_04-064, HHSN271201300071C), and from various national funding sources is gratefully acknowledged (see www.share-project.org).

27

To analyze the typical patterns of work careers based on retrospective data, a sequence analysis technique is applied that allows definition of the measure of similarity between different life paths (Brzinsky-Fay, Kohler, and Luniak 2006). For each year of the analysis, three possible states are distinguished: full-time employment, part-time employment, and inactivity/unemployment. In the calculations of the distances between work careers, it is assumed that part-time employment is halfway between full-time employment and not working. The concept of the sequence analysis is illustrated in Figure 2.10.

Figure 2.10: Conceptual diagram of a sequence of labor market episodes

Element AGE: Employment:

Episode (identical succesive elements)

20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 N PE PE E E E E E N E E PE

… …

60 N

Sequence (ordered list of elements) N Nonemployment (inactivity, unemployment) PE Part-time work E Full-time work

Source: Authors’ elaboration based on Brzinsky-Fay, Kohler, and Luniak 2006.

The result of the sequence analysis is a matrix of distances between persons reflecting the similarity of their work careers. Then the matrix defined at the micro level is used in a cluster analysis with the Ward metric to identify the two most distinct clusters. In the majority of countries, the difference is rather clear. For example, for women in Poland, sequences that describe working life can be divided into two clusters (Figure 2.11). In the second cluster, sequences are similar mainly because they consist of elements of full-time careers. Episodes of not working usually appear at the end of working life and are rather short in comparison with periods of work. On the contrary, the first cluster groups the sequences that contain mainly episodes of not working or part-time work.

28

The episodes of full-time work are relatively short. Clearly such procedure leads to an identification of the two groups. The first cluster represents similar “interrupted careers” and the second cluster can be interpreted as a normal “full-time” career pattern specific to Polish women.

For other countries and sex groups, two similar distinct clusters are identified (see all results in the appendix). The first one is always constituted by people with interrupted careers characterized with periods of inactivity or part-time work. The second one includes people with usually uninterrupted full-time work careers. The division of population in two clusters makes it possible to calculate age-specific employment rates with additional distinction on full-time and part-time jobs. The first cluster with lower employment rates in full-time jobs appears more frequently among women, but is also observed to some extent among men (Figure 2.12 and Figure 2.13).

29

Figure 2.11: Labor market sequences of individual persons’ job episodes in two clusters for women in Poland (1 = “interrupted career”; 2 = “full career”)

1

2

number of individual person

0

200

400

600 20

30

40

50

60

20

30

40

50

60

age Not working Full time Part-time

Graphs by cluster

Source: Authors’ estimates based on SHARE Job Episodes Panel data.

The meaning of “interrupted” work pattern also differs between countries and between sexes. In Germany, Italy, and Poland the main difference between full and interrupted careers among men was employment at age 50+ (Figure 2.12). In general, shorter labor market careers were considered as interrupted. The interrupted careers of men in these countries accounted for 21–36 percent of all careers. In Sweden the typical interrupted career of men described a group of persons with maximum employment rates during the whole working life of about 40 percent and relatively frequent part-time work.

However, this group accounted for about 4 percent of men (Figure 2.12). The remaining 96 percent of men had very stable and high employment rates up to the age of 60.

The meaning of “interrupted” career is even more diverse for women (Figure 2.13). In Italy, women’s labor force participation is in general very low, the result of the almost complete lack of labor market participation of almost one-half of women. It seems to be the extreme case of this type of interrupted career. In Poland women with full-time

30

careers have relatively high employment rates. Interrupted careers seem to have been a result of initial withdraw from employment in childbearing and childrearing periods, and limited returns to the labor market at later stages of their life course. Part-time employment is hardly used. At the same time, part-time employment seems to be very frequent among women with “interrupted� patterns of work careers in Germany and Sweden. These outcomes are consistent with the earlier findings on the employment characteristics of men and women in the four countries.

31

Figure 2.12: Average employment rates in full-time and part-time age profiles in two clusters: “interrupted career” and “full career” – results for men SHARE 1 cluster “interrupted careers” SHARE 2 cluster “full career” share in population

0.6 0.4 0.2 0

1

full-time

0.2 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age

full-time

part-time

0.6 0.4 0.2

Sweden 1

full-time

20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age

1

full-time

0.6 0.4 0.2

1

20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age

full-time

0.4 0.2 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age

0.6 0.4 0.2 0

20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age part-time

1 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0

20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age

Source: Authors’ estimates based on SHARE Job Episodes Panel data.

