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Vol.17 No.6 November/December 2017

EXPERT INSIGHT EVERY I IN SSUE ✓ ARC H

MARY QUEEN SCOTS

AEOLO GY ✓ HER ITAGE ✓ HIST ORY

Face to face with an ANCIENT

The causes and consequences of the

Glenkens Rising of 1666

PICT Creating a facial reconstruction

OF

How today’s historians view the queen’s rule

CRIME, TRADE & POLITICS

IN 17TH-CENTURY ST ANDREWS p01 Cover.indd 13

TEA & EMPIRE

JAMES TAYLOR’S TRAVAILS IN VICTORIAN CEYLON

NEW RESEARCH

THE REAL STORY OF FOLKLORIST ALEXANDER CARMICHAEL’S YOUTH 03/10/2017 14:34

CELEBRATE WHAT MATTERS TO YOU TODAY BY LEAVING US A GIFT IN YOUR WILL.

Visit nts.org.uk/giftsinwills or call 0131 458 0407 The National Trust for Scotland is a Scottish charity, SC007410 2 H I S TO RY SC OT LA ND - JA NUA RY / F E B RUA RY 2017

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History

PATRONS David Breeze Christopher Smout Historiographer Royal Elizabeth Ewan University of Guelph

EDITORIAL BOARD FIND OUT MORE AT: HTTP://SCOT.SH/HIS-BOARD Mr Derek Alexander Archaeologist, National Trust for Scotland Dr John Atkinson Managing Director GUARD Archaeology Ltd Medieval and post-medieval settlement and industry Dr Sonja Cameron Historian, writer and editor Prof Hugh Cheape Sabhal Mor Ostaig College, University of the Highlands and Islands George Dalgleish Keeper, Scottish History and Archaeology, National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh. Scottish decorative arts, specifically silver, ceramics & pewter; Jacobite collections Dr Piers Dixon Operations Manager at the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland (RCAHMS), (rural settlement and medieval archaeology) Mr Andrew Dunwell Director, CFA Archaeology, Edinburgh (Later prehistory and Roman) Mark A Hall History Officer (archaeology collections) at Perth Museum & Art Gallery.

Dr Kevin James Dept of History and Scottish Studies Programme, University of Guelph, Canada Prof S Karly Kehoe Canada Research Chair in Atlantic Canada Communities, Saint Mary’s University, Canada.

Dr Catriona MacDonald Reader in Late Modern Scottish History University of Glasgow

Cynthia J. Neville George Munro Professor of History and Political Economy, Dalhousie University Dr Aonghus Mackechnie Principal Inspector of Historic Buildings, Historic Scotland (Architecture, c.1600 - 1750) Dr Ann MacSween Principal Inspector, ‘Historic Scotland’ (Prehistory) Dr Colin Martin Honorary Reader in Maritime Archeology University of St Andrews

history SCOTLAND

Dr Allan Kennedy Lecturer in History, University of Dundee

Volume 17, Number 6 November/December 2017

FROM THE EDITOR As many of you will know, History Scotland’s editor Dr Alasdair Ross passed away at the end of August, following a short illness. Alasdair will be greatly missed by his many friends and colleagues, and in a special feature on page 6, Professor Richard Oram pays tribute to Alasdair’s work, his many contributions to Scottish history and his legacy, part of which is this magazine.

Having worked with Alasdair for many years, I was always inspired by his belief that history should be enjoyed by everyone, whatever their level of knowledge and expertise.

Myself and the rest of the History Scotland team are determined that the magazine will continue to reflect Alasdair’s love of the country’s history and archaeology, and this issue contains a final group of articles which he selected.

In January/February History Scotland, we will publish the first instalment of a twopart article co-written by Alasdair earlier this year. In the meantime, I hope you enjoy this month’s articles, which take us from the Ceylon tea plantations of Sri Lanka, to tales of notorious criminals which are preserved at National Records of Scotland.

Rachel Bellerby Editor, History Scotland editorial@historyscotland.com

Neil McLennan Writer, education manager and Past President of the Scottish Association of Teachers of History

MEET THE CONTRIBUTORS

Prof Angela McCarthy Scottish and Irish History, University of Otago

Sir T.M. Devine is Sir William Fraser Chair of Scottish History and Palaeography Professor Emeritus, University of Edinburgh.

Dr Iain MacInnes Lecturer in Scottish History, University of the Highlands and Islands.

Angela McCarthy is Professor of Scottish and Irish History and Director of the Centre for Global Migrations at the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand.

Prof Richard Oram Scottish Medieval History & Environmental History, University of Stirling Matt Ritchie Archaeologist, Forestry Commission Mr Geoffrey Stell Architectural Historian Dr Simon Taylor Scottish place-names, University of Glasgow Dr Fiona Watson Historian, writer and broadcaster Dr Alex Woolf Senior lecturer in History, University of St Andrews

History Scotland was launched in October 2001 at the Royal Museum in Edinburgh by Professor Christopher Smout, Historiographer Royal, who is now one of the magazine’s patrons. It is backed by the Scottish history and archaeology professions with leading representatives from a variety of different disciplines on the Editorial Board.

Articles appearing in this journal are abstracted and indexed in Historical Abstracts and America: History and Life and the British Humanities Index

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SCOTLANDwww.historyscotland.com

Profesor Sir Tom Devine and Professor Angela McCarthy are co-authors of an article to mark the 150th anniversary of Ceylon tea, which examines the life of James Taylor, the Scottish progenitor of this global trade (see page 40).

Robert Hay has lived on the Isle of Lismore for ten years. He is the archivist for the Lismore Historical Society/ Comann Eachdraidh Lios Mor. In this issue (page 24), Robert examines the original, recently digitized, notebooks of folklorist Alexander Carmichael, to untangle the myths the folklorist created about his early life.

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CONTENTS

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30

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IN-DEPTH FEATURES 16 The Glenkens Rising Professor Ted Cowan explains the causes and consequences of the Glenkens Rising of 1666 24 Rewriting history: the childhood and youth of folklorist Alexander Carmichael An exploration of the recently digitised notebooks of Alexander Carmichael, which give clues to the myths the folklorist invented about his early life and origins FEATURES 8

Mary Queen of Scots Dr Anna Groundwater assesses the state of current scholarship on the Stewart queen

32 Charles Seton: the reluctant rebel, part III We conclude our study of the earl of Dunfermline with a look at his fortunes following the Restoration, as he faced the prospect of financial ruin 40 Tea and Empire: James Taylor in Victorian Ceylon To mark the 150th anniversary of the Ceylon tea enterprise, we take a look at the life of James Taylor, the Scottish progenitor of the trade

NEWS 6 History news Dr Alasdair Ross obituary, a new home for Gairloch Heritage Museum.

Plus: RSGS firsts - new series!

23 The reality of the Crimean War

Roger Fenton’s striking

photographs of mid 19th-century

warfare in the Crimea

30 The Burnwynd Project

A new project focusing on the

burgh records of 17th century St

Andrews focuses on crime, trade

and politics

37 An artist’s war

The work of Morris and Alice

Meredith Williams, whose sculptures

appear on the Scottish National

War Memorial

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Face of the Cramond murderer A new facial reconstruction sheds light on a 19th-century murder

48

Project Reveal National Trust for Scotland embarks on a major project to catalogue each of its 100,000 arfefacts

The Willow Tea Rooms New funding allows major restoration project to go ahead

50 Hidden history

Neil McLennan visits Perth, ahead of

its bid to be City of Culture 2021 ARCHAEOLOGY NEWS 10

The face of an ancient Pict Forensic artist Hayley Fisher on digital reconstructions

12

Archaeology InSites A year-long project to explore the country’s archaeological past

15

Medieval Aberdeenshire Uncovering the complex history of a rural building from the Middle Ages

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National Records of Scotland Records relating to criminal cases

52 Join History Scotland

Have the magazine delivered

and receive a free gift 53 Book reviews The latest Scottish history and archaeology titles 57

Glasgow Police Museum A police bravery medal with a poignant history

58 Diary Dates Lectures, exhibitions and festivals taking place in November and December, plus winter

archaeology events 60

Museum spotlight The story of how a huge lighthouse lens came to be at the Stewartry Museum in Kirkcudbright

61

Family history news Spotlight on Banffshire Field Club.

Plus, how to locate a World War I military ancestor

62

Final word Tom Meade, digital director at Registers of Scotland, on the organisation’s digital transformation

HISTORY NEWS We invite you to join us in a

Celebration of the Life and Career of Dr Alasdair Ross (1962 – 2017) Wednesday 27th September, 2017 1pm -3pm (eulogy at 1.30pm) Pathfoot Dining Room, Pathfoot Building, University of Stirling Alasdair was Reader in Scottish Medieval and Environmental History; former Director of the Centre for Environment, Heritage and Policy, Director of History Tomorrow and Editor of History Scotland Magazine. This event will celebrate his life and career at Stirling.

Dr Alasdair Ross: A tribute by Refreshments will be provided. Oram Professor Richard RSVP to Simone Cilia simone.cilia@stir.ac.uk No flowers. Donations to Scottish Mountain Rescue thelove SNP.of the countryside of Kincardineshire and the Cairngorms Alasdair had aor deep

I

t is painfully difficult to write a tribute to someone who has been taken from us so suddenly and at such an early age, just as he was coming into the full maturity of his career and where the future held so much promise personally and professionally.

With the death of Alasdair (Ally) Ross, the world has lost a flash of brilliance and warmth that touched the hearts of everyone who came into contact with him. For me, I have not simply lost a former student, one of the first whom I saw through the full degree track from pre-university to doctorate, but also a colleague whose skills, knowledge and experience I valued, welcomed and sought.

But above all I have lost a friend whose passions and interests – Scotland’s mountains and upland environments, history, musical tastes (from Duncan Chisholm to Smashing Pumpkins), Indian cooking, wine and whisky – matched so closely with my own, and who was always there to keep me grounded with his dry but good-natured observations. I know that I have not even begun to understand how much I will miss him.

Central to much of Ally’s work over the last decade was Scotland’s environment and he understood well how much impact environment had on individual experience and character-building.

He was the exemplar of that truth. Although he would often label himself an Aberdonian to help the uninitiated understand his north-eastern roots, Ally was a Kincardine man, born and spending his early childhood in the coastal village of Newtonhill and then later in Banchory on Deeside. It was in this beautiful place, between the sea and the mountains, with the sandstones and conglomerates of the Mearns’ sea-cliffs and the granites of the Cairngorms as his play-ground, that he found two of his enduring loves – the richness and diversity of Scotland’s environment and the exhilarating risks of climbing. Those things informed so much of his later research.

Despite his early love of history and nature, Ally did not pursue an academic route after school but moved instead into business, eventually setting up a fish merchant company in Aberdeen. But, like many before and since, his growing interest in Scotland’s past – and future – drew him back towards education and, aged 29, he decided to seek entry to university. Aberdeen University’s Access Summer School introduced him to two of his deepest loves, medieval Scottish history and his future wife, Sonja. He was an outstanding student who took to academic study with flair

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and brilliance. Having been talked out of his initial thoughts of studying archaeology, he immersed himself in Scottish History and Celtic Studies, securing a 1st Class degree. That interdisciplinary grounding provided him with the platform for his PhD research into the structures of lordship in early medieval Moray, delivering a ground-breaking thesis which overturned decades of scholarship and which forced a wholesale re-evaluation of what we thought we understood about lordship, society and economies in the country north of the Tay. From there, the only way was upwards and onwards, meeting new challenges just as he would have tackled a rock-face. In 2003 Ally joined the research staff at the University of Stirling as a member of a project exploring environmental change in the uplands around Loch Tay before becoming a permanent member of staff in the Division of History and Politics in 2007 as one of four environmental history lecturers. In the previous year, he had become Editor of History Scotland, taking on that role at a critical point in this magazine’s development and using his growing network of professional contacts to reinvigorate and reorient its editorial style and content. Two years later, he became Director of the Centre for Environmental History and Policy.

As his research and publication output grew, across a range of topics from early Scottish kingship to grassland management regimes or wood-production in Highland Scotland, further promotion followed, first to Senior Lecturer and then to Reader in Environmental and Medieval Scottish History. A Chair surely lay just around the corner. But then fate, unexpected and cruelly quick, intervened.

Ally’s illness and death came so fast that very few of us were able to say our good-byes. His calmness and dignity when confronted with his diagnosis was a comfort to those of us who were numbed by the news, and his concern for us and for what he saw as the inconvenience he was causing us was a humbling reflection of the warmth and care that he showed for everyone. Sadly, there is now a deeper poignancy to the toast he gave so often and which we gave to him at his funeral: Here’s tae us Wha’s like us?

Damn few An’ they’re a’ deid.

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Get daily news stories and expert articles at: www.historyscotland.com

New Highland heritage centre

George VI in Edinburgh The king’s first public broadcast was delivered at the RSGS, while he was still duke of York, writes Jo Woolf Artist’s impression of the planned heritage centre

A new heritage centre at the home of the Braemar Gathering will tell the story of Highland Games and Gatherings. Plans have been approved for the first purpose-built centre of its kind, with construction due to start this autumn.

The £2.2million development is to be funded by Braemar Royal Highland Society and private donations, and a major fundraising campaign is ongoing to help meet the final target. Incorporating a gallery, exhibition hall and cafe, the centre will tell the story of Royal links to Braemar and explore the early beginnings of Highland Games.

Exhibits will include paraphernalia from Highland Games and Gatherings, such as medals and trophies, and partner The Scottish Tartans Authority will also contribute to the collection.

Listen to a special episode of the History Scotland podcast recorded at the 2017 Games: scot.sh/his-podcast

Crowd funding project to fund new home for Gairloch Heritage Museum A new crowdfunding campaign is aiming to raise the final £60,000 needed for a new museum, with stars of the TV time-travel drama Outlander lending their support to the appeal and Adhamh O’Broin, Gaelic consultant for the show offering Gaelic lessons as one of the rewards to those who contribute to the project.

People will also be able to purchase inscribed metal plaques inspired by the Gairloch Pictish fish, which will be part of a large installation in the new museum. The local community has already raised over £140,000 towards the total and it is hoped that the remaining £60,000 will be raised through the crowdfunding campaign.

To make a donation, visit the project website: www.crowdfunder. co.uk/gairlochheritagemuseum Download History Scotland’s new, unofficial Outlander history guide: scot.sh/HSoutland

Lord Meston, Lord Elphinstone, the duke of York, Lord Provost Sir William Thomson (from The Scotsman, 25 October, 1934)

O

n 24 October, 1934 the Royal Scottish Geographical Society (RSGS) celebrated its Golden Jubilee. A banquet was held at the North British Station Hotel (now the Balmoral) in Edinburgh, at which the duke and duchess of York were guests of honour.

Earlier that day the royal visitors had attended a special meeting of the Society in the Usher Hall. The duchess was photographed carrying a bouquet of roses, and smiling radiantly. Now, as 350 dinner guests waited in anticipation, the duke rose to his feet and prepared to speak.

Battling with an unfortunate stammer, he spoke gallantly and at length about Scotland’s contribution to geography, and paid tribute to Scottish explorers. He noted that good communication promoted better feeling between nations: ‘It is this truer understanding between races, and a knowledge of mutual difficulties and limitations, that can help us in our search for peace.’

The duke of York was, of course, the future George VI. In January 1936 his father, George V, died, and the abdication of Edward VIII in December of that year forced him to accede to the throne. For fifteen years he was Patron of the RSGS. The significance of the King’s speech, however, has only just become apparent. On the king’s death in February 1952, RSGS President John ‘Ian’ Bartholomew observed that the banquet was ‘the first occasion on which His late Majesty broadcast to the public.’ As duke of York, his address had been broadcast live on national radio, which must have added even more pressure to the occasion. Bartholomew recalled: ‘Those who were present could form some idea of the tremendous effort called for, facing the microphone... They liked to think that the confidence he gained of later years in his happy Christmas broadcasts had in no small way its beginning in that first successful triumph in their midst.’

