X-Section Issue 4 Exchange

XSECTION 2014 4

X-SECTION JOURNAL TEAM 2014 WWW.XSECTIONJOURNAL.COM XSECTIONJOURNAL@GMAIL.COM EDITORS: PETE GRIFFITHS, PROGRAMME LEADER AND SENIOR LECTURER, BACHELOR OF LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE

JOHN ALLAN, GRADUATE LANDSCAPE ARCHITECT, JASMAX, AUCKLAND. DESIGN & PRODUCTION: PEER-REVIEW PANEL:

RUSSELL COOPER, RACHEL BUTLER, CLAIRE LIESCHING, ROBERT NAIRN, TIM RICHARDSON

SAM BOURNE: LANDSCAPE ARCHITECT, ASSOCIATE PRINCIPAL BOFFA MISKELL. GARTH FALCONER: DIRECTOR RESET URBAN DESIGN. DR. DIANE MENZIES: ADJUNCT PROFESSOR, UNITEC DEPARTMENT OF LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE. MATTHEW BRADBURY: SENIOR LECTURER, UNITEC DEPARTMENT OF LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE. NIKOLAY POPOV: LECTURER, UNITEC DEPARTMENT OF LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE. DR. HAMISH FOOTE, LECTURER, DOCFA WILLIAM SOMEVILLE, CHAIRMAN ARTSPACE

X-SECTION JOURNAL IS PUBLISHED ANNUALLY BY THE DEPARTMENT OF LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE, UNITEC INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY. ADVERTISING STATEMENTS AND EDITORIAL OPINIONS EXPRESSED IN X-SECTION JOURNAL DO NOT NECESSARILY REFLECT THE VIEWS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE AND ITS STAFF, UNLESS EXPRESSLY STATED. COPYRIGHT TO ALL WORK INCLUDED IS RETAINED BY THE AUTHORS. COPYING OR TRANSMISSION OF ANY PART OF THIS PUBLICATION OR THE RELATED FILES IN ANY FORM, BY ANY MEANS (ELECTRONIC, PHOTOCOPYING, RECORDING, OR OTHERWISE) IS RESTRICTED TO EDUCATIONAL USE ONLY, WITH APPROPRIATE REFERENCING. NO PART OF THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE USED WITHOUT THE PRIOR WRITTEN PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. © COPYRIGHT 2014 X-SECTION JOURNAL PUBLISHER: UNITEC INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY, FACULTY OF CREATIVE INDUSTRY AND BUSINESS, DEPARTMENT OF LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE, CARRINGTON ROAD, MT ALBERT, AUCKLAND. ISSN 2230-6277 PRINT EDITION ISSN 2230-6285 ONLINE EDITION PAGE CREDITS: COVER IMAGE: ADRIAN NOORTMAN SECTION COVER IMAGES: PG. 5: JASMAX PG. 19: CLAIRE HAMILTON, BOFFA MISKELL PG. 67: CHOW HILL PG. 86: JENNIFER PARLANE PG. 87: LANDLAB

EXCHANGE

CONTENTS 4

Introduction

EXPLORATION

PEER REVIEWED

INDUSTRY

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68

The Littoral Exchange of Land for Sea

Change Makers

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24

72

88

A Tale of Personal Exchange

Landscape and Cultural Exchange

Subsidy

First year

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34

76

92

Occupying the Third Space

Revealing the Rainforest

Champagne

Second year

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45

78

98

Exchange in Design

Public Spaces Along Aucklands Waterfront

Saint Andrews Square

Third year

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54

80

110

A Case for Interns

City Landscape: Citizen Identity

Randwick Park

Fourth year

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60

82

122

Wadlands: Wicker & the Wadden Sea

Energy Exchange

A Connected Landscape

Masters

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126

127

129

Final Word

Acknowledgements

Footnotes & References

Contacts

STUDENT

Auckland Council

Jasmax

Wood L.A

Gillespies

Isthmus

West8

AN INTRODUCTION

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he fourth edition of X-Section attempts to explore the theme Exchange. A concept which spans the past, present and future contexts of landscape architecture. This edition contains a variety of expressions on this theme from a wide range of submitters.

Resolution of a topic for this year began with an internal debate on what landscape architecture really is. What does it mean to us and why are we each following this particular pathway into such a profession? In its rawest sense landscape architecture could be explained as being regenerative, supplementing the existing environment rather than subtracting from it.

Exchange reflects the idea of design in its most fundamental form, for without the landscape there would simply be no people.

- Ko au te whenua, ko te whenua ko au. I am the land, and the land is me -

Landscape architecture as a practice could further be described as the synthesis and management of human outcomes on the land, using human response for the creation of tangible and appropriate landscape outcomes - an exchange between people and place.

This journal is a manifestation of why landscape architecture is concerned with people and the land. Our interactions with the environment, our responses to rapid urbanisation; city planning, ecological control, sustainable living and placemaking for people.

How is the world made up around us in terms of: architecture and landscape, built and nonbuilt environments, context within context? How can we inform and revolutionise the way humans interact with, and inhabit space in a way that is resilient for the safe-keeping of our future?

The question that arises is how does exchange exist today? Are we informed by the landscape or is the landscape now informed by us?

The concept of Exchange in landscape architecture is intertwined with existence. Landscape exchange shapes culture, providing a mechanism for economic activity, enables the flow of resources and supports social interaction.

How does Exchange contribute to the past, present and future of landscape architecture?

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EXPLORATION

PROUDLY BROUGHT TO YOU BY

A TALE OF PERSONAL EXCHANGE WORDS & ARTWORK Jennifer Parlane MLA (Dist),. BPlan (Hons). Landscape Architect at Boffa Miskell

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e know that exchange envelops all processes and relationships within the landscape, giving it an all-encompassing, almost otherworldly, quality. But for me, the experience of exchange was quite personal.

According to its organisers, the concept behind the 100 Days Project was simple: “Choose one creative exercise, and then repeat it every day for 100 days. Record each daily effort and see what evolves in the work and in the self over time.”

Over 2,000 people from around the world committed to participating in the project, which ran from 11 July to 18 October 2014. The results would be collated and shared; the epitome of ‘exchange’ in its rawest form. I called my project Drawn to the Natives.

My challenge was to draw a plant each day native to the country I was in. The objective: to boost my plant knowledge and to keep up my drawing skills. Helpfully, the project coincided with a planned holiday, which took me from New Zealand to England, Sweden, Holland and Scotland, and then back home again.

If exchange is the transfer of something between two things, with my project over, I’m now in a position to reflect on what I gave and received in return.

There was the give and take of effort and reward. The project required discipline; setting aside time and energy to explore, discover and then draw that day’s native plant. In exchange, I explored parts of cities that I might not otherwise have found and conversations with people I may not have had and was rewarded with experiences and a travel diary quite unlike any other.

There was also the literal exchange of taking a three-dimensional object and representing it in two-dimensional form. Each plants imperfections and individual qualities had to be conveyed, and I made an effort to avoid finding perfect specimens, preferring instead to choose honest examples with their tattered edges or bug-bitten holes.

I found these forms of exchange transformative. They provided me with an opportunity to grow – both personally and creatively – and permission to test my limits and myself. If the cost was effort, the reward was the satisfaction of a finished product.

This product was never intended to result in exchanges beyond the personal. I didn’t really participate in the project to share the results with an audience wider than just myself. But there’s an uncertain quality to exchange that can be difficult to predict that moment of interpretation after the exchange.

So who knows, perhaps an unintended consequence of my exchange will be effects beyond just the personal?

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OCCUPYING THE THIRD SPACE THE LOCATION OF CULTURAL EXCHANGE WORDS Tosh Graham 3RD YEAR BLA STUDENT, Unitec ARTWORK Natalie Couch

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he notions of ‘hybridity and the third space’ from the discourse of postcolonial theorist Homi Bhabha can be briefly defined as an alternative space that blurs the limitations of, and demonstrates the fluidity of the boundaries of cultural mixing. It engenders new possibilities that enable other positions to emerge (Meredith, 1998).

As part of a negotiated study course in 2014 I wanted to explore Māori values and principles as they apply to landscape architecture. As a means to investigate these issues I instigated a series of seminars to examine the following questions: Would knowledge of Maori values and principles give landscape architects a better perception of how to design cultural landscapes? Is knowledge about these cultural values sufficient or must they form part of your personal worldview in order to design for Māori? Has this knowledge influenced landscape architecture practice in general, for instance, is it regarded as an alternative, and possibly a better model? By posing these questions to specifically Maori speakers from their third space perspective I was attempting to foster a body of knowledge that would be informative and insightful to New Zealand landscape architects. I see these seminars as an example of ‘third space’ theory in practice where the cultural exchange creates benefits for all, where existing paradigms are challenged and new ground is broken in our practice. Bhabha’s ‘third space’ theory is not a lens through which I wish to examine these seminars; but rather a stance to gain a perspective, and with which to arrange my thoughts.

To answer my questions, I chose speakers I felt reflected different generations, different perspectives and intentionally not landscape architects. The speakers invited came from other disciplines. Haare Williams spoke about kaitiakitanga; guardianship, stewardship and protection and management of the environment. Pita Turei discussed wairuatanga; the embedded emotional and spiritual connection with the environment. Malcolm Paterson talked about mauritanga; the life force or essence of the environment that provides all living things and every place with a unique personality and identity.

The seminars were recorded and this essay is part summary and part reflection on the knowledge that was shared during the talks.

My learning journey is two fold. First, I have gained confidence through the mechanics of organizing the seminars such as the process of setting a topic and finding speakers, advertising and recording public events. Second, I have taken the speakers stories and voices to create my own understanding of the ways these topics may inform landscape practice. Through the process I have deepened my learning of these Māori values and principles.

I believe this is a step closer toward a shared third space were non-Māori can share in and benefit from the perceptions and knowledge of the indigenous people of Aotearoa in the spirit of reciprocity.

The values and principles such as kaitiakitanga, wairuatanga and mauritanga that were discussed during the course of the seminars cannot be separated, disconnected, abstracted or categorised, nor can this group be viewed independently from other values and principles such as kotahitanga – collaboration, manaakitanga – hospitality, whanaungatanga – participation, rangatiratanga – leadership, orangatanga – health, matauranga – knowledge and understanding (Awatere, S., Rolleston, S., & Pauling, C. 2010). All must be considered as a unified whole that binds us to everything. They do not focus on any one facet of life but encompass all and everything. They are intricately woven threads that form a fabric, a korowai or cloak if you wish, that cover us all, the world in which we live, and they are universally humanising.

As I listened to the recordings from the seminars, the interwoven nature of these values and principles became apparent to me as the topics of each speaker crossed over and interlaced with that of the others. I discovered the strongest correlation between all of the seminars was the fundamental concept that Māori view themselves as indivisible from the land; it is not just part of their ancestry but an ancestor; and that an individuals identity is defined directly from the land. These perceptions of family and identity as connectors to the land gave very strong clues of how to apply the values and principles of kaitiakitanga, wairuatanga and mauritanga to landscape and a perspective for us as landscape architects to gain a stronger understanding of how they may be viewed and utilised in our practice.

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Pita Turei began his seminar on Wairuatanga by reciting the pepeha of Wa Turuahi who was called to the first Maori Land Court sittings in the 1860’s - a time when vast amounts of land had already been confiscated from Maori. He was asked to identify himself through whakapapa and prove his ownership of his land: “I nga rā o noa, he ika i tēnei whenua. I hutia mai ia Māuitikitiki-a-Taranga. Ko Ngati Kui te kaitiaki i roto.”

“In ancient times this land was a fish, hooked up by Maui Tikitiki a Taranga and Ngati Kui were the Guardians of this land” Turuahi could have started by saying his great great grandmother was Rangihuamoa who was born on the day that the last moa egg was found in this land and that would have been enough. “But by commencing his whakapapa at the creation point of this land, he was able to give context through genealogy as the pretext of the relationship between Māori and land being a spiritual connection and how this spiritual concept is anchored to Māori.”

Malcolm Paterson, during his seminar on mauritanga described whakapapa as “the unifying thread of relationship”, so from Rangi-nui and Papatūānuku, and through their children Tāne Mahuta and Tangaroa there is an extended familial relationship of all the creatures that they created to us; and so birds, fish and other creatures, trees - these are all relatives of ours and we have a responsibility to them as whanau to look after those resources.”

To elaborate on Māori considering themselves to be strongly connected to the environment and related to it and its constituent components, Paterson relayed some descriptive proverbs; “Ko Papatūānuku te mātua o te Tangata - The earth is the parent of people”, “Te uri o Tane te uri o Tangaroa – Descendants of Tāne

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and of Tangaroa”, “Hineahuone – the first woman was made from clay”, ‘We are tangata whenua, the people of the land”, ‘Na te whenua ki te whenua – we return our placentas to the land”.

This then it is why whakapapa is so vitally central and important as it attaches Māori to the land and when reciting pepeha, naming your mountain, ocean, river, these markers not only tell where you are from but they also define you and your identity.

All of these factors contribute to your personal mauri ora, in relation to the strength of your personal and cultural identity When Haare Williams opened his seminar with a waiata that told of how the rito; the tender centre shoot of the harakeke plant is protected, his illustration of kaitiaki was one that also reflected the importance of whakapapa and whānau as the ‘tender shoot’ depicts the child or youth and the first two adjacent leaves are the mātua – parents, and then all of the other outer leaves are the tūpuna – ancestors. This is a metaphor and a model used to describe kaitiaki within family, but is also used in regard to sustainability: from that shoot grows the stem which produces the flowers then the seed and creation of future generations.

Haare also spoke of his grandparents and how they were kaitiaki to him, and the way in which they taught kaitiaki to him. He told the story of the day his kuia was watching a cockroach.

He thought she was afraid of it and he killed it. This upset her deeply and she explained that he must have wehi – reverence toward all things of the natural world, and this I believe relates to what Malcolm spoke about in regards to “an extended familial relationship of all the creatures” and our responsibility as kaitiaki to care for them. Haare went on to say that he believed that “what is missing in these times is reverence, for nature, for our ancestors and for each other.”

Haare established two strong perceptions of kaitiakitanga as a whole. As I see these applied to landscape the first pertains to our attitude toward the land and its ecology. The term that Haare used to describe this was reverence. Other words of definition could be respect, admiration, awe, devotion. The word devotion highlights the second insight, which is a description of how we should treat the land; as we would treat a child with kindness, gentleness, with the knowledge that our devotion to it will ensure that it will be strong and healthy, play a vital role in our future and that the world depends upon it.

The values and principles of Te Ao Māori are interwoven systems of belief and protocol. These seminars have shown that whakapapa and whānau are central to this ideology and vitally important. The seminars have taught me to consider the land to be an ancestor, and all of the creatures’ extended family, that there is a spiritual connection to it and that ones identity is directly derived from it. The land must be treated how you would an elder - with the respect and reverence, but at the same time gently and lovingly as you would a child. It is crucial that we as landscape architects give due consideration to these significant factors when designing landscape and make landscape modifications or placing structures and infrastructure. By doing so we can ensure that our decisions are both sensitive and sensible with a strong sense of perspective and that the cultural reciprocities give rise to better design and perhaps improved models to design by.

cultural landscapes and can influence our practice by providing alternative ways of working. It is unclear if just the knowledge of these cultural values is sufficient enough to accomplish this or if they must form part of your personal worldview in order to design for Māori not withstanding an open mind and heart to these things will go a long way toward cultivating a good relationship with Māori and the land that we share.

This brings me back to where I began when referencing ‘third space’ theory. When a colonised people are able to speak their indigenous truths having been educated in a western society, a type of hybridity or ‘newness’ has occurred. In this in-between space their boundaries are opened, allowing the freedom of sharing and cultural mixing (Berg, 2014). Bhabha imagines the discourse arising from this space to be where the ‘cutting edge of translation and negotiation’ occurs (Meredith, 1998). I believe that the seminars were delivered from this space, and what was offered was more than an insight into the values and principles being discussed. It was an invitation to assimilate and incorporate Te Ao Māori into all our lives enabling us to have a ‘third space’ to speak from.

For me, this study has raised more questions than have been answered, but in a world where no answer can truly be considered definitive, I believe this to be a positive and constructive thing.

My journey continues.

Although the questions that I posed were not answered directly, it is my opinion after having heard what the speakers had to say that knowledge of these values and principles can and do give landscape architects a better perception of how to design

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CULTURAL INFLUENCE WORDS Alistair Newsome 2ND YEAR IMAGES Alistair Newsome & Luke Veldhuizen Kingsland Design Competition Submission 2014

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xchange can both bring us together and push us apart. An exchange of ideas, opinions and beliefs is central to most human dialogue and landscape analysis creates potential for both effective exchange and change. Design process, consultation initiatives, business and commerce, law making and legislation all meet.

Culture shapes ideas and vice versa so when different ideas and values meet, as with any exchange it can be immensely difficult to achieve consensus. In relation to landscape, effective exchange is crucial to increasing our understanding of and ability to deal with issues that affect us collectively and individually. This exchange process exists in the ownership models and interpretation of public and private space, in politics and legislation, in treaty settlements and in day to day usage of our shared living spaces.

What seems clear, however, is that what we each define as our culture is exchanged and interwoven every time we engage in landscape dialogue. What we may commonly agree is collective culture exists in different ways for all of us. Our social constructs seem on the surface to be the subject of consensus and agreement yet when we attempt to break this down to a specific public space or forum for discussion we quickly find that the interpretation of that collective vision is far from easy to agree upon. The challenge to landscape architects is to bring together and articulate these exchanges of culture and ideas into something that resonates across cultures, in effect to guide that exchange process in order to successfully implement strategies.

To take contemporary cultural influence on landscape as an example, New Zealand has benefited exponentially from the closing of the gap in terms of perceived distance from dominant cultural centres, often European or North American, and from the reduction in time taken to disseminate information and ideas. The way in which dominant twentieth century cultural themes were previously absorbed by New Zealand, in terms

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of art, literature, architecture and politics was often by way of looking in from (literally) afar.

Now the way in which information and culture influence New Zealand’s consciousness, (unthinkable two generations ago), provides a new platform onto which we can instantly project ideas and facilitate exchange. The sheer volume of information available for us to attach to ourselves as individuals or to what we define as our societal norms has been and still is overwhelming.

This brings with it a different set of potential problems in terms of how to make sense of all the competing information, it is therefore how effectively we make sense of and harness that exchange of information within New Zealand’s landscape dialogue that is now a key issue.

That information, however, is held differently by people of different ages, religious and ethnic backgrounds. In terms of New Zealand’s cultural exchanges, not only must we carefully consider design methodology, legal or legislative precedents but into the mix also goes a healthy and necessary debate around how different value systems can work together. New arrivals will bring another set of ideas and cultural beliefs, not to mention new languages, to our communities and therefore landscape.

How can we cater for this influx of people from all over the globe predicted to make New Zealand and Auckland their home whilst hearing the voices of those who have been here for hundreds of years? The answer to this issue perhaps lies in our understanding of how exchange of culture defines our past, present and future relationship with landscape.

Inside any culture there must also be internal dialogue; there must be exchange within culture not just between cultures.

Indeed, dominant cultural ideas can be problematic, why should they dominate when surely what we seek is consensus?

Our cultural identities help define us as people and so explicitly affect our relationship with our immediate environment and also our vision for implementing wider landscape changes or policies as professionals. In positions of influence, how do our individual cultural backgrounds shape and define the way we view the management of landscape going forward? There is no easy answer; it is more a process, one of analysis, interpretation and consultation.

To take a recent competition to design a park for Kingsland as an example, the ability to gather and interpret cultural exchange was a central part of the process. One part of that exchange needed to focus not only present day demographics and needs but also cultural heritage dating back to New Zealand’s earliest human settlement in order to create something with a true sense of identity and belonging within the community.

The recent history of the Kingsland’s last 130 odd years needed to be understood, but so did the very formation of the earth on which it stands, the volcanic tunnels that flowed through the area after the eruption of Mt Albert and Mt Eden (ĹŒwairaka and Maungawhau) and how humans now hold that history or mana whenua within them was crucial in the design process.

We can look at the past and the present but these are also intertwined with future proofing the site in terms of trying to also interpret Kingsland anticipated influx of new arrivals from more diverse cultures and nations. How we as designers were able to interpret that story was instrumental to our ability to then articulate that in a meaningful way. Our shared cultural ideas influenced the landscape because it influenced us as individuals and allowed us to put that knowledge back into it.

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A CASE FOR INTERNS RESEARCH INTERNSHIPS IN LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE PRACTICE WORDS Fraser Stuart MLA. Oregon., BA, Calgary. Intern at Nelson Byrd Woltz Landscape Architects IMAGE Lauren Vincent

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andscape Architects share a common a relationship to the space, land, and ecology of landscape. The experience of the landscape is mediated by a further interpersonal exchange – the culture of a society, profession, or the office. Yet this second kind of exchange is often ignored. In a professional landscape architecture office with multiple projects and associated teams it can be a challenge to maintain focus on production and simultaneously explore the narratives of history, ecology, culture and place. Individual projects can generate tremendous amounts of information that often remains unexplored for the sake of expedience in the core part of the project work, despite the potential value of this information. There are ways that firms attempt to capture this kind of information: office libraries, specific file systems, and specific staffing roles that focus on organizing work. A research intern can be one such model, whereby they become the point of exchange for knowledge and information within a landscape architecture firm. In such a role, an individual can gather, discover or translate the findings across multiple projects within the firm. Such findings can be a valuable catalyst for design as it re-enters the design process or could explore patterns that relate to the general direction and mission of the firm that otherwise remain unseen.

The primary role of a research intern is that of discovery, focused on expanding the knowledge around projects. Students of landscape architecture, recently engaged in the practice of research during their studies, provide an ideal alignment of blended learning through research that directly engages contemporary practice. A unique position within private practice, a research intern has the ability operate independently, as well as collaborate within the office. One element of the research intern position is a timeline that differs from that of the dedicated design team, and allows for a deeper investigation into hypothetical design propositions, and may enrich a narrative of a given project. Outside of the project schedule the research intern has the chance to look at geologic and natural system timelines with a view to greater geographies. Through this process of investigating and documenting projects the research intern is another individual in an office that has seen how all of the various and diverse information is being compiled and organized across a range of projects – and can begin to articulate elements connected to the broader scope and themes of the firm for internal discussion. As such, a temporary but dedicated position can be an important resource for a forward-looking firm, as exchange may provide a catalyst for the firms future direction and goals.

When internally focused research is paired with project development, elements of the design process itself can be assessed and collected. A research intern is in a position to give focus and energy to critical questions of research where more senior staff may be better suited dedicating their time to a design problem. The continuous focus on research by an individual creates an opportunity for new information to be inserted into design development. Further, a research intern can collate and organise this information in various ways that are still relevant to the design process. Perhaps most importantly it is the availability of the research intern to assist active projects, as design is being developed. This objective process may in fact flush out new ideas that can be re-introduced to the client and project at a later date, and identify potential pitfalls and opportunities. A research intern can also follow experimental tangents identified during design that would otherwise be too risky and expensive to spend on the time of design staff. A research intern’s informationgathering is enhanced by working with various members of the firm on a daily basis. Direct collaboration with design team members facilitates research being inserted into developing projects as appropriate, highlighting the connection of the project with the natural and cultural history of the site and connecting people and place. While each project identified for review may be directly impacted by the findings of a research intern, it is the larger picture of the firm and its work that becomes unique and valuable. From this type of internal research the opportunity to reveal larger patterns that may be developing within the firm is possible, creating a potential opportunity for previously unseen linkages to be made between separate projects, further enriching the firm’s mission.

The role of a research intern described here is as a temporary position yet has tremendous potential as a permanent position in landscape architecture firms, as technical expertise is developed in an office. While a permanent position may not be viable, the position could become a permanent role in the office, with interns invited to participate each year, further enhancing the idea of exchange within the office. The work of a research intern functions at various scales, from individual research questions which answer specific project oriented inquiries presented at design development meetings to broad theme detection and definition of the firm itself. From this internally focused exchange of research and synthesised information comes a stronger grounding for the external exchange of ideas.

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WADLANDS: WICKER & THE WADDEN SEA UNITEC STUDY TOUR 2013 WORDS & DIAGRAM Claire Liesching and Robert Nairn IMAGES Adrian Noortman, Lecturer at VH Larenstien University, Netherlands

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he end of 2013 saw a group of excited Unitec students travel across the world to Europe as part of the department’s bi-annual study tour elective. Admittedly, we thought we had signed up for a month of playing the kiwi tourist; shopping, practising photography and experiencing all the fine food and beer that Europe has to offer. The last thing anybody was expecting was to spend a weekend on an island in the Netherlands hammering sticks into the muddy salt marshes, in temperatures near zero degrees. But clad in gumboots and gloves, braving the onshore wind along with fellow Dutch students from the University of VH Larenstein and the Academy of Architecture, we found ourselves engaged in a two-day workshop exploring the salt formation process of the Wadden Sea. The weekend began with an introduction to the leaders of SLeM (Foundation for Landscape Theatre) and Oerol (the island’s annual art festival) on Terschelling Island - the largest of the West Frisian Islands in northern Netherlands. The collaborative workshop was experimental, putting the island’s salt marshes into motion through affecting sand deposition, using only wicker to create our structures. Divided into several teams composed of both Dutch and Kiwi students, we collected large bundles of wicker and ventured out onto the tidal flats. The notion was to design and develop willow structures, which would withstand the coastal processes over a 24-hour period, whilst affecting the flow of water and encouraging silt deposition.

The aim of the SleM and Oerol experiments are to reveal the essence of a landscape through artistic installations; allowing events to take place on the land which have either a temporary or lasting effect on it. Transforming an ordinary landscape into something extraordinary, this ‘landscape theatre’ forces people to experience places through new eyes. And while a temporary landscape will disappear, the memories of that place are forever stored in the landscape. The end result inspires richer landscapes, which through human interchange, develops memories.