32

part-time

0.8

full-time

part-time

0.6

part-time

0.8

20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age

0.8

0

0.2

0

0.8

0

0.4

share in population

0

0.6

part-time

0.4

part-time

0.8

0

0.6

full-time

1

20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age

0.8

1 share in population

part-time

0.8

Poland

share in population

full-time

share in population

share in population

Italy

1

share in population

share in population

Germany

Figure 2.13: Average employment rates in full-time and part-time age profiles in two clusters: “interrupted career” and “full career” – results for women SHARE 1 cluster “interrupted careers”

0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0

20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age

Italy

full-time

0.6 0.4 0.2

share in population share in population

1

full-time

part-time

0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2

1 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0

0

0.4 0.2 0

1

part-time

20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age

20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age

full-time

0.6 0.4 0.2 0

1

20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age

full-time

part-time

0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0

1

20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age full-time

part-time

0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0

20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age

Source: Authors’ estimates based on SHARE Job Episodes Panel data.

33

part-time

0.8

20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 age full-time

part-time

0.6

20 25 30 35age 40 45 50 55 60

Poland

full-time

0.8

share in population

0.8

0

1

part-time

share in population

share in population

1

Sweden

part-time share in population

full-time

1

share in population

share in population

Germany

SHARE 2 cluster “full career

The differences in the employment rates combined with differences in wage levels calculated for age groups 20–29, 30–49, and 50 and over for people with full-time and part-time employment translate into differences in the life course labor income gap. The estimated life course labor income in the four groups for all countries is compared, taking the level of labor income of men with full careers as the baseline (Table 2.2).

Career interruptions give the highest penalty in lifetime labor income in the case of women with interrupted work careers. In Italy, the life course income of these women consists of only 6 percent on average of men’s income with a full career (100 percent).

This means that the gap between life course income of men with full careers and women with interrupted careers ranges from 94 percent in Italy to about 54 percent in Sweden. It should also be noted that if women have relatively full careers, the gap with men with full careers still remains high – between 37 percent and 17 percent. In fact, in Germany, Italy, and Poland the lifetime income of women with a full career is relatively similar to that of men with an interrupted career. These differences have an important influence on individual pension rights in NDC schemes or point systems, as discussed later.

Table 2.2: Relationship between the level of life course labor income (%) of men and women in the clusters with full and interrupted careers compared to men with full careers Men

Germany Italy Poland Sweden

Full (%) 100 100 100 100

Interrupted (%) 64 66 57 41

Women Full (%) 68 64 63 83

34

Interrupted (%) 26 6 16 46

Share of persons in interrupted career cluster (%) Men Women 21.3 27.1 35.7 4.1

53.3 48.9 24.4 37.0

3.

Employment histories and pension levels

This section presents simulations of pension levels for men and women in the four countries. Different employment paths by country and sex are assumed, contrary to the assessments of hypothetical replacement rates by the OECD (OECD 2015) and the European Commission presented in Pension Adequacy Reports (European Commission 2018). The latter focus on comparing expected pension benefits under different pension systems for people with standard profiles of employment careers, and the assumptions usually applied refer to the full (or almost full) employment length and different (but standardized) earnings levels.

The goal here is to assess the expected outcomes of pension systems considering the country-specific

labor

market

situation

regarding gender-related

biographies,

employment, and wages. As shown in the previous section, the labor market differences between countries and between men and women within countries are significant. The adequacy of future pensions will depend on those distinct employment histories.

3.1. Pension simulations: Assumptions and the approach To estimate the expected levels of future pensions, a microsimulation model was prepared to calculate the level of old-age pensions in the four countries. The model calculates hypothetical future pensions (HFPs) in relation to the country average wage in the year of retirement. HFPs are calculated for individuals who start their employment at age 20 in 2017 and continue their labor market careers according to profiles specified in the respective scenario. Four different scenarios of employment paths (for both men and women) are applied in the simulations: •

Average Eurostat scenario: Probabilities of employment are set according to the average employment rates by country, sex, and age (in 5-year age groups). Levels of wages (compared to the average) are set using the average wages by country, sex, and age (in 10-year age groups), as presented in sections 1.1 and 1.2 and combined in section 1.3.

35

•

NTA scenario: The labor income that is the basis for the contribution calculation is based on the NTA age profiles of labor income by country and sex, as presented in section 1.3.

•

SHARELIFE scenario for workers with interrupted careers: Probabilities of employment are set according to the first cluster identified in the sequence analysis, as presented in section 1.4, and levels of wages are similar as in the Eurostat scenario.

•

SHARELIFE scenario for workers with full careers: Probabilities of employment are set according to the second cluster identified in the sequence analysis, as presented in section 1.4, and levels of wages are similar as in the Eurostat scenario.