For more information about RSGS, visit: www.rsgs.org Quotes: The Scotsman, 25 October, 1934; The Scotsman, 15 February, 1952

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MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS THE CURRENT STATE OF SCHOLARSHIP With a major Hollywood film on the life of Mary Queen of Scots currently in production, the public’s fascination with the life of the Stewart queen shows no sign of abating. Anna Groundwater takes a look at how modern-day historians now view Mary’s rule

‘W

hat then are we to make of Mary?

There can be no doubt of her failure as a ruler’. So wrote the late, great Scottish historian, Jenny Wormald, nearly 30 years ago. But in the years since there have been many that disagreed with her, while Mary’s enduring popularity on stage, screen, print and online forums indicates a seemingly undimmed public fascination with the lady herself, her reign, and her disastrous, ultimately tragic downfall.

This year, 2017, the Mary-related production line is churning out at least one major play, ‘Glory on Earth’; a Hollywood blockbuster film; an independent dark comedy during the Edinburgh Festival, as well as a concert with newly composed music inspired by her life; and a festival in Kinross dedicated wholly to the ill-fated queen with jousting, music and dance. You can now also read Mary’s own words in translations of her letters available online. No doubt there will be an outburst of popular publishing to accompany the film, but first out of the blocks is a republication of Wormald’s incisive study that brought the whole of her extensive scholarly work in Scottish history to bear upon a new understanding of Mary Queen of Scots as monarch.

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Marie reine d’Ecosse

by Janet, (fl. c.1570) For decades, Mary’s gender has preoccupied historians, who have debated the restrictions which this placed both upon the queen and those close to her

You might ask why yet another tome on Mary is needed? Quite simply, the debate over her reign and life continues. Scholarship remains deeply divided, though most popular accounts of her are romantically sympathetic. Part of the problem is that arguments have been overpersonalised in the figure of Mary herself, typified as religious martyr, wicked adulteress, or innocent victim, in the debate over her ‘guilt’ or otherwise in her second husband Lord Darnley’s murder, and her relationship with the earl of Bothwell.

Was she the author of the ‘Casket Letters’ or not? Innocence or guilt in these have overshadowed work on whether she was an effective monarch, particularly in her personal rule (1561 to 1567) following her return from France, and until her forced abdication.

Innocence or guilt in her personal affairs has been often read as ‘good’ or ‘bad’ ruler, where the two are not necessarily linked. It could indeed be argued that complicity in her husband’s murder was probably a sensible thing for an early modern ruler to do, when that husband was actively plotting to undermine her.

Machiavelli would have approved.

Assessing Mary’s reign So what is the current state of scholarship on Mary? Wormald’s work remains a key text, particularly in her preoccupation with Mary’s actions as monarch during her

personal rule – and detaching this from the guilty adulteress/innocent martyr debate. She also insisted on understanding that reign within its longer term and Scottish contexts, of Mary’s place in a line of relatively successful Stewart kings – and the ways in which they governed, the political and social structures available for them to assert royal power. Measured against them, especially her father James V, and her son, the very effective James VI, Wormald found Mary lacking.

Another of her major criticisms was of Mary’s failure to defend her own religion, Catholicism, in a kingdom in which the Protestant Reformation was a recent and fragile fledgling. But whether you agreed or not with Wormald’s interpretation, she reframed the historical debate over Mary within those Scottish contexts, and away from over-concentration on the drama of her life.

Julian Goodare’s subsequent measured biographical entry on Mary in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004) did much to put the case for a more positive understanding of Mary’s reign, and redressed the balance in the argument. Goodare concludes that she could only have succeeded by ‘jettisoning ambitions, principles or both’, yet is that not a requirement for effective government in the early modern age? And that ‘[u]ltimately one is left with a historical Mary

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Mary Queen of Scots

remarkably close to the popular image: a romantic tragedy queen’, perhaps a somewhat romantic conclusion? That said, all students of Mary should read Goodare alongside Wormald’s criticism, the combination allowing one to get to grips with the historical debate.

Since then many other works have appeared, some more successful than others. Top of the list is Retha Warnicke’s engaging biography of Mary, which makes good use of the expanding body of work being done not just on the queen herself, but on the ‘wide range of cultural rituals, mores and behavior’ that shaped the female monarch’s actions, such as court customs and protocol, gender relations and familial networks. She reminds us ‘of the limited range of choices, specific to their culture, which individuals have when responding to personal crises’, which, in relation to Mary’s decisions, she notes were unavoidably shaped by her gender.

The gender question Gender has been the hottest area of recent debate in relation to Mary’s life and reign. Wormald sidestepped the issue by insisting that Mary’s reign should be judged on her abilities as a monarch, not merely as a female monarch.

However, it would not be possible now to ignore the effect of Mary’s gender. Historians rightly point to the difficulties posed by Mary’s femininity and physical vulnerability. Kristen Post Walton uses the contemporary literature of the Querelles des Femmes to demonstrate the constraints within which Mary acted. Within these contexts Warnicke observes, for instance, that Mary was forced to acquiesce in the marriage to Bothwell, following her abduction by him, in order to ‘suppress all references to the sexual violation’, because she ran the risk of appearing to have brought the attack on herself.

Moreover, Mary ran up against a prevalent political mindset of the unacceptability of female rule over men (as so memorably captured in John Knox’s notorious tract, the First Blast of the Trumpet

against the Monstrous Regiment of Women). Female rule was seen as problematic because women were thought to be governed by their humours, especially, as Knox cautioned of female rulers, that they ‘burned with such inordinat lust’.

Mary’s decision-making was seen to be problematically subject to her female frailties. Thus the placards that appeared on Edinburgh’s streets shortly after Darnley’s murder targeted Mary’s alleged sexual immorality, one portraying her as a mermaid (a symbol of promiscuity), linking that to her complicity in her husband’s killing.

Undoubtedly these social mores bore heavily on the manner in which Mary felt she should act, and conversely others’ expectations of her. The strictures on wives are evident in George Buchanan’s poetic advice on wifely obedience to Mary on her marriage to the Dauphin, recommending that ‘Although the Dauphin should yield to you the sceptre of royalty, and declare you with tender countenance his [coequal] lady, Yet acknowledge your station in life as a woman, and accustom yourself to your husband’s authority, Putting your royal authority aside to this extent.

Learn to bear the [marital] yoke, but together with a beloved husband, Learn to be subject to your husband’s direction…

How difficult such tensions between royal authority and wifely obedience would make Mary’s marriage to Darnley.

All this said, it is not possible to conclude that Mary’s downfall was attributable solely to the consequences of her gender.

What was preached was not always practiced, and women’s experiences were not all the same, changing according to social status and wealth. We must beware of generalisation in relation to Mary’s gender, because Mary was not like any other woman in Scotland. She was a singular figure, with a different upbringing, and with very different expectations made of her. Almost from birth she had been treated as a monarch.

She had the examples of her forceful mother Marie de Guise’s H I S TO RY S COT LA ND - NOVE MB E R / D E C E MB E R 2017

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success in a stridently male world, and Elizabeth I in England. Until her politically disastrous union with Bothwell, no one challenged her right to rule though they may have rebelled against its effects. Mary certainly made bad decisions, but these were not simply to do with being female.

But ultimately, the more I read about Mary, and the words of the queen herself, my conclusion is that the one thing that she was really lacking, crucial to any successful leader, was luck.

Dr Anna Groundwater is a cultural and social historian of early modern Scotland and Britain at the University of Edinburgh.‘Mary Queen of Scots: A Study in Failure’ by Jenny Wormald with a new Foreword and Afterword

by Anna Groundwater is published by John Donald (£14.99, paperback) www.birlinn.co.uk

FURTHER READING • Mary’s own letters in translation: Letters of Mary, Queen of Scots, and documents connected with her personal history now first published, with an introduction, ed. Agnes Strickland, vol.

1 (1942): https://archive.org/details/ lettersofmaryque01mary • Vol. 2 (1843) https://archive.org/details/ lettersofmaryque02mary • Vol. 3 (1843) https://archive.org/details/ lettersofmaryque03mary • Mary Queen of Scots: a Study in Failure, Jenny Wormald (John Donald: Edinburgh, 2017) • Mary Queen of Scots, Retha M. Warnicke (London, 2006) • My Heart Is My Own: The Life of Mary Queen of Scots, John Guy (London, 2004) • Mary Queen of Scots: An Illustrated Life, Susan Doron (London, 2007) • Julian Goodare, ‘Mary (1542–1587)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004; online edn, May 2007)

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27/09/2017 11:31

The face of an ancient Pict Forensic artist Hayley Fisher talks about how she digitally recreated the face of an ancient Pict using evidence from a burial discovered in Highland Perthshire in 1986

M

ore than thirty years after the excavation, a Pictish individual found at Bridge of Tilt has been reconstructed. The remains belong to a male, aged mid-forties, five foot ten inches tall, and well-built. This article will briefly look at the process of a twodimensional facial reconstruction to produce the resulting face.

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The main goal of facial reconstruction is to recreate a visual account of an individual’s face that adequately resembles how they would have looked in life. Facial reconstruction is mainly used in two contexts: forensic and archaeological.

In the forensic context, it assists in the identification of the dead where DNA cannot be obtained. In archaeological investigations, it allows comparison

between contemporary faces and the faces from our past. Regardless, both contexts involve the same process.

The skull is a complicated structure, the small disparities during growth and development, combined with soft tissue variations which produces the vast facial differences seen amongst the human population. Archaeological remains often show bone loss, fragmentation and damage

H I S TO RY S COT LA ND - NOVE MB E R / D E C E MB E R 2017

27/09/2017 12:18

Archaeology news

The process from applying muscles and facial features, through to the final skin layer

inflicted during their time in the ground.

As the facial bones are the most important in the reconstruction process, a sufficient amount is needed. Luckily, the remains were in an excellent condition, mainly due to good drainage of the sandy soil where they were buried.

To determine the facial features, a visual and palpable analysis of the skull is carried out. By assessing bony detail, a descriptive morphological profile can be produced. Specific craniometrical measurements are also carried out upon the hard tissue to estimate some soft tissue dimensions. Standards are used for each facial feature during the analysis, and many of the standards are related to anatomical principles.

For example, we know that nasal aperture will be smaller than the soft tissue nose, otherwise airflow would be obstructed. Furthermore, branching of the nasal tip is associated with a bifid nasal spine which was seen on the skull, and therefore the reconstruction depicts a bifid nose. There is also a positive correlation between lip thickness and dental enamel height; sets of regression formulae can be utilized for white

European populations which has been appropriated for this reconstruction.

Different occlusion patterns in the dentition will affect the shape of the lower face and lips. The remains demonstrated an overbite when the dental arches were correctly aligned, resulting in the upper lip protruding past the lower. Lastly, bony crests at the lower front of the mandible in conjunction with strong muscle attachments results in a cleft chin.

Therefore, the resulting face shows that the individual had a slight over-bite, as well as a cleft chin and a bifid nose.

Once the morphological profile has been made, tissue depth pegs are applied. These pegs provide an average tissue depth at a certain anatomical point, in accordance to specific age-ranges, ancestry groups and sex, and act as some guidance when applying soft tissues. If a peg does not fit with the anatomical structure, it will be removed, as it only provides an average and therefore not appropriate for all skulls.

Only pegs relevant to the face in frontal view were applied.

From this point the skull is orientated in the Frankfurt- horizontal-place (mimicking the natural position of the head in life) and

high-resolution digital photographs are taken of the skull. These images are taken into photo editing software and scaled to the original size.

From here the application of muscles, facial features and the final skin layer is done within digital imaging software.

The resulting musculature will already illustrate the basic facial proportions and shape. Lastly, skin textures are applied from high quality images, which can easily be manipulated within the software to fit exactly in accordance to age, sex, ancestry and morphological information derived from the skull analysis.

For more on Hayley’s work, visit: www.hayleyfisherart.com

FURTHER READING • Making Faces: Using Forensic and Archaeological Evidence, J. Prag and R.A.H. Neave (London, 1997) • ‘A Long Cists Burial at Blair Atholl’, Perthshire Society of Natural Science, 15 (1987), A. Reid and S.M. MacLaughlin, 15-24 • Forensic Art and Illustration, K. Taylor, (Boca Ratan, 2001) • The Human Bone Manual, T.D. White and P.A. Folken (London, 2005) • Forensic Facial Reconstruction, C.M. Wilkinson (Cambridge, 2004) • ‘Facial Reconstruction: Anatomical art or artistic anatomy’, Journal of Anatomy, 216:2 (2010), C.M. Wilkinson, 235-50

Tissue depth pegs provide average tissue depth for a specifc age range, ancestry group and sex H I S TO RY S COT LA ND - NOVE MB E R / D E C E MB E R 2017

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Archaeology InSites

‘A

rchaeology InSites’ is a year-long celebratory project exploring the hidden treasures of Scotland’s archaeological past. The project is one of Historic Environment Scotland’s contributions to the Year of History, Heritage and Archaeology 2017. Throughout the year we are exploring the different ‘Ages’ of Scotland’s archaeological past: every week we share two features, nominated and written by Historic Environment Scotland staff or

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Above: Castle Sinclair and Castle Girnigoe, Caithness © HES; Below, from left: prehistoric cord rig and settlement at Hut Knowe North, Scottish Borders © HES • cropmarks of West Mains Fort, East Lothian © HES • cropmarks of Holywood South Neolithic cursus, Dumfries & Galloway, © HES

by specialists across the wider archaeological sector. Each of the features is written by someone with expert knowledge, who knows the site and has researched its significance. Each feature is unique, exploring a range of subjects including: what we know about the site, how it fits into the wider archaeological landscape, the related material we house in our collections, what was discovered during excavation, or the significant people associated with the site.

In January we started in the depths of prehistory with the

Age of Stone, which investigated the earliest evidence of human activity: from scatterings of stone tools found in South Lanarkshire and prehistoric rock art in East Ayrshire, to a chambered cairn in Caithness. This Age gave rise to monumental architecture and the adoption of farming, and has left a lasting legacy on Scotland’s landscape to this day.

In February we ventured into the Age of Bronze, when the appearance of widespread trade, metal working and the arrival of settlers from the Continent brought great change to Scotland’s

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Archaeology news

archaeological landscape. New burial practices and architectural styles, including hut circles, henges and field systems, were adopted across the country. Featured sites included a recumbent stone circle from Aberdeenshire, a Beaker burial from Caithness, a 3,000-year-old log boat from Perth and Kinross and a prehistoric village on South Uist.

In March we journeyed into the Age of Iron, when increased fortification and large tribal centres dominated the land. This Age saw the rise of a class of elites who inhabited hillforts or immense architectural structures. Featured sites included a Mote from the city of Aberdeen, a fort and enclosed settlement – now only visible from the air – in East Lothian, an underground souterrain from Sutherland, a broch from Shetland and a crannog from West Dunbartonshire.

The focus in April was the Age of Invasion, when the Romans – and the local response to their arrival – drastically changed the landscape. This Age saw increased fortification and the appearance of new monuments including our chosen features: a Roman bathhouse in East Dunbartonshire, a signal station, road and multiple forts in the Scottish Borders, a Roman camp in Dumfries and Galloway and an altar on the

Above: aerial photograph showing cropmarks of Roman fort at Glenlochar, Dumfries and Galloway © HES

Below: Excavation of Viking ship burial on Sanday, Orkney © HES

Antonine Wall.