The opportunity to participate in the Wadlands workshop was an incredible experience, developing our understanding of how humans can drastically change nature. The process of working in a foreign landscape with students from different cultures embraced the idea of exchange.

For more information on SLeM and the Oerol Festival visit www.slem.org and www.oerol.nl

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PEER-REVIEW

PROUDLY BROUGHT TO YOU BY

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LAND FOR SEA WORDS & IMAGES Logan Pennington 4TH YEAR BLA STUDENT, Unitec refer to page 125 for references

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aving grown up on beaches, the experience, fulfillment and energy that we get from these sandy shores is unique. The way we all use our coasts, even off the beach and in the water, on a boat, under the water, these amenities that the Pacific Ocean and the Tasman Sea offer us are some of the most valuable public space assets we have. The constant change and uncertainty within the moving sands, estuaries, and oceans is most interesting to some while the endless views and fresh salty air sees frequent visitors converted to residents. Together with the popularity and a high level of demand from these beautiful locations, are we becoming distracted from the reality of the coast as a natural and fragile environment?

OREWA BEACH

Once a relatively flat dune system extending hundreds of meters landwards is now a now a clay capped suburbia (NIWA, 2013).

“The interference of man with nature often has detrimental side effects” and a historical observation of Orewa reveals that the coastal morphology of the beach pre-development has been considerably altered when compared against the beach of today (Flemming & Nyandwi, 1994). Historic aerial photography illustrates the change of Orewa, exposes what the original arrangement of dunes looked like and reveals how the south end estuary used to function. The use of these images show how a resilient coastal system has slowly evolved into the ‘unhealthy beach’ of today (Anthoni, 2000).

ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS

The Waitemata Reef was the pivotal point for the exit of water from the Orewa estuary. Pre development, the exit took a northerly direction hugging the land before diffusing into the Gulf. This produced a natural circulation of sand, from the sediment that was moving south, caused by long shore drift,

to be relocated north by the estuarine currents. According to historic imagery, this was a natural recycling system that produced a closed circuit loop of sediment transport resulting in significantly larger areas of dry sandy beach. The manmade destruction of the reef was a transformation that slowly changed the course of sand movement. “For a finite-size (flow) system to persist in time (to live), its configuration must evolve such that it provides easier access to the imposed currents that flow through it” (Bejan, 1996). This erosive force acquired a new configuration because an easier exit was revealed that “provided more access for the currents that flow through them” (Bejan, 1996). The outcome of this procedure meant that the natural recycling of sand soon grew obsolete. During large storm events, eroded sand now accumulates at the southern end groyne and is pushed out to an off shore location creating the tidal delta. When Orewa Beach is running low on dry sand, expensive dredging is used to move the accumulated south end sand back to severely eroded stretches of beach (Thompson, 2010). However, the problem is now so bad that access to the beach’s amenities at high tide is virtually impossible, highlighting the need for ‘dry sand’ as the major problem for the community of Orewa. How could this issue be explored in a way that focuses on the erosive energy, from Orewa’s coastal dynamic forces, to be used in ways that assist the repair of this now damaged beach? How can the idea of enhancing Orewa’s Beach experience be explored through the means of artificial environmental infrastructure?

REMEDIATION STRATEGIES

Coastal “landscapes are shifting, living material phenomena that demand an attitude of negotiation.” To befit “the temporality, uncertainty, and complexity of a terrain between land and sea,” proposals should be “conceived as seeds” that evolve in harmony with the transforming coastline (Mathur & Cunha,

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2009). It is with this idea that I have focused on designing with the existing coastal forces rather than defending against it. By implementing adaption, protection and retreating techniques to Orewa’s specific problems, I have dissolved the idea of hard infrastructure like sea walls and groynes while keeping their function of preserving the beach.

After discovering that the destroyed reef was “likely the largest factor contributing to a lack of high tide beach at Orewa”, I proposed to mimic the original shape and form of the Waitemata Reef to help enhance the resilience and future health of Orewa Beach (Dr. S. Mead, personal communication, October 18 2014).

With a final replenishment of Orewa beach sand, to gain the ideal beach profile, this intervention could then be introduced to protect and adapt the way the beach will work in future years.

Splitting the beach into 2 separate systems could also ensure an efficient beach comeback. The idea of a divide is inspired by the natural formations of off shore islands/reefs. The potential to produce a salient formation on the beach side of its location will ensure a consistent area of ‘dry beach’ both before and after storms. Dividing the beach with a recreational island means that the recycling current from the estuary can be concentrated at the south end while the cove like formation of the north end significantly reduces the amount of sand being eroded from the shore.

Other strategic moves could include; the design of an off shore kelp farm which will enhance the degrading marine biodiversity of the Hauraki Gulf. During storm events, the presence of this structure will disturb the frequency of short period storm swells before they reach land and a percentage of kelp will be pushed ashore, with the easterly current, providing organic material for the reclaiming of land inside Orewa’s estuary.

The idea of reclaiming land to prevent inundation, as the Dutch have done in the past, is an efficient way to adapt the landscape with the rise and fall of tides while taking advantage of organic material found in the coastal transition zone.

Elongated beach access points allow for a controlled build up of sand through out the length of the beach. The outcomes are wider ‘dry beach’ spaces and easier beach access.

After understanding the reasons for the failure of previous beach front walk ways, rib like structures could be positioned to fragile areas of the coastal margin which will prevent sand moving into the intertidal zone and entering the sediment train. The idea of weaving this material into the landscape will help to eliminate direct foot traffic on the dunes while providing unique walking paths and new look out points for the public.

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A retreat approach to this edge can also be applied that will focus on maintaining the shape and size of certain stretches of land along the coast while allowing the neighboring landscapes erode naturally. The outcome of this intervention will, over time, reveal several mini pocket/cove like spaces along the length of Orewa Beach promoting a controlled change.

The ten storm water pipes that exit directly on to the main beach will be daylighted to take the shape of natural streams.

The ponding and meandering lines of the streams will help to shape the build up of sand for larger amounts of ‘dry beach’ while providing exits to flooding water during heavy rainfall.

THE FUTURE

“Orewa Beach is of key importance to the Orewa community both in terms of its aesthetic and recreational value to the community and in terms of the economic wellbeing of the Orewa business community that depends on the attractiveness of the beach for the visitor traffic that provides a significant part of their business turnover” (Auckland Council, 2010). Speculation around the social outcomes of the future beach reveals a dramatic change to the ‘kiwi beach experience’. By bring to life a series of soft environmental interventions “to safeguard the integrity, form, functioning and resilience of the coastal environment,” the ‘kiwi beach experience’ will be enhanced in ways that allow for stronger connections with every element of the coast (New Zealand Coastal Policy Statement, 2010). Using adaptation, protection and retreat techniques, that have combined yet balanced outcomes in terms of the cultural, commercial and social factors will continue the summer time beach migration we all know and love. Without this, Orewa could soon become a place that people go to, not for walks on the long white sandy beach, but for an exploration through ruins of beachfront properties littered throughout the eroded foreshore…

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LANDSCAPE & CULTURAL EXCHANGE Meg Back 4th year student, Unitec refer to page 125 for references

ABSTRACT Tourism, the world’s largest industry (Schevyns & Russell 2009), surpassed sugar cane several decades ago to become Fiji’s lead income earning sector (http://www.statsfiji.gov.fj/). With the significant emphasis on Tourism as a percentage of GDP and contributor to the balance of payments comes also great risk; Fiji is prone to both natural catastrophes (suffering 3 major weather events in the past three years) and political turmoil (elections this month returning the country to democracy for the first time since 2006). Tourism may also result in adverse social, cultural and environmental outcomes (Rajotte 1980). One of the country’s main challenges is to ensure a stable flow of visitors and to maximise the benefits for its people (Girard & Nijkamp 2009).

Sustainable tourism, or eco-tourism is often seen as a desirable product for improving benefits for all stakeholders in the tourism industry. This paper considers the question of the importance of culture as a facet of sustainability, with the objective of assessing the value of landscape architecture (theory and practice) in offering solutions for more beneficial outcomes (for all stakeholders).

Examination of relevant literature, especially interrelationships between the disciplines of Tourism (including eco-tourism, sustainable tourism, cultural tourism), Anthropology, and Landscape Architecture (including placemaking, sustainability, cultural landscape) shows the value of a landscape architect facilitated “exchange” of ideas expressed through the landscape, by the landscape.

Consideration of the theories show that application, recognition and interpretation of culture in (and around) the resort landscape, can increase sustainability while providing mitigation of some of tourism’s adverse effects. The resulting multidisciplinary solution has the potential to improve outcomes for all tourism stakeholders.

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D

THE EFFECT OF TOURISM

ue to their size, relative distance from large populations and traditionally restricted economies with historical dependence on primary commodities (e.g. copra, sugar, pineapples), tourism can seem to offer an effective solution for island nations to increase employment and bring in foreign exchange. The remote location serves to make the destination more exotic and enticing and, as the consumer traditionally travels to the ‘product’, distance from market is less of an issue (Rajotte 1980, Scheyvens and Russell, 2009). As a result, researchers note that most island states in the Pacific see tourism as a welcome strategy for economic diversification and growth (Harrison, as in Scheyvens and Russell, 2009). In Fiji, tourism is the lead income earning sector, with revenue totalling FJD$1.318.2 million in 2013 (http://www.statsfiji.gov. fj/). When compared to the value of crops (coconuts, bananas, cocoa and coffee) in the South Pacific over a 20 year period, only tourism demonstrates a continuous upward trend (Sofield et al. in Scheyvens and Russell, 2009).

Tourism has the potential to do a lot of good for a community; Beqa Lagoon Resort, Fiji (the principle case study for this investigation), is the main employer for the west side of Beqa Island. However, there is also considerable potential for localized degradation or exploitation (Girard & Nijkamp, 2009). As one theorist stated, “Tourism is like fire. It can cook your food or burn down your house” (Fox, as quoted in Craik 1991).

In the Pacific, the outcomes of tourism are not always beneficial, with reports of social problems, dislocation of the traditional village and family structures, cultural deterioration and lower than predicted economic benefits. An added issue of tourism is that while the benefits are often measured in economic terms, the costs tend to involve facets of the industry that are more intangible, including social, cultural and environmental considerations (Rajotte, 1980). One of the chief concerns is that while tourism has increased foreign revenue generation and significantly contributed to job creation in the South Pacific, the benefits could be much greater, especially for the poorer regions of society (Scheyvens & Russell, 2009). As the concept of landscape includes cultural and social values and the interpretation of landscape as a lived experience (Swaffield 2003), comparison of the disciplines of tourism, anthropology and landscape architecture can elucidate landscape based mechanisms to mitigate some of the intangible costs of tourism.

The terminology: Sustainable Tourism/ Eco-tourism/cultural tourism Sustainable Tourism seeks to address some of these issues, with Riddell (2004) defining it as “as style of nature based encounter which seeks to achieve host gain, some social enrichment both ways, and a conservation of the cultural and natural heritage”.

While “sustainable tourism” is potentially a key tool for addressing the dilemma between tourism and conservation, it seems in practice to be a poorly defined and elusive concept.

Close to sustainable tourism by definition is “eco-tourism”, defined as “environmentally responsible, enlightening travel and visitation to relatively undisturbed natural areas in order to enjoy and appreciate nature (and any accompanying cultural

features both past and present) that promotes conservation, has low visitor impact and provides for beneficially active socio-economic involvement of local populations” (CeballosLascaurain, in Scheyvens 1999).

Cultural tourism – tourism that focuses on a destination’s culture, including lifestyle heritage, art industries and leisure pursuits of the local population (Foo & Rossetto as quoted in Sigala & Leslie 2005) is hence a subset of sustainable tourism (or eco-tourism) which has a particular focus on intangible values. As the World Indigenous Tourism Alliance points out, mutually beneficial relationships are extremely important in the context of tourism sustainability, whether between people and the environment or between people and people (retrieved from http://www.winta.org). Given this, to consider the benefits of cultural landscape in a tourism setting, investigation must be placed at the confluence of multiple disciplines, including theories of tourism, sustainability, and anthropology as well as landscape architecture.

Riddell states that sustainable tourism is “about local people, local economics, local cultural and celebratory events, and the local environment,” reinforcing the close relationship between cultural landscape and sustainable tourism. Posey (in Robinson and Picard 2006) termed this interrelationship as “the inextricable link” and places it at the centre of the sustainable development concept. An example of the “inextricable link” is the pronounced effect on the social, economic and health issues of indigenous people who live in sites of significant biodiversity, of the conservation and evolution of this biodiversity. As tourism is centred on the fundamental principal that exchange between peoples allows both expression of culture and experience of culture (Robinson & Picard 2006), a resort landscape is potentially both cultural landscape, and opportunity for conservation of biodiversity. Robinson and Picard (2006) summarise this: “tourists, in consuming the natural environment may also be consuming culture in terms of the various local cultural values that may have been ascribed to a particular landscape or natural site”.

THEORIES OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT AND THE CONSIDERATION OF THE “INTANGIBLE”

Throsby’s (2009) three golden rules of sustainability for cultural tourism destinations talk about getting the values right, getting the sustainability principles right, and finding the correct way to subsequently measure the application of the first two principles.

Despite being an economist, his rules of sustainability consider intangibles such as cultural values (including the spiritual value of the traditions), the social values and connections to the people, the historical values, and the symbolic value or the way the site carries narratives of meaning for the stakeholders. Byrd (2013) recognises these intangible qualities in landscape terms with his statement that “the most powerful places possess a magic born of peculiarities of region and time. These are the landscapes that juxtapose human ideals such as rational geometric order with the natural circumstances of climate, landform, water flows and plant communities.” As there is a host of intangible values involved with the conservation of heritage, especially in the cultural sense, the issue of recognition and prioritisation of

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around resort style development (Scheyvens & Russell 2009); 94% of the 132 tourism projects initiated between 1988 and 2000 in Fiji, had foreign ownership (Narayan and Prasad as quoted in Scheyvens and Russell, 2009).

Above: Butler’s tourist area life cycle model 1980 (as illustrated in Putra & Hitchcock 2006

these becomes extremely pertinent. The meanings and values of culture are considered difficult to assess and frequently contested (Robinson & Picard 2006).

Butler’s product life cycle theory, first proposed in the 80s, is one of the most debated and quoted, having been revisited over 50 times in published literature. Butler’s model has been found useful and pertinent in research throughout the world, from settings as diverse as the United states, Sri Lanka, Malta, the Isle of Man, the Algarve, Australia and Bali (Putra & Hitchcock, 2006). Although there are possible weaknesses in its application to colonial and post-colonial societies, in a Pacific context Butler’s theorem is still considered a useful theoretical tool (Douglas, 1997).

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Butler himself reviewed his theorem in 2000 and 2004, and pointed out that the concept of life cycle in tourism represents an early call for sustainable tourist development. Indeed many feel the term “stagnation” has a negative ring when that stage may indeed hold many benefits for a region. In Bali, after the more common tourist sources diminished post bombings, they were partially replaced by lower yield budget travellers from Taiwan and Korea, taking advantage of lower/”cut price” rates. This lead to concern for the sustainability of tourism operations and a call for change to a lower volume but higher yield/quality model.

Hitchcock and Darma Putra commented in their publication “The Bali Bombs and the Tourist Development Cycle” that the Balinese have been notable in reacting to this situation by turning to their cultural resources and adapting them as “cultural strategists” to form “cultural solutions”. This demonstrated that the prevention of further development to conserve cultural and natural assets, that typifies the stagnation stage, can potentially move a country’s tourism toward greater long term sustainability.

While Butler did not consider in the 80’s the effect of political turmoil or terrorism, later evaluation of his theory as it applies in countries such as Rome, Vienna, Bali and Egypt shows that while a successful tourism industry requires political stability, tourism will indeed bounce back once the threats are removed (as quoted in Putra & Hitchcock, 2006), which suggests the possibility of post coup Fiji being an opportunity for the introduction of more sustainable tourism practices via an increased emphasis on cultural strategy.

RECOGNITION OF THE SIGNIFICANCE OF PROTECTION OF CULTURE

During the exploration stage, as tourists discover an area, they are attracted by natural or cultural features, initiating interaction with locals, and enjoy the informal and somewhat rudimentary tourist infrastructure. However, Butler’s theory posits that as a country’s tourism industry moves into the “development phase” locally provided facilities are rapidly superseded by larger, more up to date facilities provided by external organisations, particularly with respect to accommodation.

To explain, tourism leads to rapid social change which may be unacceptable or erode fundamental structure (Craik, 1991), and this holds true in the Pacific (Rajotte, 1980). The oft-quoted costs of change include destabilisation and undermining of local culture, while tourism literature contains multiple negative examples noting cases where corporate tourism commodifies, objectifies and caricatures native cultures (Crystal 1989; Greenwood 1989; Loukissas 1978; Nash 1982; Trask 1993 as quoted in Pigliasco 2007; Robinson & Picard 2006). As an example, one of Fiji’s iconic attractions, the Beqa fire walkers, has been subject to alteration through commodification for consumption by the tourism industry (Burns, 1994, Pigliasco, 2007, 2010, 2011).

The investment cost of an international hotel is often beyond the means of a small island government. As Rajotte (1980) reminds us, in Fiji, as in the Pacific, tourism development has been determined by accessibility, so while there is considerable support from the government in the form of a national airline (Fiji Airways) and investment from the national superannuation fund FNPF; large hotel development has traditionally been initiated by outside investors (albeit sometimes as part of joint ventures e.g. the Intercontinental at Natadola). Fiji tourism is considered by researchers to be foreign dominated and centred

The world wide understanding of culture as an important concept for the construction of social identity has broadened considerably since the ‘landmark’ UNESCO Convention concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage in 1972. Cultural heritage still remains about material expressions such as buildings, sites and objects, but is now considered by UNESCO to also relate to intangible expressions, including “language and oral tradition, social practices, rituals, festive and performance events, or ‘ways of life’ and everyday practice” (Robinson & Picard 2006). It is also now considered

that the close inter-relationship between culture and natural landscapes is vitally important, hence to protect both is to enable protection and re-creation of resources. UNESCO has included cultural landscapes as a category of World Heritage Sites since 1992 in recognition of the close links between culture and nature, and Fiji ratified the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) in 2010 (Robinson & Picard 2006, http://www.culture.gov.fj/fiji-museum/).

The wide range of tourism’s negative effects include degradation of sites, damage to artefacts, loss of vegetation and wildlife, pollution, excessive utilisation of natural resources and multiple socio-cultural impacts (Craik 1997), What Bouchenaki, UNESCO’s assistant Director General for Culture refers to as the “tremendous opportunity to advance cultural understanding among the inhabitants of this planet” is compromised by these issues (as in Robinson & Picard 2006).

Conversely, however, the host culture may enjoy benefits including visibility and reputation of culture worldwide, or revitalisation of traditional music, arts, crafts, and rituals.

Tourism therefore has four key positive influences:• changing visitor’s attitudes toward conservation and the environment • using tourism to justify conservation • enhancing environmental management • having a positive impact on the social environment by acting as a catalyst for new or reinvigorated social and cultural activities throughout a community (Pearce, as quoted in Craik 1991).

THE ALIENATION PROCESS OF TOURISM

Tourism typically changes the spatial and demographic realities of a place, to create its own form and type of touristic landscape (Robinson & Picard 2006). Other impacts of large tourism business entities include increased planning and provision of facilities, and this is not always true to local preferences (Butler 1980 as in Putra & Hitchcock 2006; Craik 1991). Privatisation of public spaces is just one of many social impacts as a consequence of subtle shifts in ownership, with alienation of the best land both aesthetically and economically a common pattern.

In Fiji, there has always been a conflict between the Fijian traditional concept of land as a scared community trust, and the western concept of land as a resource for development (Kamikamica, 1987). Resorts are predominately on lease-held land, so the villagers may encounter a situation where access to their tribally held land or even fishing grounds is limited or nonexistent.

In Fiji the Native Lands Trust Board (NLTB) administers leases and also acts on behalf of communities in lease negotiations with foreign investors; leading to concerns that ordinary members of landowning communities are not fully involved in negotiations or sharing fully in the benefits. Additionally traditional decisionmaking processes in the South Pacific with respect to communal land tenure often do not include consultation with all voices, with women in particular prone to marginalisation (Scheyvens & Russell 2009).

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THE CASE OF BEQA LAGOON RESORT; HOW IMPORTANT IS COMMUNITY?

In 1988, the NLTB approved the development of Canadian owned Marlin Bay Resort (now known as Beqa Lagoon Resort, with US based ownership), the first tourist development on Beqa (Burns 2003, as reported in Scheyvens and Russell, 2009). The immediate and major impact on the communities of Beqa, as observed by Burns (2003), included negative feelings due to the perception that financial rewards were not being distributed fairly, and the feeling that communities were “losing control over their local affairs through an exclusion from land, events, facilities at the resort.” Additionally the resort site is itself a location of great historical importance, so the western leasing model involving complete alienation for a set period of time was at odds with the indigenous community’s need to retain a cultural and spiritual connection to the land (Sofield (2003), Burns (2003), in Scheyvens & Russell 2009).

The apparent high proportion of the total land area held by Fijian landowning units belies the fact that much of that land is not suitable for intensive agriculture, settlement or development (Kamikamica, 1987). A commonly quoted figure for available land on Beqa Island is 12% (Rambaldi et al., 2005), and Beqa Lagoon Resort is considered to be on one of the best areas of level ground (Burns in Scheyvens & Russell 2009).

To determine what form (and degree of intensity) of tourism development is appropriate, and sustainable long term, a great deal of attention needs to be directed towards social and cultural priorities. Community involvement is known to be key. Cooke (in Craik, 1991) noted as early as 1982 the lower the community involvement in planning, the more quickly the community carrying capacity for tourism was reached.

The long term success of tourist development depends on whether a community feels positively about tourism projects and regards them as relevant to their community (Craik, 1991), with Taylor (2008) stating that the concept of placemaking is vitally important for a renewed sense of history and heritage values in a cultural landscape. Or as anthropologist Guido Pigliasco (2007) puts it “communities produce heritage, and communities must make decisions about heritage”. While Firewalking is the main “craft” on Beqa, there are long standing arguments from anthropologists over the damage caused by the commodification of it for tourist consumption. Associated effects such as drops in agricultural production were also reported (Burns, 1994, Pigliasco 2007, 2010, 2011).

The involvement of the community in the planning and management of tourist development are key criteria for ensuring sustainable development and acceptable impact levels (Craik, 1991). Indeed ownership and sense of control are seen as important developmental benefits in their own right, with Pacific based studies showing that there is less experience of negative social and cultural impacts when local communities feel they have influence over tourism (Berno, in Scheyvens and Russell, 2009). This parallels Ethan Kent’s statements that placemaking can be used as an environmental tool for increasing sustainability via encouraging and empowering people (as retrieved from http://www.pps.org/reference/placemaking28

as-a-new-environmentalism/). To do this in a non European context the challenge lies the separation of Western theory and practice from cultural values, so non-western cultural values can be “confidently expressed in landscape planning and design resulting in contemporary places that resonate and connect to the local culture” (Menzies, 2013).

In this increasingly globalised and homogenised world, niche marketing which emphasises the regional and local features is assumed to confer competitive advantage (McDonnell & Burton 2005). Avoidance of erosion and/or homogenisation of local culture has been shown to provide strategic benefits, especially with regard to gaining entrepreneurial advantage or resilience in the face of external pressures. In the case of Bali, the ability to use and adjust culture to respond flexibly to external pressures meant it could be used as a strategic resource to their benefit (Putra & Hitchcock 2006).

Regional and local features in the Pacific context include the mythology. The loss of indigenous knowledge regarding cultural relationship with the environment is considered a real threat (Koya 2010). There is a saying “there are many stories in Fiji” (pers. comm. Alipate Bola) and there are numerous stories of spirits who are simply accepted as being all around; frequently at the heart of these stories are long practiced methods of sustainability. It has been suggested that it is inappropriate to consider the theories of education for sustainable development without the inclusion of these cultural considerations (Koya 2010). On Beqa Island, the oral nature of local history is integrally linked to the landscape: “Each narration re-establishes indexical landmarks with paths and sites on Beqa. Narratives transform places into landmarks in time and space, making them monuments of Island history” (Siikala & Siikala, 2005, in Pigliasco & Lipp 2011). Contemporary models of ecotourism also recognise the value of indigenous cultural knowledge for both efficient natural space management and to increase levels of institutional and symbolic empowerment (Robinson & Picard 2006).

Tourism surveys such as Colmar Brunton’s (2004) separate culture from landscape, their findings showing ‘landscape’ to be the main reason for travel, with ‘culture’ coming in second. For the Landscape Architect, the two are more closely linked. The phenomenon of landscape can be investigated as a biophysical system, or via the psychological process of human visual perceptions, or through interpretation of how the landscape represents social and cultural value, with the understanding that landscape is a lived experience (Swaffield 2003). The Cultural Landscape Foundation similarly describe cultural landscapes as providing “a legacy for everyone”, with “scenic, economic, ecological, social, recreational, and educational opportunities (as retrieved from http://tclf.org/landscapes/what-are-culturallandscapes). Hence the landscape represents a significant opportunity for reinstatement or showcasing of indigenous cultural knowledge for the benefit of both the environment and the stakeholders.

THE ROLE OF POLICY

Cultural Heritage, which traditionally focused on Princes, Priests and Politicians (Richard Engelhardt, UNESCO, as in Taylor, 2008) and now includes ‘people’. Ideologies compel people to create places, and places reflect everyday ways of life.

In Fiji, the influence of the government remains significant.

In countries where tourism is a leading sector, tourism policy becomes an important mode for increasing sustainable policies (Girard & Nijkamp 2009).