The simulations are simplified for comparative purposes. They do not take into account country-specific regulations that result in capping the covered wage for average earners (which is the case of Sweden), nor do they include the recognition of pension rights due to career interruptions, such as child care.

Other assumptions in the simulations are based on the Ageing Working Group (AWG) assumptions (European Commission 2015), as listed in Table 3.1. Life expectancy used for pension calculation is based on the 2013 Eurostat population projections (EUROPOP 2013).

36

Table 3.1: Country-specific assumptions used in pension simulations Germany Italy

Wage, employment, and economic growth: Average wage growth rate (%) Employment growth rate (%) Wage bill growth rate (%) GDP growth rate (%)

Poland

Sweden

1.5 -0.5 1.0 1.0

1.2 0.1 1.0 1.3

2.2 -0.6 1.0 1.6

1.5 0.5 1.0 2.0

Contributions Contribution NDC (% of wage) Contribution NDC-2 (% of wage) Contribution FDC (% of wage)

n.a. n.a. n.a.

33.00 n.a. n.a.

12.22 4.38 2.92

14.88 n.a.

2.33

Indexation and rates of return Indexation of the NDC account (%) Indexation of NDC-2 account (%) Rate of return on FDC account (%)

n.a. n.a. n.a.

1.3 n.a. n.a.

1.0 1.6 2.0

1.5 n.a.

2.0

n.a.

1.5

0.0

1.60

14%

n.a.

n.a.

n.a.

Annuity calculation Discount rate for annuity calculation (%) Adjustment of point value due to expectancy

life

Source: Authors’ assessment based on AWG and OECD assumptions.

Note: n.a. = not applicable.

3.2. Hypothetical future pensions HFPs are calculated separately for men and women according to the four scenarios. The amount of contributions paid at a given age depends on the age- and sex-specific employment probability and labor income, according to the applied scenario. It is assumed that both men and women retire at age 67 (target retirement age in Germany, Italy, and Sweden). For Poland, results are also presented for lower ages: 65 for men and 60 for women, the legal retirement age as of October 2017.

Figure 3.1 shows the simulation results. Men can expect higher pensions compared to women in all countries. The difference is largest in Italy and Germany (26.8 percentage points and 22.9 percentage points, respectively, in the Eurostat scenario). In the remaining two countries, the difference slightly exceeds 10 percentage points upon the retirement age of 67. Under the lower retirement age in Poland, the difference increases

37

to 12.0 percentage points. This is an outcome of accumulated differences in both labor market participation and average wages by sex.

Differences also arise between countries. The Eurostat and NTA scenario results are similar. In the Eurostat scenario with average employment rates and average wages by age, the highest level of HFPs for men is in Italy, exceeding 56 percent of average wage, followed by Germany, Sweden, and Poland. For women in the same scenario, HFPs in Sweden and Italy are close to 30 percent, and are slightly lower in Germany. In Poland, assuming a retirement age of 67, women’s HFPs remain below 20 percent and for lower retirement age (60 years), fall below 15 percent.

Figure 3.1: HFPs of men and women under different assumptions on labor market paths by country (% of average wage) Men

Women

49.0% 30.6% 33.1%

SHARE full career

SHARE full career

76.7% 67.5%

20.5% 16.7% 17.6%

SHARE interrupted career

NTA

SHARE interrup ted career

50.8% 43.5%

38.8% 26.1% 27.5% 46.4%

0%

Poland (65/60)

Italy

Germany

40.6%

17.5%

27.1% 13.0% 15.4%

41.6%

29.8% 14.7% 18.0% 29.7% 26.5%

Eurostat

0%

Poland

45.8% 46.0%

22.7%

23.7%

20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Sweden

4.3% 5.1% 4.2%

NTA

86.1%

40.7% 26.7% 28.3% 56.5% 49.5%

Eurostat

15.7% 19.0%

Sweden Italy

20%

40%

60%

Poland (65/60) Germany

80%

100%

Poland

Last but not least, the HFPs based on the two profiles of “interrupted” and “full” careers indicate the gaps in the HFPs generated by the accumulated impact of career breaks. For men, the largest difference is seen in Sweden (28.6 percentage points), but it should be

38

noted that the majority of them (almost 96 percent) are in the full career group. In Italy and Germany, men with interrupted careers withdraw from employment earlier. As a result, they can expect their pensions to be lower by 25.8 percentage points and 24.0 percentage points, respectively. Poland has the lowest difference, at 15.5 percentage points The share of men with interrupted careers is also higher in the three latter countries, as discussed in section 1.4.