In May we delved into the Age of Warriors, where we looked at changes to early medieval Scotland, with the Pictish and Viking influences across the country. We featured Pictish cross slabs from Angus and Aberdeenshire, a ‘Viking’ canal from the isle of Skye, a barrow cemetery from the Highlands, and Pictish carvings from cave sites in Moray and Fife.

We were enlightened by the Age of Worship in June, where we continued to explore the influence of the Vikings and also the emergence of Christianity.

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We featured monastic sites both urban and rural, including a long cist cemetery in Midlothian, a Viking boat burial on Orkney, multiple island based monastic settlements in the small isles Shetland, Bute and the Western Isles, and a parish church on the outskirts of Edinburgh.

July explored the Age of Kings, of Queens and of their Castles.

The medieval era brought rise to thousands of castles across the Scottish landscape, many of which are well known. However, we wanted to feature lesser known examples, including Roxburgh Castle from the Scottish Borders, Rosyth Castle in Fife, Castle Sinclair Girnigoe in Caithness and Sir John De Graham’s castle in Stirlingshire.

August explored the Age of Clans and Clearances, while September focused on Industry.

For this current month, October’s Age of Leisure and Pleasure will contrast drastically with November’s Age of War, and we will round up the year with the challenging topic of the archaeology of This Age. The project has featured guest writers from across Scotland.

Matt Ritchie from Forestry Commission Scotland has kindly written several pieces on sites within the Forestry estate which have recently been subject to new research and

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Clockwise from top left: aerial photo of Tap O’ Noth fort, Rhynie, Aberdeenshire © HES • General view of Auchindrain township, Loch Fyne, Argyll and Bute © HES • Recumbent stone circle at Loanhead of Daviot, Aberdeenshire © HES • Excavation photograph of Knap of Howar Neolithic house, Papa Westray, Orkney © HES • The ‘Viking’ canal at Loch na h-Airde, Isle of Skye, Highland © Dr Colin & Dr Paula Martin Useful links: canmore.org.uk/insites twitter.com/HistEnvScot http://scot.sh/HESxyoutube

recording. Contributions have also been made by local authority archaeologists in Aberdeenshire, Highland, Scottish Borders, Shetland and Stirling, as well as from other organisations such as the Caithness Broch project.

Every Tuesday and Friday we will continue to promote a different archaeological site.

The feature first goes live on the Canmore website (https://canmore. org.uk) and is then shared on social media where thousands of people are being reached on a weekly basis.

You can join in, catch up or

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contribute your thoughts using #ArchInSites on Twitter. The Age of Stone and the Age of Bronze came out top in a recent poll on Twitter asking which ‘Age’ people had enjoyed most so far this year; the Age of Warriors and Age of Worship came a close second.

As well as the Archaeology InSites project, as a part of the Year of History, Heritage and Archaeology, Historic Environment Scotland is also running a lecture series, entitled ‘A Journey Through Scotland’s Past’. These hour-long lectures tell Scotland’s story, from the

List of ‘Ages’: Jan: Age of Stone Feb: Age of Bronze Mar: Age of Iron Apr: Age of Invasion May: Age of Warriors June: Age of Worship July: Age of Kings August: Age of Clans Sep: Age of Industry Oct: Age of Leisure Nov: Age of War Dec: This Age

deepest past to the present day, to share and celebrate the wealth of knowledge within our organisation, and give people a chance to learn about the archaeology and history of Scotland. Each lecture is presented by HES staff who provide an introduction to the period, insight into what ignites their passion for their subject area and give a flavour of the sort of work that the organisation undertakes in this area. The lectures are being broadcast live on Facebook and made available on YouTube, to ensure they are accessible to all.

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Archaeology news

GUARD Archaeologists excavating the Kintore building

The complex history of a rural medieval building in Aberdeenshire Newly published research by GUARD Archaeology has revealed the complex history of a turf and stone-built medieval building of a type which is rarely identified within the landscape

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herds of pottery obtained from the floor of the structure suggest the building was in use during the 14th and 15th centuries AD. However, its construction is similar to other excavated buildings dated to the early medieval period. Radiocarbon dates obtained from several features and deposits ranged from the Bronze Age, through the Iron Age to the medieval period. The structure is an uncommon survivor of medieval rural settlement that is rarely excavated in Scottish archaeology.

In 2013, GUARD Archaeology Ltd, in conjunction with Amey and on behalf of Scottish and Southern Energy, conducted an archaeological evaluation on an area of ground proposed as part of the expansion of the Kintore Sub-Station, south-west of Kintore, Aberdeenshire. The work exposed the remains of a large rectangular enclosure with an adjacent small building. Further excavation and a topographic survey were undertaken between June and August 2014.

The rareness of the Kintore medieval building is predominantly due to the lack of identification of them in the landscape, the result of their construction using perishable materials such as clay and turf, and changes in land-use which have led to their destruction.

Often the stones from these buildings have been systematically removed over time, or the buildings replaced with new structures, or adapted to different uses. The survival of the Kintore building, despite being partially damaged and robbed, might be due to the marginal nature of the ground it sits on, which is very boggy in places and contains a large amount of stone, both above and below ground, which inhibited ploughing that might otherwise have removed all traces of the building.

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The wide range of radiocarbon dates obtained, from the second millennium BC to the second millennium AD, might appear to suggest long-lived occupation of the site. However, based on the latest of the radiocarbon dates and fragments of a Scottish medieval redware jug found within it, the building appears to have been abandoned post-15th century AD. The lack of evidence of any earlier structures or artefacts relating to the early medieval and prehistoric dates indicates that their presence might be due to other factors, such as the use of (older) peat as a fuel or building resource. Peat deposits are known to exist locally, therefore its use as a fuel and possible building material is not an unreasonable supposition.

Better preserved medieval buildings, such as at Pitcarmick in Perthshire, retain clear divisions between a living end containing a hearth, and byre end with a central drainage slot. No such internal arrangements were apparent at Kintore but soil micromorphology analysis of the soils within the building suggest that there were differences between floor deposits at either end. The west end was associated with domestic activities and the east end was richer in livestock dung, which may indicate the internal division of the house. While there was no central drain within the byre east end of the building, this lay at a lower level than the west end, with the slope aiding drainage if animals were housed there.

The full results of this research, which was funded by Scottish and Southern Energy, ARO26: The complex history of a rural medieval building in Kintore, Aberdeenshire by Maureen C. Kilpatrick has just been published and is now freely available to download from ARO, Archaeology Reports Online: www.archaeologyreportsonline.com

27/09/2017 11:32

www.historyscotland.com

The GLENKENS Rising Professor Ted Cowan explains the causes and consequences of the Glenkens Rising of 1666, as he explores to what extent government atrocities impacted on the character and attidude of the glen’s inhabitants, both before the rising and in the years which followed

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lenkens in Galloway is one of the least known glens in Scotland, displaying no signs as to entry or exit. It extends from the foot of Loch Ken some 25 miles northwards to Loch Doon and the Ayrshire border.

The deanery of Glenkens, an administrative subdivision of the medieval kirk, is first mentioned in a document of 1275, at which time it comprised the parishes of Kells, Dalry, Trevercarcou, Kirkandrews Balmaghie and Kirkandrews Parton, but curiously not Crossmichael.

Trevercarcou was presumably the old name for the community which 16

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Cairnsmore of Carsphain, once described as ‘a very desolate wilderness’

emerged as Balmaclellan in the 15thcentury, by which time Dalry was said to be ‘situated in the woods, far from the habitation of other christian faithful and among fierce men ill-versed in the faith’. Carsphairn, described as ‘a very desolate wilderness’, was carved out of Kells and Dalry in 1639-40, […] out of love to the salvation of souls of barbarous and ignorant people who has heretofore lived without the knowledge of God, their children unbaptized, their dead unburied and no way of getting maintenance to a minister.

The glen was to enter the mainstream of Scottish national

history due to the unprecedented events which occurred in late 1666.

Contemplating Glenkens today, it is difficult to imagine the dread and horror which pervaded these peaceful surroundings back in the 1660s, a period which generated atrocities in the name of government such as to impact indelibly upon the character and attitudes of the glen’s inhabitants. When Charles II was restored to the throne, following the Covenanting Revolution and the Cromwellian occupation, he immediately set about the transformation of Scotland’s Presbyterian church, re-introducing bishops and Episcopalian

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The Glenkens Rising

government. In 1663 ministers who refused to conform were ordered to remove themselves forthwith with their ‘wives, bairns, servants, goods and gear’ from their churches and manses. Most in Galloway were in this category, among them James Buglos at Crossmichael, Thomas Warner at Balmaclellan, John Cant at Kells, Adam Alison at Balmaghie, Thomas Thomson at Parton and John M’Michan of Dalry.

These clergymen were replaced by inexperienced and allegedly underqualified curates. All legislation supporting the covenants was rescinded and parishioners who refused to attend the local church were fined. Those who adhered to the covenants and the principle of the separation of church and state sought spiritual solace in conventicles, illegal meetings for worship conducted by the displaced ministers in houses, barns, or in the open air, the latter favoured because Christ himself could be regarded as the first conventicler.

In order to collect the fines, to monitor non-attendance, to enforce laws proclaiming the covenants treasonous and to create general terror and mayhem, troops were sent into the region. Thus the Scottish Government, at the bidding of the king, declared war upon its own subjects.

To make matters worse the soldiers were quartered upon the local population. An un-named ‘gentleman of Galloway’ reported the inevitable consequences to his friend in Edinburgh. He declared that he was no fanatic but he found himself becoming radicalised by the sufferings of his fellow countrymen and women, due to the soldiers’ ‘inhuman and atheistical deportment’, as they arbitrarily preyed upon ‘a desolate people for their own private gain’. Quartering was hated as profoundly as it was dreaded.

The troops seemed to luxuriate in needless waste, feeding whole sheep to their dogs and destroying crops, to alleged cries of, ‘We came to destroy, and we shall destroy you’.

Having consumed the resources of the landlord they then descended on the tenants. Men were attacked and tortured, women and children assaulted. Property was wilfully

The troops seemed to luxuriate in needless waste, feeding whole sheep to their dogs and destroying crops, to alleged cries of ‘We came to destroy, and we shall destroy you’ damaged, informants were rewarded, complaints and grievances ignored by the authorities.

In addition to the levying of cess (assessment or taxation) and the considerable financial burden of quartering, fines for non-attendance at the kirk were imposed, though sometimes they could be avoided by bribing the soldiers. Supposedly the dragoons made no attempt to distinguish between those who conformed and those who refused, producing ‘an universal outcry in this country’.

Even worse, many loyal subjects were fined for the non-obedience of their wives. This was particularly alarming ‘for there are many wives who will not be commanded by their husbands in lesser things than this’, occasioning much contention and strife in families to the point that some women fled their husbands to seek shelter elsewhere, and so, horror of horrors, the poor goodman was ‘doubly punished despite his conformity’! The independence of Galloway women is a recurring theme in this period.

The total amounts of fines for some parishes have survived, (rounded to nearest pound):

Carsphairn, 49 families paid £4865 (av. £99 per family) Dalry, 43 families, £9576 (£223 per family) Balmaclellan, 49 families, £6431 (£131 per family) Balmaghie, 9 families, £426 (£47 per family) Parton, 24 families, £2838 (£118 per family) Crossmichael, number of families unknown, £1667 Kells, number of families unknown, £467

These figures are in pounds Scots, twelve of which equated to one pound sterling. They would be paid by the head of the household.

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total number of families in any parish since there was no Scottish census until 1755, Dalry is clearly the stand-out on this reckoning, a veritable hotbed of resistance.

The sums may seem misleadingly paltry. When converted from pounds Scots, for example, the 47 families in Balmaclellan owed, on average £5 sterling each but according to the National Archives Currency Converter website, that equates to spending worth £415 in 2005 money. By the same measure the Carsphairn average is a hefty £614 and Dalry a staggering £1494.

Although the figures may be somewhat skewed these are colossal sums by 17th-century standards.

Little wonder that the anonymous Galloway gentleman opined that the consequence of these ‘grievous and intolerant impositions’ would be the ‘utter ruin’ of a majority of Galloway families. Furthermore, these amounts were demanded from a society that had limited experience, if any, of cess or taxation, let alone of fines for not attending church and these were the first of a series that would be levied relentlessly for a generation through to 1688. Of course most fines were never paid, leading to the seizure of property and imprisonment.

Government intention was apparently the total impoverishment of dissident civilians. And the killing of ‘The Killing Times’ was 20 years in the future! Such notorious oppressors as Bluidy Clavers and Grierson of Lag were not yet savage blemishes upon the landscape. How could the hapless population defend itself?

In a clear example of how violence breeds violence the situation erupted on 13 November, 1666 in the unexpected and unlikely 17

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response of the ill-fated Glenkens Rebellion of 1666, better known, inaccurately, as ‘The Pentland Rising’. Robert Wodrow, for example, in his invaluable History of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland consistently dates events to before and after Pentland, because two weeks later (28 November) the rebels came to grief at Rullion Green on the slopes of the Pentland Hills near Penicuik.

The event was the subject of young Robert Louis Stevenson’s first publication, but ‘Pentland’ is a misnomer since the rebellion was inspired by the outraged men and women of Glenkens.

Robert McClellan, laird of Barscobe in Balmaclellan parish, had been hiding out in the hills with three associates (Wodrow erred in naming this man John and he has been followed by many historians. There was no John in the Barscobe branch of McClellans at this time). They visited the Clachan of Dalry seeking supplies, on the way encountering, at Midtown, Corporal George Deanes and three other soldiers who were herding a few labourers to the farm of a man named Grier, whose corn they were to thresh to pay his fine for nonattendance. While in the alehouse at the Clachan they heard that the soldiers were torturing Grier who, having been bound hand and foot, was threatened with being stripped naked and spread-eagled on a hot gridiron (used for baking bread).

Barscobe and his cohorts intervened, tempers flared, loud words were exchanged, soldiers attacked with swords drawn, and one of the local men fired his pistol loaded with broken claypipes, the only ammunition he had, wounding Deanes. Grier was freed and the soldiers captured. It is clear that the situation was not premeditated.

Word of the affray reached nearby Balmaclellan where a conventicle was taking place. The minister, Thomas Verner or Warner, who had been outed in 1663, was under investigation by the authorities; he was currently surviving as a farmer on the bleak, unproductive moorlands of Lochinvar. In his absence the service was conducted

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The Crockett memorial, Laurieston.

Erected in 1932 and inscribed: ‘To the memory of Samuel Rutherford Crockett author of the Raiders and other tales of Galloway, a native of this parish, 24 September 1860 - 16 April 1914...’

Crockett’s year of birth was actually 1859

by Alexander Robertson, minister of Urr. Since the conventiclers were likely to be deemed complicit in the Grier episode they joined Barscobe and next day they attacked sixteen other members of the Dalry garrison, killing one.

Outright rebellion now seemed the only option. The hated commandant of the south-west, LieutenantColonel Sir James Turner, was based at Dumfries. Much of the social and political unrest in Galloway was attributed to him and his pernicious actions, but in his Memoirs he claimed that he had never exceeded

his orders and, if anything, was guilty of leniency. A self-admitted drunkard, described as a butcher and a bibulous despot by his opponents, he confessed that: I had swallowed in Germanie [where he served as a mercenary] a very dangerous maxim which military men then too much followed, which was that so we serve our master honestly it is no matter what master we serve.

He frequently demonstrated a humorous side, a kind of devilmay-care, plague on all your houses

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The Glenkens Rising

cynicism about himself and life in general.

Locally, word spread rapidly.