World wide, the accusation remains that overseas developers prefer the absence of strong regulatory frameworks that protect from environmental and social impact (Robinson & Picard 2006). Like many countries where the public sector provides both basic infrastructure, and promotion of strong national imagery to attract tourists and tourism developers (Robinson & Picard 2006), the Fijian Government implements policy which affects tourism through a number of departments. Land lease issues and/or negotiations are governed via the Native Lands Trusts Board. Investment in tourism entities is directly undertaken by the Government via the Fiji National Provident Fund (FNPF), while the Fiji Visitors Bureau (better known as Tourism Fiji) is funded by the Government to not only promote Fiji, but to react rapidly to instability (such as the coups) via its subgroup, TAG (the Tourism Action Group); a flexible group which regroups relatively rapidly to respond to adverse events (King & Berno, in Scheyvens & Russell 2009).

The Department of National Heritage, Culture and Arts (which is split into three smaller entities: the Fiji Museum, the National Trust of Fiji and the Fiji Arts Council) report to the government on initiatives to protect significant land and culture.

Anthropologist Guido Pigliasco considers that the Fijian Government is showing increasing recognition of the value of protection of social and cultural values of the indigenous community (Rambaldi et al 2005) and stated “this commitment derives from the recognition of traditional knowledge and cultural expression as a means of self-expression, social identity and a living and ever developing tradition, rather than just a memory of the past”.

A Ministry of Planning statement from 2001 noted that ecotourism could confer benefits in the fields of conservation of Fiji’s biodiversity, indigenous Fijian culture and tradition, and the natural environment (Rambaldi et al 2005). The Bainimarama Government made further moves toward protection of Fijian craft and culture with the relatively recent instigation of “Buy Fiji made” (http://www.fijianmade.gov.fj/, Niqa Tuvuki pers comm). Interestingly they also addressed the notion of alienation of various stakeholders from land or sea by resorts (under the leaseheld model) when in 2010 the Regulation of Surfing Areas Decree 2010 was passed (Government of Fiji, 2010). This opened up a series of “private” surf breaks, and was met with both jubilation (“Native land and reef rights should be held and enforced by indigenous owners only, and not by non local, foreign businessmen/surfers”) and concern (especially with respect to protection for the environment)(http://www. surfermag.com/features/new_decree_aims_to_liberalize_fijian_ surf_breaks_tavarua_fiji/).

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Previous inaction by the government in tourism development, coupled with the strong influence of foreign investors has resulted in unbalanced regional tourism development. Fiji’s roading infrastructure is considered an example of this, with the bulk of investment in roading infrastructure on the main island of Viti Levu, located in the “tourist belt” between Nadi and Suva (Rao, in Scheyvens and Russell, 2009). The disparities resulting from the spatially unequal development between tourism areas and rural agricultural areas stifle the broader based development or “back-links” that would benefit a far wider community through both income and exhibition of culture (Torres, 2000 in Scheyvens and Russell, 2009; Rajotte 1980). Examples are local artisans selling crafts, stimulation of the agricultural sector through sourcing of food locally, or even locally owned food outlets selling indigenous cuisine ( Scheyvens and Russell, 2009).

had customary rights to the bulk of the natural resources. The result of the subsequent actions to increase cropping on Fijian owned land is generally considered to be a failure, and Academic Tupeni Lebaivalu Baba found, in his analysis, the answers came from application of the Fijian cultural construct.

FOOD, SUSTAINABILITY AND THE LANDSCAPE

The notion of ‘sautu’ or ‘the good life’ (Baba 2010) was a major missing factor in the debate. A ‘good life’ in the village entails ceremonies, feasting and some dancing and living at peace with the community. Instead, from the late 50’s a series of forced crop growing taught villagers that a) international markets were fickle, and b) the answer for their land was what they had been doing for over one hundred years or so, which their ancestors had done before them (Baba 2010).

One of the aspects of Buy Fiji Made is “Fiji Grown”, an initiative that may address the ongoing issue in Fiji tourism of the lack of representation of either Fijian grown food or Fijian culture in food. As most Pacific countries have agrarian societies, backward linkages between tourism and the food producing sectors are viewed as an important component of tourism development, if it is to help alleviate local poverty (Scheyvens and Russell, 2009).

However, although all tourists eat, the obvious link between local agriculture and sustainable tourism is seldom the focus of any sustainable tourism initiatives (Berno, 2011). Of the tourism expenditure in Fiji, 20% is on food (Berno 2011), and yet up to 70% of the food is imported (Oliver, as retrieved from http://robertoliveronline.com/robertoliver/united-nationsconference/).

As the tourist worldwide seeks the more authentic experience, food is an ideal vehicle for delivering this. As Berno (2011) states “Increasingly as destinations seek to differentiate themselves in the market, a distinctive local cuisine can be used as a tool for promotion. This further serves to reinforce the increasing desire of tourists for ‘authentic’ experiences. Sustainable cuisine, which supports local agriculture production, can be an integral tool for sustainable tourism”. Chef Robert Oliver is more upfront about it what he calls “food colonialism” with his statement “Can you imagine the effect on a people when others are saying ‘your food is not good’? Especially when those people demonstrate sharing, generosity and celebration so often through food. It hurts.” (http://www.nzherald.co.nz/lifestyle/news/article.cfm?c_ id=6&objectid=10793581).

A shift to both purchase of locally grown food and presentation of more local cuisine in resorts is one of the moves with the greatest potential for both nationwide economic advancement, and local empowerment through celebration of local cuisine and enhanced opportunity for income. However, any such moves must be made with absolute regard for local customary practise.

Two Fijian reports of the 1950’s and 1960’s –the Spate report and the Burns report –brought to the fore for many Fijians the debate about veivakatorocaketaki vakailovo (economic development) as it pertained to their land. As summarised by Baba (2010) the main argument was that the Fijian was lagging behind economically especially compared to the other major race (Fiji Indians), and dragging the whole nation down, as they owned or 30

He noted firstly that the presentation of planting suggestions, either by chiefly people or consultants/officials (also behaving like chiefs), as well as the use of a mode of consultation which was basically very formal, requiring strict adherence to Fijian formal protocols; required the Fijians to act according to custom, and therefore not share their individual opinions. Although many development projects were initiated for advancing Fijian development most were not successful (Watters, 1969 and Belshaw 1964, in Baba 2010).

As Baba (2010) summarises: “If the goals of development and the goals of ‘sautu’ of the ‘good life’ are closely connected would this in effect meant the end of development? Nabobo-Baba identified ‘sautu’ as having a sense of peace or vakacegu just to be or to live with one self, and yet be connected with one’s relations, people, tribe and Vanua (land)”. Sustainability is not only about economic aspects of development, it is equally to do with important cultural values like relationships between people and the custodian relationship between nature and man; this contradictory message of the need to develop and the need to conserve traditions has paralysed many projects (Baba 2010). Changes in tourism practice including the opportunity to have local island villages provide increased amounts of produce would have to take these issues into account.

OTHER ASPECTS OF CULTURE

Tourism additionally affects culture through the degradation and alteration of local art forms.

As Robinson & Picard (2006) state “Tourism and its wider institutional networks operate in an asymmetric relation of power, importing touristic aesthetics and underlying values to the selection and interpretation of various cultural resources”.

Butler’s theorem documents the loss of control by locals as the value of tourism increases, and indeed as the value of Pacific tourist art increased, manufacturing methods and controlling entities changed. Existing craft objects were replicated without alteration or artistic development many times, or conversely altered to suit the market’s desires; the Tanoa (Kava bowl), is now available to the tourist in sizes ranging from large and elaborately carved to small enough to use as a salt dish.

Even the assumption that artefacts in museums are ‘authentic’ may be misleading, with many of those objects also made specifically for sale to outsiders (Brunt et al. 2012). While local Fijian artist Lingikoni Vaka’uta notes that the market for traditional artifacts can allow people to earn a living, he is concerned that repeated duplication does not address the need for development of contemporary Pacific art, based on cultural ideas and seen as valid cultural expression (Koya, 2010).

Imported items sold to tourists instead of locally sourced art and craft serve to compound the issue. This is despite a reported large demand for authentic, locally made gifts, especially contemporary Fiji-inspired art (Tuiqaqa, 2012; Maria Rova pers. comm.).

The Fiji Arts Council is guided by UNESCO which emphasises that culture must be situated central to the country’s development policy, to ensure place is maintained for future generations, as well as serving as a mode for adaptation to ever-changing global processes (http://www.culture.gov.fj/). “Authentic” art forms are integral to the identity of a nation, in some cases even, as in the case of the Lapita people (who produced a distinctive dentate stamped pottery found across the Pacific) becoming the mode for categorisation (Bolton et al. 2012). Fijian indigenous artists have moved towards claiming their cultural art heritage in more exclusive ways, for example the women of a limited group of geographical areas, including Vatulele (and their descendants) are accepted as the only producers of tapa and the kesakesa designs (Koya, 2014), while pottery is the accepted craft of several Coral Coast villages. Firewalking is the domain of a select group of the people of Beqa Island (Pigliasco 2007). Valid cultural expression of regional arts and crafts is an integral facet of the destination landscape and can help reinforce cultural identity while providing an enhanced experience for the traveller.

SUMMARY

A greater emphasis on the cultural aspect of tourism has the potential to address the issue of stability in the market as culture can in principle be supplied year round and remain true in the face of other adverse events (Girard & Nijkamp, 2009). Tourism is considered the contemporary pilgrimage, an opportunity to escape to a natural space allowing cultural reconnection with the mythical dream of a golden age, of paradise (Délumeau, Graburn, Cohen; in Robinson & Picard, 2006). Taylor’s statement effectively applies this notion to the land: “Landscape therefore is not simply what we see, but a way of seeing: we see it with our eye but interpret it with our mind and ascribe values to landscape for intangible – spiritual – reasons. Landscape can, therefore, be seen as a cultural construct in which our sense of place and memories inhere”.

As the adverse effects of tourism, and the elements of cultural landscape are both intangible values, the landscape is a logical mechanism for mitigation. The relationship of placemaking to improved sustainability (reported in landscape theory) is echoed in both tourism and anthropological research. The integration of local culture at multiple levels within and via the landscape, via collaboration with local entities, avoids homogenisation while working toward altering the westernised landscape construct to a more contemporised and localised version, and increasing

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or reinstating the local sense of control and ownership.To look after the cultural values of a landscape is to protect both the biodiversity, and empower the local people, leading to greater carrying capacity of an environment and better outcomes for all stakeholders.

As tourism is typically a bundle of complimentary but not interchangeable products, for example transport cannot replace meals (Berno & Bricker, 2001), integrating aspects of the cultural landscape into all facets of resort operation can result in an effective multidisciplinary solution. Nature becomes both a geographic and metaphoric space, and can be equally represented by the use of natural or organic material. In the resort context, this can include building and decoration materials, body care products or food (Robinson & Picard, 2006). While creating a resort landscape, the landscape architect is able to implement design and interpretation, for both landscape and cultural aspects, including local plant typologies within and around a resort. Examples of this in the context of Beqa Lagoon resort could include reinstatement of the natural littoral ecosystem, integration of typical village garden species (ornamental and edible), or inclusion of craft and cultural elements, including the pandanus plants used for weaving or the plants historically associated with the tradition of firewalking. Integration of the culture can also be via food (which can be locally sourced where appropriate) or other tourist products such as entertainment, spa treatments. Accommodation can include local elements within art, furniture or bure design. Interpretation links the aspects of the landscape with the elements of the products or crafts, e.g. the inclusion of the dilo tree oils (a local littoral tree species still present in the landscape) in many of the spa treatments could be highlighted.

Pigliasco’s extensive anthropological studies of Beqa showed that, “like many other communities in Fiji, cultural heritage is expressed through both tangible and intangible features, places, objects, rituals, myths, memory and the social and contemporary significance they each have” (Pigliasco 2007).

The close interrelationship between protection of environment and protection of culture is now well recognised, as well as the benefits of the protection of both. Development of the cultural landscape within the resort setting can increase biodiversity and sustainability of the site while highlighting, showcasing and protecting aspects (including the less tangible) of the local culture.

Protection of the authenticity and quality of cultural experiences can safeguard the unique point of difference Beqa Lagoon Resort has, as a resort on Beqa Island with all of its associated cultural constructs. Examination of relevant literature, especially interrelationships between the disciplines of Tourism (including eco-tourism, sustainable tourism, cultural tourism), Anthropology, and Landscape Architecture (including placemaking, sustainability, cultural landscape) shows the value of a landscape architect facilitated “exchange” of ideas expressed through the landscape, by the landscape. UNESCO emphasises that centralising culture in development policy ensures place is maintained for future generations and aids in the development of flexible, resilient reponses to global forces (Robinson & Picard, 2006). The expression of cultural and ecological messages via the landscape helps form and reinforce relationship with place for guests, staff, management and owners, to the benefit of all stakeholders.

The collaborative nature of the profession of landscape architecture enables a significant contribution across a range of scales; on a macro scale via contribution to policy, setting up of managed or reserve areas; or on a site specific scale through design and implementation which can use various partnerships to succinctly represent or implement the cultural landscape and address typical tourism requirements within the resort whilst also being functional and beautiful. The relationship between environment and culture is vitally important for the wellbeing and success of all stakeholders, and the Landscape Architect has the skill to implement design moves that recognise this.

Sometimes the interventions can be subtle deletions to return a sense of authenticity, or the creation of the opportunity to experience simple sensory stimuli such as silence, or the sounds of waves. Hence, the experience becomes complete and memorable (Munsters & De Klumbis 2005), and the surrounding cultural landscape can seep in from all directions in a non-threatening manner. The simple acts of day to day living can become “the construct through which the histories, traditions and cultural ways of doing are passed on and reinforced” (Smith, as quoted in Koya 2010) or as Taylor (2008) reminds us “landscapes reflect human activity and are imbued with cultural values”. These stories retain history and mythology (with a collection of them from Beqa associated with fire walking), additionally the myths frequently reinforce ancient sustainable practices.

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REVEALING THE RAINFOREST DISCOVERING THE DYNAMIC INTERCHANGE BETWEEN LANDSCAPE AND CULTURE Renée Davies BSc, BLA (Hons), H.O.D Landscape Architecture Unitec Institute of Technology with Rachel Butler, Fiona Ting, Vanya Steiner 3rd year students, Unitec refer to page 125 for references ABSTRACT Landscape architecture embodies the symbiotic relationship between society and environment and this human-nature interaction is manifest at its most profound within those places that are referred to as cultural landscapes.

Within the Asia-pacific region there is considerable diversity in both the environment and culture. The region has one of the highest proportions of Indigenous peoples within national populations and the highest proportion of people living within traditional governance systems in any region of the world.

Together these qualities underpin the uniqueness of cultural landscapes in the Asia-pacific region.

The challenge of ensuring an appreciation and respect for these local cultural landscapes and adhering to professional ethics when working with local communities within an increasingly globalised landscape is an ongoing area of concern in the practice of landscape architecture and one that is therefore particularly relevant to landscape architecture education.

This paper considers the importance of enabling an exchange between students of landscape architecture and non-western world views set amidst a different culture and within an unfamiliar environment. The case study outlines student experiences of the cultural landscape of the Penan within the Sarawak rainforest of Malaysia. Although often viewed as wilderness, the rainforest is a place that illustrates the human-nature interaction at its most intimate and the patterns in the landscape that were and are being created as a consequence of this interaction.

“The real voyage of discovery lies not in seeking new lands but in seeing with new eyes” (Proust, 1913)

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T

he inclusion of indigenous perspectives in higher education is now considered an imperative (Konai 2003) as the need to ensure different world views are acknowledged and indigenous peoples are provided the opportunity to own and champion their own knowledge. For this paper indigenous peoples are those that exhibit and/or identify with some or all of the following characteristics based on the United Nations criteria; those that have self- identification as indigenous peoples at the individual level and are accepted by the community as their member, historical continuity with pre-colonial and/or pre-settler societies, strong link to territories and surrounding natural resources, distinct social, economic or political systems, distinct language, culture and beliefs, form non-dominant groups of society and resolve to maintain and reproduce their ancestral environments and systems as distinctive peoples and communities. (“Who are Indigenous Peoples”, n.d.)

Based on these qualities there are approximately 400 million indigenous people worldwide that belong to over 5,000 distinct tribes, found in over ninety countries. Although only making up 6% of the world’s population, these communities represent 90% of the cultural diversity. (“Who are Indigenous Peoples”, n.d.) and therefore provide an appropriate and rich cultural resource for experiencing landscapes.

For design education, exploration of this indigenous wisdom enriches the curriculum through incorporation of different perspectives to knowledge. As further stated by Konai (2003) “Valuing indigenous ways of knowing usually results in mutually beneficial collaboration between indigenous and nonindigenous peoples, and improves their treatment of each other as equals” (p. 2). This notion of ethics and respect for other views is therefore an important aspect of the journey to becoming a landscape architect, where working with communities that represent a variety of cultures is becoming more a part of design process. But understanding culture and its immaterial (spiritual) dimensions and ethics can be a difficult concept to ‘teach’ due to its strong link to personal emotion. So the notion of providing an authentic emotial engagement with cultural landscapes to better understand and build our personal perspectives is indispensible.

For landscape architecture education the need to address this skillset is strengthened by the International Federation of Landscape Architects Code of Ethics requirement to ensure local culture and place are recognised so that anyone undertaking work in a foreign country will ensure collaboration with a local colleague and recognise and protect the cultural, historical and ecosystem context to which the landscape belongs when generating design, planning and management proposals (“IFLA By-Laws & Rules of Proceedure” n.d.).

Globalisation today is predominantly based around the spread of Western knowledge, values and practices, rather than indigenous knowledge and wisdom (Thaman 2003) as such how, within a highly western educational structure, can authentic exploration of these issues be embedded and skillsets developed? A possible methodology to answer this question lies in immersing students within a cultural landscape and enhancing their emotional

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responses to both nature and culture through an intense physical and spiritual experience that utilises all the senses.

The Bachelor of Landscape Architecture programme at Unitec Institute of Technology aims to achieve this through travel to overseas locations where students live with local people to understand strategies for sustainable development. In doing so students see the place of their own island, New Zealand, within the global environment and values associated with cultural landscapes from a different world view.

SENSORY IMMERSION METHODOLOGY

“In rainforests, many of the natural treasures lie hidden from our sight. Nature is intricate, complicated, often subdued, needing to be sought out not only through visual observation but also with a sensitivity towards its sounds, scents, textures and flavours” (Payne J, 1990).

In order to fully appreciate and even begin to understand the spriritual and material aspects of a cultural landscape it is necessary to engage in an active exchange with both people and landscape and this is best achieved by using all the senses.

Student’s are encouraged to be both designers, antropologists and biologists whatever cultural landscape they are experiencing – to express themselves freely, to sharpen their observational skills and get ‘in tune’ with their surroundings in order to understand the true essence of the place. In Sarawak this involved an exploration of tourism, forestry and dam issues and their impact on indigenous peoples and required an intimate experience of the opulent sensory palette of the rainforest environment and the lives of the Penan.

The challenge to the students, set amidst the principles of working in different cultures and within unfamiliar environments, was how to ensure (within the context of globalisation) they retained a perspective on the particularities of the region. The immersion within an ancient and very different cultural landscape enabled students to explore an indigenous world view that highlighted a

highly inclusive and holistic way of thinking about their place in the environment and community.

The concept of sensory immersion and engaging in an active exchange, enables a strong connection and appreciation of the principles of indigenous wisdom. Just like the Penan when they enter a stretch of unknown forest they mal cun uk, or follow our feelings (Davis, 1991) the students are challenged by their own need to ‘feel’ the new environment. Their senses are “assaulted by air laden with humidity and mysterious, earthy smells, a steady drone of insects punctuated by screams and songs of birds and, everywhere, a dazzling profusion of plant life” (Suzuki, 2014, p 40). The local forest trails on which the students were guided by the Penan highlighted to them the astounding ability these people had to know their environment – as the trails themselves to the students eyes were often invisible. As the Penan say: “The earthworm can go hungry and the mouse deer become lost in the forest, but never we Penan” (Davis 1991, p 3).

THE RAINFOREST AS A CULTURAL LANDSCAPE

The sensory immersion methodology is enhanced by experiences with cultures that have direct and long established relationships with the environment. The notions of exploring both physical and spiritual connections are generally heightened in these types of cultural landscapes as they are inherently about exchange “the story of the dynamic relationship of reciprocal dependence between humans, non-humans and the land itself ” (Arntzen 2008, p 17).

The concept of a cultural landscape is “in a material sense seen as landscape or environment as it has been modified by humans, and in an immaterial or spiritual sense as landscape or environment with which humans with their practices, beliefs and emotions have special bonds” (Arntzen 2008, p 64).

Rainforests are often viewed as natural and pristine environments with recent influence from human interaction, but this belief belies the reality that within their long history, these tropical environments have been host to a range of human societies that have influenced, modified and interacted with the complex ecosystem in which they lived.

The European Landscape Convention goes some way to highlighting the dual spiritual and physical concept of landscape through the definition of landscape being an area, as perceived by people, whose character is the result of action and interaction of natural and/or human factors (ELC 2000, n.d.). Landscape is therefore seen as important in the Convention, not as mere scenery but because it links culture with nature, and past with present. “Landscape is not simply a collection of objects but is

concerned with the intangible meanings and values people attach to their surroundings” (Menzies 2010, p 1). It is engagement with these ideas that is at the core of a sensory immersion methodology.

Recognition of how culture and world views impact on peoples use and perception of the landscape has been explored by Seddon (1998) when he highlighted the distinction in other languages between territorio (a piece of land) and paesaggio (a way of looking at that piece of land). He emphasises that our English word landscape (derived from the Dutch landskip which is a painters term) retains a sense of detachment from the landscape.

To Seddon this is an important point for education of landscape professionals, because to ignore the cultural dimensions of landscape may mean unwittingly imposing our own cultural dimensions of landscape. As the artist portrays an experience they have had – in contrast the landscape architect trys to create an experience that an individual can then perceive and portray as they wish.

THE PENAN AND THEIR WORLD VIEW

“If biodiversity and ecosystem intergrity are critical to salvaging some of the skin of life on earth, then every successfyl fight to protect the land of indigenous peoples is a victory for all of humanity and other living things” (Suzuki, 1992).

Human beings have lived in South-east Asia for a long time and there are a large variety of indigenous peoples found within the region. The Penan are one of these people who for thousands of years have lived their lives within the rainforest and until the 1950’s were a nomadic tribe that moved through their forest home following resources such as wild animals, fruits and sago palm (their main source of carbohydrate prior to settlement).

Gardening now carried out by the Penan villagers is a new phenomenon as they previously never practiced agriculture, instead depending on wild populations of sago palm. “As hunters and gatherers they traditionally moved through the immense and remote forested uplands that give rise to the myriad affluents of the Baram River”. (Davis, 2001, para. 4). Despite this move to settlement they still live within the rainforest and express some of the cultural relationships between themselves and their environment.

As generations of people have lived over time in the same place, they have evolved unique world-views. Adherence to values such as stewardship and land tenure have tempered the immediacy of exploitative practices and reactionary planning (Jojola 2014). It is these values that provide the most useful wisdom for consideration of sustainable approaches to landscape change and the Penan, in particular, illustrate these values.

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“For the Penan the forest is alive, pulsing, responsive in a thousand ways to their physical needs and their spiritual readiness” (Davis 1991, p 1).

For designers, exploration of an indigenous way of life helps to place ourselves as designers and build understanding of how different people view the world. Students discovered in their time with the Penan that design in their rainforest context is not a specialist skill (as it is in western society). Instead it is a major part of their way of life, embedded within the society and linked to every daily activity that they undertake. Design is a learned skill in Penan culture that is more absorbed than it is explicitly taught.

Penan utilise the products of the forest in every aspect of their lives despite their recent move from nomadic to settled. This can be seen in their placement of agricultural gardens over an hours walk from the village itself as it is seen to be vitally important to keep the integrity of the forest ecology that surrounds the village as it is utilised so significantly for their livlihood and spiritual wellbeing.

For the Penan, the products of the forest include “…roots that cleanse, leaves that cure, edible fruits and seeds, and magical plants that empower hunting dogs and dispel the forces of darkness. There are plants that yield glue to trap birds, toxic latex for poison darts, rare resins and gums for trade, twine for baskets, leaves for shelter and sandpaper, wood to make blowpipes, boats, tools, and musical instruments. For the Penan all of these plants are sacred, possessed by souls and born of the same earth that gave birth to the people” (Davis 1991, p 2).

Recently Jojola (2014) emphasised the strong link between indigenous design and spiritual and cultural forces and that these forces determine the blueprint for design. Students recognised through the shared knowledge of design these notions and found that design for the Penan consisted of four main elements – functionality (response to the issue at hand), meaning and expression (higher emotional meaning/purppose to the product or design process eg. Family, religion, beliefs), craftsmanship (high level of learned, practiced and refined skill) and materiality (response to the materials a hand and their relationship to the three other elements). All four elements are intertwined deply with the rainforest ecology. In this way design is rooted in context – a principle that is often not found in modern western design.

EXPLORATION OF SUSTAINABILITY ISSUES “Every piece of land or landscape contains as many meanings and constructions as the people who have interacted with it” (Pretty 2002, p 23).

The cultural landscape of the Penan is a source of essential knowledge about sustainable management approaches. They possess unexplored wisdom and inspiration for us as designers for making better future landscapes.

Immersion within the cultural landscape of the Penan allowed students to explore a range of issues relating to sustainability and how connections with and perceptions of the land can influence approaches and opportunities for more appopriate

Creativity in the rainforest is heightened due to the demands of that environment. An example being the huge array of designs that have been developed for woven baskets; hats, mats, backpacks, fish traps and personal adornments and tools. The rainforest is an abundant supplier of numerous plant species that are processed and woven into functional and beautiful objects.