The pattern of interrupted careers of women in Poland and Italy leads to the expected level of HFPs below 5 percent of average wage. This is significantly below the poverty line and a minimum pension guarantee. This outcome for Italy is mainly due to the very short work careers of women, who withdraw from employment very early, presumably as they establish families and have children. In Poland, higher participation rates are seen, but given the design of the pension system, in particular the lower contribution rate and no discount rate for annuity calculation, the estimated benefits are low. The gap due to career interruption in Italy is very high at 41.6 percentage points, while in Poland it is much smaller, at 13.9 percentage points. In Germany and Sweden, career interruptions for women lead to gaps of 17.9 percentage points and 28.5 percentage points, respectively.

3.3. Impact of employment paths and pension system design on theoretical future pensions To assess how differences in age and wage income profiles by sex affect pension levels, a simulation was run indicating the pension level in Sweden for workers with wage income and employment rate profiles according to national characteristics (Figure 3.2).

For all three countries the level of HFPs for both sexes in the Swedish pension system is lower due to the lower labor market participation observed in these countries. The difference is smallest in Germany and largest in Italy.

39

Figure 3.2: Pensions levels in Swedish pension system for country-specific assumptions on employment rate and wage levels by age and sex (% of average wage) Poland

Sweden

23.6%

17.6%

24.2%

MALES

29.8%

Italy

40.7%

36.3%

31.2%

39.4%

Germany

FEMALES

The decomposition of the difference in the level of HFPs between Sweden and the other three countries has three components: the pension system and longevity effects and the labor market effect are presented in Figure 3.3.

Figure 3.3: Decomposition of the difference between HFPs in Sweden and the other three countries Men

Women

100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% -20% -40% -60%

100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% -20% -40% -60% Germany

Italy

Poland

Germany Italy Poland Difference due to the pension system and longevity Difference due to the labour market Total difference

Difference due to the pension system and longevity Difference due to the labour market Total difference

The results show that the pension systems in Germany and Italy provide more generous benefits compared to Sweden, contrary to the Polish system, which provides relatively lower benefits. Labor market differences lead to lower benefits as the labor market participation of both men and women in Sweden is higher than in the other three countries.

40

4.

Summary and conclusions

The labor market plays a crucial role in all types of pension systems. In prepaid systems, especially in NDC and FDC schemes, that role is strong and visible also at the individual level. That has a lot of advantages (as discussed in Góra and Palmer 2019). At the same time, this means that accumulated differences by gender in the aggregated labor income over the life course translate to differences in pension levels. These differences are less pronounced in other types of pension systems that do not have a direct link between lifetime earnings and pensions, such as NDB or FDB schemes. The analysis here shows that patterns of interrupted careers mean much shorter time spent in employment compared to full careers, particularly in Italy and Poland. Career interruptions affect significant shares of both men and women. Women with interrupted careers in Poland and Italy are at risk of having extremely low old-age pensions in NDC systems (below 5 percent of the average wage). Women in Germany, if the patterns of interrupted careers remain unchanged, can expect pensions that are below 20 percent the average wage, while in Sweden they barely exceed one-quarter of the average wage. This means that if their old-age income relied only on their own oldage pensions linked to life course earnings, they would face a high risk of old-age poverty.

This risk may be mitigated by two types of policy interventions. The first one, more difficult politically but sustainable in the long run, focuses on finding ways to improve labor market outcomes, particularly for groups at risk of interrupted careers. Longer working lives and higher wages lead to improved life course wages and higher pensions.

The second type of intervention is through the adjustment of pension rules, which may seem more attractive in the short term but some of the types of such interventions merely hide the problems rather than solving them. Women who interrupt their careers frequently rely on their husband’s benefits or survivors’ pensions as a source of financing their consumption at old age. Pension systems also recognize selected periods of breaks, such as for child care, in the form of additional pension rights or dedicated mothers’ pensions, as in Germany. Such a measure is also considered in Poland. As a result, the actual poverty among older women is significantly reduced.

41

Given population aging and the increasing financial strain of pension systems, it is important to consider solutions that enable women to accumulate their own pension rights. It should be stressed that solutions such as generous survivors’ benefits or lower retirement age of women encourage career interruptions and earlier withdrawal from the labor force.

A mix of policies including those aimed at reducing gender differences on the labor market and transparent compensation for selected justified career breaks, such as maternity or child care leave, 10 is a sustainable policy direction.

Two directions in labor market policy should be seen jointly. The first one is the increase in labor market participation over an entire life course. Differences at different stages of life accumulate when it comes to receiving pension. At the beginning of the employment activity, such policies should focus on smoothing the school-to-work transition.