When Barscobe entered Dumfries to capture Turner the rebels had been joined by some 50 horsemen and 150 men on foot. His party also included John Neilson of Corsock, minister’s son Alexander Robertson, McCartney of Blaiket (north-east of Haugh of Urr), James Callum, glover in Dumfries, and a mysterious character named Andrew Gray, an unknown who seemed to appear from nowhere. Their quarry appeared at the window, ‘a vision of night cap, night gown, drawers and socks’, begging for mercy, to which Neilson assented.

When Gray wanted to shoot Turner, Neilson interjected that he should ‘as soon shoot me for I have given him quarters’. For whatever reason Gray took charge of Turner’s papers and considerable amounts of cash that he kept in a chest. Turner, still ‘in his flannels’, was placed upon a Galloway pony barebacked, while the covenanters, at the cross, pledged their loyalty to the king and their adherence to the covenants.

The belief of these simple men was that Charles II’s counsellors, rather than the king himself, were responsible for the evils that beset them, but ironically their best hope lay in using Turner as a hostage while they appealed to the merciless royal Scottish advisors in Edinburgh.

In truth they had no real options and almost no experience whatsoever of the deadly situation in which they now found themselves.

The covenanters marched up the Cairn Water to Glencairn Kirk at Kirkland, and on 16 November, 1666 returned to the Clachan of Dalry where the whole sad escapade began. Andrew Symson, Episcopalian minister of Kirkinner in Wigtownshire and author of A Large Description of Galloway (1684), cited a witness’s manuscript journal: At night Andrew Gray and Sir James were lodg’d at Mr Chalmers of Waterside’s house, being on the other side of the river of Kenn, not far from the Old Clachan.

About eleven at night, fearing that the earl of Annandale and lord Drumlanrig were approaching, ‘Gray march’d immediately, though the night was very dark and raining, and the way very bad, eight miles to Carsphairn’, where Turner was lodged for one night in a country house which also quartered sixteen horsemen, spending a second night at the house of Gordon of Knockgray, who was then a prisoner in Kirkcudbright. The mysterious Gray absconded with Turner’s hoard never to be seen again.

The question of whether Gray, described in one source as an Edinburgh merchant, was an agent provocateur, has never been satisfactorily answered. What was certain was that the outlook for the rebels was as grim as the wet November weather. Rain was present throughout the entire tragic adventure.

They moved on to Dalmellington as Turner was deaved with promises of his imminent demise and a tedious lecture on the covenant by the radical minister, John Welch.

At Ayr they were joined by James Wallace of Auchans who was appointed commander. Next day, 21 November, a royal proclamation

These things have been all over Scotland, but chiefly in the poor country of Galloway at this day; and, had God not prevented, it should have, in the same measures, undoubtedly befallen the rest of the nation ere long.

At Lanark the ragged little army split, the main body heading for Edinburgh while the rest made for Glasgow. Wallace seems to have hoped for some kind of parley with the authorities but Edinburgh was fortified and barred against him, and worse, the ‘Muscovite Beast’, Lieutenant-General Tam Dalyell of the Binns, was in close pursuit, a man who had grown, and refused to cut, a luxurious beard after the execution of Charles I, seventeen years earlier and who, in covenanting mythology, beat the Devil at cards by cheating! In desperation Wallace led his diminishing force – deserters outnumbered recruits – along the

The Whigs charged and for a time all was confusion as the adversaries engaged hand to hand pronounced the insurrection to be ‘open, manifest and horrid rebellion, and high treason’; the rebels faced the ultimate penalty if they failed to submit within 24 hours, much too short a period for the word to travel throughout Galloway where the covenanters were attempting to recruit, without a great deal of success.

At Lanark the force, now numbering around 800, subscribed anew the Solemn League and Covenant of 1643, declaring that they were acting in self-defence.

The whole world knew that

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Charles II had sworn to adhere to the covenants and to defend the Church of Scotland but instead had established Episcopal government, ‘in its height of tyranny’, with subsequent fines, imprisonment, quarterings of soldiers and abuse of the people:

edge of the Pentlands to make a stand at Rullion Green. The rebels had tried to persuade Turner to adopt the covenant to no avail; Turner was not for turning! But he did promise some of the covenanters that if they protected him during the ensuing battle he would ensure their lives were spared, only to later betray his cynical pledge.

The outcome was not in doubt.

Psalm-singing and the pious utterings of preachers were no defence against government weaponry and an estimated 3,000 troops. The Whigs charged and

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for a time all was confusion as the adversaries engaged hand to hand.

‘Whig’, originating in Galloway and Ayrshire as a term for a rural buffoon, and later a Presbyterian or Covenanter, is thought to have derived from the Old Scots verb, whig, to urge forward, whiggam being a cry the driver used to control horses.

The two sides ‘mixed like chessmen in a bag’ wrote one witness. The illarmed peasant army was demolished.

A contemporary poem stresses its inadequacy. Their weapons included halbards, dirks, slings, fl ails, spears, pikes, spades, plough coulters, scythes, arrowless bows and rusting guns.

The cleverest men stood in the van, The Whigs they took to their heels and ran; But such a raking ne’er was seen As the raking o the Rullion Green.

Estimates of the numbers killed in the battle differ widely. It was claimed that only four or five died on the government side while 50 rebels perished. Some suggested that 100 covenanters were slaughtered on the field, including some 40 of ‘the westland men’, while 300 were dispatched, allegedly by the peasantry of Lothian, as they fled.

Barscobe’s brother Thomas was killed in the battle. Upwards of 130 were captured and imprisoned in Edinburgh. The victorious General Dalyell preached a gospel of extermination; all rebel supporters were to be removed or destroyed.

Scotland’s chancellor, the duke of Rothes, opined that those ‘damd incorrigeable phanaticks’ whom he characterised as ‘nyaffs’, must be suppressed and he set off on a progress to pacify ‘those parts where the frenzy first took its rise’, namely Glenkens and Galloway.

It is always difficult to ascertain exactly what happened in history but this period is particularly difficult because Covenanting apologists understandably took a completely biased and one-sided view of their heroes, while supporters of the Crown exaggerated enemy atrocities and motivations. We cannot always be sure that the ‘martyrdoms’ depicted by Wodrow in his History of the Sufferings actually happened because we often lack corroborative evidence.

He argued that the covenanters 20

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Glenkens and the Rhinns of Kells

were not guilty of treason because they acted in self-defence, which is rather a stretch, while government officials were none too picky about their victims, often accusing and prosecuting folk who were nowhere near Dalry or Rullion Green.

What cannot be doubted was the vindictive punishment inflicted on these ‘poor naked country lads who had never seen war’ and their families following the battle. Many of those who initially escaped execution were hounded for the rest of their lives.

An example was to be made of two rebellious participants: Hew McKail, a 26-year-old minister from Edinburgh who suffered from tuberculosis and who pulled out of the march before the battle to be subsequently arrested by Dalyell, and Neilson of Corsock, guarantor of protection to the captive Turner, who attempted unsuccessfully to reciprocate on his behalf. Both were brutally tortured, their legs shattered by the vicious ‘boot’, an iron contraption into which the leg was inserted, followed by the hammering in of as many wedges as were required to produce a result.

Both went bravely to their deaths.

Alexander Robertson, minister of Urr, was also executed.

Remarkably McClellan of Barscobe eluded capture until 1682 when Claverhouse allegedly planned to have him hung drawn and quartered, a fate he averted by rejecting the Covenant. A year later he was murdered as a traitor to the cause, strangled by fellowcovenanter William Grierson, brother of Robert Grierson of Mylnemark. Both brothers were briefly imprisoned on the supplication of Barscobe’s widow Elizabeth Logan, but soon released.

Among those sentenced to death at Ayr on Christmas Eve 1666 for their part in the revolt were John Graham, James Smith and John Short of Old Clachan of Dalry and, from Carsphairn, Alexander MacCulloch and John McCoull. In 1667 the quartering of troops led to further atrocities at the properties of Gordon of Holm of Dalry and Gordon of Earlston. Specifically named in commissions were the Cannons of

Barnchalloch and Barley, Gordon of Garrery in Kells, Henry Grier in Balmaclellan, Gordon younger of Holm and Dempster of Corriedoo.

Even after the duke of Lauderdale introduced an indemnity (1667) the persecution continued.

In 1668 the authorities still sought sixteen people in Dalry, among them, unusually, two women, Margaret Tod and Bessie Gordon. The wanted list included Robert Gaa, smith in Clachan, and one each of McCall, Chapman, McMichael, Douglas, McAdam, Girvan, McCutcheon and McNaught. Listing such individuals may appear tedious but many of the personal and placenames of those sought survive at the present time, a circumstance which, I would argue, brings those folk of the past, and the terrible fears they must have faced, much closer to us, while also reinforcing memories or reports of the actual events to render historical events immediate and relevant.

Thus wanted in Dalry were: (original spelling retained) Crichtoun in Knoksting and in Fingland, Ferguson in Trostan, McCall in Craigincore, Roan in Stroanpatrick, Neilson in Clachan, Gordon and MacMillan there, MacMillan in Ardindarroch, McQuhannel in Kirkland of Dalry, Miller in Auchinshinoch and Cannon in Blackmark. In Kells were Bennoch in Strangfastnet, McLeive in Barskelloch, McCall in Airy, McAdam in Newtoun and others there. Balmaclellan parish: Milliken in Fell, Gordon in Crogo, Dempster in Hill, Kersan in Killochy and Raine in Cubboks. In Carsphairn, Cannon in Formartoun, McMitchell in Knokinrioch, McMillans in Stronggashell, Kiltarsan and Bredinoch, McIlnay in Polundow, Logan in Locheid, Crauford in Drumjoan, Cunningham in Longfoord, McAdam in Waterheid and Hannay there, McAdam in Bow, McMillan younger in Brokloch, Ferguson in Woodhead, Cubbison in Mosse, McAdam in Knokgray, MacMillan in Bank, Smith at Bridge of Deuch, Wylie in Smeiton, Malcolm in Netherholm and McColm in Netherglen. What

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The Glenkens Rising

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happened to them all we cannot know but the names of these folk who, for refusing to attend church and resisting subsequent fines, were treated like terrorists, should be cherished in the annals of Glenkens and of Scotland.

Galloway’s most famous novelist, Samuel Rutherford Crockett, wrote several stories about the Covenanters. One of his least understood novellas is entitled Mad Sir Uchtred of the Hills, the anti-hero of which, Uchtred, has been cast out by God because although a one-time Covenanter he has abjured the covenants in the interests of self-advancement to become a persecutor of the faithful. He is consumed with ‘a still and deadly hatred – the hate that can let pass ninety-nine opportunities and kill at the hundredth’.

Crockett’s achievement was to humanise these sometimes forbidding, dour heroes of the covenant, to show that they enjoyed dialectic and humour.

The novelist himself was a failed Free Church minister who quit to become a writer.

When Uchtred is sent to eject a non-conformist minister from his kirk, he rides into the church on his war horse. He orders the burning of the minister’s possessions but the reverend solemnly curses him. Uchtred instantly reacts, ‘as a strained fiddle-string snaps, so a chord twanged in his head’. He flees away over the Galloway moors, shedding his clothing as he does so, becoming at one with the landscape in returning to nature.

Upon Clashdan above Loch Dee the madness came on him as, […] he fled along the shaggy tops of the lonely hills, till on the bare scalp of the Merrick, close under the lift with all the other mountains crouched and dwarfed beneath him, he had a vision.

He saw himself like Lucifer, Star of the Morning, flash out of the blackness between the tingling points of light, for a moment curve in trailing fire across the firmament, and plunge into the lake of eternal fire in which burn for ever all the sins and despairs of the universe.

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He has become a nature-spirit who sits, […] with his feet bent down, and the nails set into the ground to give him foothold, even as a bird turns its claws inward as it sits on a branch […] naked save for a deer pelt round his waist while much of his body was covered by his matted hair and beard.

His legs and arms were seamed and scarred—shrunk to sinew and shank-bone. The frost had opened cracks in them. The dews of the night clogged his hair. The red earth of his den on the Wolf’s Slock was caked hard upon him.

The folk at Laggan have a vision, true to those actually occurring in covenanting literature, of ghostly troops of horsemen on the slopes of Clashdan, on the edge of the hills.

When first read, the story seems as crazy as Uchtred but on closer scrutiny it has a certain charm in its blend of local folklore and covenanting tradition, not to mention the spirits and devils that, as everyone knows, inhabit the Galloway wastelands in the hours of darkness. The piece is most memorable as an essay on the age-old relationship between nature and Christianity, damnation and redemption, life and death, commitment and rejection.

Historically McClellan of Barscobe was the hero of the Glenkens Rising yet he later abjured the covenant and was murdered in 1683 as a traitor to the cause, possibly Crockett’s inspiration for his story. The Galloway topography is recognisable. The much-loved wide open spaces provide succour and inspiration for Uchtred’s introspection and ultimate salvation. The local traditions are accurately described.

The Glenkens Rising invites questions as to how exactly a population should

react to a tyrannical, vindictive, emotionally bankrupt government pursuing an invincible sense of its own righteousness. Out of the desolation of 1666 a shrunken Glenkens was born. In government despatches and reports from then on, only the parishes which initially supplied the most men for the revolt, and who were consequently accorded the greatest notoriety, were included in what is now modern Glenkens, namely Carsphairn, Dalry, Kells and Balmaclellan. These were the men and women who, almost accidentally, resisted Stuart tyranny during the struggle of the later covenanting era and whose actions would be vindicated by the revolution of 1689.

Ted Cowan is Emeritus Professor of Scottish History and Literature, University of Glasgow.

FURTHER READING Edward J. Cowan, “The Covenanting Tradition in Scottish History”, in Scottish History The Power of the Past, eds. Edward J. Cowan and Richard J. Finlay, (Edinburgh, 2002), 121-45.

The Scottish Covenanters 1660-88, Ian B. Cowan, (London, 1976) The Covenanters Under Persecution A Study of their Religious and Ethical Thought, Hector Macpherson, (Edinburgh, 1923) The Pentland Rising & Rullion Green, C.S.Terry (Glasgow, 1905) The McClellans in Galloway, D. Richard Torrance, Scottish Genealogy Society (Edinbugh, 2003) Robert Wodrow, The History and Sufferings of the Church of Scotland from the Restoration to the Revolution, ed Rev Robert Burns, 4 vols. (Glasgow, 1830)

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The reality of the

Crimean War

Photographer Roger Fenton’s striking images of the Crimean War brought the details of the conflict into the consciousness of the British public for the first time, as a new exhibition reveals

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he progress of the Crimean War (5 October, 1853 – 30 March, 1856) was avidly followed by the public at home in the UK, who were keen to know the outcome of the various battles, the military personnel involved, and the geography of the battlefields.

In response to this demand for information, Lancashire-born photographer Roger Fenton was despatched to the Crimea in February 1855. Fenton was one of the leading photographers of the day; patronised by the royal family and founder of the Photographic Society.

His Crimea photographs are currently on display at Palace of Holyroodhouse in Edinburgh.

From the outset, Fenton would have known that he was being despatched to a war-torn region.

He arrived just weeks after major battles such as the battle of Alma, and whilst the siege of Sevastopol had entered its sixth month. The photographs that he took were shared with the public back home, featuring in UK newspapers as woodcut engravings, where his images were copied by skilled engravers, whilst the original photographs were displayed in galleries across the UK.

Portraying a war Roger Fenton was commissioned to travel to the Crimea by the London publisher Thomas Agnew & Sons, who gave him two separate tasks – to take photos which told the story of the Crimean War, and to photograph as many senior officers as possible.

The latter was both to satisfy the curiosity of readers about the different personalities, and to help create a huge work of art featuring officers of the Crimea, which was painted by Thomas Barker, based largely on Fenton’s portraits.