The Penan know of several hundred different fibre plants that they use in their woven handcrafts and the students were taught some of the craft and significance of these objects.

The skills to utilise these resources are learned from a young age, in an indirect manner and by means of doing rather than direct or explicit teaching methods (a more western approach to education). They are in essence an active aesthetic experience.

In this way design is not necessarily acknowledged by the Penan as a skill but more as an inherent part of life. Design solutions are often those which have been known for many years and have become cultural understandings.

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Plant fibre

Palm fibre

Bamboo & grourd

Tree sap

Trapping

Timber

Timber

Light

Comfort & Decoration

Dye

Fishing & Transport

Trapping & Hunting

Decoration

Storage & Hyunting

Transport & Storage

Food Preparation

Timber

Timber

Timber

Carving & Weaving Weaving

Timber

Weaving

Palm fibre

Timber

Timber

Chemistry

Weaving

Timber

Timber

MEANING/EXPRESSION FUNTIONALITY Timber Shelter

Fire

Boat-buiding & carving

CRAFT/SKILL Carpentry

Palm fibre

Leaves

Tree branches

Tree trunk

Tree trunk

MATERIALITY

RAINFOREST DESIGN PRODUCTS

Figure 5 Diagram of Design Relationships with Forest

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management of change and to explore more fully the role of landscape architects as the agents or facilitators of responsible and appropriate change.

As Davis (2009) outlines, the Penan view their forest as home and it contains a network of intricate and living places of cultural and economic significance and these places inform and provide linkages to past present and future relationships for the Penan.

It is this sense of stewardship, borne from a sensitivity to the necessity for sharing their environment that emphasises their world view as one which contrasts dramatically with the world view of economic development and unsustainable resource use that currently threatens their home and our world.

The student immersion was facilitated by a community based tourism initiative called Picnic with the Penan. The exploration of concepts around authentic tourism has informed the concept of sensory immersion methodology in landscape architecture and provided links to sustainable economic development potentials.

AUTHENTIC TOURISM

Tourism is the second largest income generator for Malaysia, and this has a huge impact on the community and the environment depending on how it operates. Tourism is one of the largest growing industries in the world accounting for 9% of the Gross Domestic Product. (Mohd, 2014). Tourism has evolved in the past decades to form smaller categories, one of which is that of authentic tourism.

Malaysia has announced their goal of being a Beautiful Garden Nation by 2020, with a National Landscape Policy to create a holistic, unique identity and form of sustainable landscape towards improvement in quality of life. (Mohd, 2014).

The ideal goal therefore for any tourism operating in Sarawak and in most countries is that of sustainabilty, with a light touch on the environment and with minimal impact for the locals.

The World Tourism Organisation envisions sustainable tourism as “leading to management of all resources in such a way that economic, social and aesthetic needs can be fulfilled while maintaining cultural integrity, essential ecological processes, biological diversity and life support systems.” (Yazid, 2014).

Sustainable development is also defined as needing to “meet the needs of the present without compromising the capability of future generations”. (Yazid, 2014). Here is where the case study of the Penan becomes all important.

Picnic with the Penan is an eco-tourism venture operated and owned by the Penan villages themselves. This means that all income from the program goes directly to the community.

Indigenous communities often don’t have a steady incomegenerator so the revenue is able to be utilised by those communities in order to protect their environment with the money being invested into their National Parks or as in the case of the ‘Picnic’ the money is put into developing a tree nursery in an effort to replant and regenerate their degraded forest. searching for meaning in their life. Following the theory and complexity of consumerism people are moving to seek for a deeper meaning beyond materiality (Yeoman, 2012). The first impressions of authenticity inspire ideas of unique experiences which feel original and real, ideally this occurs away from consumerism with noticeably different attributes from your home environment. It conjures imagery of a layered landscape comprised of the history, religion and primarily culture.

Authenticity is the primary driver for getting visitors to the rainforest so therefore remains an essential component of the experience. The Penan villages are heavily reliant not only on the income but on using their visitors to communicate with the outside world. Awareness over the threat to the forest can only be raised through having an unfamiliar pair of eyes go into the forest and begin to realise what has been lost and what they stand to lose through issues of palm oil plantations, forestry and hydro-electric dams.

Authentic tourism is capable of connecting culture, history with unique feature, as well as serving to be of benefit to the indigenous community, that authentic tourism is a detriment the local environment and people is a common misconception in terms of the role of the tourist. Theories suggest that by the tourist seeking an authentic experience he has already destroyed the authenticity of that place without even being aware of it.

(Olsen, 2002). Experiences within the Penan however would suggest that this is not entirely precise, while it does carry a lot of weight in terms of discussing the tourist impact on the environment authentic tourism is capable of having a light touch on the land as the Penan experience highlighted.

Picnic with the Penan involves a week long immersion into the Borneo rainforest, with the Penan. The chief of Long Kapong (Joseph, personal communication, April 2014) says having visitors is beneficial for his village as it raises awareness of his people; he wants visitors as when they go home to talk of their experiences. He speaks of tourism being good for his community

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because of the money tourists bring in for the local economy; this is done through the purchase of local products as souvenirs, and the hiring of the locals as guides and porters.

The Picnic with the Penan tourism operation is successful as an authentic venture because of the close contact that is maintained throughout the entirety of the trip with the communities.

Tourists are staying in the locals homes, dining with the families and your guides are also the residents. The control over the operation keeping low tourist numbers keeps the program manageable for the residents to live with as it remains at an occasional moment of having visitors throughout the year and even then the residents take turns in accommodating them. An increase in tourist numbers would result in more interruptions in the communities daily life, this would also begin to lead to a lack of authenticity or even fake authenticity as accommodation blocks or dining halls would become more necessary.

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Increased tourism numbers would however lead to an increased income for the village as well as increased awareness over the forest plight. A reduction in tourist numbers would result in an obvious loss in both income and village promotion but it would mean there was less interruption with the village life. The key issue raised here is in dealing with tourism management, balancing the ideal tourist authentic experience with the growing need for an increased income for the locals and the opportunity to raise awareness over local issues, forestry and dams.

Tourism is a positive thing for the Penan as long as it manageable, however in exploring tourist solutions it becomes apparent that as tourist numbers might start to increase then the level of authenticity in the experience would begin to decrease. This would not entirely be an issue for the prospect of sustainable development, however it is an aspect where attempt should be made to incorporate it into tourism projects at every opportunity.

UNDERSTANDING AND MANAGING CHANGE “Landscapes change because they are the expression of the dynamic interaction between natural and cultural forces”.

(Antrop 2005, p 22) The concept of change is one that landscape architects tackle on a daily basis and much of our work involves identifying and facilitating appropriate change within the environment.

Being able to embrace this role and understand the generators of change is therefore an important component of landscape architectural education. As Davis (2009) states “Change iteself does not necessarily destroy a culture. All societies are constantly evolving. Indeed a culture survives when it has enough confidence in its past and enough say in its future to maintin its spirit and essence through all the changes it will inevitably undergo”.

Trekking from village to village and talking to the local Penan people showed that there is considerable concern among them about their future and students hearing this concern and seeing its outcomes heightened their ability to explore landscape change within a cultural context. The The Penan talked about the rainforest being cut into from all sides, over what this is doing to their rivers and the many dams being built which are flooding vast areas of land and causing the relocation of many indigenous people. They were keen to tell their story and to let the world know that their environment and way of life is being threatened.

significantly improve the socio-economic well-being of the people, especially the poor.” (Ritchie, 2005, p. 135), but in the Penan villages this viewpoint is disputed.

At the village of Long Kepeng, the chief and a rainforest tourism guide, question why the country needs more dams when the existing ones already generate enough power for the whole country. They believe it is all about greed and the money that those in the Government and construction industry stand to make from these projects (Joseph and Sia, personal communication, April 2014).

The existing Sarawak dams have displaced over 12,000 people.

Over 20,000 more people will be displaced if the Baram Dam is built and villagers have no faith in assurances that things will be done differently this time compared to the earlier re-settlements.

The rainforest has become a political and highly contested landscape. The chief at Long Kepeng states that “people don’t know what any agreement relating to the proposed Baram Dam looks like yet” (Joseph, personal communication, April 2014).

They say that the Government promised the Bakun people a better standard of living with access to schools, healthcare, new houses, better communications, modern amenities and free electricity. They state that they no longer believe any promises

The tropical rainforests and the indigenous people who live in it are being threatened by the change associated with economic development. Forestry and dams threaten to destroy what makes that place and its people so unique. The Sarawak Government is focused on creating a modern industrialised society that will bring Sarawak up to par with the other states of Malaysia. The backbone of this industrialization is a series of 12 dams under a programme the Government calls SCORE (Sarawak Corridor of Renewable Energy) and deforestation for hardwood and for opening up land to palm oil plantations.

Large infrastructure programs like this and the dilemma between opposing views on different approaches to economic development are often encountered by landscape architects in their work eg. Wind farms and roads . Balancing economic and sustainable energy with cultural values is a fraught area with no easy answers, so being able to explore the full ramifications of the impact of change in these situations becomes a great learning opportunity for students.

The Baram Dam is the most controversial of these dam projects as it involves the displacement of up to 20,000 indigenous people. The Penan are amongst those that will be affected. The already completed dams provide more than enough electricity for Sarawak’s domestic demand meaning that all future dams are being constructed solely for the purposes of supplying power for industrial development rather than providing for the needs of local people. The Government maintains that the dams “will

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the Government makes as “the people from the Bakun Dam are still waiting for these things”.

The chief at Long Kepeng believes that because the indigenous people are not happy about having to leave their land lots of people will get sick or die because of their belief that the spirits will be angry and punish them. The Penan find themselves confused about what to believe and who to trust. On the one hand they are faced with the limited information that is leaked from the government and its promises for a better quality of life. (Joseph, personal communication, April 2014). On the other hand environmental lobby groups have them fearing the worst. The Penan want what is best for their children and their future but find it hard to know what to expect. This appears to be an issue faced by many sustainable development initiatives, particularly where they effect indigenous populations.

The President of the Sarawak Tourism Federation in Kuching says it is not so much an issue of compensation. “The issue is that the people do not want to leave their customary land – they have burial sites there and it has always been their land. They do not want to move to another area. They want their land not money because only their land can guarantee their survival” (Personal communication, April, 2014). The dams will have a massive impact on both the environment and the people. The land, rivers and forest are the people’s livelihood and dominate every aspect of their lives and way of being. The majority of the Penan people are no longer nomadic but the forest is still their home.

The forest areas provide their food, medicines, and materials.

The rivers provide water, a source of food, a means of transport and communication and a place to wash. The lowland areas beside the rivers provide flat land that is good for building houses and for planting crops. The villagers will lose these areas to the dams. Deforestation is considered by the locals to be even worse than dams as the animals and birds will go with the loss of their habitat, and the water will become dirtier with greater sediment load finding its way into the streams. “We yearn for the sounds of the forest. We have always heard these sounds. In the time of our grandparents long ago we heard these sounds.

That is why we still yearn to hear them. In those times long ago, our lives were satisfying, our lives were fulfilled. And now it is harder for us, because we hear the sound of bulldozers.” Lejeng Kusin, Ubong River, May 1993 in Davis 1991) For all the cultural and environmental impact studies by both foreign and local experts there are larger ethical issues involved here that the students considered and will guide to establish their own ethical approaches to their work and the landscape. The students left with questions, but raising these questions showed that their personal sensory immersion experience heightened their awareness of landscape change. Does one group have the right to take away anothers way of life? Who has the right to displace another, to leave them without a sense of place/ belonging? Do indigenous people have a right to decide how their environments are developed? Are the competing complexities of different world views, beliefs, values recognized? Are the issues of cultural diversity versus globalization recognized and is the least destructive path being followed?

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CONCLUSION

In talking with local people on their journey in the rainforests of the Penan, students learned how stories enable the knowledge of the past and present to guide and inform their understanding of the wider set of cultural meanings and values the Penan have with their environment and its implications for sustainable tourism and development within Sarawak and the appropriate management of change in such a sensitive and valuable cultural landscape.

The exchange and sharing of knowledge and different world views that occurred with the Penan is one that highlights the intricacy of the human place in this world and the importance of recognising that authentic design of landscapes no matter what the setting should recognise both the spiritual and material.

Experiencing the diaglogue between opposing world views of Penan and western society has enabled students to appreciate the contribution that indigenous wisdom may have to temper and guide the process of change and as a result inform a more holistic vision of landscape architecture’s place as a positive conduit for that change.

But as the results of sensory immersion methodology show, we also need to connect with individual consciousness and ethics as

“world views are not only cultural and social abstractions but also the embodiment of our sense of self in the world. It is the way we think and our capacity for wisdom that ultimately produce the world we live in now and shape the world of the future” (Thaman, 2003 in Teasdale and Rhea 2000, 1).

The outcomes of the exchange experienced by the students showcases the potential of sensory immersion within indigenous cultural landscapes as a methodology for embedding appreciation of non-western world views within the western landscape architecture profession. In so doing, raising the awareness of the legitimacy of not only physical but spiritual relationships to landscape and how these can positively influence the outcomes of design. All of this has the potential to guide in more meaningful and appropriate ways our ability as a discipline to influence sustainable development.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors would like to thank the Penan of the Baram region of Sarawak for sharing their lives, thoughts and expertise with us - enriching our understanding of their rainforest home and our place in the world.

PUBLIC SPACES ALONG AUCKLAND’S WATERFRONT INFORMATION & TRANSPORTATION EXCHANGES Nathan Hayes BA, BAS, The University of Auckland refer to page 125 for footnotes

ABSTRACT The health of the Auckland Waterfront is predicated on occurances of public space within its physical and perceptual parameters. This article suggests the importance of merging these parameters within future urban planning strategies by examining how public space may encourage the exchange of information.

The intangible resourses which create and occupy public spaces are discussed as operators of exchange. The Auckland Waterfront corridor is clearly defined by its physical area and general stakeholder interests. Public transportation is presented as the impetus for new connective design strategies. Recent historical urban planning strategies are briefly discussed to establish the originating of planning methodology and its societal effects.

Recent and current design initiatives by major stakeholders Waterfront Auckland and Ports of Auckland are investigated in methodology and resulting proposals. Two appropriate case studies are investigated – Toronto, Canada and Wellington, New Zealand – setting a precedent to approaching public space planning along an elongated waterfront in terms of scale and inter-district connectivity.

Based on observation, the limited connectivity of Auckland Waterfront is relative to occurances of public spaces – for whom they are designed versus how they are percieved – leading to public disconnection from the Waitemata Harbour and the Auckland Central Business District (CBD). This article seeks to establish a continuing discourse for new urban planning methodology along Auckland’s Waterfront, where information creates public spaces along transportation nodes. The implications of ignoring these issues will compound their effect on the public, eventuating further in unintended economic consequences.

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Near People’s Square, Shanghai.

OPERATORS OF EXCHANGE

Cities live and die by the value of their public space, which are in constant flux amid the framework of morphological urban environments.1 The quantity of urban public space is annually negotiated as areas find themselves in periods of redevelopment.

Where space is limited or stakeholder-heavy, public spaces must rely on quality as their benchmark, seeking to manufacture a high-quality environment for public infiltration. The Auckland Waterfront corridor is such an area, whose development and subsequent successes have been limited to particular pockets, while ignoring several high value areas for public space. As the population of Auckland continues to increase its centres will densify – a ripe opportunity for collaboration between different entities if managed appropriately.

Public space will always have the potential to operate as an exchange for a tremendous amount of INTANGIBLE RESOURCES. While most resources are defined by their physical property uses – timber is flexible, fish is consumable, and electricity is transferrable – the intangible nature of information, as a resource, is defined by its seemingly infinite amount of personal and collective perception. In this case, it is drawn from the further context of the urban environment and as such can be further defined as the sum of three components: a user pool, innovative potential, and connectivity.2

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USER POOL

The identity of primary users within this model are local residents from Auckland Central and regional residents with cause to travel into the CBD with weekly and monthly frequency.

Secondary users are other New Zealand residents who may travel to or through Auckland with limited yearly frequency or who may simply have a strong unwavering perception of Auckland. The often-excluded tertiary users are the tourist base which annually bolsters the city’s economy, which by definition will have a very limited opportunity to establish a perception of the spaces they occupy.

INNOVATIVE POTENTIAL

Raw data originates from various technical and intellectual assets and is collected through digital, analogous, and human-based responses. Such data establishes the basis for Auckland’s selfpreservation. The continued digital transformation of society makes access to data more instantaneous as society and the cities we live in grow smarter, more connected, and digitally literate.3 Algorithmic predictive modelling increases commercial revenue, aids spatial syntax planning, and determines feasibility study results. However, both data and their originating assets are dormant. Operating kinetically, they store their potential until activated by a single user or user group.

The Bund, Shanghai.

CONNECTIVITY

Users connect to relevant data and assets under their own precepts which can be measured as a fluctuating degree of connectivity. This degree or percentage, while being an important factor in design phases, does not have a large role during initial planning. The key factor is recognising these relationships between components, which will promote a greater understanding of who is served by public space and how it might be designed.

Public spaces are great operators of this process without necessarily specifying the medium of resource collection and analysis. These spaces filter the corresponding information, allowing the discursive observer to categorise per relevance and share as necessary with the greater extents of society. As such, there will always be a demand for places where resources may meet with humanity and imbue upon this populated landscape their various resourceful qualities to create clear distinctions – a GENIUS LOCI – available for public participation.

WATERFRONT CORRIDOR

The Auckland Waterfront corridor is a five kilometre long expanse extending from Point Erin Park in Westhaven to Teal Park in Judges Bay, at the entrance to Tamaki Drive. Certainly there are opportunities to extend this scope further east towards

Mission Bay, however, for the purposes discussed in this article it will remain as defined above. A mixture of uses and intents are clearly visible to most observers, including some areas for leisure activities, commercial enterprises including retail and hospitality, light industry and manufacturing, some high-end residential, cargo shipping, and logistics.4 Major stakeholders are Waterfront Auckland, an organisation of Auckland City Council – whose area of influence includes Westhaven, Wynyard Quarter & Wharf, Halsey Wharf, portions of Viaduct Harbour, Queens Wharf, and Teal Park5 – and Ports of Auckland – whose area of influence includes Captain Cook, Marsden, Bledisloe, Jellicoe, Freyberg and Fergusson Wharves, and Mechanics and Judges Bays.6 The remainder of the land divisions include both commercial and private interests. Additionally, beyond those immediately adjacent to the Waitemata Harbour are areas valued for their commercial, residential, and public interests such as Victoria Park, Britomart, Vector Arena, and the constructed infill surrounding these urban landmarks.7

TRANSPORTATION INTERCHANGE

The language of transitional spaces is one that readily exists in everyday life, though architecturally, we may refer to them as THRESHOLDS. Breaking away from preconceived notions that thresholds carry an invisibility by their thinned perceptive veil – a simple line, a hidden boundary, or a doorway – it is possible

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to refer to such spaces as containing girth, commenting on their isolating nature between two other elements.8 Where some elements may initiate movement or signal the end of the journey, a threshold may provide suspension and transition. And while this easily translates into design fields which prioritise physical exertions, places, and orientations, it can also point towards perceptual understandings under the influence of behavioural science – it is possible to influence the way in which people cycle through mental dispositions.9

The architecture of the Auckland CBD and its transportation typologies are therefore examples of HARD INFRASTRUCTURE as they are nodes of operations. (While it is true that transportation is also considered a path of travel, the foundation of this article is on public space and therefore focuses on public foot traffic between instances of hard infrastructure.) Comparatively, the waterfront districts may be viewed as areas of SOFT INFRASTRUCTURE, standing as a fusion of meeting places and public amenities. These lie between the transportation typologies and the mechanisms of the city.10 The soft infrastructure of public spaces engages its occupants differently than any presupposed social, family, and professional spheres occurring elsewhere. The act of exchange of intangible resources then propels occupants fully into grasps of strangers, giving ingrained creative defaults the chance to be contested.11 The serendipity – the happenstance – is given a chance to materialize, connecting all who participate.

Historically the Auckland Waterfront has always been a transitional threshold where different modes of movement of people and resources collided, initially for Māori and later for Māori-Pākehā cohabitation. Today sees little difference to this pattern, with various transportation typologies connecting the waterfront to the receding urban landscape beyond. Viewing the waterfront in relation to the CBD reveals a definitive eastwest orientation which these typologies follow, including international and domestic passenger ship berths, bus stops and stations, train terminals, bicycle lanes, pedestrian pathways, vehicular traffic and car-parks. When pairing any of these typologies with the established theory of transitional thresholds, the emerging public space immediately activates the aforementioned intangible resources. The occurrences of spatially-interconnected thresholds thus provide both the means and the places where these resources can be properly engaged.

This, by far, is the most important factor in the discussion of the Auckland Waterfront’s occurrences of public space – they must exist in conjunction with the movement of people, ideally connected to existing and proposed mass transit. This enacts public space’s right to separate elements as a place of suspension and transition.

AGENTS OF CHANGE

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The trend of progressive city governments allowing for public participation in urban planning has seen widespread increases since the 1960s, with recent occurrences finding strength in the rise of a well-informed creative class of citizens.12 Efforts to include such members of the public during the initial planning phases could serve to neutralize priority shifts made exclusive of stakeholders who may not, in turn, see a need for public space beyond minimum planning legislation requirements.13 However, most administrating bodies can certainly point towards the financial burden of including public dialogue within these phases,14 which, if countered with general ambivalence, will hardly result in the design of areas which succinctly fit into the local fabric.

AUCKLAND WATERFRONT

Auckland Waterfront Transitional Spaces Diagram.

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Prince’s Wharf Silo Park

Queen’s Wharf

Viaduct Harbour

Wynard Quarter

Queen Elizabeth Square

Victoria Park

N

Britomart Plaza

Mahuhukiterangi Reserve

Vector Arena Forecourt Te Taou Reserve

50

100

250

500

1000

More Public

Less Public

Auckland Waterfront’s Diagram of Perceived Ownership of Public Space, Wynyard Quarter, Viaduct Marina, Central Wharves, & Quay Park Quarter.

Government transparency is a cost to bear, however, it is funded

by Ratepayers. The value of this process is more easily measured if it isn’t undertaken, simply by counting what society will stand to lose. Physical form notwithstanding, the critical offense is in a loss of cultural fidelity, be it generic or specified, directly affecting one’s ability to comfortably dwell within the surrounding urban landscape. One’s orientation within this space is predicated by how he or she perceives the aforementioned exchange of resources, serving to connect and define personal acceptance of their own position within the given landscape.15 As public interests see greater consideration during planning and design of public spaces there is potential for stronger cohesion, culturally. With their origin based on the apparatuses of cultural perception, physical form, proportion, and composition can more appropriately respond to the site they now inhabit as an extension of the people who occupy the space.16 Public influence on the creation of public spaces then becomes a question of social sustainability where success measured by a better sense of community.17 Certainly for the Auckland Waterfront, commercial and private interests have been given priority as the identification of public space is limited by questions of ownership. To generate social sustainability is to allow for greater inclusion of all members of the public, stemming from its immediately recognisable spatial availability.

While the Auckland governing body has, since 1871, made changes to the face of the city’s waterfront for various economic and event-based development, there still exists a general failing to provide ‘distinctly Auckland’ public spaces which might advocate community-building behaviour.18 It is possible that this stems from the absence of public collaboration and therefore public interests, standing in severe contrast to the Auckland City Council’s declaration for a now completed phase of development in Wynyard Quarter:

“A world class destination that excites the senses and celebrates our sealoving Pacific culture and maritime history, commercially successful and innovative; a place for all people, rich in character and activity that truly links people, city and the sea.” 19 It is also possible that the issue lies on the extent of waterfront planning thus far, which has yet to connect the entire area due to observed piecemeal outputs. The pragmatic solutions which master planning can offer are attractive by promoting a singular vision, however as circumstances change and funding allows, overarching visions can be rendered obsolete as soon as they are published. And it is not the position of this author to promote master planning as the empirical directive of cause and effect upon the Auckland Waterfront’s design. It is more practical to allow a single physical element which engages the entire site as a whole to implement the planning and design of residual spaces surrounding it. The gulf – the water – is one such element, however critical disconnects shaped by fragmented accessible spaces along its border currently eliminate it as a possible driver.

A more appropriate element might be the existing collection of transportation typologies, for which a case has been previously presented in this article covering their viability as a designator of public space. For effect, emphasis should be placed on fixedstructure mass transit, such as trams and light rail, and along the same lines, public pathways of significant size and amenity.

PROPOSED INITIATIVES

The necessity of cohesion across the entire length of the Auckland Waterfront is more apparent when looking towards the two major stakeholders, Waterfront Auckland (Auckland City Council) and Ports of Auckland, and the proposed development occurring within their own borders. Individually, the proposals have all the ingredients for success, but these

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Quay Street Redevelopment Proposal, circa 2012.26

require much greater scrutiny from members of the public, both the informed professional and the uninformed layman, the latter being the more frequent occupier of these areas once completed.

The public requires that the development proposed within these respective boundaries still connect, visually and actually.

WATERFRONT AUCKLAND & AUCKLAND CITY COUNCIL

Waterfront Auckland’s Waterfront Plan 2012 publication is a master plan which covers many fixed design initiatives to occur along the waterfront until 2042.21 Neighbourhoods are defined – Westhaven Area, Wynyard Quarter, Viaduct Marina, Central Wharves, and Quay Park Quarter – and implied to connect.22 Some are quite successful based on their immediate proximity to one another, especially in the mass of reclaimed land surrounding Wynyard Quarter and The Viaduct. Features include further development of Silo Park for public space and a secondary international passenger ship dock.23 The Central Wharves, defined along Quay Street between Lower Hobson Street and Britomart Place, is far less connected as a thinner stretch of land.24 Incidentally, this is an area of high value as the main threshold between international and domestic passenger ships and the CBD, but contains little in the way of existing or proposed public space. Further east, the Quay Park Quarter sees further spatial compression, contained between the port’s

Ports of Auckland proposed development.33 50

red-fenced areas and the Tamaki Drive to Quay Street traffic.25 Though many businesses have frontages along Quay Street they are not activated, with many relying entirely on their Tyler Street and Scene Lane entrances. Vector Arena, a key event centre, is connected to this corridor only through a single crossing over the adjacent rail line. Teal Park, now and as proposed, will forever be cut out of the picture which Waterfront Auckland is hoping to paint.