Population aging, late parenthood, and increasing numbers of generations living in parallel as well as more diverse life histories challenge the traditional perception of “rush hours,” which refers to coinciding life activities (education, entering the labor market and starting employment, union formation, and parenthood) at some stages of life. Therefore, reconciliation of work and family over a life course seems to better address the needs of people at different stages of their lives. The key issue is the redistribution of work and care within family networks, especially between women and men. Moreover, since family obligations related to children seem to be crucial for establishing a labor market position and career prospects of both women and men, policies supporting reconciliation of work and parenthood are highly relevant. Measures that strengthen women’s breadwinner role and foster men’s involvement in family care will result in more gender equality in the labor market. Later, policies are needed to support the return to employment after longer spells of remaining outside the labor force. Finally, policies should aim at prolonging working lives and preventing early labor market withdrawal of both men and women. All these interventions are equally important to reduce the risk of interrupted and short careers.

10

For a discussion of solutions applied in NDC countries see Chłoń-Domińczak, Franco, and Palmer (2012).

42

Gender pay gaps are substantial. They do not diminish for new cohorts of workers and will remain an important contributor to women’s pension disadvantage once these women retire. These labor market inefficiencies need to be tackled –both better enforcement of equal pay policies and, again, more policies promoting equal shares of unpaid work and child care are needed. Those in place so far helped to bring more women into the labor market over the past two decades, but as this paper’s data and analyses show, they failed to improve women’s pay in relation to men’s.

This analysis presents the nature and approximate scale of selected (and arguably the most important) labor market problems affecting the outcome of pension systems at the micro level. Country-specific assumptions on labor market participation are combined with the pension system design to compare the outcomes of the combined effect of pension system design applied in the specific labor market context of selected countries. This expands the up-to-date comparisons in the literature, which focuses primarily on differences in the design of pensions, ignoring the pronounced differences in the employment careers of men and women between countries. The analysis also shows that differences in the patterns of interrupted careers lead to a high risk of low and very low pensions. The paper provides new evidence on the development of NDC pension systems under different labor market performance and institutional settings.

For women, differences in expected future pensions are caused to a larger extent by differences in their employment profiles, more than by the design of pension systems and longevity.

The transparent link between contributions and benefits in the NDC system makes such systems sustainable in the long run. They also have clear incentives for individuals for higher and longer labor market participation, which is necessary in the context of population aging and shrinking working-age populations. To fully exploit the benefits of such systems, it is important to highlight the existing risks related to the existing labor market gaps, including in particular interrupted careers. These risks need to be tackled through labor market policies, not by fiddling with the pension system design, which would weaken the link between contributions and benefits. Compensation for care periods, such as maternity or child care leave, in the form of transparent contributions

43

paid to the NDC system in an amount that compensates for the pension loss may help to reconcile work and family life without affecting pension system transparency and sustainability. Transparent pension systems are an asset of the countries discussed herein. Changing them to hide the labor market problems would not help to solve their labor market problems and could lead to destabilization of their pension systems.

44

References Adeline, Amelie, and Eric Delattre. 2017. “Some Microeconometric Evidence on the Relationship Between Health and Income.” Health Economics Review 7:27 DOI: 10.1186/s13561-017-0163-5.

Antonova, Ludmila, Luis Aranda, Giacomo Pasini, and Elisabetta Trevisan. 2014.

“Migration, Family History and Pension: The Second Release of the SHARE Job Episodes Panel.” SHARE Working Paper Series: 18-2014. Munich: MEA, Max Planck Institute for Social Law and Social Policy.

Baran, Jan, Atilla Bartha, Agnieszka Chłoń-Domińczak, Olena Fedyuk, Agnieszka Kamińska, Piotr Lewandowski, Maciej Lis, Iga Magda, Monika Potoczna, and Violetta Zentai. 2014. “Women on the European Labour Market.” Neujobs Policy Brief (16.5).

CEPS,

Brussels

http://www.neujobs.eu/publications/policy-briefs/women-european-

labour-market Börsch-Supan, Axel, Martina Brandt, Christian Hunkler, Thorsten Kneip, Julie Korbmacher, Frederic Malter, Barbara Schaan, Stephanie Stuck, and Sabrina Zuber.

2013. “Data Resource Profile: The Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE).“ International Journal of Epidemiology 42 (4): 992–1001.

Brugiavini, Agar, Danilo Cavapozzi, Giacomo Pasini, and Elisabetta Trevisan. 2013.

“Working Life Histories from SHARELIFE: A Retrospective Panel.” SHARE Working Paper Series 11-2013. Munich: MEA, Max Planck Institute for Social Law and Social Policy.