Agnew & Sons saw the commission largely as a commercial enterprise, since they were able to sell Fenton’s photographs on, simply by producing prints from his negatives.

Fenton’s feelings about the war come through in his photographs, as exhibition curator Sophie Gordon explains: ‘I think that in the photos Fenton took, he is commenting on the war in a subtle way. He is moved by what he sees and he is producing emotional photos. There are some of his portraits which show people looking as if they’ve just come off the battlefield, almost shell-shocked. And his landscape views are completely different to the colour and movement which existed in poetry at the time.’

In producing his work in the Crimea, Fenton was demonstrating highly technical skills, which are

Background: Roger Fenton, Valley of the Shadow of Death, 23 April 1855 From left: Fenton’s horse-drawn photographic van, with his assistant Marcus Sparling seated at the front’ Roger Fenton, Council of War, 6 June 1855, 1855; Fenton’s portrait of Sir Colin Campbell

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particularly apparent in an elevenpart panorama of the plains of Sevastapol which sweeps across a landscape of army tents, a stark battlefield and, in the final frames, on to a hastily dug cemetery for Britain’s war dead.

Fenton’s work not only reached a wide audience through its display in exhibitions across the country, but drew the attention of Queen Victoria, as one of the smallest artefacts in the exhibition reveals.

Fenton’s photographic portrait of Sir Colin Campbell (1792-1863), who famously commanded the Highland Brigade at the battle of Alma, was the inspiration for a beautiful miniature painting of the military commander.

This item, which was recently identified as being inspired by the photography of Fenton, was acquired

by Queen Victoria, who it seems, like many of her subjects, had a keen interest in following the news of the thousands of men fighting overseas in this long-running conflict.

Shadows of War: Roger Fenton’s Photographs of the Crimea, 1855 is at the Palace of Holyroodhouse until 26 November 2017.

The Queen’s Gallery, Palace of Holyroodhouse, Edinburgh 0303 123 7606; website: http:scot.sh/HSXfenton 23

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REWRITING HISTORY The childhood and youth of Alexander Carmichael, the folklorist

Robert Hay examines the original, recently digitised, notebooks of Alexander Carmichael, to untangle the myths the folklorist created about his early life

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sychologists affirm that, during their lifetime, all humans revise their life history continuously in the light of later experience – a process sometimes inelegantly called reconstitution.

Some construct a story that fits their aspirations, others may wish to hide from unpalatable memories.

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difficult. Most people keep these revisions to themselves, reassessing their behaviour in the light of experience, but history is strewn with the exposure of prominent individuals who have claimed false ancestors, ranks or qualifications.

Moving in polite society in Edinburgh, Alexander Carmichael (1832-1912, the compiler of Carmina Gadelica) seems to have

Alexander Carmichael pictured at Lismore, c.1900

been motivated to rewrite the story of his early life to enhance his social status; he succeeded to the extent that the obituary in the Celtic Review after his death in 1912 asserted facts about his life that were demonstrably untrue. It is ironic that, in the modern world, the successful son or daughter of a modest crofter would be more likely to boast about the simplicity of his or her early life.

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Folklorist Alexander Carmichael

The Carmichael family The Celtic Review obituary lays stress on Alexander’s distinguished pedigree, claiming that his family was related to a Bishop Carmichael, who built the cathedral of Argyll, beginning in the 13th century.

Medieval historians, documenting the line of bishops from the establishment of the diocese around 1190, have failed to identify this cleric. The obituary goes on to claim that his forebears had been substantial landholders, tricked out of possession by Donald Campbell of Ardnamurchan in the 17th century; it is likely that this story is conflated with the legend of a similar event elsewhere on the island of Lismore (the loss of half of his land by the baron of Bachuil, hereditary keeper of St Moluag’s staff). Following this pattern of claimed distinction in landed society, the writer notes that the young Alexander was on familiar terms with some of the great Campbell families of Argyll (Dunstaffnage, Lochnell, Baleveolan and Barbreck) and favoured by the duke of Argyll himself.

In reality, the Carmichaels were a very modest family, struggling to make their livings in difficult times. Alexander’s parents, Hugh Carmichael and Betty MacColl, belonged to indigenous families from the farming townships in the southern half of Lismore.

Hugh was born c.1784 to Archibald Carmichael, one of the joint tenants of the township of Baligrundle (owned by the Barcaldine Campbells), and Isabella MacGregor. Betty was baptised on 30 May, 1791; her parents were Donald MacColl, joint tenant in Baleveolan, and Catherine Campbell. After the death of their father (sometime between 1800 and 1815), Hugh’s brothers Dugald and James shared the tenancy at Baligrundle, but there was no land for Hugh. He and Betty began married life there as cottars, where Cathrine (1813), Archibald (1816), Donald (1818), Mary (1820) and (the first) Alexander (1822) were born. Soon after, Hugh was able to secure a small tenancy on Portcharron township (Taylochan,

near Clachan, also on Barcaldine land), where Dugald (1824), Bell (1826) and a second Cathrine (1829) were born.

Hugh Carmichael was never more than a small tenant farmer, really a crofter, and he supplemented his income as a cobbler. Of his first eight children, only Archibald, Donald, Mary and the second Cathrine survived childhood; the last, the second Alexander, the folklorist, arrived at Taylochan in December 1832.

Family life for the Carmichaels must have been affected deeply by these losses, and tragedy was to strike again with the death of Archibald in 1837 at the age of 21. Mary and Cathrine lived on to emigrate to Canada.

The 1841 census places Hugh (55) in Portcharron, with a household including his sons Donald (20) and Alexander (7), as well as a servant and two lodgers.

However, during the1840s, he moved a short distance on to the Lismore estate of Campbell of Airds, to occupy part of the township of Kilandrist. In 1851, Hugh and Betty had 25 acres there, and Alexander (18) was still at home, listed as a ploughman.

The world of the young Alexander Carmichael The detailed documentation of the Airds tenancies in the 1840s, drawn up for the sale of the estate, gives some insight into what was still a very feudal society. The traditional cain (rent in kind) due annually for Hugh Carmichael’s holding included 80 eggs, four fowl, two chickens, one pint of [seal] oil and four hanks of yarn [linen or wool?], of total value 8s 2d. To this were added 5s for the ‘wreck account’ and 1s 3d for seeds, and he was expected to deliver three bolls of meal or the cash equivalent at £1 per boll. Altogether, Carmichael paid the equivalent of £3 14s 5d for these items in addition to a straightforward money rent of £10. For a holding of this size (25 acres), this was in line with rents elsewhere on Lismore.

The very sparse remains of the Carmichael house and farm

Overall, owing to clearance, the potato famine and the lack of alternative occupations, the population of Lismore fell by over 30 percent during Alexander’s first 20 years Two years later, he was the winner of the first island ploughing match.

In their last appearance in the census records in 1861, Hugh, now blind, was 76, his Kilandrist holding had shrunk to fourteen acres, and his daughter Mary had returned to the island with her husband and five children (two of whom had been born in Greenock). Hugh and his brother H I S TO RY S COT LA ND - NOVE MB E R / D E C E MB E R 2017

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Dugald (aged 84) both died the following year. This information is in direct conflict with the obituary statement that Carmichael was prevented from taking up a commission in the army (offered by the duke of Argyll) because of the early death of his father.

buildings at Kilandrist show that, as for other small tenants in the 1840s, the house is likely to have been drystone and thatched, with a central hearth and an integral byre: the Lismore version of the black house. The deaths of so many of Alexander’s siblings underline the hardships of the times.

The population of Lismore reached its peak of c.1500 in the 25

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early 1830s, but the pressure of people, on an island with a limited amount of land and few opportunities for alternative occupations, had been felt for several decades. The first recorded emigrants left the island for the Carolinas in 1775 and, by the 1820s, there were well-established Lismore colonies on Cape Breton Island and in the new settlements to the west of Toronto in Ontario. In the 1840s some of these, and fresh emigrants from the island, were moving west in the United States. Many more, including Alexander’s sister Mary, moved to seek work in Greenock, Dumbarton, Paisley and Glasgow, and there was a continual seasonal movement of the young to the Lowlands for harvest, fishing and domestic employment.

The agricultural economy of the island was in recession, not helped by harvest failures in 1836 and 1837. Commodity prices had fallen with the reduction in demand for the war effort, but rents had not fallen.

In fact, the rents on Baligrundle were increased by around fifteen percent in 1824. Lismore’s traditional role as a supplier of grain was being undermined by the start of cheap imports from the Americas and improvements in transport. The island was at the beginning of a long transition from arable farming to the livestock rearing enterprises that were more appropriate to its climate.

(Islanders from the 1830s, when as much of the island as possible was under rig and furrow cultivation, would find it difficult to recognise the green grassy landscape of the next century.)

Estate records show that tenants were chronically in arrears and, for many, the only solution was to convert their bere (barley) crops to whisky, which could be sold clandestinely for cash. For a time, Lismore was notorious for its illicit stills and, in John MacCulloch’s account of his travels in the West Highlands, there is a particularly poignant record of a raid by a revenue cutter on an island township engaged in whisky production.

Tenure varied across the island.

By the 1830s most of Barcaldine’s holdings were let for nine years but many Lismore tenants still leased 26

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their land on an annual basis, based on a verbal agreement. This was certainly the case for the Campbell of Airds tenants, including Hugh Carmichael in Kilandrist. The terms could be harsh. For example, it was common for a widow to be evicted on the death of a tenant, irrespective of whether she had a son who could fill the father’s place. In the summer of 1843, following the death of Archibald MacColl, the leading tenant in Baligrundle, his family was served a notice to quit.

Archibald’s 27-year old son Malcolm appears to have resisted the attempt of the authorities to deliver the notice with violence – the crime of deforcement. In a subsequent riot at Achnacroish, a crowd of 50 or 60 islanders liberated MacColl from arrest, and sent the police packing.

Two months later the procurator fiscal, in person, arrested the ringleaders, but the islanders again protected MacColl. These events must have made a great impression on the eleven-year old Alexander, particularly since the MacColls had been neighbours, and joint tenants with his uncles.

It is just possible that his parents participated in the disturbances.

Clearance and the Highland potato famine The landowning class in Argyll was also affected by the economic recession, and several of the Lismore landlords, none of whom was resident, faced financial ruin. Both the Barcaldine and Airds estates were for sale around 1840. This led to nearly half of the island being acquired by the Edinburgh lawyer and accountant James Auchinleck Cheyne, who set about systematically converting the townships of Fiart, Kilcheran, Craignich, Baligrundle and Portcharron from arable farming to extensive grazing for sheep.

According to evidence given to the Napier Commission (1833-34), Cheyne’s strategy in clearing the people from his lands was to compel them to convert their arable fields progressively to permanent grass and then to move them on when the conversion was complete. Detailed analysis of census records has shown

Ruin of school fireplace at Kilandrist, Lismore.

Alexander and his fellow students benefited from a broad education

that many of his tenants found land elsewhere on the island, but most of the landless cottars had to seek new lives on the mainland. These developments were on their way before the arrival of the potato blight epidemic in 1845-46.

By 1851, the community at Baligrundle, where Hugh and Betty had started married life, had been dispersed. Of the tenants in 1841, Donald MacColl, the miller, had moved to farm 25 acres elsewhere on the island; Archibald MacColl had died and his family had been evicted; Allan Black was a landless labourer in the adjacent township of Kilcheran; and Dugald MacColl had left the island. Neither of Hugh’s brothers appears in the 1851 Lismore census but Dugald was a pauper in Achnacroish ten years later, and James died in Glasgow in 1871.

The tenants were replaced by a shepherd and two new families headed by men described as labourers; they were presumably brought in to do the draining and dyking work funded by the 1848 government loan of £2,000 to Cheyne under the terms of the Drainage Act (1846). Some of the cottars held on into the 1850s but, by 1861, the entire population was a shepherd and his widowed sister-

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Folklorist Alexander Carmichael

in-law (down from a population of 44 in 1841). Cheyne’s programme faltered with his death in 1853 but not before most of the population of the townships of Fiart, Kilcheran, Craignich and Baligrundle, amounting to 150 people, had been moved to make way for sheep. Of those not relocated on Lismore, most ended up in the Central Belt of Scotland rather than abroad.

Meanwhile, Phytophthora infestans intervened to add to the miseries of the time, causing the destruction of potato crops in the West Highlands from the autumn of 1845, and its effects, accentuated by a particularly harsh winter in 1846-47, persisted into the 1850s.

The impact of the disease on an island that was still concentrating on cereal growing was less than elsewhere in the West highlands but landless cottars, relying on small potato patches, would have been severely affected. This is confirmed by the number of poor families seeking emergency ‘relief ’ during these years. Overall, owing to clearance, the potato famine and the lack of alternative occupations, the population of Lismore fell by

View from the Carmichael home, Kilandrist, Lismore

in protecting the cottars, the most vulnerable members of society; his private record book, covering his long service of nearly 50 years on Lismore (1836-85) attests to his continued interest in three

Alexander Carmichael, along with several generations of island children, benefited from a broad education, which valued their first language over 30 percent during Alexander’s first 20 years (to 1,050 in 1851) and most of these people had migrated to the mainland.

The anchors of society In the face of such acute uncertainty, some individuals provided a degree of stability. The parish minister, Reverend Gregor MacGregor, appears at first sight to have been an establishment figure, married into a family with social aspirations, and one of only two ministers in the Presbytery of Lorn not to join the Free Church at the Disruption in 1843.

However, correspondence with the factor for the Baleveolan estate on Lismore shows that he was active

generations of islanders; and he was an enthusiastic participant in the Lismore Agricultural Society.

History is, so far, silent about his response to the potato famine and the Cheyne clearances, although he did establish a sheep flock on part of the cleared Portcharron township, and had social contact with the Cheynes.

Whatever the influence of MacGregor on the young Alexander, there can be no doubt about the role of another long-serving servant of the parish. Samuel MacColl, originally from Appin, came to Lismore as session clerk and schoolmaster in 1809, serving up to his death at the age of 78 in 1862.

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Account (1841), the approach to education in the parish was enlightened: ‘Gaelic and English reading, arithmetic and bookkeeping, also English Grammar and Latin, and occasionally the elementary parts of mathematics’.

Alexander Carmichael, along with several generations of island children, benefited from a broad education, which valued their first language; the influence of MacColl must have been particularly strong as the Carmichaels lived only a few yards away from the schoolhouse in Kilandrist. What we do not know is how many months or years of his youth he spent, lodging with his sister, and attending school, in Greenock. Together, his formal schooling provided him with the knowledge and skills to qualify for employment as a civil servant.

Of equal importance to Alexander in his later life was the realisation that he had come from a community with a rich tradition of Gaelic culture. From an early age, he would have known about the Book of the Dean of Lismore, the earliest surviving example of written Gaelic in its distinctive orthography; and there were people on the island who could remember the Lismore minister Reverend Donald McNicol (1735-1802), who helped Duncan 27

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Remains of the well at Kilandrist

Ban McIntyre commit his poems to writing, and publicly defended James McPherson from the criticisms of Samuel Johnson.

The celebration of Gaelic culture continued in the ceilidh houses of his youth. His own records testify to a rich heritage of song and story across the island, but the modest cottar house of the MacGregors in Baligarve, around a mile from his home, must have been a focus for the young Alexander. In his later life he described Isabella as ‘the most beautiful singer of Gaelic songs he had ever heard. Not the nightingale, at its best, had a more sustained and beautiful voice than had Miss MacGregor.’

Later, on a visit to the island in 1868, he visited Baligarve, where her sister Seònaid Mhòr (Big Janet) dictated to him the words of the song Chunna mise bruadar glé shuaimhneach a-raoir (I saw a very gentle vision last night), which had been composed by Donald MacNicol for his wife Lillias. Janet MacGregor was the mother of Hugh Anderson, the Lismore bard, and Carmichael corresponded with, and collected from, him around the turn of the century.