This corridor along Quay Street is undoubtedly limited on space but still contains high value public space potential if the vehicular traffic is addressed; limited, redirected, or eliminated entirely. The knowledge of this by Waterfront Auckland may be why in July 2014, Auckland City Council issued a request for expressions of interest for the redevelopment of Quay Street.27 While this appears to be another piece to the fragmented urban planning puzzle, this latest action promises to allow residents to state their opinions on the resulting schematic designs before finalisation is reached.28 Waterfront Auckland took a similar approach during the drafting of its Waterfront Plan 2012 resulting in a rather insignificant amount of public responses towards their design initiatives.29The workshops conducted by the Auckland City Council in 2007, which would eventually lay the groundwork for this waterfront planning document, were undertaken with zero public participation.30 The question remains to what extent the public are being involved, with these two initiatives pointing towards only a small amount of public influence. Perhaps those who are initiating the initiatives have a greater responsibility to include the populous that will populate the space.

Earlier council schematic designs along the Quay Street corridor between 2012 and 2013 failed to reflect the need for cohesive design, being little more than a few aesthetic changes than wholesale planning across the entire site. 31 Beyond misappropriations of vehicular and mass transit traffic alongside highly-active pedestrian crossings, a dearth of public-oriented resource exchanges are the result of inadequate place-making.

Quite simply, proposals like this one and the processes from which it resulted could be localised anywhere, completely lacking an Auckland distinction. Without strong linkages between

Waterfront Auckland’s Proposed Plan.20

Toronto’s Waterfront From Above.38

the physical space and perceptual place, the result is nothing more than a series of obstacles which cannot be occupied.32 A dialogue must exist with the resources this landscape is to be characterised by, in this case with emphasis on the pool of users, supported by the body of planning and design professionals. In this way, the idea of the exchange of intangible resources goes beyond this article’s originally-defined classification and points towards the process of designing public spaces as an additional transaction. Public space survives in a constant state of frantic trade, from conception to disassembly, using people as its most common form of currency.

Cases which cover economic and environmental sustainability are hot topics. Cities must contend with providing more jobs, housing, and transit options while reducing waste, increasing green spaces, and regulating emissions. And Ports of Auckland continues this trend by suggesting that minimal expansion and more efficient processes are the key to meeting proposed future demand; the creation of a smarter port.36 Expansion to Bledisloe Wharf, as suggested in one of the current options, would result in a 179-meter reclamation of land.37 Environmental effects aside, the creation of a better operating peripheral community under this port expansion proposal is left out of the equation.

Addressing the issues along Quay Street have the potential for a different type of spatial reclamation which Auckland City Council might use as mitigation between the public and Ports of Auckland; for every meter of port reclamation, perhaps a percentage could be gained for this corridor’s own expansion.

PORTS OF AUCKLAND

WPorts of Auckland, as a company, is an entirely different Wstakeholder along the waterfront than Waterfront Auckland and as such have a very different relationship with the public. While Waterfront Auckland is an extension of the publically-elected Wcity council, Ports of Auckland need only to operate within the minimum standards set by local, regional, and national governments in terms of environmental and economic controls.

Their base of operations are located on the north side of Quay Street, between Britomart Place and Teal Park, standing as the greatest condenser of the space along that corridor. They have much to gain from working with the public outside of their physical boundaries and comfort zones, however may not have the incentive to do so.

Replacing the 2012 planning initiative which met with harsh public criticism, in 2013 Ports of Auckland released the Ports of Auckland Development Proposals document on the basis of a renewed focus.34 A similar document commission by the Upper North Island Strategic Alliance in 2012 also exists entitled How Can We Meet Increasing Demand for Ports in the Upper North Island?, prepared by Pricewaterhouse Coopers.35 Both documents spend the bulk of their capacity explaining the necessity for port expansion and how its effects can be limited on the environment while increasing revenue. What neither document touches on is the effects of these development proposals on the public, specifically on public perception of public space.

LEARNING FROM TORONTO & WELLINGTON

An interesting precedent in the public participation in design is the Toronto Waterfront Innovative Design Competition. Held in 2006, the competition successfully concluded more than three decades of little progression due to political congestion and fragmented design contributions.39 Public involvement transpired over a period of two weeks through city-wide exhibitions and a public forum. Though not obliged to mirror the public sentiment, the competition jury selected the local favourite as it displayed a “simple and consistent approach to the public realm.”40 The winning project – a joint venture between Rotterdam-based WEST 8 and Toronto-based DU TOIT ALLSOPP HILLIER – included five key design strategies: 1) the continuation of a trans-harbour pedestrian/bicycle path, 2) a reduction in vehicular traffic by removing two lanes of traffic, 3) adding open grassy areas under tramways, 4) widening of pedestrian pathways, and 5) adding public spaces to the end of wharf areas.41 It is easy to note where each of these design strategies might find a presence in connecting the entirety of the Auckland Waterfront. Both of these city’s waterfronts have been formed along a predominately linear assembly and are of similar scale.

Such elongated forms over a single dominate axis struggle to aid in personal orientation over to whole of the site, due in part to

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Bledisloe Wharf, Auckland.

a perceived instability.42 Toronto’s contention with this issue resulted in stronger intermittent place-making opportunities, seen through successful connections of different districts by a multi-layered series of pedestrian and bicycle pathways. Being laid out in series, these districts’ inherent actions and activity planning have demanded differing character from that of their adjacencies, offering reasons for continued personal exploration of the waterfront.43 Contrastingly, the nearby Wellington Waterfront displays a weaker arrangement of delineated areas that can be largely ignored because of its concave orientation, harbouring a clear perceptual centre localised around the Museum of New Zealand.

Each space, though widely ranging in purpose and layout, crowd one another in such a way that there is little transitional space between the districts. As such, they are not able to be individually perceived; only overlapping pieces to an overall composition. And though opinions of Wellington’s waterfront may be of the fullness and variety of the public areas, it is only about one-third the size of Toronto’s waterfront and one-half that of Auckland’s as defined by this article. Beyond this small area, Wellington does not successfully connect the peripheral arms of its outer urban areas with the centralized waterfront, such as Westpac Stadium to the north and the further eastern fringes of Oriental Parade.

CONCLUSION

There is much to contend with along the Auckland Waterfront – the traffic of resources, urban morphology and change, transportation demands, public spheres of influence, and multiple stakeholders – which will continue to press different agendas. The practice of social sustainability is a solid datum upon which to test urban planning initiatives, signifying the quality of Auckland’s diverse communities as a measure of urban success. Auckland is poised to pursue public-oriented design methodology than ever before, as a renegotiation of who are the true clients of its waterfront – council, developers, private ownership, or the public.

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By learning from Toronto we see the evidence of public spaces as city-defining elements, promoting a quality of life they through intangible resource exchange.45 The travel thresholds held at bay by these spaces become activated by simple human desire towards the unreachable, in this instance, the next featured district.46 The perceived difficulty of the Auckland Waterfront’s linear form now makes a resounding case for this corridor to fuse movement along the perimeter of the CBD. Possibilities of spatial reclamation serve to address the diminished Quay Street corridor, activating ground floor commercial enterprises and creating actual connections to Teal Park. In this way, the waterfront can fully accept its transitional fringe belt role as being on the way to other points of interest.

It is important to establish a continuing discourse where additional methodology may be suggested, focusing on three key effects: First, the Auckland Waterfront must have a clear definition of its role as a transitional threshold within the greater urban spectrum. It is evident that we may delineate its linearity with public spaces emerging alongside of fixed-structure mass transit.

These spaces are for the exchange of intangible resources and are intrinsically public, both for and designed by.

Second, the Auckland Waterfront must mature its activity districts to be understood individually and whose transitional boundaries activate perceptive desire. Many of these districts are already formed, lacking only a definitive boundary to act as a method of orientation along this very linear site. Referring directly to the soft infrastructure systems, this implies visualization of the waterfront at multiple human scales.

Lastly, the Auckland Waterfront must create a place of distinction within the Auckland and further New Zealand cultural milieu.

Place-making delineation will emerge from the lasting effects of exchange, forming the spatial dynamism and cultural edifices which will define the ensuing public spaces.47

CITY LANDSCAPE CITIZEN IDENTITY: AUCKLAND WORDS Dr. Diane Menzies Adjunct Professor, Unitec, PHD Lincoln, MBA Canty, MBUS: Dispute Resolution Massey, DIP LA Lincoln, DIP Hort (Dist) Lincoln, Life Memeber of NZILA IMAGES Lauren Vincent refer to page 125 for footnotes

ABSTRACT Cities have long been associated with their geographic location, an iconic building or a special characteristic. While some cities seem content to be, many see their survival in a global context, pacing their future against other cities competing for investment, development, visitors and residents. The emphasis of this paper is on the city as place; on townscape and nature, to discover whether the unique landscape of a city as perceived by its citizens is indeed its competitive advantage. The city considered is Auckland, a relatively small city of 1.5 million, some 1000 kilometres from the New Zealand capital of Wellington (a city less than a third of Auckland’s population) and some 2000 kilometres from its nearest global rival in Australia.

The 100% Pure New Zealand brand has been successful in attracting visitors to New Zealand who expect to see and experience natural beauty. This though leaves a gap in cities as New Zealand destinations even though cities are where over 80% of our population now live. Auckland Tourism has recognised that while travellers arrive expecting to see mountains, sheep and hobbits, there is a level of sophistication in Auckland which can provide for culture and leisure as well as capital assets such as environment and landscape. This paper considers how the cultural and landscape assets of Auckland can be promoted as visitor attractions when they are city as opposed to country based. In addition how these assets as perceived by city marketers and branders are considered, compared with the understood landscape assets identified and enjoyed by those who live in Auckland. Are we promoting culture and landscape with integrity?

Two Unitec focus groups were used as part of a pilot study to identify what Auckland residents think of their city, how they value their city and from where do they derive their identity. The views of the focus groups were compared with the understanding and promotion of Auckland landscapes by Auckland Tourism marketers. The marketers and residents views were similar, both referencing similar landscape resources, and the current shortcomings of Auckland were also noted. While urban leisure assets and events are promoted to draw visitors from other cities in New Zealand, both residents and marketers emphasised the natural landscape assets of Auckland such as the volcanic cones and lava fields, the harbours, beaches and islands in the Hauraki Gulf as being important attractions and important for residents.

These landscape features fit somewhat awkwardly with the 100% Pure New Zealand brand as they are Auckland’s capital assets, yet are part of the natural as well as the cultural landscape. The paper concludes that while strap lines and branding can be used as a promotional tool, a city’s landscape and culture needs a much richer description: one which can better be conveyed by images and authentic stories. Further, that the unique combination of environmental, cultural and particularly landscape assets can indeed become the competitive advantage of a city. Landscape and culture can be the driver of a competitive city.

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C

ities compete for resources, strategic advantage and for people’s hearts. The focus may be attracting business, tourists or residents to the city and the competitor may be seen as another city in the same country or elsewhere.

Cities compete to become the best in an often nebulous area, such as the most attractive, liveable or vibrant. Whether the city promotion is appropriately framed to identify key aspects which portray the city assets or the aspects to which citizens link their identity as residents of that city is not well explored.

However city promotion in New Zealand also sits in tension with the 100% Pure New Zealand brand promoted since 1999 which attracts tourists to Auckland and other international airports in New Zealand, but emphasises the natural landscape as opposed to the assets of our cities as places to visit or live.

As the Minister of Tourism and Prime Minister John Key noted to an APEC conference, 100% Pure New Zealand tells the story of how our landscapes, people and activities combine to deliver an experience that is unique. The latest adaption of the longrunning campaign is 100% Middle-earth, 100% Pure New Zealand, leveraging the huge exposure New Zealand is getting around the world from the first Hobbit movie. 1

In addition, New Zealanders have a strong national focus on green space and the environmental quality of land beyond the city even though over 80% of our population of 4.2 million in 20132 are urban dwellers. National surveys repeatedly indicate that conservation, the environment and outdoor recreation are important issues for New Zealanders.3 Three in five of those surveyed in 2013 put conservation on an equal footing to education, health, law and order; and over half our population made a contribution to conservation in New Zealand in the last three years.4 With 8 in 10 New Zealanders valuing a healthy environment and recreation opportunities it seems realistic that visitor attraction in New Zealand should be closely aligned with these values and interests. This also fits with current research on tourism trends which identifies European travellers continuing to seek natural landscapes and an authentic experience.5 How then should Auckland as a city respond to this tension and reach visitor hearts and minds?

Auckland, as the largest city in New Zealand is faced with a challenge in seeking tourism and attracting business to the city in a context which seems to exclude the city from the attention of visitors. This paper examines the perception of Auckland residents and compares the factors identified by residents with the promotion of Auckland as a desirable place in which to live or visit. The emphasis is on the city as place; on townscape and nature, to discover whether the unique landscape of Auckland as perceived by its citizens is its competitive advantage. The discussion considers the importance of landscape as a point of difference for Auckland, and notes the seeming separation of natural landscape which is a national focus for visitors, and the cities’ branding. However Auckland Tourism recognises that Auckland’s unique landscape cannot be described by a strap (or tag) line and that landscape is an experience and much more complex than a few phrases might convey. The conclusion highlights the need to target unique landscape and environmental qualities as well as cultural capital but particularly to ensure that messages carry authenticity and integrity. Perhaps

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it is no coincidence that authenticity and integrity are the two main qualities sought by UNESCO of World Heritage Sites.

CITY BRANDING AND PROMOTION

City managers have seen opportunity for city marketing and differentiation, have coined branding slogans and compete in a variety of national and international city quality aspects such as liveable cities and garden cities6. They have targeted culture and leisure as a capital asset which can be promoted to identify points of difference for their city. However, many such branding attempts tend to plagiarize or simply repeat rather trite or bland claims for cities and few seem to have considered the need to integrate culture and leisure such as environment and landscape, with other capital assets. An international traveller for instance can readily buy an ‘I love (heart)’ and the name of many different cities, modelled on the successful ‘I love New York’ marketing.

Many city leaders seem to shy away from the direct identification of particular city assets, rather than coin a name which marketers must believe has an attraction, such as Christchurch, ‘The City that Shines’. By contrast: “Cities that have succeeded in attracting visitors, residents and businesses do so by creating a city brand that encapsulates the qualities that the city offers and generates powerful and memorable positive associations.” 7 Some cities hold focus groups, public fora and other activities to try to distil the city attractions, or future attractions into that hard to identify distinguishing feature for branding. Others build structures which become city icons such as the Eiffel Tower of Paris or the Golden Gate Bridge of San Francisco (or build many iconic structures as in the case Dubai and Shanghai). However, engaging citizens has been held to be necessary for sustainable environmental improvements as well as for cultural and leisure capital enhancement.

An important aspect of many leading city’s agendas is the promotion of quality of life for competitive advantage. A city which can support a claim of being ‘clean, green and safe’ say the leaders taking part in the Pricewaterhousecooper study, will have an advantage in environmental capital. The city needs to distinguish those qualities: such as attractiveness, address major pollution problems and integrate the forms of capital it has while engaging citizens in ongoing sustainable improvements. They acknowledge that this requires inspired leadership and a focus on values, behaviour and public expression of these. The same study also notes that to attract new residents, visitors and investment to a city, leaders need to have a distinctive and powerful brand.8

This overseas research resonates strongly with the 100% Pure New Zealand brand albeit with a city focus. Although most cities in New Zealand see their focus and competition in the domestic market, Auckland citizens, largely alone of New Zealand cities, have seen Auckland as a global trader and competitor from its early city foundations.9 Can Auckland and other cities attract business, visitors and residents and at the same time benefit from the promotion of New Zealand as ‘clean and green’?

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THE AUCKLAND LANDSCAPE

As the first visitors to and discoverers or Tāmaki Makaurau or Auckland it is fitting that Māori perceptions of the landscape be considered first. There are a number of Māori traditions about the creation of the volcanoes and lava fields of Auckland.

One recounts that the volcanoes of Auckland were formed when priests used sunrays to avenge the elopement of a young woman, Hinemairangi –eloped with Tamaireia from Hūnua .

Waitākere priests chanted incantations to draw down superheated sunrays to drive back the war party which had been sent to retrieve Hinemairangi. The Hūnua priests responded, and the isthmus erupted in fire. This event is celebrated in the name Te Pakūrangarāhihi: the battle of sunrays.10 Another tradition tells how the wrath of Mataaho, the Māori deity connected with volcanic forces, ‘flowed from deep under the earth creating Auckland’s distinctive volcanic landscape.’11 The footprints of Mataaho are the name given by some local iwi to the explosion craters of the Auckland landscape. Māori traditions explain the creation and formative aspects of Auckland’s landscape, and stories also tell of events such as the discovery and arrival of Māori into Tāmaki Makaurau. The landscape records the monumental modification Māori made to the volcanoes to express authority and identity as well as to the use the fertile volcanic soils for gardening.

As recognition of the importance of these volcanoes to local Māori, the Tūpuna Maunga o Tāmaki Makaurau Authority, known colloquially as the Maunga Authority (consisting of local iwi representatives, Auckland Council and a Crown representative) has recently been created by Parliament12 to manage fourteen of the maunga (or volcanic cones) in order to restore a guardianship role to local Māori. This was put in place through Ngā Manawhenua o Tāmaki Makaurau Redress Act on 1 August 2014. The Act handed over fourteen volcanic cones and four islands to the thirteen iwi of Auckland, formed as the Tāmaki Collective. While much of this landscape will be managed in partnership with the Department of Conservation, a large number of areas are to be identified in future by iwi through cultural installations. In addition a proposal is underway for the Auckland volcanic landscape to be nominated as a World Heritage Site.13

Auckland’s volcanic landscape was recognised by the two focus groups as an important asset for their city. They emphasised the place of Rangitōtō Island which is a distinctive volcano in the centre of the harbour extinct for six hundred years as a key landscape feature. It has a unique ecology which includes the largest pohutukawa forest.14 It was appropriate that Rangitōtō was the site for the ceremonial recognition following on from the enactment of the Redress Act of ownership of the volcanic and island landscape features which were rightfully theirs, on 3 September.15 Auckland Tourism agree with the importance of this island to Auckland and feature Rangitōtō in marketing images of the city. The island is also noted as a key landscape feature16 of the volcano field which was named in reference and connection to Polynesian sites and ancestors, thus linking Maori with living connections across oceans and back through time.

However, the focus groups drew attention to the apparent absence of Māori values, stories and presence in city design and identity. They saw the lack of visibility of Māori culture as a weakness of Auckland. Māori culture they said had a rich history and: “It is just tokenism now.” Auckland Tourism responded by noting that Ngati Whatua are telling their stories through Tāmaki Hikoi, guided walks for visitors from Maungawhau (Mt Eden) which is run by Auckland Tourism. In addition there are now three ocean-going double-hulled waka (canoes) based in Auckland which take visitors on regular cruises on the harbour while telling their voyaging and celestial navigation stories.

Auckland Tourism recognise that much more needs to be done to tell authentic stories of relevant Māori culture and now have a Māori Tourism Officer to address this.

Māori principles of manaakitanga - which implies a reciprocal responsibility upon a host, and an invitation to a visitor to experience the very best we have to offer, and kaitiakitanga meaning guardianship, care and protection,17 offer relevant and useful principles for Auckland Tourism as well as for city administrators, local residents and businesses. This offers an opportunity for the city to convey its unique qualities with more authority, as the volcanic cones and islands are given greater cultural as well as landscape recognition in Auckland. The Mayor, Len Brown noted the new legislation and management of the volcanic cones as the ‘most important’ event to occur in Auckland.18

The focus groups and Auckland Tourism values are discussed next.

CITY MARKETING AND RESIDENT VALUES

The Auckland focus groups described the landscape as an important asset for their city. The volcanic cones along with, harbours, forest-covered Waitakere Ranges, rugged West Coast beaches and large regional parks were important for them. They thought the city and harbour had many unique features such as Rangitōtō Island. A resident said: “I tell my friends overseas that I live on the side of a volcano with black sand on one side. It is like a make-believe world.” Residents also described as special the many islands in the Hauraki Gulf (an extension of the city harbour) and the city on an isthmus surrounded by three harbours with ‘hundreds’ of beaches with different characteristics. The beaches they saw as low key attractions which were not crowded, where “you could take your dog and a stick.”

They questioned though whether the “low key” treatment” was enough to attract visitors. The diversity of the city in farmland, the natural ruggedness and the variety of mountains, volcanoes, natural bush including original podocarp forest as important.

“You have a feeling of forest, trees and grass in Auckland” and can see mountains to “locate where you are.” The waterfront they thought, distinguishes Auckland from other cities in New Zealand. “You can fish from the wharf,” they said. Auckland was also thought to be an extremely clean city.

The focus groups thought the Central Business District had no strong definition or character, and is simply “a big office block,” which they saw as primarily an attraction for local people, not for visitors. They argued that there were few trees visible from this

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central business area even though this was an area where tourists visited from cruise ships. “And you pay $20.00 just to park near the waterfront, so are locked out if you have no money.”

The focus group also spoke of the people of Auckland: “they are not judgemental and allow you to do what you want and encourage you to relax, have fun and be casual, they said. (“Maybe too casual,” was a comment.) They thought the diversity of cultures and types of people are a particular attraction.

The climate of Auckland was also described as a particular asset.

“A lot of our culture is about the outdoors,” one said. So you can enjoy your outdoor space and outdoor living in comfort and security.” Another supported this asserting that the temperate weather of Auckland is “the best in the world. No monsoons and no extremes.” “In Auckland the views are prominent,” another resident said. “People are proud to say, I have a view of (somewhere).” While they described the multiplicity of recreation choices, from surfing and paddle boarding to skydiving, golf and forest walks, they admitted that some forest areas involved a long drive from some locations. Others though perceived access to farmland, beach and bush, as close as ‘ten minutes away’.

Auckland residents understood the city as fragmented with many centres. It is unconnected, new, with little thought, a young, rushed city, full of roads, they said. While there was dispute about urban sprawl and whether there was a retreat away from the city centre, to enable access to shopping in malls in the outer suburbs, there was agreement that the solution to Auckland’s transportation problems was not growth but aiming for sustainability. While a range of urban centres were perceived as peaceful environments and where people lived, a good place for families, they found transport and the city as ‘frustrating and car dominated’. Residents were critical of city leadership and planning: “Auckland is not future-proofed and not sustainable or resilient. It is not adaptable. For thirty more years the city will be clogged with cars,” they said. “Awful things have been done to Auckland and there is copy and paste of suburbs,” said another. The residents questioned an assumption and intention to grow when, “Auckland can’t handle the current population, so it needs to fix transportation first.” However, while not a ‘Garden of Eden’, they spoke of the “nice corners of Auckland, where you can instead take the prettiest way, the scenic route home.”

There was ambivalence in the focus groups about Auckland as a destination. “People come to Auckland for a shopping trip or to see family, but you are stranded if you have no car,” they said, returning to the fraught issue of transportation and lack of city connectivity. This has also been criticized by international urban designer Jan Gehl in his report card to Auckland Council which was reported thus:19

“Significant work and effort is required for Auckland to lift the bar,” said the report to the council’s city development committee.

A main emphasis was on removing street “clutter” which was called fundamental urban design strategy and closely aligned to the goals of making Auckland a more human, connected and beautiful city. Recent transport plans had very good, wellformulated intentions and principles but they needed to have a 58

greater focus on the pedestrian environment and less on private vehicle capacity. The key challenge in Auckland is a change of mindset.”

They did not identify with Auckland and spoke of a disconnection with the city. While they acknowledged that identity is about place and they enjoyed living in Auckland: ”It doesn’t define me as identity. I do not feel like ‘an Aucklander’ and do not think about staying here forever. I need to experience other places.”

They implied that Auckland was a stepping off place for the rest of the world for New Zealanders. “A lot of people pass through here. It is a collection of people.”

Their conclusion on branding was that Auckland was a city of harbours and should not be promoted as a City of Sails.The Auckland marketer [19] disagreed with criticism of the strap line City of Sails and spoke of the need to tell the story of the sailing waka coming to Auckland harbours from Polynesia 1000 years ago. He said the story is of the three harbours, of trading and commerce. This resonates with Stone’s20 argument that Auckland, as opposed to a number of other colonial cities which were developed by those with religious or ideological intent, was established by entrepreneurs for entrepreneurs, so has always taken a commercial and global approach to competition.

However, he noted that the City of Sails strap line is no longer used by Auckland Tourism - there is no strap line for Auckland.

Instead he said that it was a matter of “getting the right story about what we do”, and about the harbour and imagery and of vistas. “Histories and stories are unique for a city and need to be told by the authentic story tellers, he said”. The story must be credible.

The marketer seemed to agree that there was some ambivalence about Auckland assets. “The Rugby World Cup was the tipping point,” he said. “People discovered that Auckland was not so bad and Auckland residents are now starting to tell their own stories.” Visitors, he said, come for a reason other than leisure now - for events, and his aim was to encourage visitors to stay longer. He noted theatre galleries and entertainment as well as the multiculturalism and variety of services: assets that do not align so well with the 100% Pure New Zealand marketing campaign. His campaign instead is, ‘The show never stops’ and the show, he said, was the volcano in the ocean, bush, dolphins, a beach at sunset or a visit to an island and wine appreciation, as well as events at night. He agreed that each city in New Zealand competed for the same weekend travel market. For business attraction though he thought that the Auckland lifestyle was the point of difference for the city, together with the views of beach and sea which he saw as ‘so much more appealing.’