Brzinsky-Fay, Christian, Ulrich Kohler, and Magdalena Luniak. 2006. “Sequence Analysis with Stata.” Stata Journal 6(4): 435–460(26).

Chłoń-Domińczak, Agnieszka. 2017. “Gender Gap in Pensions: Looking Ahead, Study for the European Parliament.” www.europarl.europa.eu/.../IPOL_STU(2017)583150_EN.pdf Chłoń-Domińczak, Agnieszka, Daniele Franco, and Edward Palmer. 2012. “The First Wave of NDC Reforms: The Experiences of Italy, Latvia, Poland, and Sweden.” In Nonfinancial

45

Defined Contribution Pension Schemes in a Changing Pension World, ed. Robert Holzmann and Edward Palmer, pp. 31–84. Washington, DC: World Bank. Retrieved from http://dx.doi.org/10.1596/9780821388488_CH02.

Elger, Tony. 2015. “Dual Labor Market Theories.” In The Wiley Blackwell Encyclopedia of Race,

Ethnicity,

and

Nationalism.

John

Wiley

&

Sons,

Ltd.

doi:10.1002/9781118663202.wberen097.

European Commission. 2015. “The 2015 Ageing Report. Economic and Budgetary Projections for the 28 EU Member States (2013–2060).” European Economy 3. _____. 2018. “The 2018 Pension Adequacy Report: Current and Future Income Adequacy in Old Age in the EU Country Profiles.” Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union.

European Parliament. 2016. “Precarious Employment in Europe. Part 1: Patterns, Trends and Policy Strategy. European Union.

Góra, Marek, and Edward Palmer. 2004. “Shifting Perspectives in Pensions.” IZA Discussion Paper No. 1369. IZA. Bonn. _____. 2019. “NDC: The Generic Old-Age Pension Scheme.” Social Protection and Jobs Discussion Paper, No. 1907. Washington, D.C.: World Bank Group.

Hakim, Catherine. 2003. “A New Approach to Explaining Fertility Patterns: Preference Theory.” Population and Development Review 29 (3): 349–374. doi:10.1111/j.17284457.2003.00349.x.

Hofäcker, Dirk, and Stefanie König. 2013. “Flexibility and Work-Life Conflict in Times of Crisis: A Gender Perspective.” International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 33(9/10): 613–635.

Istenic, Tania, and Joze Sambt. 2016. “NTA Age Profiles in the EU Countries Results of the WP 1.” AGENTA Project Results. Vienna

46

Kotowska, Irena E., Joanna Stachura, and Pawel Strzelecki. 2008. “Equality of Retirement Benefits Received by Men and Women in Selected European Countries. Childbearing and Future

Benefits.”

ENEPRI

Research

Reports

No

56.

CEPS,

Brussels.

https://www.ceps.eu/publications/equality-retirement-benefits-received-men-andwomen-selected-european-countries Lee, Ronald D., and Andrew Mason. 2011. Population Aging and the Generational Economy: A Global Perspective. Edward Elgar Publishing Limited.

Mason, Andrew, et al. 2009. National Transfer Accounts Manual. Overview of National Transfer Accounts. New York, NY: United Nations.

Matysiak, Anna, and Stephanie Steinmetz. 2008. “Finding Their Way? Female Employment Patterns in West Germany, East Germany, and Poland.” European Sociological Review 24(3): 331–345.

Matysiak, Anna, and Dorota Węziak-Białowolska. 2016. “Country-Specific Conditions for Work and Family Reconciliation: An Attempt at Quantification.” European Journal of Population 32(4): 475–510.

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). 2015. Pensions at a Glance

2015:

OECD

and

G20

Indicators.

Retrieved

from

http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/pension_glance-2015-en. _____. 2017. “Dare to Share: Germany's Experience Promoting Equal Partnership in Families.” Paris: OECD Publishing.

Reich, Michael, David M. Gordon, and Richard C. Edwards. 1973. “A Theory of Labor Market Segmentation.” The American Economic Review 63(2): 359–65.

Rostgaard, Tine. 2014. Family Policies in Scandinavia. Berlin: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.

Spasova, Slavina, Denis Bouget, Dalila Ghailani, and Bart Vanhercke. 2017. “Access to Social Protection for People Working on Non-Standard Contracts and as Self-Employed in Europe.” European Social Policy Network (ESPN), Brussels: European Commission.

47

Vitali, Agnese, Francesco C. Billari, Alexia Prskawetz, and Maria Rita Testa. 2007.

“Preference Theory and Low Fertility: A Comparative Perspective.” Working Papers 001.

Carlo F. Dondena Centre for Research on Social Dynamics (DONDENA), Università Commerciale Luigi Bocconi. https://ideas.repec.org/p/don/donwpa/001.html.