Alexander Carmichael’s early life In summary, Carmichael was born into relative poverty, to a family that had pretensions about their ancestry, but was blighted by personal tragedy. Across the island, people were leaving in their droves, 28

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time in the company of older men, and absorbing the stories that feature in his notebooks: Moluag cutting off his finger to forestall Columba on Lismore; Campbell of Ardnamurchan using the black sheep of Alastrath to blackmail his neighbour; the baron of Bachuil and his red-haired daughters rescuing the corpse of Stewart of Appin from Duart in Mull. The digitising of the notebooks allows us to revisit these stories but also to pick up the snippets of gossip and folklore which he started to accumulate in these early years. It seems a pity that he indulged so actively in rewriting his life story when his achievements in the face of such hardship were so

From an early age, Carmichael would have known about the Book of the Dean of Lismore, the earliest surviving example of written Gaelic in its distinctive orthography some evicted out of hand, others choosing to seek their fortune on the mainland or abroad. There was a risk of losing a whole generation of young men and women. At the same time, the West Highlands were flooded with new unsettling ideas and experiences: men who had seen the world, marching across Spain with Wellington; letters from Canada describing a hard life, but freedom from landlords; young men and women making a killing at the herring fisheries; a devastating crop epidemic that destroyed the food of the poor; the ability to leave Lismore by steamer and be in Glasgow the same night. The forces of modernisation were threatening to annihilate the heritage of the area.

Meanwhile, Carmichael himself was, on the one hand, being enriched by the ceilidh house and, on the other, being ‘prepared for export’ by the education system.

We are left with images of the boy looking out from his home at Kilandrist across Balnagown Loch to Tirfuir Broch and north to the twin peaks of Beinn a’ Bheithir; spending

outstanding. This personal mythmaking may well have contributed to the reserve that some scholars have had about the authenticity of his records. Fortunately, the Carmichael Watson Project has comprehensively reinstated his reputation by returning to the original notebooks.

Robert Hay is the archivist at the Isle of Lismore Museum.

FURTHER READING The Life and Legacy of Alexander Carmichael, D W Stiubhairt (Islands Book Trust, 2008) How an island Lost its People.

Improvement, Clearance and Resettlement on Lismore, 1830-1914, R K M Hay. (Islands Book Trust, 2013) Obituary of Alexander Carmichael, LL.D. Celtic Review 8 (1912/3), 112-5.

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£4M GRANT to restore Charles Rennie Mackintosh Willow Tea Rooms

A historic Glasgow tea room, which is the only one in the world designed entirely by Charles Rennie Mackintosh, has received a restoration award from the Heritage Lottery Fund

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he restoration and preservation of the Charles Rennie Mackintosh Willow Tea Rooms Building in Glasgow can now be completed, thanks to a £3.579M award from the Heritage Lottery Fund (HLF).

The tea rooms and new visitor centre, at Sauchiehall Street in Glasgow, are scheduled to open for celebrations to mark the 150th anniversary of Mackintosh’s birth on 7 June, 2018.

The HLF award will allow The Willow Tea Room Trust to continue their work restoring the original tea rooms and famous Salon de Luxe. The Trust also plans to incorporate an interactive visitor centre, education and learning suite, conference facilities and shop.

The Willow Tea Rooms Building is the only surviving tea room designed in its entirety by Charles Rennie Mackintosh. Mackintosh and his wife, Margaret MacDonald, had control over both the architecture and decorative elements, from the

interior and the design of the cutlery to the waitresses uniforms.

The achievements of Glasgow businesswoman Miss Cranston, the original owner who commissioned the tea rooms designed by Mackintosh in 1903 will also be celebrated within the new visitor centre. Miss Cranston’s entrepreneurial spirit and business acumen, as well as her enlightened views on the role of women, social enterprise and philanthropy, provide an interesting reflection of Glasgow at the turn of the 20th century.

Celia Sinclair, founder and chair of The Willow Tea Room Trust, said: ‘Thanks to National Lottery players the important cultural and rich heritage of The Willow Tea Rooms Building will be conserved.

Works to the exterior of the building are almost complete. The Heritage Lottery Fund award means that our vision for restoring the interior, commissioning furniture, crockery, cutlery and building the interactive visitor centre along with an education and learning suite,

Every detail of the restoration will be checked by the project’s expert Mackintosh Advisory Panel Inset: artist’s impression of the new visitor centre, due to open in June 2018

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conference facilities and shop can now forge ahead.’

Professor Pamela Robertson, Emerita Professor of Mackintosh Studies, added: ‘The Heritage Lottery Fund grant is a major step for the refurbishment of Mackintosh’s Willow Tea Rooms.

With this funding we will be able to bring the Tea Rooms back to their former glory.’

The Willow Tea Rooms Board of Trustees are supported by an expert Mackintosh Advisory Panel who scrutinise every detail of the restoration. The Trust has also been supported by The Monument Trust, Glasgow City Heritage Trust, Historic Environment Scotland, Glasgow City Council, Dunard Fund, Scottish Enterprise, The Architectural Heritage Fund, The Hugh Fraser Foundation, Thomas Tunnock Ltd, Robert Barr’s Charitable Trust, The Dean of Guild Court Trust and public donations.

For more on the project, visit www. willowtearoomstrust.org/donate-1 29

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Crime, trade and politics in 17TH-CENTURY ST ANDREWS

Rory MacLellan charts the progress of a project focusing on the burgh records of St Andrews, which in its first stage has created an index of thousands of names mentioned in craft and council records, making these records accessible to a wider audience “The Councill appoynts everie Counsellor to make intimatione of all reports that comes to ther ears of the horride murdere comittit upone our overlord on Saturday last the third… that any way may contribute to the discoverie therof.”

This entry of May 1679 from the minutes of the burgh council of St Andrews describes the council’s reaction to the murder of Archbishop James Sharp days earlier.

Since 1662 Sharp had elected the council’s chief officers, and this association may have added extra urgency to the council’s orders, worried that they too could be targeted. This text is one of the many entries found in a current project on the burgh records of St Andrews.

The first stage of this project, ‘Following the Family: Creating a Genealogical Index for the St Andrews Burgh Records, c.155030

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1700’, has now been completed.

The resulting index includes over 21,000 entries covering 800 pages of four volumes of manuscript. Each entry features the page, date, original surname, modernised names, and context of the appearance of every named individual in these volumes.

Where described in the text, individuals’ occupations, offices, and family relations are also included. The four volumes studied are the Convener’s Book of the Seven Trades of 1594-1817 (B65/17/1), the Guildry Book from 1604-1746 (B65/16/1), and the council minutes of 16561671 (B6511/1) and 1673-1707 (B65/11/2). All four manuscripts are held in the University of Andrews Special Collections.

The size and poor hand of these texts has thus far dissuaded detailed study but it is hoped that the index created by the Following the Family

Depiction of the murder of Archbishop Sharp on Magus Muir (in Fife)

Project will make these volumes more accessible, opening them up for further research. The index serves as a valuable resource for those interested in the local history of St Andrews or tracing their own family history. Its chronological scope includes the tumult of the Wars of the Three Kingdoms, the Restoration and the Glorious Revolution, supporting researchers examining the effects of this political and religious upheaval on urban life in early modern Scotland.

The Following the Family Project has been funded by the Burnwynd Trust, a charity set up to administer the estate of Alfred and Catherine Forrest, which was left to support postgraduate students in history and art history at the University of St Andrews.

The Trust’s St Andrews Local History Foundation bursaries support research into the history of early modern St Andrews.

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Crime, trade and politics in 17th-century St Andrews

The craft records Two of the volumes featured in the index, the Guildry Book and the Convener’s Book of the Seven Trades, are records of courts regulating trade and tradesmen in St Andrews. The convener’s court rarely met more than once a year, and most of its entries just detail the annual election of the deacon convener and the officer. From 1634 to 1640 the convener’s court saw no business beyond elections.

Normally these elections took place on the Saturday after Latter Day (8 September), a faire held in Dundee.

The deacon convener was elected from the deacons of the crafts, the leaders of the burgh’s trade guilds.

St Andrews had seven such guilds, the hammermen (smiths), baxters (bakers), cordiners (shoemakers), fleshers, tailors, weavers, and wrights. The court’s jurisdiction was limited and it seems to have only had the power to pass acts against individual guilds or resolve disputes between them. Almost all other guild matters fell to the guildry court.

The guildry court’s proceedings were recorded in the Guildry Book and were run by the dean of guild.

His court oversaw the admittance of new guild-brethren, provided welfare assistance for guild-members and their families and ruled on matters between the guild and the town. It also administered fines for violations of commercial regulations, such as selling tobacco within the city walls.

As well as having a wider jurisdiction within the craft community, the dean of guild also had a greater status in the town than the deacon convener.

The dean of guild was guaranteed a seat on the town council, where he was second only to the provost in terms of status and responsibilities.

Contemporary description of the funeral of Archbishop Sharp in May 1679

17th-century Council records

The council records The two volumes of council minutes contain a wealth of information about everyday life in the burgh. A running theme in the 1650s was the ongoing repairs to the town’s bridge and pier with donations to this coming from presbyteries all over Scotland. In the 1680s the burgh’s main local concern was attracting ministers willing to stay and preach in the town. On a more national level, the minutes also preserve a letter from General Monck to the councillors written in December 1659, a few days before he arrived at Coldstream. The general ordered the council to maintain order and to ‘hold no correspondencie with any of Charles Steuarts partie’. The following year, Monck would cross into England and eventually help restore the Stuart monarchy. Crime and public safety was also a concern.

John Barclay, returning from Zeeland, was sent back to the Netherlands in 1661, suspected of carrying the plague. In 1658, a Roland Muirhouse was murdered by ‘highlanders’ near St Andrews, leading to the town being fined for its unspecified part in the event. After the murder of Archbishop Sharp, the minutes record that armed guards were to attend the funeral. The town’s defence was not always run with the greatest efficiency however.

In 1691 the council seems to have misplaced the city’s guns, asking whoever had them to please return them to the town clerk.

The council was elected yearly, normally around Michaelmas.

The offices up for election were the provost, who led the council, the dean of guild, the treasurer and four baillies, the council’s judicial officers. The council’s size fluctuated, its meetings could range anywhere from fifteen to 30 councillors. If there was a shortage of members, then ordinary

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councillors were elected before Michaelmas as well. There was a large overlap between the leaders of the craft community and the leaders of the town. As well as the dean of guild, the deacon convener and the seven deacons of the crafts were guaranteed membership of the council. In total, guild-brethren made up about a third of the council.

The role of councillor was taken seriously. Thomas Barclay was permanently barred from being appointed councillor in 1661 on account of his refusal to accept the post. Leading councillors could also be sanctioned. In 1662 the deacon convener John Dounie was barred from the council and fined for attacking the sergeant at the tollbooth door and stealing his keys.

From the Restoration onwards, councillors were required to swear an increasing number of oaths to the Stuart kings and queens.

These oaths may have been behind the refusal of some councillors to take office. At least one councillor, Andrews Carstairs, refused to give the oath to William and Mary in 1691, barring him from standing in future elections and costing him his position as treasurer.

The next stage of the project will add the St Andrews court book for 1673-75, providing complete coverage of the extant burgh record books from 1650-1700. The completed index will then be made available as a searchable database on the University of St Andrews Special Collections’ website (www.st-andrews.ac.uk/library/ specialcollections) in summer 2018.

For further details on the Burnwynd Trust, visit: www.st-andrews.ac.uk/ develop-2/burnwynd Rory MacLellan is a PhD student in Medieval History at the University of St Andrews.

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Charles Seton 2nd earl of Dunfermline: the Reluctant Rebel Par t

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O

n 13 July, 1646, nineteen propositions were sent to the king at Newcastle (the Newcastle Propositions) by the English Parliament in the care of two lords and four members of the House of Commons.

King Charles, as was his wont, prevaricated. He was under very significant pressure to come to some agreement with Parliament.

The earl of Callendar assured him that his party could raise 4000 horse on his behalf-but only if he accepted Presbyterianism.

The duke of Hamilton strongly believed that only an alliance with the English and Scottish Presbyterians would save the king his crown. Montreuil, who was with the king in Newcastle at this time, was also convinced he would lose everything if he rejected the propositions.

Sometime after the arrival of the Propositions in July and before 12 August, the king ostensibly sent Dunfermline and, depending upon the source, Argyll and Loudoun, to London to try and 32

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Paul Christensen concludes his study of the earl of Dumfermline, exploring the earl’s fortunes following the Restoration, as he faced the prospect of financial ruin work out the basis for a new compromise. But the king was stalling, hoping for military help from Ireland: the lords were tasked with obtaining agreement to allow the king to delay giving an answer to the Propositions until 16 September. According to Burnet, they were also tasked with persuading the English Parliament to allow the king to come near to London and negotiate a personal treaty.

However, Gardiner states that the king wrote to Bellièvre (the French ambassador, who arrived in Newcastle on 9 August) saying that he had no intention of going to London unless he could ‘preserve something of the state and influence of a king’; Charles added that he had already sent Dunfermline to London with a message to this effect.

Burnet recounts an interesting interaction between the king and the three lords before they left for London. The king desired that the lords promised secrecy and fidelity. They agreed to the latter, but asked the king to promise secrecy on his part,

Obverse of the Sir Richard Browne medal. Sir Richard was a parliamentary general who commanded a small army in the Abingdon area with some success. He was one of the Commissioners sent to watch Charles I during his captivity in Holdenby House

as they did not want the duke of Hamilton or his brother the earl of Lanark to learn of their mission; the king saw no reason not to agree. Interestingly, a letter to queen Henrietta Maria reveals that the king did not think too highly of the fidelity of the lords; this followed the seizing of his correspondence

by Parliament. Thus, in August, Montreuil was required by king Louis XIV to return to France to give an account of matters, and was intercepted by Parliamentary forces, and his despatches read, before being allowed to continue on his journey. Yet again, the disparity between the public utterances of the king and his intentions reveal his duplicity.

The king was clearly troubled by this event as he wrote in a letter, dated 12 August, to the Queen: The taking of Montrevil will give us more trouble at this time than otherwise needed. One of the chief things that I bad him tell thee was, that the ambassadour and Montrevil so importune me for a second message (in case the other should not be

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Charles Seton and the Civil Wars

admitted), that I could not refuse them, it being only to promise them a particular answer to the propositions by the 15th of September.

Charles continued to express his opinion of Dunfermline and his fellow lords: This, I believe, had been rather well than ill done, if confiding men had carried it, but (considering the persons) I was not for it, fearing they would labour more for my second than first message.

Dunfermline is often stated to have been a Gentleman of the Bedchamber to Charles I, but there is no record of the same in the royal archives, and it is most likely that it was only during Charles’ captivity in Newcastle that the earl had this honour. As stated earlier, Charles mentioned admitting Dunfermline to his bedchamber in August 1646, but that he was not (yet) ‘sworn’. However, in the records of the Parliament of Scotland for 27 March, 1647, Dunfermline is referred to as ‘one of the gentlemen of his majesty’s bedchamber’ and Gardiner gives the date of his appointment as a Gentleman of the Bedchamber as 13 January, 1647, stating that Dunfermline had been won over by the king at this time and suggesting that his appointment

Dunfermline is often stated to have been a Gentleman of the Bedchamber to Charles I, but there is no record of the same in the Royal Archives was to secure access to the king at any time. But for whom? As his captors, the Scots would have had free access to Charles. The most likely answer is that the earl was operating on behalf of the English Parliament at this point. He certainly was when the king was detained at Holdenby House, and the earl obtained leave to attend the king from the English Parliament (as on 18 May, 1647):

Small repoussé counter of Charles II. After his father’s execution, Charles went into exile on the continent, where the earl of Dunfermline followed him

Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, that the Earl of Dunferlinge shall have access to his Majesty at Holdenby, according to the agreement of both Houses with the Kingdom of Scotland, signified in a letter dated 27 January last; but not to attend his Majesty as a servant.