DISCUSSION

How does a city attract the hearts and minds of business, residents and visitors when the multiple resources of a city are not only complex, but also rather similar to many other cities? In addition how does this sit with the successful national tourism campaign of 100% Pure New Zealand, which has been so successful but emphasises the natural, and appears to exclude cities? This is the tension that a marketer faces in trying to identify the points of difference about their cities. While

the Auckland marketer thought they were fifteen years behind Wellington marketing in capturing the essence of Auckland, he may have been unnecessarily critical of Auckland’s marketing success as Auckland has only been amalgamated into one large city less than 2 years. The marketer noted that Auckland is now 70% rural and parkland, and so he needed to demonstrate how Auckland Tourism also benefitted those living in the rural areas.

The recent city amalgamations may have affected local residents’ views of the city too, although the marketer also spoke of Auckland as a young city, needing to mature. Referring to the tension between city marketing and the 100% Pure New Zealand brand, the Auckland marketer commented that while this had strongly positioned New Zealand, the challenge was now to convey the message that New Zealand is more than mountains, sheep and hobbits and there is a level of sophistication in Auckland and other centres which can provide for a variety of services. He also thought that New Zealand ‘needed an urban component to the message.’ Auckland needed to develop quality urban architecture and culture. The residents agreed and would also have it that Auckland needs to address infrastructure as a prime issue.

Auckland Tourism appreciated that the landscape and experience of it was important in attracting people (or keeping them), even though the landscape or cultural assets may not have been explicitly referenced in marketing. He asserted that the stories must be told by others and must have authenticity to attract people, be they businesses, domestic or international visitors, or future residents.

Writing last notes to this paper on a sparkling sunny day, while watching a cruising waka scrammed with tourists sail against the tide up the harbour, and observing the wharf below my inner city apartment packed with yesterday’s imports of cars, I can see the tension between celebrating and enhancing cultural diversity and city sustainability; and responding to transportation and commercial demands. I can understand the tension between promoting the natural landscape and competing in markets which are thousands of kilometres away. I recall that my great, great grandfather milled the forests of Henderson and Swanson before he and other successful Auckland businessmen, adopted wiser management, philanthropy and respect for Māori culture as important issues later in life. Even though Auckland has been a home to local people for 1000 years, is still young and brash.

Quality urban living and landscape are often given little priority in a city which has cultural and environmental assets but a focus on entrepreneurship.

cultural and the particular assets of a city must be distinguished to provide what marketers term the point of difference.

Residents of Auckland, including the first arrivals, Māori, recognise the volcanic field, the three harbours, the moderate climate and the natural qualities of beaches and landscapes as features which draw people to Auckland, and in many cases keep them there. These distinctive assets have special values to them and are a basis for their identity and their sense of place.

These qualities also align with tourism marketing of ‘clean and green’ and 100% Pure New Zealand, even though many areas of Auckland have infrastructure issues and development which is in no way distinctive or valued.

Auckland Tourism accepted that the complexity of a city’s assets cannot be described in a few words and the particular character of their city needed to be somehow captured and told by the stories of others. This would then have authenticity, and credibility. Focus groups of Auckland residents held similar opinions on a number of aspects to those in marketing and the strong message that needed to conveyed was, as a resident said, ‘About the feeling of the place.’

This pilot project provided some insights but continued investigation as already is regularly undertaken by Auckland Tourism will benefit the city residents and visitors as it ‘grows together’ and enhances its landscape and cultural assets in the future. Only then are the stories likely to carry the authority of integrity and authenticity.

CONCLUSION

The natural and intertwined cultural landscape assets of a place attract people, and have done so over many, many, centuries: be it river, harbour, pleasant and productive climate, fertility, or the intangible and sacred. As cities prosper they may then compete with others close by or further away for trade and growth and the competition can benefit all the cities, or draw populations from places perceived to be less favoured. On a global scale many cities have similar assets, be they economic, environmental or

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ENERGY EXCHANGE WORDS Nick Sisam & Pete Griffiths Nick Sisam, 4th year BLA Student, Unitec Pete Griffiths, MLA, BLA, Programme Leader at Unitec IMAGES Nick Sisam refer to page 125 for references

ABSTRACT With increased growth predicted for Auckland, there comes an increase in the energy required to run the city. Auckland is already the country’s largest user of electricity. Sustainable hydro electricity generation in NZ is vulnerable to weather fluctuations and the use of fossil fuel based generation is untenable for the future. As a landscape architect this problem opens up areas for research and has the seeds of potential for the combination of open space design and efficient energy use. For example... What if renewable energy technologies could help us to plan cities, suburbs and open space? What if these technologies could be localised within regions? This paper will explore possibilities around using renewable energy technologies as tools to help plan for growth. A specific case study on Waiheke Island in Auckland will be used to test these ideas.

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s urban populations continue to expand within New Zealand, the need to locate generation points closer to populations will increase in order to take advantage of a diversified range of sources, and will raise the visibility of electricity generation. Locating generation closer to the communities that will be using them also helps to decrease the loss of energy transmitted over longer distances. The Draft Auckland Energy Resilience and Low Carbon Action Plan within The Auckland Plan highlights that over the next 25 years, global energy consumption is predicted to increase by around 33%, with Auckland’s projected energy use within this timeframe to increase by a staggering 65% (The Auckland Plan, 2012).

Addressing this situation, Auckland Council has proposed initiatives, including developing renewable generation, uptake of small-scale distributed generation, widespread adoption of lowcarbon technologies, and applying precinct and district scale approaches to optimise renewable energy generation and smart grid networks (The Auckland Plan, 2012).

RATIONALE - GLOBAL CONTEXT

Energy-related carbon dioxide emissions produced through the use of liquid fuels, coal, and natural gas were responsible for approximately 35% of total anthropogenic (caused or produced by humans) greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in 2010. GHG emissions grew more rapidly between 2001 and 2010 than in the previous decade, despite the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol both aiming to reduce emissions. The primary contributor to this was a higher energy demand associated with rapid economic growth and an increase of the share of coal in the global fuel equation.

(Energy Systems, 2014) Since the industrial revolution, around 500 gigatons of carbon has been released though the combustion of fossil fuels. A growing global consensus is that even a temperature rise of 2 degrees could have a severe impact on humanity ranging from severe weather events through to an impact on global food production. (Clark, 2013) In order to have even an estimated 66% chance of halting a global temperature rise above 2 degrees from the late 1880s, the world can only emit around a further 300 gigatons of carbon. Around 10-11 gigatons are released each year currently, which suggests there is a window of opportunity of less than 30 years before the 800 gigaton limit is breached. (Clark, 2013) The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change reported that if mitigation policies were not present, energy-related carbon dioxide emissions were expected to continue to increase, with fossil fuel and industrial emissions reaching 55-70 gigatons of carbon (GtCO2) by 2050. This corresponds to an increase of 80%-130% compared to emissions of about 30 GtCO2 in 2010.

A fundamental change in the energy supply system is required in order to stabilize greenhouse gas (GHG) concentrations at lower

levels, and as energy production is the primary driver of these emissions, it is in this sector that major changes need to be made.

(Climate Change 2014: Mitigation of Climate Change, 2014) Many environmental groups, businesses and governments around the world have highlighted the cost effectiveness and relative speed in which forest-based carbon offsets can be implemented. Forest ecosystems store more carbon than the atmosphere, and eroding these ecosystems through deforestation adds approximately 20% to the atmospheric buildup of greenhouse emissions from the use of fossil fuels. As a result of this, attempts to incorporate sequestration of carbon in forests through reforestation and improved forest management has become part of many emissions trading initiatives.

Although carbon sequestration will play an important role in the future, not only for the purpose of the reduction of emissions released into the atmosphere, but also to halt the loss of forest ecosystems, this is not a viable solution unless other major changes are made in the consumption of fossil fuels and the way in which power is generated.

An example of this is the surface area required to continuously offset the anthropogenic CO2 emissions of the world through reforestation. This study was for 2006 CO2 emissions, which have since increased. Each country has been given a box that represents the surface area that would be required if that country planted new trees to offset its total CO2 emissions for the year.

For 2006, 28.4 billion tons of CO2 were emitted, and to offset this would require 22.8 million km2 of new trees. (Surface Area Required to Offset Anthropogenic Carbon Dioxide Emissions

by Reforestation Alone, 2009)

RATIONALE - NEW ZEALAND CONTEXT

In 2012 42,900 GWh of electricity was generated in New Zealand (Energy in New Zealand, 2013), primarily through the 5 major generating companies, which provided 92% of New Zealand’s electricity generation (Energy in New Zealand, 2013).

Hydro generation accounted for 53% of generation, a decrease from 58% in 2011 as a result of low rainfall, which correspondingly saw an increase in gas and coal generation to compensate. As a result of this, the share of generation from renewable sources in New Zealand fell from 77% in 2011 to 73% in 2012.

Because New Zealand’s hydro lakes have a limited storage capacity, the total national storage is only adequate for around six weeks generation (The New Zealand Energy Sector, 2011). This means that our primary form of electricity generation is highly sensitive to the level of inflows from rainfall and snowmelt. Lower levels of rainfall or drought conditions can have a major impact on the energy security of New Zealand, and require the use of non-renewable sources to cover any shortfall in generation. The majority of hydro generation occurs in the lower South Island,

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Cubes. Cube forms comprised of solar panels are drawn from the idea of the low lying ventilation structures that emerge from the land throughout the site which served the gun emplacements constructed during World War Two, and also in reference to the scattered boulders that surround Stony Batter as a result of a volcanic eruption over 7 million years ago. A series of cubes have been laid out in the landscape to capture solar energy. The cubes serve as markers, which frame views and create a disrupted sense of scale in the landscape. Approaching the cubes from afar they appear to be nestled into the landscape, however whilst amongst them the cubes become significant structures providing shade, shelter, directing light for a range of ecosystems.

with most of the demand for electricity located in the North Island, primarily in Auckland, which results in large amounts of electricity being transmitted over long distances.

Other sources of renewable energy in New Zealand include geothermal, wind, and bioenergy (mainly through woody biomass consumed at a number of cogeneration plants located at wood processing factories as well as biogas created from digesting waste at wastewater treatment plants and landfills).

Fossil fuel generation remains an important part of the New Zealand electricity mix by providing base-load, backup and peak supply. There was an increase in gas and coal generation in 2012 as a result of lower rainfall, and coal generation increased from 2026 GWh to 3317 GWh, which was the highest since 2008 (Energy in New Zealand, 2013).

New Zealand’s dominant source of generation, hydrogeneration, will be constrained in the future due to availability of suitable sites, competing demands for water resources, environmental impacts, as well as community concerns over loss of amenity values (The New Zealand Energy Sector, 2011). The need to diversify electricity generation and integrate it within expanding populations in order to increase generation and supply security in a sustainable way will involve both a move away from a reliance on large-scale utilities and distribution that is vulnerable to disruptions, but also addressing the aesthetic value of these generation points.

The ‘not in my backyard’ statement that is often evoked by communities highlights that many people have a negative view of the traditional forms of power generation, as well as emerging generation forms such as wind power. Communities generally are positive about renewable forms of power generation, as long as they do not have to see these points of generation, the ‘not in my backyard’ approach. Addressing the form of 62

electricity generation and the aesthetic value of future projects will be essential in allowing distributed forms of generation to be integrated into communities in a way that does not create resistance that could result in projects not being implemented, and instead engages with communities around the points of generation.

The 2006 Auckland blackout saw 1000 megawatts of supply lost (“Transpower Announces Reports on Auckland Power Outage in June; Recommends Building New Line by 2011”, 2006) when close to 2000 megawatts would normally be used, which resulted in an estimated 700,000 people being affected.

Suburban commuter railway services were suspended, 300 groups of traffics lights were off, some hospitals were forced to close and left only emergency services in operation, and mobile phone and telephone service failures occurred, resulting in an estimated loss of $70 million in gross domestic product (“Power Restored to Auckland After Blackout”, 2006).

A corroded shackle connecting the Otahuhu to Penrose 220 kV line’s earth wire had been dislodged in 90km/h winds, allowing the earth wire to fall across the 220 kV line and the 110 kV busbar below, which knocked out supply to other substations. Once this occurred only one line was left in operation, the now dismantled Arapuni to Pakuranga 110 kV line, which was overloaded after 8 seconds. Subsequent investigation highlighted maintenance failures of the transmission system, as well as both major and minor design deficiencies in the Otahuhu substation.

Transpower’s Chris Roberts was quoted as saying that “these sort of incidents are probably going to occur once every 50 years” (“Power Restored to Auckland After Blackout”, 2006) and that the incident occurred at the worst possible spot. However the 1998 Auckland power crisis (a five-week-long power outage) that affected the downtown Auckland area illustrates that the potential for mass power outages is not as rare as often cited.

Wind Stalks. A plantation of kinetic energy generating wind stalks punctures the landscape at a site on the walking track that historically served as the living area for soldiers and construction workers who created the ventilation shafts and gun emplacements on the island. The inspiration for the wind stalks was derived from large stands of Nikau trees that are visible in the surrounding vegetation, which created a strong sense of the vertical. The number of stalks corresponds to the number of soldiers and workers that were based here. The intervention sways in the wind generating kinetic energy, which references the movement of people that occurred over the area and acts as an entrance to the gun battery area.

Both examples illustrate potential supply vulnerabilities to consumers that are reliant on a large-scale distribution grid where unforeseen faults or overloading could occur. Similar vulnerabilities exist within this form of power supply if problems occur at the major points of generation, ranging from anything such as a lack of available fuel source through to a software glitch.

GERMAN RENEWABLES

Germany has doubled the renewable share of its total electricity consumption in the past 6 years to 25% in 2012, with forecasts pointing to it nearly doubling again by 2025, which is ahead of its own target of 50% by 2030 (Germany’s Renewable Revolution, 2013).

After the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster, the German parliament voted to close eight of the country’s nuclear plants immediately and the other nine by 2022, even though skeptics warned that removing 41% of nuclear energy output would have a disastrous affect on the economy, would cause widespread power outages, and would force the country to import power from foreign countries such as France. (Germany’s Renewable Revolution, 2013) By the end of 2011 the German economy had grown by 3%, with a renewable energy industry that employed 382,000 people (Germany’s Renewable Revolution, 2013), as Germany committed its resources to employing German manufacturers, engineers and installers, rather than bringing in natural gas from Russia’s Gazprom as some had suggested.

Renewable output has risen by one-third in the last three years, and Germany’s mix of solar, wind, biomass, and hydro (amongst others) has meant that renewable generation capacity rivals the 82GW peak demand, with Germany rapidly becoming one of the world’s most energy-efficient countries through a drive

towards renewable energy generation, smart-grid development, and consumption efficiency increases.

Although German renewable energy only accounted for 25% of electricity produced in 2012 as opposed to New Zealand’s 73%, it has seen an increase from 6.3% to 25% since 2000 (“Crossing the 20 Percent Mark, 2012), highlighting a rapid uptake of renewable energy. Germany is also focusing on diversifying its sources of renewable energy to ensure that it maximizes available resources and is not overly reliant on one form of generation that may threaten electricity supply security. This is in contrast to the New Zealand electricity market that is highly dependent on hydro generation that is susceptible to the available inflows, which resulted in a decrease of generation from 2011-2012 and forced the use of non-renewable fuels to cover the shortfall.

COMMUNITY RELUCTANCE AND CHANGING NEEDS

Public resistance to traditional wind and solar installations in their communities often leads to a negative perception of these technologies. To many people the addition of turbines to the skyline and solar strips on the landscape could be a form of visual pollution.

A move towards a renewable energy future requires a realisation that there is a difference between the old and new forms of energy production and the change to the built manifestations that consequently follow.

There will be an increase in the integration of energy production within the fabric of our communities, both commercial and residential. The need for large-scale exurban generation will not be entirely lost, but will necessarily be augmented by micro generation as well. Macro-energy installations in the landscape should integrate with their surroundings both visually and environmentally. Micro installations should integrate with the fabric of the urban community.

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Canopy. Integral to areas along the walking tracks are groves of trees, which create thick canopies. An intervention that mimicked the canopy of the vegetation stands was developed. This intervention creates a sense of the organic and utilises a thin film organic photovoltaic cell. This has an advantage over other silicon type cells as it means that it can be easily fabricated into flexible shapes and adhered to fabrics, as well as functioning well under low light levels and at non-perpendicular angles, as well as being semi-translucent. The vegetation stands have many small, hidden areas throughout the site. These were used to develop a sense of enclosure and removed from the openness and large landscapes of the rest of the site.

“Just as buildings and public art and land art exist as interventions in the fabric of the environment, so must power generation construction from our green fields to our suburbs to our downtowns react responsibly to their role as permanent additions to our shared experience.” (Monoian & Ferry, 2010)

THE PROJECT – A SERIES OF INTERVENTIONS

Techniques borrowed from land art, environmental art, and the notion of place have been utilised in order to attempt to situate energy producing installations into a walking track developed along the Eastern (currently unpopulated) side of Waiheke Island. The overall combination of the track and the interventions attempt to key into the Waiheke Island local board priorities of “protecting and enhancing the environment, building the local economy, improving physical infrastructure, building a strong sense of community, protecting and enhancing character, and developing arts and culture.

Waiheke Island was selected as a site from within Auckland as islands are geographically disconnected from the grid. Islands are also traditionally places where accelerated and unique evolution occurs. In addition to this, Waiheke Island has greater than average sunshine hours and higher than average wind speeds compared to the rest of Auckland. These factors lend themselves to the integration of renewable energy technologies in the form of wind and solar installations, and provide an opportunity to explore how these technologies can be utilised in a site-specific way.

The western side of the island is already developed, containing the main concentration of the Waiheke population, as well as being a popular destination for tourists during the summer months. This side of the island as a result has the most developed infrastructure, in terms of roading, recreational activities, established walking tracks, and artistic and cultural activities.

The potential to expand and diversify to the eastern side of the island in terms of all of these aspects exists, as the eastern side is highly undeveloped currently, but has significant natural and 64

historical elements that could be harnessed for the benefit of Waiheke’s resident population as well as tourist industry.

The investigation explores the potentials of the following four energy-generating options: solar, kinetic, photocell and wind, shown in the above Cube, Wind Stalk, Canpoy and Turbine Peak interventions.

These interventions are based on techniques drawn from the practice of land art, environmental art, and eco art. Artists may create artworks directly in the landscape, utilising their natural surroundings and integrating the landscape itself into their work. These movements also have the power to address local and global environmental issues, exploring a variety of intentions and ideas, which include environmental ethics, information about ecological systems and the use of natural forms and materials. They help to reclaim, restore or remediate damaged environments and propose new models for sustainability. “A particular place can inspire…or otherwise inform an art piece.

Allowing for public response or interaction relates to the idea of space, in that a new space can be created through an artist’s intervention: the existing site can be changed and a new space created.” (Parent, 2007) The aim of the walking track is to develop areas that are derived from and influenced by the site and that allow for human interaction and reaction.

CONCLUSION

The potential benefit to households on Waiheke varies depending on the level of energy efficiency of each house, as well as the nature of Waiheke having a large number of holiday homes that are not permanently occupied. The average energy use of a house in New Zealand is 8000 kWh per year. Based on this level the interventions have a potential to power an estimated 692 houses.

On the lower range of energy consumption is a ‘passive house’, which consumes around 1/3 of the energy an average house,

Turbine Peak. Low lying wind turbines are located at the highest point on the island, where wind resource is at its greatest. Groupings of vertical axis wind turbines were placed low to the ground. These structures seem to emerge from the peak creating the opportunity for people to move over and around the enclosed turbines, as opposed to observing them from afar. The turbines are enveloped by vegetation and become part of the landscape. The housing around the turbines is based on wind tunnel design, to help amplify the wind directed towards the turbines.

and would mean that 2132 houses could be powered. Within this spectrum is a varying degree of energy efficiency amongst houses, which has the potential to increase the number of houses that the interventions could service.

The landscape of the eastern island is both imposing and intimate, with manifold layers of natural beauty and human interventions.

The development of a track network, and indeed multiple interventions along the track, was not originally envisaged, but evolved from the reflection upon these layers of the surrounding landscape, and a realisation that a single intervention would struggle to capture the essence of this landscape. Through this reflection, a way to conceptualise and then create a track of varied yet related interventions emerged, which on one hand stand apart, and on the other are ‘of ’ the landscape. The aim of the walking track was to develop areas that are derived from, and influenced by the site and that allow for human interaction and reaction. The western side of the island already has a developed network of walkways due to steady development over previous decades, but a desire from local residents as well as visitors is to ensure that connections are made to the eastern side of the island. Could the addition of a new track on the eastern side of the island that follows a similar formula to existing western-side tracks be a driver for this connection to be made on its own? Or could a network that reflects the uniqueness of the surrounding landscape in a form that is not present on Waiheke be the impetus for this cross-island connection and social landscape creation?

“Throughout history, the environment has undergone continuous design reinterpretations in response to shifting technologies and cultural standards…the renewable energy revolution will also have a resounding influence on public space and landscapes in the coming decades” (Monoian & Ferry, 2014). As technologies change and evolve, the opportunity to reimagine the use of renewable energy technologies evolves with

it, and an opportunity presents itself to alter societies perceptions of energy generation and technology.

The technologies associated with renewable energy currently are derived almost entirely from an engineering perspective, with energy efficiency being the principal driver. While this efficiency will always be of concern, it has so far failed to capture societies imagination, and has for the most part resulted in power generation remaining out of sight of the public. As the project evolved, a shift occurred from one that sighted conventionally recognisable technology in the landscape with associated attempts to ‘soften’ their impacts, to one that embraced the need to engage people’s imagination. Could the interventions be nested within the landscape in a way that accentuated their ‘otherness’ as a productive object, yet were still objects that fitted within the landscape and engaged with people? Landscape architecture has the potential to step outside of the traditional role of providing visual impact assessments for sites of generation, and instead engage in a collaborative process that allows for a design aesthetic to become part of future projects and break away from generative applications of power generation.

These interventions are based on techniques drawn from the practice of land art, environmental art, and eco art. Artists may create artworks directly in the landscape, utilising their natural surroundings and integrating the landscape itself into their work. This in combination with landscape architecture has the potential to enlighten people about a broad range of social and environmental issues in a world that puts a high emphasis on design. This series of interventions highlights the need to bridge the gap between a desire for a renewable energy future and the community level negative reaction to the application of these technologies, and highlights that “a fusion should occur between the necessary cultural function that art objects fulfill and their potential to serve as functional commodities.” (Monoian & Ferry, 2010)

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On a larger scale the project attempts to address the local board priorities by potentially increasing economic activity through increased visitor numbers, as well as the creation of a walking track network. Currently there is no public transport to the eastern side of the island; so private vehicle access is required.

The local board has expressed a need for a “series of linking, cross-island routes for smaller buses.” (Waiheke Local Board Plan, 2011) The interventions also address many of the priorities of the Waiheke Local Board. Four of their key priorities are centred around building the local economy, improving physical infrastructure, building a strong community and a focus on arts and culture. While a generic engineering focused approach to power generation for the island would have contributed in some ways to these priorities, it is the through the lens of landscape architecture and an aesthetic concern that the priorities can be more fully addressed. The interventions have the potential to increase the local economy through increased visitor numbers to the island, as well as potential employment opportunities in construction and maintenance. The goal of creating cross-island routes could be fully realised with connections being made to the site from within Waiheke and points of access to the island that are served by the ferries. The objective of creating a strong community through the support of a network of arts and culture, educational and recreational opportunities on the island will be amplified through the interventions as a unique addition to the existing uniqueness of the Waiheke culture. Waiheke already has a profile as a unique location for arts and culture within Auckland, and by fusing art and renewable energy into a new design aesthetic can create a new experience for both the local residents and visitors as well as raising the islands art profile.

Outside of Waiheke the techniques developed throughout the investigation are transferable to virtually any site. The fundamentals of allowing the surrounding environment guide the development of future interventions allows for a virtually

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unlimited possibility of future designs based not only the uniqueness of whatever landscape they are situated in, but also the uniqueness of an individuals experiences and perceptions of these landscapes when it comes to the crossroads of intervention and imagination. The development of new technologies, as well as how these technologies can be employed will continually modify how design aesthetics can be adopted to greater engage with the communities that power generation is situated in, and could perhaps even strengthen the interconnectedness of human activity with the landscape. Landscape architects are uniquely positioned to help lead this adaptation in power generation and aesthetics as “landscape architecture’s public face has a very important role to play, with every edifice signifying its purpose and declaring its personality, its regard for the public realm, and its relationship to human activities.” (Monoian & Ferry, 2010) Multi-layered benefits of combining the functional and aesthetic into a new form to capture the imagination of societies include city beautification, education, a healthier environment, economic development and innovation, as well as addressing the overall issue of power generation. These interventions could in future contribute to the energy security of both urban and rural environments through the development of sustainable distributed energy. In much the same way that art has the power to be “participatory, objective, decorative, conceptual, interactive, reflective (or) celebratory” (Monoian & Ferry, 2010), so to does power generation that responds to its surroundings and the community that it serves. Landscape architects are increasingly working within a collaborative world that brings together multifaceted industries in response to design situations.

Landscape architecture as a profession can use this experience and design sensibility to contribute to the development of sustainable energy generation, as the profession recognises that “a particular place can inspire… allowing for public response or interaction (and) the existing site can be changed and a new space created.” (Parent, 2007).