48

Appendix The results of the sequence analysis and segmenatation of work careers in Germany, Sweden, Poland, and Italy are shown in the figures below. Each figure presents the individual work careers (vertical axis) by age (horizontal axis), which can consist of three possible states (not working, working full-time, and working part-time) for two clusters: 1 = interrupted careers and 2 = full careers.

Men

Women 1

1

2

2

0

number of individual person

number of individual person

0

500

100

200

300

400 20

30

40

50

60

20

30

40

50

60

20

30

40

50

Germany

age

20

30

40

Not working Full time Part-time Graphs by cluster

6

Graphs by cluster

1

1

2

2

0

number of individual person

number of individual person

50

Not working Full time Part-time

0

200

400

600

500 20

30

40

50

60

20

30

40

50

60

20

age

30

40

50

60

20

30

40

50

6

age Not working Full time Part-time

Italy

60

age

Graphs by cluster

Not working Full time Part-time Graphs by cluster

49

1

2 0

number of individual person

number of individual person

2

1

0

100

200

300

200

400

600

400 20

30

40

50

60

20

40

30

20

50

30

40

50

60

20

30

40

Not working Full time Part-time

Not working Full time Part-time

Poland

Graphs by cluster

Graphs by cluster

2

1

2

1

0

number of individual person

0

number of individual person

50

age

age

200

400

100

200

300

400

600 30

20

40

50

60

20

30

40

50

60

20

Sweden

30

40

50

60

20

30

40

50

60

age

age

Not working Full time Part-time

Not working Full time Part-time Graphs by cluster

Graphs by cluster

Source: Authors’ estimates based on SHARE Job Episodes Panel data.

50

Social Protection & Jobs Discussion Paper Series Titles 2017-2019 No.

Title

1929

Developing Coherent Pension Systems: Design Issues for Private Pension Supplements to NDC Schemes

by William Price April 2019

1928

Pensions in a Globalizing World: How Do (N)DC and (N)DB Schemes Fare and Compare on Portability and Taxation?

by Bernd Genser and Robert Holzmann April 2019

1927

The Politics of NDC Pension Scheme Diffusion: Constraints and Drivers

by Igor Guardiancich, R. Kent Weaver, Gustavo Demarco, and Mark C. Dorfman April 2019

1926

Setting Up a Communication Package for the Italian NDC

by Tito Boeri, Maria Cozzolino, and Edoardo Di Porto April 2019

1925

Sweden’s Fifteen Years of Communication Efforts

by María del Carmen Boado-Penas, Ole Settergren, Erland Ekheden, and Poontavika Naka April 2019

1924

Information and Financial Literacy for Socially Sustainable NDC Pension Schemes

by Elsa Fornero, Noemi Oggero, and Riccardo Puglisi April 2019

1923

Communicating NEST Pensions for “New” DC Savers in the United Kingdom

by Will Sandbrook and Ranila Ravi-Burslem April 2019

1922

Harnessing a Young Nation's Demographic Dividends through a Universal NDC Pension Scheme: A Case Study of Tanzania

by Bo Larsson, Vincent Leyaro, and Edward Palmer April 2019

1921

The Notional and the Real in China’s Pension Reforms

by Bei Lu, John Piggott, and Bingwen Zheng April 2019

1920

Administrative Requirements and Prospects for Universal NDCs in Emerging Economies

by Robert Palacios April 2019

1919

Bridging Partner Lifecycle Earnings and Pension Gaps by Sharing NDC Accounts

by Anna Klerby, Bo Larsson, and Edward Palmer April 2019

1918

The Impact of Lifetime Events on Pensions: NDC Schemes in Poland, Italy, and Sweden and the Point Scheme in Germany

by Agnieszka Chłoń-Domińczak, Marek Góra, Irena E. Kotowska, Iga Magda, Anna Ruzik-Sierdzińska, and Paweł Strzelecki April 2019

1917

Drivers of the Gender Gap in Pensions: Evidence from EU-SILC and the OECD Pension Model

by Maciej Lis and Boele Bonthuis April 2019

1916

Gender and Family: Conceptual Overview

by Nicholas Barr April 2019

1915

Labor Market Participation and Postponed Retirement in Central and Eastern Europe

by Robert I. Gal and Márta Radó April 2019

1914

NDC Schemes and the Labor Market: Issues and Options

by Robert Holzmann, David Robalino, and Hernan Winkler April 2019

1913

NDC Schemes and Heterogeneity in Longevity: Proposals for Redesign

by Robert Holzmann, Jennifer Alonso-García, Heloise Labit-Hardy, and Andrés M. Villegas April 2019