In the records of the Parliament of Scotland (16 March, 1647) there is a pass: To all generals, admirals, governors of towns and other officers and soldiers whatsoever by sea or land, and to all judges, justices, magistrates and others of his majesty’s subjects whom these do or may concern.Whereas the earl of Dunfermline is by warrant of the parliament of Scotland to attend his particular service about his majesty’s person, these are therefore to desire you and every one of you to grant him free pass to himself and his servants through your bounds and grant to them your best aid and concurrence for the furtherance of their journey and not to make any stop or trouble to them in their way, coming or going.

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By now, the Scots were opposed to the Independents in the parliamentary army (and especially Cromwell) and hence would be prepared to operate in concert with the (Presbyterian-dominated) English Parliament to keep the king out of the army’s clutches.

In May 1647 the king was again using Dunfermline to carry messages, this time from his captivity in Holdenby House. The king was aware that the army intended to take him away from Holdenby, in direct opposition to the English Parliament, and entered into secret correspondence with Dunfermline via Colonel Joseph Bampfield. On 8 May the king wrote to Bampfield expressing his uncertainty as to what to do and his suspicion of Parliament.

The latter may explain the king’s varying view of Dunfermline’s fidelity, as he would most likely be aware of the latter holding a commission from Parliament.

At the end of the letter, he asked Bampfield to pass on two enclosed letters to the queen and Dunfermline. On 16 May the king wrote again, ending with: Make my excuses to the French ambassador, for what he has written to me in his last is of so little concer nment that it is not worth the pains to answer it in cipher to himself. Assure him from me that neither Dunfermline, who is now here, nor anyone else saving you, shall know what passes betwixt him and me...

This perhaps suggests the king did not completely trust the earl. However, the Dictionary of 33

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National Biography states that suspicions of Dunfermline’s increasing loyalty to the king were raised earlier, in August 1646, when Dunfermline was suspected of being involved in a plot with the French ambassador on the king’s behalf, presumably relating to the taking of Montreuil and disclosure of his despatches. Even more tellingly, in January 1647, Leslie (as Lord Leven) forbade Dunfermline access to the king.

It is clear that this ban was not enforced, probably because it was overturned by Parliament’s letter of 27 January and the order of the 18 May to the contrary.

On the evening of Wednesday 2 June, 1647, the king was playing bowls near Holmby, and then travelled to Althorp with Dunfermline and Colonel Graves, Commander of the Guard at Holdenby House and a Presbyterian. Masson suggests that the English Parliament, through Graves, was planning to spirit Charles away and out of the clutches of the army to Oatlands. Bampfield writes that the Parliament was regretting that it had rejected the king’s peace proposals and wanted to pass a vote in both Houses inviting

Rare silver cross Charles 1 memento mori grave, 1649: “FOR YE KING”.

urging the king to affect his escape. Charles replied to this letter, again via Dunfermline, stating that he had sounded out the commissioners put in charge of him by Parliament (Lord

The king was aware that the army intended to take him away from Holdenby, in direct opposition to the English Parliament, and entered into secret correspondence with Dunfermline the king to London, but feared this would precipitate action by the army. Parliament then urged Bampfield to write to the king to ‘know his inclination’ and this he did, enclosing his letter in one to the earl of Dunfermline, 34

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Montague of Boughton, Sir John Coke, Mr Crewe and General Browne) about escaping with him to London, but two had refused unless directly ordered to do so by Parliament. The king was going to try and persuade

the recalcitrant pair ‘as soon as Dunfermline returns’. Bampfield briefed Dunfermline, and the earl had also received some letters from the Scottish Commissioners in London confirming that the king should escape. Unfortunately, Cornet Joyce appeared at Holdenby on 2 June and followed the king and his party to Althorp.

Later that night Colonel Graves made his escape, being suspected of plotting with Dunfermline to take the king to London. Graves’ men then fraternised freely with Joyce’s troop. The following day, at 2 pm, Joyce and his troopers rode away from Holdenby with the king and accompanied by the commissioners. The earl, who had witnessed the whole affair, ‘posted off to London’. On Saturday 5 June Dunfermline appeared in the Little Lobby of the House of Lords and stated that he had a message to the House from the king. The Lords asked that he put it in writing ‘so this House might the more deliberately think of it.’

Hence Dunfermline wrote: My Lords, I am sent, by His Majesty, to the Honourable Houses of Parliament; being commanded to impart Three Things unto them: 1.

First, That His Majesty goeth from Holdenby unwillingly. 2. His Majesty desires that the Parliament will neglect no Means for preserving the Honour of the Parliament, and the established Laws of the Land. 3. His Majesty desires that they will believe nothing that is said or done in His Name against the Parliament, until they send to Himself, and know the Truth of it.

On 7 June, Montreuil wrote that Dunfermline was being sent to queen Henrietta Maria in France, following the events at Holdenby, to urge her to send the Prince of Wales to Scotland to lead an invasion of England. This was at the urging of the English Presbyterians and the Scots in order to oppose the Independents ‘and their army’. Montreuil also wrote that: It is necessary for me to state that Dunfermline manifests a strong

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Charles Seton and the Civil Wars

affection for the King of Great Britain, he was even in the plot to remove him away from Holmby, yet he is strongly in the interests of Scotland and depends absolutely on the Marquis of Argyll, who is the one of the subjects of this island that has done most harm to his king.

This is an intriguing statement suggesting a strong link between the earl and the Machiavellian, glae-eyed marquess. That this could be true is supported by a document in the papers of the Forbes-Leith family of Fyvie. The inventory reads: Extract [dated 14 October 1653] of bond by Charles, Earl of Dunfermline, as principal, and Archibald, Earl of Argyll, John, Earl of Rothes, and John, Lord Hay of Yester, as his cautioners, narrating a prior Bond of 26th December 1637 to Patrick Wood, merchant, burgess of Edinburgh, for fourteen thousand merks [the earl of Argyll being then styled lord Lorne] and in as much as it has been assigned to George Sterling, promise is made to pay the same to him; dated at Edinburgh, 28th January 1640.

Witnesses Mr.William Colville, one of the Justice Deputes, Mr. Robert [missing] and Mr.William Oliphant.

Very rare English 17th century antique, silver six strand clasp for bracelet or choker.

This is an evocative piece of mourning jewellery from the mid-17th century with a naively engraved portrait of Charles I wearing the nightcap and his characteristic single pearl earring.

The design below may represent the basket. The king tucked his hair under a “nightcap” before the executioner’s axe fell. The pearls are Victorian

not in conflict. However, in 1648, he had to decide between his two masters, the Kirk or King Charles.

A Royalist party had been steadily growing in Scotland, coalescing around the duke of Hamilton.

He led the Engager invasion of England to rescue Charles from imprisonment in Carisbrooke Castle, crossing the border on 8 July. On 4 May, 1648, the Estates had named Dunfermline a colonel of horse in the Engager army, and he rode with Hamilton. At this time, the Estates were dominated

by Hamilton’s Royalists, and the Kirk party were eclipsed, until the Engager army, along with Dunfermline’s regiment of horse, was destroyed by Cromwell on 3 September. This, and the subsequent Whiggamore raid on Edinburgh, re-established Kirk supremacy. Dunfermline, along with all Engagers, was then debarred by the Act of Classes

The earl of Argyll was one of those offering surety for Dunfermline’s debts. Fourteen thousand merks would be about £700 Sterling: a very significant amount in those days. So, as far back as 1637, the relationship between the earl of Argyll (as lord Lorne) and the earl of Dunfermline was sufficiently close for the former to guarantee to pay Dunfermline’s debts in the event the earl could not. It is also worthy of note that Dunfermline appears to have squandered his fortune within a very short time of reaching manhood!

Thus, again, it is not possible to unambiguously identify Dunfermline’s motives for his actions at Holdenby in plotting the king’s escape, dashing to take the king’s message to Parliament, or the proposed visit to France, whether as a loyal subject of the king or loyal Covenanter. In any case, this does not matter at this point in time as his loyalties were H I S TO RY S COT LA ND - NOVE MB E R / D E C E MB E R 2017

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from holding any office of public trust. He subsequently went into exile with Charles II after the execution of Charles I. There is an interesting entry in the records of Dunfermline presbytery for 13 April, 1649: Paper given in by James Espline in name of Earl of D acknowledging his grief for giving offence to god and his kirk by going on the sinful engagement and his earnest desire to be reconciled to God and this kirk.

As the Earl is out of the kingdom the presbytery continues its reply until he returns.

By then, the earl was in exile with Charles II and had clearly ‘burned his bridges’, so why seek forgiveness from the Kirk?

Possibly to protect his estate?

He was not alone in seeking the forgiveness of the Kirk: James, the first earl of Callendar, and Dunfermline’s stepfather, like Dunfermline had ridden with Leslie in the Bishops’ Wars and then with Hamilton in the Engager invasion of England.

Dunfermline now remained firmly and overtly Royalist until his death. In June 1650, Charles II travelled to Scotland, accompanied

by Dunfermline, and stayed eight or ten days at the earl’s seat in Dunfermline. Dunfermline did not participate in the battle of Dunbar and, whilst his regiment of horse was at the battle of Worcester in 1653, he remained behind in Scotland. The earl was financially ruined, having accumulated massive debts which he started to incur at least as far

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The obverse of one of the many silver death and memorial medals commemorating Charles I, by J. and N. Roettier

his grovelling apology to the Kirk, he was now firmly Royalist.

The apology harks back to the early Dunfermline, lurking half in the shadows of the Kirk and Covenant, and half basking in the light of his sovereign.

Paul Christensen is the Professor of Pure and Applied Electrochemistry at Newcastle University. He has been an Electrochemist for 32 years. He has over 200 papers in inter national Chemistry/ Electrochemistry journals and one textbook: as well as two articles on English Civil War coins in Spink’s Numismatic Circular, was a contributor to the Platt’s recent book on English Civil War medals, which he also reviewed for the Numismatic Circular, and published his first article in History Scotland in the November/December 2016 issue.

back as 1635. The earl of Callendar and Dunfermline’s brother-inlaw, the earl of Tweeddale, were cautioners. Unfortunately, in 1649 whilst Dunfermline was in exile, his creditors for this particular debt issued a lawsuit against his cautioners, and they were forced to pay. As recompense, Dunfermline made over to Callendar and Tweedale the profits of the regality of Dunfermline. In 1650, the earl of Tweedale was also granted the lordship of the regality. Dunfermline may also have looked further afield to recoup some of his losses, as there is a rather odd entry in the records of the St Andrews Institute of Scottish Historical Research, stating that the earl of Dunfermline signed a three-year contract as Generalissimo of the Russian Tsar’s forces on 20 January, 1659, but ‘soon departed’.

At the Restoration, Dunfermline was reinstated as a Privy Counsellor in 1661, as an extraordinary Lord of Session in 1667 and Lord Privy Seal in 1671. He died in 1672, still leaving the estate in severe debt.

It can be argued that the earl of Dunfermline was always a Royalist due to the affection and gratitude he felt towards James VI & I and Charles I on his own behalf and that of his father; 36

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his Royalism would also have been strongly encouraged by his wife. He concealed his loyalty to Charles as best he could, but was not the world’s best dissembler. The motives behind the English Parliament’s arrest of Dunfermline after the battle of Edgehill remain obscure; his release in December 1642 and encouragement to visit the king at Oxford may have had something to do with the overtures of peace emanating from Parliament during this period (the Commons agreed with the Lords on 26 December that negotiations should be opened with the king at Oxford). His actions and motives during the fighting in 1644 and 1645 are, at best, unclear.

However, once the Royalist party in Scotland gained the upper hand over the Kirk, and aligned itself with the Presbyterian faction in Parliament against the Independent-led New Model Army, the earl of Dunfermline finally nailed his colours to the mast. The disastrous failure of the Engagement invasion followed by the execution of the king were the final straws, and he went into exile with the new king, Charles II. With one exception,

FURTHER READING A large number of manuscript and published sources were used. These include: ‘Venice: April 1640’, in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 25, 16401642, ed. Allen B Hinds (London, 1924), pp. 32-40 http://scot.sh/dunfer1, vol25/pp32-40 [accessed 9 March 2015].

Pamphlett E242[3], Thomason Collection, British Library. ‘A Continuation of Certain Speciall and Remarkable Passages’, no. 17, 31st October -3rd November 1642.

George Seton, Memoir of Alexander Seton, Earl of Dunfermline (Edinburgh, 1882), pp.152-165.

‘Charles 1 – Volume 420: May 1 -14, 1639’ in Calendar of State Papers Domestic: Charles I, 1639, 143; Ed. William Douglas Hamilton (London, 1873), pp103167. https://www.british-history.c.uk/cal-state-papers/ domestic/chas1/1639/ 103-167. Accessed 9 March 2015.

‘House of Lords Journal Volume 9: 5 June 1647’, in Journal of the House of Lords: Volume 9, 1646 (London, 1767-1830), pp. 239-243 http://scot.sh/ dunfer3 [accessed 15 March 2015].

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War art

An Artist’s War Phyllida Shaw explores the work of Morris and Alice Meredith Williams, two of the artists who worked on the Scottish National War Memorial at Edinburgh Castle, honouring all Scots who have died in war since 1914

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he light is soft and tinted. The fan vaulting sweeps up above you like solemn music; and from the stone vault hangs the mighty figure of St Michael in full armour, the cross upon his brow and his feet tramping the Spirit of Evil.

Round this Shrine is a miracle in bronze; every type of Scotsman and Scotswoman who took part in the war has a place in the long procession. They are seen as they fought, neither glorified nor debased, but with a kind of dispassionate clarity. The surgeon is there, his field boots beneath his overall; the infantryman in his war kit; the cavalryman; the gunner; the airman; the sailor;

Morris Meredith Williams’s drawing for the bronze monument to the London, Liverpool, Tyneside, Canadian and South African Scottish at the Scottish National War Memorial, modelled in low relief

by Alice Meredith Williams (1926)

the nurse; the W.A.A.C; the V.A.D. Nothing that has been done to commemorate the war can compare for poignancy and exactitude with this parade of Scotland’s sons and daughters.’

H.V. Morton’s response to the ‘miracle in bronze’ in the Shrine of the Scottish National War Memorial at Edinburgh Castle, recorded in his book In Search of Scotland (Methuen, 1929) captures the knowledge, sensitivity and technical skill of the two artists who created it.

Almost eighty years later, in his foreword to An Artist’s War. The Art and Letters of Morris & Alice Meredith Williams the historian Hew Strachan reflects on the fact that ‘visitors to Edinburgh Castle see the work of Morris and Alice Meredith Williams every day, and do so in their thousands. And yet both have been largely neglected as artists of the First World War.’ Morris and Alice were two of the eleven artists and more than 200 craftspeople and labourers who, facilitated by the architect Sir Robert Lorimer, created a body of work that continues to commemorate all Scots and members of Scottish regiments who have died as a result of war,

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since 1914. They were jointly commissioned to make three works – the frieze in the Shrine, with its 60 individual figures drawn by him and modelled by her; the low relief memorial to the London, Liverpool, Tyneside, Canadian and South African Scottish, in the east transept and over the entrance to the Hall of Honour, a gilded, stone carving, the Pelican in her Piety, with the words LEST WE FORGET below. There are six more pieces by Alice inside the building: the bronze monuments to all Scotswomen and to the nurses and stretcher bearers; the figures of St Margaret, St Andrew and the angels on the steel and iron casket containing the original roll of honour; the quartet of bronze kneeling angels around the casket and above them, the wooden sculpture of St Michael and the dragon, suspended from a stone boss of trumpeting angels. For the outside, she designed the stone figures of Knowledge and Truth, The Calling of St Andrew and a pair of angels holding a shield.