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CHANGE MAKERS WORDS Den Aitken Landscape Architect, Specialist Urban Design Built Environment Unit, Auckland Council IMAGES Louise Hyatt, Grant Apiata & Adrian Sampson

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he Auckland urban landscape has seen a considerable shift in the last ten years. From a paradigm that saw exchange defined as a giving up of one thing for another e.g. people or cars, to a definition more resembling reciprocity or interchange e.g. people + cars. For its greater history Auckland has developed its urban realm with a focus on vehicle movement, visibly at the expense of the pedestrian experience. A stroll through lower downtown however will quickly reveal the recent explosion of pedestrian friendly streets across the central city, championed for decades by innovative thinkers such as Danish Architect and Urban Designer, Jan Gehl.

The waterfront too has undergone remarkable transformation, shifting from a largely private realm to an inclusively public realm, connecting residents and visitors alike with the Waitemata Harbour, arguably the city’s greatest natural asset. Culture and heritage values too have been celebrated on a national and international stage, including the recently completed Auckland Art Gallery - winner of 2013 World Building of the Year - a victory for champions of heritage in the city.

In the shift towards a higher quality public realm, Gehl, among many others, has been a pivotal agent for change, upending vehicle dominated spaces, brick by brick, and questioning the global love affair with the motor car. His interpretation of a people led city has challenged city leaders, theorists, industry, and most importantly residents, to rethink the priorities of urban development and exchange one idea for another.

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Exchanging ideas is arguably one of the most effective tools for initiating urban change and a transformative component for generating the social momentum needed to implement change.

Cities are complex things and urban living environments, perhaps more than any other, are magnets for exchange. The exchange of social capital and personal values builds connections, beneficial for both economic sustainability and urban wellbeing.

The streets, parks, markets, banks, playgrounds and eateries are the places where people meet, talk, socialise and exchange these ideas, influencing the planning, culture and behaviour of the city.

Take for example the city of Copenhagen, where the pedestrian, and specifically the bicycle, is king. Like many cities in Denmark, the popularity of cycling in Copenhagen is perhaps higher than any other place in the world. But pre 1970 Copenhagen was suffering the same fate as many cities strangled by motor vehicles.

A shift in thinking however, coupled with an escalating energy crisis, saw cycling championed back into mainstream social consciousness by groups of likeminded people who questioned the sustainable development of their city and collectively challenged designers and city leaders to exchange a vehicle led design methodology for pedestrian led. This shift ultimately empowered the city to withstand the common global planning trend of the time, turning its back on vehicle dominated design and instead incorporating bicycle infrastructure into the city fabric, resulting in what is globally regarded today as one of the most pedestrian friendly cities in the world.

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Alternatively, and at the far right hand end of the spectrum, are cities like Johannesburg, South Africa, whose current urban form is still heavily influenced by the 1948 to 1994 Apartheid Era - a historic movement of racial segregation. Often viewed as a largely political construct, and while certainly not supported by all, the form of the city reflected a widely accepted culture of racial discrimination associated with the era.

While these two cities are perhaps polar opposites in their methodologies for urban planning, the actions needed to achieve either outcome, positive or negative, lay in social momentum - that is the ideas and adopted values of the larger societal population. Both Copenhagen’s shift to a pedestrian city, and ultimately Johannesburg’s shift to abolish apartheid, was a direct reflection of a shift in social momentum, informed by an exchange of ideas and accepted values.

Important to this conversation too is the role of the change makers and social innovators responsible for sparking difference - the people leading the charge, educating and challenging the at times very ingrained thinking of society. Like the champions of equality celebrated by the Pioneer Women’s and Ellen Melville Hall in Freyberg Square or the Suffrage Memorial at Khartoum Place - a symbolic marker of New Zealand as the first nation in the world to give women the right to vote. Or the champions of community values, such as neighbourhood groups fighting for equality in living standards, or those who work to abolish family

violence and child poverty. Or the faces of alternative education like Sarah Longbottom, Founder and Creative Director of the Nga Rangatahi Toa Creative Arts Initiative; a non-profit arts-mentoring and transition program that champion the fundamental educational rights of marginalised rangatahi excluded from mainstream education. Sarah’s lack of acceptance in the traditional methodologies applied to alternative education, coupled with more than a decades experience in education, has been fundamental to the development of pedagogical leadership in alternative education. Under Sarah’s leadership, 100 per cent of the youth who become involved in Nga Rangatahi Toa programs transition into further study and make significant life changes. While social values are not as readily visible across the landscape as renewed streets or architecture, they have a direct relationship to the choices people make and the values they adopt with corresponding implications to the function and form of the city.

Take for example commercial enterprises whose business model embraces an ethical stance such as Coco’s Cantina on K’Road.

Owned and operated by sisters Renee and Damaris Coulter, they combine their love of good food with their love of good people and use the success of the eatery as a platform for promoting resilient communities - regularly cooking for groups of prostitutes who work K’Rd, making their premises available for NGO sessions, hosting community garage sales and taking pride in “being a nice place for nice people”. This type of model is

contributing to a change in the perceptions and prejudices long associated with K’rd and generating a community of business owners and patrons who are making conscious decisions about how they choose to live in the city.

Like many cities across the globe, Auckland’s urban landscape will need to continue to address the needs of a changing social climate. As the world continues its migration towards urban living the need to adapt to urban issues such as land use, sustainable economic growth, equality and social wellness, will continue to drive an exchange in the thoughts and actions of everyday people – change makers who will collectively influence the behaviour and momentum of the city from within.

For more information on the Nga Rangatahi Toa Creative Arts Initiative see http://www.ngarangatahitoa.co.nz/ or for volunteer information contact kristina@ngarangatahitoa.co.nz

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SUBSIDY JASMAX Mark Craven, Rowan Turkington, Laura Cooke, Hayden Grindell, Raphaela Rose

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he rising sea levels associated with climate change will have the largest effect on the nations of this world least equipped to handle such a problem. The sea levels are predicted to rise anywhere from 3002000mm by 2100 . The Marshal Islands, in the Pacific Ocean, are an assortment of inhabited and uninhabited islands and atolls, with an average height above sea level of 2000mm.

The estimated 64,000 inhabitants of the Marshal Islands have a finite future on their islands, as most will be uninhabitable by the end of the century. Though limited in usable land, the nation does have a large expanse of ocean under their jurisdiction.

The Typhoon Nuclear Submarine, remnant of the cold war, would initially collect and store the information and nature of the islands, while they still exist, or as they are poised to be lost.

The Sub would then become the centre of government and point of control for the national waters. There is money to be gained in controlling the national waters, money that could assist those displaced.

The Nation of the Marshall Islands has a tumultuous history with nuclear weaponry. Between 1946 and 1958 the Northern Islands and Atolls were used as a nuclear test bed for the US. These tests displaced many peoples and the subsequent nuclear fallout destroyed much of the nations meagre usable land.

There is something hauntingly beautiful about a device that destroyed so much being implemented to prolong the nation of the Marshall Islands and its cultures.

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Programmatically the submarine design is split into three, a submarine base housing the culture, a tower encompassing the living, working administrative aspects, and the deck surface of the sub being used for recreation and cultivation. The culture is retained and on continual display through the collection of artefacts and data, and preservation of native flora and fauna.

As the active nuclear reactor in the stern is unfit for human occupation, it will act as a visual greenhouse displaying the natural ecology that survived previous nuclear contamination.

The bow houses the artefacts and oceanographic research facilities. The base of the tower is a cultural hub blurring into the domestic core above, with the administrative and governing functions being housed at the apex. The framework of the tower anticipates future growth, with the ability to add levels and

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programmes as required. The deck of the sub acts as a conduit between the built forms (sub and tower) and the landscape/ seascape surrounding it. The design proposes manipulating the external skin of the sub to house areas of cultivation, recreation and walkways. These impositions would extend into the sub at key areas bringing the outside in and vice versa.

There is a rich juxtaposition within the design. Initially what is proposed is a somewhat clean deserted sub containing a diluted internal programme, however there exists an active nation outside it. As time progresses the sub becomes more and more utilised and part of the landscape/ seascape while the physical nation is eaten away by the sea.

In time the sub could become a convoluted tourist attraction , but this is not a focus or main purpose of the design. Rather the project aims to encapsulate what will be lost and extend what exists into a time capsule of culture ecology and information.

The typhoon class sub does not solve the problem of climate change or of displaced peoples, rather it creates a saturated focal point for an eroding ecology and society, a way to artificially extend the life of a nation. The typhoon class submersible is a harbinger for climate change.

ACTIVE SUB = EMPTY NATION EMPTY SUB = ACTIVE NATION

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CHAMPAGNE WORDS & IMAGES Steffan Kraberger Wood L.A

Steffan is an up and coming Landscape Architect that has set up firm the WOOD L.A ltd in Christchurch after having worked in Paris since graduating from Victoria University. Carrying the ethos of trans disciplinary and highly site responsive design, WOOD L.A is currently involved in both large and small-scale projects across the Canterbury region.

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The brief was approached with the added constraint of appropriating the bar not only to the large tourist user base, but also to the Parisians.

This brings about a typical, but in this case very well defined issue of identification, as these areas of the Seine are already used for socializing by the famously traditionalist Parisian public.

The design intent was set towards creating a system that could arrive at an adaptable and interchangeable arrangement of space and development.

This started with a grid that spread right across the site, with the node points as insertion holes for an array of functional pillars. Across this framework any theme or functional plan can be overlaid, opening up the opportunity for user influence upon the space, which eventually lead to the implementation of the Champagne Bar. Using the seven ‘weights’ of champagne (Extra Brut through to Doux) as a starting point for defining the layout, a spectrum of different spatial intensities could be related to functional pillars, using ‘spatial radar maps’. This same method could be reflected into data drawn from user desires and expectations of the space. These spatial categories were then adapted to the site, with intensities developed and grounded into the program requirements of the champagne bar.

This varied approach to concept generation eventuated in a high degree of designing, and in this case a broad professional team of Landscape Architecture, Architecture and Environmental engineering which notably streamlined and refined this process.

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ST ANDREW SQUARE EDINBURGH, UK 2009 Gillespies with Parsons Brinckerhoff, Gardiner & Theobald and Dewhurst Macfarlane

Gillespies, in their design for St Andrew Square in Edinburgh, look to explore how exchange can reactivate history, culture and monument. Recognisng the importance of visual connection to the history of a city. Reflecting the past upon new design.

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or the first time in its 200 year history, St Andrew Square in Edinburgh opened to the public following a new landscape design by Gillespies.

Situated in central Edinburgh in the heart of a UNESCO world heritage site, the design retains the integrity of the historic square but also balances this with new elements to accommodate contemporary usage patterns. The design provides a generous and elegant central open space with its focus being the Melville Monument. The layout recognises the importance of this column in reinstating the visual connection between some of Edinburgh’s main shopping streets. A reflective pool is framed by waterside planting which provides a changing display of colour and texture.

The project has successfully delivered a contemporary space into a historic context. A previously private and underused garden is now open to the public. The small Café Pavilion set in one corner of the garden reinforces the square’s status as a destination in its own right.

By working closely with clients including the City of Edinburgh Council and Scottish Enterprise, Gillespies has demonstrated that even in the most sensitive of environments – a conservation area and world heritage site – a modern and fresh design can be achieved.

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RANDWICK PARK REJUVENATING COMMUNITY INVESTMENT Travis Wooller and Matt Jones Isthmus

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andwick Park is a 1970s suburban development on the periphery of Auckland. Although part of Manurewa, it is divorced from it by the Southern Motorway.

Consequentially and possibly by oversight Randwick Park from the outset was devoid of a designated area which could be described as its heart, though a community building did for many years partly fulfil this role.

In 2008 the murder of a local liquor store owner by outsiders brought a wave of negative publicity which many felt was not a true reflection of reality in this multicultural community. As part of a community driven initiative for positive change in the area, the Local Board and Auckland Council got behind the redevelopment of Randwick Park as part of Auckland’s Open Space Strategy. The only community facilities on site were an existing skate park and an open expanse of grass which felt like the left over spoil dump for the subdivision. It advertised itself as unsafe and separated from its neighbours.

In early 2012, Isthmus was engaged to work closely with the local community to develop a Masterplan for the reserve. The community’s involvement in the planning and design beyond initial consultation conveyed their desire and drive to have full ownership of their place and their future.

The masterplanning process was facilitated by Damian Powley of Auckland Council in collaboration with Isthmus. The objective was to create an active space that would encourage participation, interaction and provide a positive space for the community. As such, a central space was indicated that would become the ‘Heart of Randwick’. The desire for the heart was to accommodate a pavilion building and various activity areas that were easily accessible (such as hardcourts, volleyball courts, rugby and league fields, expansion of the existing skate park, a playground, community gardens, market spaces and provision for an Early Childhood Centre).

The community was also interested in strong connections into and throughout the park especially connecting the northern and southern sections (along its elongated shape). Three main axis were identified to provide this connection through the site connecting Riverton Drive and Magic Way. The ‘spine’ access way through the centre of the site will serve as the primary axis.

A network of paths from the multiple access points around the park edge will allow ease of use and attract residents from around the neighbourhood. Riverton Drive and Magic Way accommodate car parking to service the activities within the site and address street connection.

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With feasible delivery of the community pavilion being identified as part of future works, the design team and Auckland Council were acutely aware of the need to keep faith with the community and momentum for the project through provision of aspects of the masterplan. With a keen community of skaters, fronted by local skater Walz Brown, the skate park upgrade (along with the new car park and hardcourts) was identified as an achievable goal. We were engaged to facilitate the skate park design and integrate it to the masterplan for the park.

Isthmus led the skate park development with Walz Brown and support from skating icon Chey Ataria. There was an understandable level of attachment to the existing skate park which, though run down, was a loved asset among the local youth; so a determination was made to keep and rehabilitate parts and build the new structure around them. Where loved elements were realigned or removed, exact measurements and angles were taken and lines were opened up to allow the retained elements to function better.

The new skate park design was very much facilitated by the community with the local skaters identifying the elements, locations and flow patterns that they wanted. These elements were modelled using 3D software and the design was tweaked (as it happened in Walz Brown’s lounge) to maintain the very high level of stakeholder ownership that the community sought after. This process nurtured the close working relationship that developed.

The local skaters wanted an all-inclusive park, with disabled access, public viewing areas and seating for the general public.

Multiple level entrances were created with seating included on the park’s periphery to provide passive surveillance. The eastern edge was dropped flush with the adjacent paths and hard courts, and concrete finishes were used to demarcate the skate park without the need of physical barriers.

Passers-by are included in the design and the skate park is a success as evidenced by the huge community turnout on open day and the high level of political support and feedback received from the local board. Walz Brown is now employed part time as skate park warden and is the ambassador for the skate park to community and Council.

Completion of the premier and training fields is due for mid2015 followed by the central axis and second car park and plazas.

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A CONNECTED LANDSCAPE THE NEW HONDSBOSSCHE DUNES West 8 Urban Design & Landscape Architecture West 8 explores the idea of ‘Exchange’ in the HONDSBOSSCHE DUNES project. Beautifully marrying construct, nature and function to achieve design that allows dynamism and constant exchange between natural force, environments and those that inhabit them.

DESIGN: 2013 REALIZATION: 2015 SIZE: 3.2KM2 CLIENT: CONSORTIUM VAN OORD NEDERLAND B.V.EN BOSKALIS B.V. FOR HOOGHEEMRAADSCHAP HOLLANDS NOORDERKWARTIER CONSULTANTS: SVASEK HYDRAULLICS, WITTEVEEN+BOS, ALTENBURG & WYMENGA ECOLOGISCH ONDERZOEK

Landscape Legacy - the village in the sea ©West 8

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Camperduin - new dunes form a bowl that encloses a salty coastal lake ©West 8

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he principle of ‘building with nature’ will be fully exploited to strengthen the Dutch coastline, defending a new chapter in the history of the country. Opting for a sandy and dynamic solution instead of fixed or hardscape approach creates opportunities to simultaneously strengthen the region, enhance and embrace the qualities of the natural environment and bolster recreational activities.

The Dutch coast is characterized by a coherent set of beach and dunes which vary in appearance and use.

At one end of the spectrum are the boulevards, which are as intensively used as those of Zandvoort and Scheveningen, on the other hand there are a series of small villages nestled in the undulating dunes similar to those at Kijkduin. However the continuous factor along the entire coastline is the experience of nature, the beach promenades are ‘only brief interruptions’ in this natural landscape.

West 8’s design draws on the strength of the Dutch coast, specifically in this area of North Holland. The tranquility, nature and clear access to the beach are defining features of this place.

Here, the historic and ongoing defense of the land against the sea is clearly legible. This intervention begins a new chapter in the narrative of the landscape. By connecting the Schoorl dunes and Pettemer, one of the longest uninterrupted dunescapes in the Netherlands will be created. A place with varied topography, overgrown with native vegetation, complete with young drifting dunes, dune valleys and a beach that varies in width. This robust new landscape is designed in a manner consistent with the existing dunes and will feature extra high dunes and extended peninsulas along the beaches near Petten and Camperduin.

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The proposed solution meets the dual goals of Safety and Environmental Quality. The technical solution is optimized, the use of sand is very efficient, manageable, safety requirements are met and dune erosion is minimized. The design unites a technical solution with a romantic narrative.

The extra break in the cross section leaves room for the wind to recreate the dunescape. In the village of Petten multiple dunes will be created, with the highest peak being 25m above sea level. This will be visible from the Dune Panorama along the village street and the Atlantic Wall. It is a first step to creating a new dune landscape in the direction of the village Petten.

Camperduin forms the gate of the Schoorl dunes. The base of the existing dunes will be connected to the new dunes; to form a semi-circular bowl that encloses a salty coastal lake.

The HPZ (Hondsbossche-and Pettemer Zeewering) is defined by a culture of ‘’land defense’’, which is immediately explicit because the old hard HPZ is literally joined to the new Sandy HPZ. The existing HPZ remains recognizable from the landward side. The “village in the sea” building makes the struggle against the water visible in a penetrating way. By marking the location of the original village of Petten, which was drowned by the sea centuries earlier.

Petten - historic defence mechanisms constrat with a new sandy and dynamic solution © West 8

The new Hondsbossche-and Pettemer Zeewering is a varied landscape of dunes and beach that is suitable for a diverse range of uses. It is a landscape that will evolve and develop over time.

There is no fixed programming, instead the design establishes a sustainable base condition where nature and recreation go hand in hand.

Plan before and after ©West 8

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STUDENT

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FILTRATION Sharon Eccleshall 1ST YEAR

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his project demonstrates a rethink of Tui Glen Reserve, situated in the Auckland suburb of Henderson. Two key elements, topography and hydrology were analysed at both the site scale and the surrounding contextual scale. The ensuing concept seeks to enhance the topography of the site through fragmented green terraces, which overlook the reserve and provide seating and passive entertainment areas. This system is intercepted by a channel of water that collects excess grey water from the surrounding streets.

The water channel serves as an interactive connection through the site whilst filtrating the grey water before its release into the adjacent stream.

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TUI GLEN WATER CHANNEL Nick Slattery 1ST YEAR

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ui Glen Reserve is a large strip of land nestled away in the heart of Henderson city, 15 minutes west of the Auckland CBD. The reserve creates an area where the public are able to engage in A passive flow of active recreation, while enjoying the surround landscapes. An important aspect of Tui Glen is the relationship between hydrology and topography. On the eastern border lies a steep hill, which directs water flow towards the slightly flatter western border, into a tidal creek. This flow has been harnessed and directed into a user-friendly canal through the centre of the reserve. The canal interacts with the land creating pockets and edges for relaxation and recreation. During wetter months of the year the canal acts as a storm water filtration system, while in the dryer months the canal forms basins, dips and hollows for BMX riders.

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CATALINA PRECINCT Sofia Fourman 2ND YEAR

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urrently pastoral land and a former airfield the landscape of Hobsonville Point has been developed for future urban residential development. Catalina Precinct is a section of the proposition intended to be a ‘park precinct’; a green extension off Bomb Point Park. It is comprised of a spine road and adjoining pocket park. The design reflects the connection of green spaces to existing vegetation links and patches to strengthen the ecological network for avian fauna.

This design begins by transforming the street into a vegetated corridor with patches in which birds can feed, rest and establish habitats. On ground level this creates a tremendous native forest environment, which contrasts greatly with proposed urban fabrication. The apartment blocks on both sides of the road face a wall of flora, the residents and visitors are able to appreciate the chirping of the birds and watch them scout the skies as they traverse through the space. A proposed pocket park is dense with native flora which is bisected by a curved path network with circular clearings. These clearings provide freedom for diverse recreation, from open grassy lawns to seating and a central bird basin water fountain for the enjoyment of both birds and people.

Visitors engage with the space either by walking or cycling.

Native flora in a compact urban development draws both birds and people into the area; it is a rich habitat within a residential complex. One might even mistake the park for wilderness as they are confined by an assortment of immense trees with striking canopies closely resembling the native New Zealand forest.

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nspiration for this project evolved from the history of this landscape – the subtlety and significance in the layers of embedded memory. It was important to reveal hints of these such as the swathes of tuangi (cockle shell) midden and undulating green and gold on the shoreline.

Boarded pathways lead to resting places amongst tussock encouraging a space of quiet reflection and play. Like the meandering paths on the coast; most of the area is left for people to create their own tracks and gathering places. Simplicity of design intervention was intentional in the seating, shell, and sand pits that provide openings for the community to gather. This park is situated on the main road to the Marae at Onekiritia (Bomb Point). Envisioned as a resting place before arriving at the marae or continuing along the coastal walkway - the intention is to create an outdoor space for the community residents; Maori, Pakeha and Tauiwi (new citizens) to come together.

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REVIVING UNITEC Gabrielle Howdle 2ND YEAR

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he re-design of building 001 at Unitec Institute of Technology is envisioned as the foremost entrepreneurial start-up venture in Auckland, called E (HUB) 1. The building is full of history, industry, and culture, a site that has gone through change time and time again, from production landscape to community based foundations and now to a centre for young businesses.

The foundation is not changing, the site is still a place of learning and development, merely a variation of these. The site is turning old ideas into new by reinterpreting the landscape and how it can be used.

The space is diverse in physical and visual character, as well as being cohesive as a whole. Creating spaces to acclimatise to all possible business ventures flowing in and out of the HUB. This idea provided a solution for all the areas created by the shape of the building. Active, passive, recreational or occupational, all the areas provide space for the people to utilise and build ideas. Outdoor business rooms, community space and private enclaves are all beneficial for the start-up businesses and in turn a better, more active use of the landscape.

Bands of natural and formal terraces traverse the slopes on all sides of the site, creating unique areas that can be utilised to each individual or business. The addition of materiality change and shape change gives each area an unique character, but as a landscape working as a whole. The result of the design, was an exchange between landuse and activity.

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SOU’WESTERN SANCTUARY CREATING MOTORWAYS THAT MEAN MORE TO OUR CITY Russell Cooper 3RD YEAR

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he Sou’Western Sanctuary project was developed out of the exploration of how green infrastructure could be incorporated into the future development of motorway networks.

It is the current view that motorways activate regions at a human level, easing congestion, allowing direct links, enabling resource flow – aspects that have become the defining points for regional success. Working on the premise that motorways act as the strongest regional link throughout Auckland, how can we hinge conservation values and ecosystem development on them?

What if motorways activated the land around them on a vastly different level?

The chosen site has been developed to explore the way in which conservation sanctuaries could be developed in an urban environment. It looks to explore the way in which motorway systems might give back to the environmental fabric of a city, finding a way to suggest that an appropriate mitigation for capital works on roading development is the development of urban eco-sanctuaries.

This design output takes cues from urban design to reinterpret pest proof sanctuary typologies as accessible recreation opportunities, valuable regional assets and integral community initiatives. The site at the Hillsborough Road off-ramp on the South Western Motorway was selected for its position

adjacent to the motorway network, it samples a vast selection of topographic environments to present a variety of ecosystems suitable for a range of threatened plant introductions, including wetland, coastal broadleaf forest and exposed slope for scrubland development.

It was also vital that the development fed into a growing recreation spine to create a design that captures the mind and heart of the community, providing them with a sense of ownership and pride for the protection of native plant and animal species. The sanctuary would connect into the Onehunga Foreshore walkway development, providing a link into Mt Eden, through Monte Cecilia Park, suggesting future ability to walk between Auckland’s two main harbours.

The development sets up pest proof fencing around the site that is currently scrub and pasture grass, developing shade domes that allow for the presentation of understory plantings that will in turn develop seed banks and ensure the longevity of native species. Recreation opportunities are present, along with education and community involvement that could potentially see the release and protection of threatened New Zealand invertebrates, with a nod to the future of charismatic New Zealand species.

The design is an exploration of ‘Exchange’, idealising what we could give back to the landscape that we are building upon.

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AUCKLAND’S URBAN FOREST Rachel Butler 3RD YEAR

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reen infrastructure addresses urban and climate issues through a network of natural and semi-natural features to support and maintain ecological services.

This project aimed to strengthen the relationship between the built environment and ecological systems due to recent and proposed projects occurring between the upper Manukau Harbour and Waterview, including Puketutu Island Landfill Rehabilitation, Onehunga Foreshore Reclamation and the State Highway 20 completion. A key issue was identified in light of these projects along with surrounding industrial context to address air quality and the growing consequences of impermeable landcover.

Further analysis identified the potential to create a carbon sink to offset CO2 emissions, this paired with mapping of open space surrounding State Highway 20 developed a concept of linking the future regional park, Puketutu Island to Cornwall Park, incorporating Ambury Farm Park, the proposed new Mangere Bridge and the Onehunga streetscape by developing an urban forest. This would create opportunites for people to walk or cycle between two major Auckland parks, while also providing ecological habitat and a potential community education resource.

The second phase of the project zoomed in on one aspect of the original moves, focusing indepth of how an urban forest could occur in one of Auckland’s premier parks; Monte Cecilia. The vision was to connect to the nearby Cornwall Park/ One Tree Hill domain via a heritage and tree trail which embraced the history of both sites, creating a stepping stone on the trail from Puketutu Island. The obelisk of One Tree Hill is visible from Mangere, as are the iconic tree tops from the pines of Monte Cecilia. This provided visual links across the entire site while also providing momentum for the concept of further planting on Monte Cecilia to ensure this link would withstand future decades.