1912

Annuities in (N)DC Pension Schemes: Design, Heterogeneity, and Estimation Issues

by Edward Palmer and Yuwei Zhao de Gosson de Varennes April 2019

1911

Overview on Heterogeneity in Longevity and Pension Schemes

by Ron Lee and Miguel Sanchez-Romero April 2019

1910

Chile's Solidarity Pillar: A Benchmark for Adjoining Zero Pillar with DC Schemes

by Eduardo Fajnzylber April 2019

1909

Sweden: Adjoining the Guarantee Pension with NDC

by Kenneth Nelson, Rense Nieuwenhuis, and Susanne Alm April 2019

1908

The ABCs of NDCs

by Robert Holzmann April 2019

1907

NDC: The Generic Old-Age Pension Scheme

by Marek Góra and Edward Palmer April 2019

1906

The Greek Pension Reforms: Crises and NDC Attempts Awaiting Completion

by Milton Nektarios and Platon Tinios April 2019

1905

The Norwegian NDC Scheme: Balancing Risk Sharing and Redistribution

by Nils Martin Stølen, Dennis Fredriksen, Erik Hernæs, and Erling Holmøy April 2019

1904

The Polish NDC Scheme: Success in the Face of Adversity

by Sonia Buchholtz, Agnieszka Chłoń-Domińczak, and Marek Góra April 2019

1903

The Italian NDC Scheme: Evolution and Remaining Potholes

by Sandro Gronchi, Sergio Nisticò, and Mirko Bevilacqua April 2019

1902

The Latvian NDC Scheme: Success Under a Decreasing Labor Force

by Edward Palmer and Sandra Stabina April 2019

1901

The Swedish NDC Scheme: Success on Track with Room for Reflection

by Edward Palmer and Bo Könberg April 2019

1803

Rapid Social Registry Assessment: Malawi’s Unified Beneficiary Registry (UBR)

by Kathy Lindert, Colin Andrews, Chipo Msowoya, Boban Varghese Paul, Elijah Chirwa, and Anita Mittal, November 2018

1802

Human(itarian) Capital? Lessons on Better Connecting Humanitarian Assistance and Social Protection

by Ugo Gentilini, Sarah Laughton and Clare O’Brien, November 2018

1801

Delivering Social Protection in the Midst of Conflict and Crisis: The Case of Yemen

by Afrah Alawi Al-Ahmadi and Samantha de Silva, July 2018

1705

Aging and Long-Term Care Systems: A Review of Finance and Governance Arrangements in Europe, North America and Asia-Pacific

by Laurie Joshua, November 2017

1704

Social Registries for Social Assistance and Beyond: A Guidance Note & Assessment Tool

by Phillippe Leite, Tina George, Changqing Sun, Theresa Jones and Kathy Lindert, July 1027

1703

Social Citizenship for Older Persons? Measuring the Social Quality of Social Pensions in the Global South and Explaining Their Spread

by Tobias Böger and Lutz Leisering, July 2017

1702

The Impacts of Cash Transfers on Women’s Empowerment: Learning from Pakistan’s BISP Program

by Kate Ambler and Alan de Brauw, February 2017

1701

Social Protection and Humanitarian Assistance Nexus for Disaster Response: Lessons Learnt from Fiji’s Tropical Cyclone Winston

by Aisha Mansur, Jesse Doyle, and Oleksiy Ivaschenko, February 2017

To view Social Protection & Jobs Discussion Papers published prior to 2017, please visit www.worldbank.org/sp.

ABSTRACT The paper focuses on the interrupted careers in four countries where pensions are based on lifetime labor income, but they have different labor market patterns. High levels of employment in Germany and Sweden are in contrast with low levels of employment, particularly for women, in Italy and Poland. Career interruptions of women in Italy mean early withdrawal from the labor market, while in Sweden women choose part-time employment. Lower employment rates and gender pay gaps are important causes of differences in expected pension levels. The pension system design and demographics are also different. Prolonging working lives and reducing gender gaps in employment and pay, particularly for those at risk of interrupted careers, is key to ensure decent old-age pensions.

ABOUT THIS SERIES Social Protection & Jobs Discussion Papers are published to communicate the results of The World Bank’s work to the development community with the least possible delay. This paper therefore has not been prepared in accordance with the procedures appropriate for formally edited texts.

For more information, please contact the Social Protection Advisory Service, the World Bank, 1818 H Street, N.W., Room G7‑803, Washington, DC 20433, USA. Telephone: +1 (202) 458 5267, Fax: +1 (202) 614 0471, E-mail: socialprotection@worldbank.org or visit us on-line at www.worldbank.org/sp.