The final design built on the existing rich tree heritage on the site while embracing the slope to create a natural amphitheatre which is sympathetic to the surrounding landform.

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COMMUNITY ORCHARD TREE TRAIL: TO CONNECT UP TO CORNWALL PARK

EPHEMERAL WETLAND (WET IN WINTER, DRYS UP IN SUMMER)

NATURAL AMPHITHEATRE

At-grade with existing contours, visitos have a view to One Tree Hill and also look over a stage for performances and outdoor movies

NATURALISED STREAM

Improves water quality and riparian planting acts as a carbon sink. The stream is acknowledged by sign posts where it remains underground

SPECIMEN TREES Visible from One Tree Hill, visually connecting the two parks

VIEWING AREA

NATIVE FOREST FOR BIRDS

Takes advantage of a natural sun-trap on site while providing sheltered views to One Tree Hill

MONTE CECILIA PRIMARY SCHOOL FACILITIES REPURPOSED AS A COMMUNITY CENTRE

NATIVE VEGETATION FOR LIZARDS AND BEES

CONCEPT PLAN

RATIONALE: Monte Cecilia is heralded as one of the future “premier” parks for Auckland. My concept is to explore the ways in which it could function as a premier park while still providing a valuable contribution to carbon sequestration via urban forest. Monte Cecilia is a valuable stepping stone for an urban forest between Puketutu Island and Cornwall Park, while also sharing a strong visual connection with One Tree Hill.

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THE URBAN WILD REDEVELOPMENT OF ONEPOTO DOMAIN Claire Liesching and Jonathan Cristal 3RD YEAR

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he design proposal for Onepoto Domain responds to the needs of the domain users as well as to those of the environment, and aims to provide long term benefits for both. The concept for the ‘Onepoto Domain Wetland & Sanctuary’ is simple; in essence it is to create an urban ecological patch, which connects to the green infrastructure of its surrounding region.

This is achieved by establishing a new forest core (Mesic Zone) supported by a wetland buffer (Aquatic, Emergent, Saturated, Moist & Grassland Meadow Zones) creating a hub, which in turn connects to the already established forest corridor (Dry Zone existing forest) that sits on the surrounding slopes connecting to a wider context.

The sanctuary with its new forest core will offer a site for food, refuge and breeding habitat’s for a variety of birds, fish, lizards and insects - encouraging the ecological functionality of a modern urban park. Whilst the active area will provide an opportunity for people to become physically immersed in the wetland experience.

SATURATED

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EMERGENT

AQUATIC

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MESIC

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Amassment + Distribution

Agricultural resources should be directly distributed in the urban realm of Pukekohe. Resources of a certain location should be utiized firstly by the community of that locality.

Agricultural realm

Amassment

DISTRIBUTING LOCAL PRODUCE Robert Nairn 3RD YEAR HOW CAN LOCAL PRODUCE BE BETTER DISTRIBUTED IN A LOCAL COMMUNITY THROUGH TACTICAL URBANISM?

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ukekohe is one of New Zealand’s largest agricultural growing hubs situated on rich volcanic soils 40 kilometres south of Auckland’s CBD. It is one of the countries largest urban growing cities with a current population of 30,000 expecting to rise immensly as Auckland’s residency crisis increases.

Sustainable Exchange A sustainable exchange of resources from an agricultural realm to the urban realm can be achieved by three primary contributors

Agricultural realm

The majority of local produce grown in the district is distributed into the wider context of Auckland mostly through supermarket chains with only a small portion of it being available for direct distribution into the community of Pukekohe. The potential of the locality of the agricultural realm in Pukekohe could be better utilised, allowing the community to have direct availibilty to agricultural resources.

The underlying concept of this project was to apply tactical methods of design to an urban space that are reletively cheap, temporary and serve as a test. The idea was to create a market space for the distribution of local produce where the community can indulge in a more sustainable exchange of distribution from agricultural to urban realms. The site for this experiment is Devon Lane, a service lane intersecting and running parallel behind the shops of the two main streets in Pukekohe.

Activation of market space is frequented on weekends, with shipping containers to serve as stalls or storage for market necessities. Painted surface stripes that extend across Devon Lane have inset text at certain locations to provide awareness of destinations and also provide a linear arrangement for the layout of marquees.

Urban realm

Urban resilience

System tests

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Site Zoning

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Accessibility + Awareness The purpose of zone 1 shall be to raise awareness and open up accessibility of Devon Lane to both zones 2 and 3. This zone shall act as a ‘reciever’ to the public that wish to utilise the site.

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Open cinema + Social space Zone 2 shall be a space that can be activated when zone 3 is unactive.

Weekend evenings

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Market space + produce distribution Zone 3 is the core of the site where local produce can be distributed through market space on weekends. It is through zones 1 and 2 that this zone can become more active.

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3

Market space + produce distribution

Weekend markets will aim to fulfill the idea of local produce being distributed through an urban space in Pukekohe.

Shipping containers can be opened up for trading or storage for pop up marquees, enclosing areas with the focus being the space between them for market use. Painted text on concrete to desribe destinations.

Full activation + Sustainable distribution of produce

A weekend social hub based around the distribution of local produce where the community of Pukekohe can interact in a desirable urban space

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TACTICAL REVITILISATION Tim Richardson 3RD YEAR

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urrently the courtyard within the hub at Unitec is a space that is a heavily underutilised and exposed to all weather conditions. It is a space that is only really used for students to get from A to B to places such as student central, the bookshop and the Hub CafĂŠ. By testing several tactical approaches within the site, the final approach consisted of creating an enclosed space made up of pallets to offer temporary protection from the elements. By placing the pallets in the line of the foot traffic, students are almost forced to enter and are immediately curious to find out what is inside the enclosed area.

As the courtyard lacks sufficient seating areas for students to socialise in, large pallet seating areas and large pallet tables, allowing for different social atmospheres to be experienced in different areas within the enclosed pallet structure. By adding vegetation to the area, the hard straight lines of the pallets are softened, giving a welcoming and natural feel to the site.

In order to revitalise and encourage people to use the space, the design must be made accessible and disruptive at the same time.

If a space has emerged and is blocking a path of a frequent walker, the natural reaction from someone is to feel as if they must explore the space.

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MANGERE BRIDGE COMMUNITY FARM Aynsley Cisaria 3RD YEAR

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he loss of fertile land within the city creates a disconnection between people and food production. This project attempts to create a walkable, urban agriculture network connecting communities in south-west Auckland, where productive and cultural planting was incorporated within mitigation corridors, and fertile soil and food production were reconnected within the existing open space network.

The Mangere Bridge reserve was chosen to show how an exchange can occur between under-utilised public space for productive, community farms. With a Transit NZ designation for harbour crossing construction, this is currently a waterfront ‘nonpark’ with drainage issues, major power and water lines, and no particular function apart from informal recreation.

Food is a gateway to conversations, and the corporate activity of growing food in our under-used public spaces can become a platform or layer from which landscaoe archiitects can address other important elements of community, ecology, and liveability, including the physical, social, cultural, and environmental health of the city.

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THE URBAN FORM EXPERIMENT

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Lauren Vincent 4TH YEAR

n order for Auckland to develop into a ‘World Class Liveable City’, it simply cannot develop without close consideration to our waterfront; it is our biggest asset to the city underlining the past branding of ‘The City of Sails’. Examples of great design and development would be the Viaduct Harbour which was influenced by the Americas Cup and Sir Peter Blake. But in order for Auckland to really achieve Mayor Len Brown’s vision of the ‘worlds most livable city’ attention needs to be given to how the city could be designed as a people city, a city centre Aucklanders would want to use.

The project developed a strategy as a way of re-envisioning Auckland’s City Centre. Influenced strongly by methods of Jeff Kennet and what he achieved in Melbourne and also Jan Gehl, an expert in his field of city development and the leading force behind Copenhagen’s famous pedestrian streets.

The concept is based around a simple idea of the ‘Civic Space’, ‘The Pedestrian Street’ and ‘The Waterfront Space’. In doing this two public spaces are created that are connected by a pedestrian street. The aim is to create a place that people will want to use, a place that will draw Aucklanders back into the City Centre to experience a different surrounding, that will in turn create a distinctive Auckland Flavour.

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RESTORING TAMAKI How can streetscape and public open space design improve the health of low socio-economic communities?

Rudolf Iseli 4TH YEAR

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hile urban living continues to offer many opportunities, including potential access to better health care, today’s urban environments often concentrate health risks and introduce new hazards.

Health challenges that are particularly evident in cities relate to water, environment, violence and injury, non-communicable diseases (cardiovascular diseases, cancers, diabetes and chronic respiratory diseases), unhealthy diets and physical inactivity, harmful use of alcohol as well as the risks associated with disease outbreaks. City living and its increased pressures of mass marketing, availability of unhealthy food choices and accessibility to automation and transport all have an effect on lifestyle that directly affect health.

Landscape architecture is humankind’s primary vehicle for saving the earth; and its people; landscape architects are the stewards of the land and the earths natural systems; they work to restore health to ecosystems and to ameliorate the increasing environmental stresses found in our cities and countryside.

Most New Zealand cities and towns were built upon earlier Maori settlements, and so mana whenua have spiritual connections with this land. For taurahere and other diverse populations migrating to urban areas, it is important that these places allow for establishment and retention of cultural expression. Cities and towns can provide children with resources and safe environments that enable them to flourish and grow. In urban communities, older people may be better able to access necessary services, remain socially connected and live in their homes longer.

People in more socio-economically deprived neighbourhoods experience higher rates of obesity and chronic conditions, and are often exposed to environmental factors that exacerbate ill health. For example, levels of outdoor pollution are higher in New Zealand’s more deprived neighborhoods. The prevalence of traffic accidents and the risk of pedestrian injuries are also greater in some deprived urban neighborhoods. Some more deprived neighbourhoods have poorer access to high-quality green spaces. People living in low-income households without a car and in areas with few services and little public transport are less likely to be able to reach important services such as supermarkets and health care facilities.

This research project has analysed how streetscapes and public open space can directly influence the health and well being of a community, principles from Kaplan’s wilderness study were found to create a restorative environment – Being Away – Extent – Fascination – Compatibility, these have influenced the design moves.

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EXALTED JOURNEYS Michelle Ineson 4TH YEAR

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efining road based tourism to better utilise the sublime and poetic qualities of the New Zealand landscape has demonstrated the potential for benefits to arise that could not only improve the experience of the journey but also build both domestic and international tourism, in turn providing economic diversification to rural communities.

It is an established trend that populations are moving from rural to urban environments and that this internal migration is contributing to the pressures faced by rapid population growth in our major cities. This study explores the potential for tourism to contribute to the economies of rural towns with the overarching desire to contribue long term to rural sustainability. The development of themed highways as a means to showcase landscapes and generate income has been successfully perused both in New Zealand and overseas however, the concept of encouraging greater usage through enhanced facilities that challenge the existing vernacular is central in this investigation. In designing sites with the objective to improve the experiential qualities of travel, this research identifies aesthetic, emotional and economic factors that contribute to flow on effects that positively influence rural economies, communities and regional ecology.

The study is in two parts, the first develops a Central South Island themed tourism route that passes through as many small towns and landscape typologies as possible. The second phase sits within this route and involves designing a series of rest stops that reference the awe-inspiring characteristics of the landscape. As an over arching theme this research looks in to the concept of the sublime and how classical music, painting and cinema represent this effectively abstract construct, interpreting feelings of the awe, fear and unease evoked when confronted by powerful natural landscapes. The resulting design interventions draw from the topographical, geological and climatic qualities of the immediate site yet the theoretical framework allows this model to be transposed to any region where landscapes evoke the sublime emotions of astonishment, admiration, reverence and respect.

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EUPHORIC SPRAWL How can environmental and social concerns effect large scale urban planning?

Brad Congdon 4TH YEAR

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he eastern flank of Hamilton City is an easily developed Greenfield site and the strategic location in terms of wider infrastructure connections does make sense. However there are concerns starting to emerge with planning policy and the rampant expansion that is yielding low quality urban fabric.

The idea then, is to try to create a responsive timeline as opposed to a prescriptive master plan; a site structure that allows for response and changeability in time. It is allowing for a wider restoration of the ecological connections that can be leveraged when needed to anchor any future growth. It is providing a scaffold upon which occupation can propagate over a site in a more heterogeneous and balanced manner.

Large landscape systems are what make up the majority of any attachment to a particular place. In terms of cities if this quality is inherent it contributes to social and economic well-being. This comparison is based around the fact that if a city is situated near or around a large natural system, be it topographic, hydrological or otherwise, it helps to control and mitigate any negative effects of urban expansion. This is not to say that these cities do not sprawl, many do, but the severity and typology is lessened in many ways. The Hamilton context was very interesting in that it has many key aspects, which can potentially, if not already, lead to this negative sprawl characteristic.

The Hamilton Basin through its unique geological history is characterized by four main landscape typologies. Low rolling hills, flat alluvial plains and micro relief of low mounds and swales. These characteristics are what is used to shape this uncovered landscape system. A linear ecological corridor follows the old braided river path and is sculpted depending on the predominant land use in an area. Swales and wetlands contain and control the water on the site and the use of rolling ridges which provide a buffer to the main ecological spine flowing through the site creating a green infrastructure for walking or cycling to work.

Membranes are by design a semi permeable layer that is flexible but does not break. They are adaptable and can easily accept new or shifting conditions over time. The key conceptualization is that this membrane can have a dual use. Its priority could be to surround and protect an ecological core through a site. This would be an incubation mode whilst the land is still in its current state as pasture and allows for the regeneration of the linear corridor in preparation for occupation. Secondly is the activation mode whereby the membrane then becomes the link between the occupation and the ecology that allows for this buffering and mediation of the urban growth.

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LIFELINES PEOPLE & POLLINATORS Andrea Reid 4TH YEAR

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he exchange between people and pollinators is central to the way in which we live today. Our livelyhoods depend on them, as theirs do on us. Without pollinators, over a third of our food supply will cease. Fragmented habitats are resulting in disconnected habitat nodes for many Auckland species, including our prime pollinators.

One of our most common pollinators, the honey bee, is dying around the world at an exponential rate, their numbers depleting by half since the end of World War Two. The biggest causes are the increasing use of pesticides containing neurotoxins, vast monocultures with no cover crops, parasites and diseases such as Varroa destructor and our urbanised, almost flowerless landscapes.

Recent research by French beekeepers’ association Unaf has found that urban bees are generally healthier and more productive than their rural counterparts as they enjoy the slightly higher temperatures, the wider variety of plant life for pollination and can avoid the ill-effects of agricultural pesticides.

This study is investigating how the fragmented landscape of a city can be healed using bio-corridors that connect people, pollinators and their habitats through enhanced and restored ecosystem services.

Like a river and the blood that flows through our veins, our ecosystems need to connect and flow together to form a network that interacts and integrates into our growing urban metropolis.

When an ecosystem becomes fragmented and disconnected it becomes stagnant.

Within the next forty years, two-thirds of the world’s population will be living in expanding urban centres; if the current disconnect with nature continues the social, cultural, physical and mental health of our communities will rapidly decline.

The patchy, fragmented nature of ecological realms in the urban Auckland region is creating a disconnect between people and the ecological world. This fragmentation and disconnect is resulting in the loss of major habitats for our local wildlife and community connection with the environment.

Pressure on limited land for a growing population is challenging the ability to sustain, grow and extend the currently fragmented green mantle. The integration of native biodiversity needs to be woven in to the current urban fabric to create a thriving

ecological network that connects our native pollinators and creates a stronger, healthier community identity.

Conserving and protecting the natural environment promotes community awareness of values inherent within the environment and this kaitiakitanga and love of the land can impact on and improve the health of a community.

The demand on the world’s natural resources is encouraging the move towards localised food sources reducing food miles, supporting the local economy, preserving green-space and creating community bonds and connections. Creating local food sources is often more difficult in an urban environment as there is pressure on limited land, but the recent flurry of community gardening is growing, connecting communities with each other and their major food source. Natural pollination in these community gardens is being impaired by the current fragmentation of the green network.

The increase in impervious surfaces, which is inherent in a continually developing city, has had a strong impact on ecological systems, reducing connections and biodiversity. Our kaitiakitanga needs to be protected as taonga, a gift or treasure, for current and future generations.

The Auckland region has the potential to become a worldleading urban ecological network. By developing methods for quantifying habitat connectivity at multiple scales and assigning conservation priority to habitat patches based on their patterns and contribution to connectivity, the ecological Auckland network can be strengthened with the implementation of biocorridors and ecosystem services.

Connectivity of landscapes is highly scale dependent, so the Auckland region has been analysed at a multitude of scales, starting with the overall spatial distribution of habitats across the Auckland region, then refining to more localised areas to show examples of implementation. The scale at which different organisms interact with landscape patterns is also influencing this analysis. In fragmented landscapes, where patches of highquality habitat are punctuated by stretches of poor habitats, a species with short-range dispersal such as the native kereru will struggle.

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Each vegetation patch is mapped out and sensitive analysis is made to create bio-corridors that use minimal distance to link existing vegetation, to improve habitat connection throughout the region.

A range of different ecological installations and ecosystem services have been researched, analysed, tested and refined to create strong and resilient bio-corridors that integrate with the existing urban fabric.

By breaking the urban bio-corridors into four major components (open space, backyards, berms and community gardens) the interventions can be grouped and modified to benefit each region.

An example of this is to look at the current berm ecosystems that connect smaller habitat nodes found in backyards and utilise them to promote pollinator travel by planting nectar-rich flowers instead of lawn. By working with the Auckland Council, Auckland Transport and the local communities, these spaces

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could be utilised to plant low growing flowering natives, turning the existing streetscapes into bio-corridors.

The series of design interventions include living walls and roofs, retrofitting intersections, improving community gardens, pocket parks, cycle tunnels, railway corridors, bridgesand urban beehive and hydration-station installations.

The project underlines the importance of linkages between conservation of ecosystem functions using a series of ecological interventions in highly urbanised land. This helps improve sustainable urban production systems, pollinator productivity, community connection and poverty reduction. This project is working on producing a set of tools, methodologies, strategies and best management practices which can be applied to pollinator conservation efforts throughout Auckland, and then hopefully worldwide. That, in turn, will contribute to realising a broader objective: improving the food security, nutrition and livelihoods of urban communities.

AUCKLAND BRANCH NZILA AUCKLAND BRANCH IS PROUD TO SPONSOR

XSECTION 4

INSPIRING LEARNING DEVELOPING LEADERS FOSTERING UNDERSTANDING FOR MORE INFORMATION ON STUDENT AND PROFESSIONAL NZILA MEMBERSHIP VISIT WWW.NZILA.CO.NZ 121

TRANSITION OF CULTURE AND FORM Daniel Whatnall MLA., Victoria University

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his project investigates the ability of landscape architecture to engage with traditions and practices of sacred landscapes and culture. The aim is to respond to the issues and changes as well as the historical, social and political considerations on site. This investigation seeks to understand the exchange of knowledge and narrative that are passed down through generations. The site of this project is located on Waikawa beach in Otaki, on the Kapiti coast of the lower north island.

To really understand we must push to recognize the use of the land, what it was previously used for and what it is hoped to be. This idea of walking, talking and recording the experience of one’s presence and the intrinsic exchange of knowledge on the site was principal to understand it more thoroughly. Mapping and researching is key, for it entails processes of gathering, working, assembling, relating, revealing, sifting and speculating. In turn these activities enable the inclusion of massive amounts of information, that when articulated, allow certain sets of possibility to become actual.

The idea of Hikoi was explored and proved to be an integral part of understanding the landscape. Throughout the site there are various points of significance. It was only here where we are advised of the underlying meaning of these spaces and the oral narrative/story that accompany it. The landscape intervention identifies and draws from these stories in a way that curates these spaces on site. The walkway connects and intertwines the stories of the site and greater region. The trees of the plantation are planted in a succinct manner that represent and identify a story, a place, or a loved one. The wood from such trees, around the end of their life span, is used to build onto the design; growing as the stories grow, forever a part of the landscape.

There are stories of this landscape that are remembered from people and iwi from all around New Zealand. Although sacred they are meant to be passed on and be told so that they are not forgotten. Landscape architecture can incorporate such narratives into the landscape as important elements that invite personal reflection as well as becoming a new approach to markers on site.

The methodology of Whakapapa was used as the starting point of the investigation for the understanding and exchange of knowledge.

Whakapapa is firstly used to describe genealogies, but also the many spiritual, mythological and human stories that flesh out the genealogical backbone of Maori. We talk about the landscape wherever we go. It is so that people recognize us through that landscape. It is this intrinsic relationship with the energy of its own making, therefore Whakapapa is as tied to the landscape as any one person could ever be. The way you introduce yourself in Maori by introducing your connections to the landscape. This is what connects someone intimately with the landscape.

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FINAL WORDS

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he creation of X-Section 2014 has been a thought provoking journey and far more of a learning process than any of us had anticipated. While this issue sought to highlight how landscape architecture manages the interchange of different faculties, we didn’t expect to reveal how deep the experience of personal exchange could be. As Jennifer Parlane said, the process of collaborating works for X-Section has been an exchange in itself, “the give and take of effort and reward.”

Exchange encapsulates the simple process of giving one thing and receiving another. The way in which we interact with landscape embodies everything that exchange is; where every action has a reaction, on the environment and our surroundings, and in turn has a reaction on us as a society. Throughout the journal Exchange has been explained as the reciprocating relationship between society and the natural environment, economic influences or how the environment impacts on our culture and our place in a community.

Issue 4 has helped to reveal the interconnected balance between land and the people who inhabit it. Exchange, is often defined here as the intertwining of people, the environment, heritage and culture. The exchange exists in the blurred boundary between all different facets of place, which can make it so challenging to conclude a singular definition.

In her article entitled ‘Revealing the rainforest’ Renee Davies states that “Landscape is not simply a collection of objects, but it is concerned with the intangible meanings and values people attach to their surroundings.” This transfer of understanding between people and culture is one of the common threads that the authors of this journal have cited as key to the concept of exchange.

Summarising the research produced by this issue, it could be concluded that life would not exist without exchanging with the landscape, and therefore the landscape is in a constant process of exchange.

(from left)

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Opposite page: The 2014 X-Section Team Pete Griffiths, Claire Liesching, Rachel Butler, Russell Cooper, Tim Richardson, Robert Nairn, John Allan

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS WE WOULD LIKE TO EXTEND A BIG THANK YOU TO EVERYONE THAT MADE THIS JOURNAL POSSIBLE

OUR SPONSORS

Department of

Landscape Architecture

AUCKLAND BRANCH

OUR DEDICATED PLEDGERS JAMIE STRONGE RACHEL BUTLER BRENDAN KEMPF AL NEWSOME NAT LAWRENCE ALEX SMITH MATT HENDERSON BRENDAN CLEMENS ANDREW PRIESTLEY STEFFAN KRABERGER OLIVIA MANUSAULOA JILL RICE LARISSA MOYLE SARAH FLYNN SAM BOURNE

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TIM FEATHER DEN AITKEN JENNIFER PARLANE ROBERT NAIRN SARAH COLLINS FRANCIS PIERARD CLAIRE LIESCHING LOGAN PENNINGTON VANYA STEINER RUSSELL COOPER SHARON ECCLESHALL CARLOS CHARLTON MICHAEL BASTIN TOSH GRAHAM KATE STEINER U008811 AD Copy Centre 272x210 02.indd 1

NATHAN ROPER DANIEL WHATNALL SUPHARADA BOONCHUEN JOE FAN MITCH BURN BEXC PURTON GABRIELLE HOWDLE KIERAN DOVE CHRIS JUDD JOHN ALLAN DAN BALL VICKY WILLIAMS JONATHAN CRISTAL LIAM WINTERTON U008811 AD Copy Centre 272x210 02.indd 1

GLENN RIDLEY NATHAN A HAYES FIONA TING SOFIA FOURMAN HEATHER WILKINS SHAUN ROSIER CHLOE WILLCOX CHLOE NELSON CHLOE STREET HELEN MELLSOP REUBEN MCPEAK LOUISE CHAMBERS PENNY CLIFFIN JASON RAMSEY MEG BACK 17/10/14 3:31 pm

WE WOULD ALSO LIKE TO TAKE THIS OPPORTUNITY TO SAY A VERY BIG THANK YOU TO PETE GRIFFITHS AND JOHN ALLAN FOR THEIR CONTINUED SUPPORT AND EFFORTS TOWARDS THE SUCCESS OF X-SECTION JOURNAL

17/10/14 3:31 pm

FOOTNOTES AND REFERENCES 8

TOSH GRAHAM

AWATERE, S., ROLLESTON, S., & PAULING, C. (2010). CHPT 1. DEVELOPING MAORI URBAN DESIGN PRINCIPLES. TĀONE TUPU ORA: INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE AND SUSTAINABLE URBAN DESIGN (PP. 20 -21). WELLINGTON, N.Z.: STEELE ROBERTS. BERG, E. (2014, JUNE 24). HOMI K BHABHA AND POSTCOLONIAL THEORY THE LOCATION OF CULTURE INTRODUCTION & MIMICRY. YOUTUBE. RETRIEVED SEPTEMBER 13, 2014, FROM HTTP://WWW.YOUTUBE.COM/ WATCH?V=4GLI5AFMPOS MEREDITH, P. (1998, JULY 9). 1 HYBRIDITY IN THE THIRD SPACE: RETHINKING BI-CULTURAL POLITICS IN AOTEAROA/NEW ZEALAND.. TE MATAHAUARIKI RESEARCH INSTITUTE . RETRIEVED SEPTEMBER 8, 2014, FROM HTTP://LIANZ. WAIKATO.AC.NZ/PAPERS/PAUL/HYBRIDITY.PDF

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