Alice and Morris met in Paris in 1903. She had spent several years at Liverpool School of Architecture and Applied Art, learning to draw, design, model and sculpt, and in 37

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1900 she won a £60 scholarship from the City Council. She took herself to Paris and stayed almost five years, living and working from a studio in Montparnasse. Morris, who was four years younger, had studied drawing at the Slade School of Fine Art and spent a year in Italy before arriving in Paris in search of a different style of teaching.

They probably met at Colarossi’s, a small art school where they were both taking classes. A conversational startingpoint might have been that they were both the children of Welsh fathers called Williams.

They also shared a seriousness about art and a determination to make their living from it. When they decided to marry, Morris returned to Britain to look for a job and found one as the part-time drawing master at Fettes College in Edinburgh. Alice joined him after they married in 1906.

Their life in Edinburgh before World War I was congenial.

Morris had a steady stream of work producing pen and ink illustrations, mostly for publishers of history books for young readers.

He drew scenes of battles, sieges and crusades, but was equally at home working on Elizabeth Grierson’s classic, The Scottish Fairybook. Most of Alice’s work, 38

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pre-war, was on a small scale: she exhibited figures in clay, plaster and bronze with titles like Pan, Echo and Mischief and sold designs for stained glass windows to Guthrie and Wells in Glasgow.

The outbreak of war brought this life to an abrupt halt. Morris joined the Welsh Regiment in April 1915 and after more than a year in training he left for France in June 1916. To make it easier to meet when he had leave, Alice moved to Peppard, a village in Oxfordshire where Morris’s father had been the vicar and where there were still a few friends and family members. She worked on a farm and sent work to exhibitions, but until 1918 she had little opportunity to make anything new.

Throughout his time in France (1916-19), Morris kept sketchbooks. First with the Welsh infantry, then as map-maker for the Heavy Artillery and finally working on camouflage with the Royal Engineers, he drew at every opportunity, recording the everyday sights in and behind the lines. He did this because of his insatiable visual curiosity, but also because he and Alice had little money and he hoped there might be a market for his drawings. A few were exhibited in

The frieze in the Shrine of the Scottish National War Memorial, with its 60 individual figures drawn

by Morris and modelled by Alice

Cardiff during the war and several of his paintings were included in an exhibition of work by camouflage artists at the Royal Academy in 1919, but the real opportunity, post-war, would be in the demand for memorials, and in their working relationship with Robert Lorimer.

On 28 October, 1920, Lorimer wrote to Alice. ‘Dear Mrs Meredith Williams, I always intended to write and tell you how greatly I admired some of your coloured plaster reliefs illustrating various activities in connection with the War. I have a memorial in hand for a place in South Africa and there is an opportunity of working in some panels round the base. I will be very pleased if you could call here tomorrow forenoon and let us talk the matter over.’

The plaster reliefs to which Lorimer was referring were part of a series commissioned by the Imperial War Museum’s Women’s Work sub committee to illustrate the roles played by women during the war.

These confirmed Alice’s ability to capture the movement and humanity of people in action. Lorimer’s Queenstown memorial featured four low relief, bronze panels with scenes of South Africans at war. The subject matter was suggested by Lorimer, drawn by Morris and modelled by Alice. While the couple had worked

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War art

together on book illustrations and designs for windows, this was their first collaboration in three dimensions and on this scale.

Next came the Paisley War Memorial. In 1921, Alice had exhibited a small, painted, plaster model of a crusader on horseback accompanied by four British soldiers moving forward, despite their obvious weariness. Lorimer suggested using this composition in what turned out to be the winning bid to design Paisley’s memorial.

Morris, although not credited with any contribution on this occasion, used his knowledge of uniforms and equipment and of the demeanour

Right: The Pelican in her Piety, a stone carving above the entrance to the Hall of Honour of the Scottish National War Memorial, designed by Morris and Alice Meredith Williams (1927). This photograph was taken before the carving was gilded

Most of Alice’s work, pre-war, was on a small scale of war-weary soldiers to create the detailed drawings from which Alice developed her models. By the time the Paisley memorial was unveiled, in July 1924, work on the Scottish National War Memorial was well under way.

On 22 December in a letter about the proposed frieze for the shrine,

Lorimer wrote to Alice: ‘I think the great point about your war work was that you [were] able to see something picturesque in modern warfare, and the bronze panels you suggest in connection with this portion of the work, if skilfully modelled, ought to turn H I S TO RY S COT LA ND - NOVE MB E R / D E C E MB E R 2017

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out well.’ The consensus is that they did.

An Artist’s War. The Art and Letters of Morris & Alice Meredith Williams, by Phyllida Shaw, great-niece of Morris Meredith Williams, was published by the History Press in May 2017.

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Tea and Empire James Taylor in Victorian Ceylon This year marks the 150th anniversary of the Ceylon tea enterprise. Angela McCarthy and T.M. Devine examine the life of James Taylor, the Scottish progenitor of this global trade foundations for the transformation of the country’s economy and in the process helped to shape the world’s drinking habits. He also made major contributions to Ceylon’s earlier coffee cultivation and cinchona production. But who was James Taylor, why did his life end in tragedy, and why does historical amnesia in the UK surround his achievements?

J

ames Taylor is renowned in Sri Lanka as the ‘father of the Ceylon tea enterprise’, with his achievements leading to what became a global trade in Ceylon tea. As late as the early 1860s, little tea was cultivated on the island but, by 1900, 150 million lbs of tea was exported and the land devoted to its cultivation had expanded to 384,000 acres.

Today, Sri Lanka is the world’s fourth largest producer of tea and second biggest when measured by its share of global tea exports.

Taylor’s early efforts in Victorian times therefore helped to create the 40

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James Taylor (in white suit) and unidentified friend in Ceylon, c.1863

Origins and achievements Born in 1835 near the village of Auchenblae in Kincardineshire, James Taylor was the son of a wheelwright. He grew to manhood at a time when parts of the northeast of Scotland had become renowned as centres of excellence for agriculture, not simply nationally but further afield. Taylor trained initially to be a pupil teacher but left home in 1851 at the age of sixteen.

The use of family networks in the Scottish emigrant tradition was crucial to his decision to opt for Ceylon rather than other potential destinations. His mother’s cousin, Peter Moir, worked in the employment of coffee agencies on the island, having previously toiled as a gardener on the Fettercairn estate. Henry Stiven, another relative who worked on the Fettercairn estate, travelled with Taylor to Ceylon.

In a sense they were fairly typical of the countless number of young Scots who sought their fortunes in the British Empire and beyond throughout the 19th century. Yet Taylor’s particular

career merits special attention for, unlike many British migrants who were sojourners in Asia, he would spend the rest of his days working in Ceylon in coffee, cinchona and tea cultivation.

Initially, Taylor’s key focus was coffee, before the leaf disease ruined the industry. In this field he made contributions to debates about pruning and manuring and gave insights into micro-climates and soil varieties. He also won recognition for his engineering talents. His experiments with cinchona, from which the drug quinine was extracted to treat malaria, also won acclaim for his system of sowing and seedling and deep subsoil draining. Indeed, Ceylon, for a short time, dominated the world market of cinchona. It is, however, Taylor’s pioneering contributions to the tea economy that really made his name.

The eventual disappointment in cinchona cultivation and the demise of the coffee industry ensured that only tea could eventually become the bedrock of the Ceylon economy. Taylor initially experimented with making China tea from old bushes in his garden, considering his early efforts ‘nearly rank poison’.

His employers then instructed him to plant Assam hybrid tea seed on the estate. At the end of 1867, when he was 32 years of age, he cleared 20 acres of land at Loolecondera and planted them. This batch failed but his next planting in 1869 succeeded, becoming the first successful

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commercial tea clearing and planting. Five acres of it remains to this day on the estate, the oldest tea field in Sri Lanka under continuous cultivation. Taylor was also renowned for his fine plucking of two leaves and a bud and had success in mechanising

The magnificent scenery of Loolecondera

Eventually, Ceylon tea was overtly and systematically marketed as a product of empire, primarily in order to clearly distinguish it from the longestablished favourite from China.

This is apparent in both its packaging and advertising in the

Taylor initially experimented with making China tea from old bushes in his garden, considering his early efforts ‘nearly rank poison’ the tea production process.

It is undeniable, then, that Taylor led the way in many developments within the Ceylon tea economy.

But the transformation of Ceylon’s economy from coffee to cinchona and then tea was set within a knowledge economy of practical agricultural innovation.

press. A series of international exhibitions were intended to present a strong sense of exotic allure to the millions who attended the displays. Ceylon tea, including Taylor’s, was presented there in unambiguously patriotic terms as supplied from the farthest reaches of the British Empire. It was not H I S TO RY S COT LA ND - NOVE MB E R / D E C E MB E R 2017

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simply consumed in the mother country but had a global reach and infused the everyday lives of Britons, both at home and abroad, as much as it filled their teacups.

Triumph and tears In 1891, the Planters’ Association of Ceylon publicly celebrated the seminal achievements of James Taylor, who had successfully pioneered what had become by then the vast new tea economy of the colony. Taylor’s major contribution had impressed many.

Among his supporters was Daniel Morris, assistant director of the Royal Botanical Gardens at Kew, who, in the Tropical Agriculturalist (1 March 1888), testified: Mr Taylor, in his plodding, careful way, worked out unaided, the details of tea manufacture, and certainly he deserves to be held in the highest estimation as a pioneer of the industry. The sudden transformation which took place in Ceylon in a few years from a large and flourishing 41

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coffee industry to the tea industry is one of the most wonderful instances of well-directed energy and perseverance that has ever been known in the history of any British colony. Having made a special study of colonial industries, I may say I do not know of another instance of such a transformation. The island was almost in a state of ruin after the collapse of the coffee industry, but the spirits of the Ceylon planters never sank. They have had difficulties that others have not had to contend with, but they have surmounted them all.

for the balance. The elation and quiet satisfaction Taylor must have felt, however, did not last for long. On 2 May 1892, a mere six months after this public accolade, Taylor was dead and his reputation sullied beforehand.

Aged 57, he had been dismissed in disgrace from the post of superintendent at the estate that he had served for more than 40 years and where he had carried out his famous and successful

Bust (thirteen foot) of James Taylor at the Mlesna Tea Castle at Talawakelle, Sri Lanka

In early 1891 Ceylon’s planters decided to present Taylor with a silver tea service to honour his contributions. Procured from Mappin and Webb at Sheffield, the tea service was fashioned in the Queen Anne pattern, and exhibited in London before shipment to Ceylon. A salver, tea pot, coffee pot, milk jug, sugar basin and blue cloth were shipped to Ceylon in a fitted wooden box. The salver had the following inscription engraved: ‘To James Taylor, Loole Condura, in grateful appreciation of his successful efforts which laid the foundation of the tea and Cinchona Industries of Ceylon 1891.’

The Planter’s Association offered Taylor the opportunity to receive the gift in public, but he declined, as he was not keen on giving a public address of thanks. Since only part of the fund was used for the purchase of the silver service, the Association sent him a cheque

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experiments in the cultivation of tea. A neighbouring planter, C.E. Bonner, provided an intimate account of those last days. Bonner told how the estate’s owners, the Oriental Bank Estates Company, had instructed Taylor to take six months leave of absence from the estate. Taylor, however, ‘resented being ordered away’ believing the estate intended to ‘get rid’ of him and so he defied the directive. The Company then demanded that he should resign.

Bonner had been visiting his friend when the firm’s instructions arrived and recalled Taylor’s confusion and utter despair at the accusations levied against him: […] he seemed completely dum[b] founded at receiving such a letter & I may say from that day to the day of his death he never held up his head his one cry was what have I done? & why dont the Co[mpany give me a reason for getting rid of me? He refused to resign & then was summarily dismissed.

Bonner’s inconsolable wife, Emily, wrote desolately of the darkness that surrounded Taylor’s last days declaring ‘it was not dysentery that killed Mr. James Taylor of Loolecondura, but grief at the idea of leaving the old

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place, where he had lived for 40 years. He received notice to quit a fortnight before he died, and he never held up his head afterwards; then dysentery attacked him, and he pined away. I can speak from personal experience as I frequently went up to see him. He was a dear and respected old friend of mine, and it grieved me bitterly to see him in this heart-broken condition.’ Her remarks found public outlet in the Overland Times of Ceylon (9 May 1892).

The possibility that in his stricken condition Taylor may have taken his own life cannot be entirely dismissed out of hand, though there is not a shred of evidence in the contemporary record that after his untimely death suicide was even suspected.

But those who knew him well were in no doubt that his unexplained dismissal had shaken him to the core. He faced the certain prospect of leaving his Ceylonese family and returning to Scotland in disgrace. This

The children of Taylor’s relative Henry Stiven with local servants

would have been intolerable for a man of his character and personality. In Sri Lanka today, the yellow oleander flower is increasingly used as a method of self-harm. Bloody diarrhoea and cardiac abnormalities are among the symptoms when taken. Its poisoning capacities were also known during Taylor’s time.

Nevertheless, in the absence even of suspicion or rumour, suicide remains an unlikely cause of death. More probable is that he died of acute stress on his heart brought on by the shock and pain of dismissal as some friends at the time suggested. Recent medical research, for instance, indicates that physical damage to the heart can arise from severe grief and result in broken heart syndrome (stress cardiomyopathy). A broken heart was also occasionally linked in the 19th century with dysentery.

Why, though, was Taylor dismissed? Possibly his physical inability to travel around the estates was a factor. Certainly his employers accused him publicly of lethargy. Fellow planters, however, counteracted these charges. But it seems very likely also that his employers were unimpressed with falling profits and Taylor’s determination to confront them in public. What we do know for sure is that they were contrite and remorseful about their actions after his death.Whatever the circumstances surrounding

[…] the noblest of men. The kindest of friends, the gentlest, the wisest, and the most experienced of planters … simple, lovable, charitable, and possessed of extreme modesty – such was the Father of the Ceylon Tea enterprise; a man whose kindnesses will live in many a planter’s memory, and whose name will stand high in the archives of this Colony for ever.

James Taylor was buried at Mahiayawa cemetery near Kandy, his tombstone imported from his native land. Other commemorations also exist, including in Barbara Cartland’s novel Moon Over Eden, in exhibits at the Ceylon Tea Museum, with a monument and memorial garden at the Loolecondera estate he superintended, and most recently with an imposing 13-foot bust at the entrance to a mock Scottish baronial castle in the Sri Lankan highlands.

James Taylor did not achieve wealth and, though earning a high reputation and generous acclaim among his peers in the cinchona and tea economies of Ceylon before he died, never received recognition in the land of his birth. To this day, his name stirs little or no resonance in Scotland, though he is a national figure in Sri Lanka. Taylor has never been recorded among the pantheon of ‘Great Scots’ whose remarkable deeds in far off lands aroused such

Why, though, was Taylor dismissed?

Possibly his physical inability to travel around the estates was a factor Taylor’s dismissal, laudatory obituaries and posthumous recollections soon testified to his character and standing. He was praised for a life of ‘unceasing labour … restless energy in seeking out facts, and his telling of them to his fellow-planters, freely, and to the best of his knowledge’.

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Acquaintances recalled him as:

pride across the nation during the heyday of empire. Indeed, but for the chance survival of his voluminous correspondence, Taylor’s name, outside Sri Lanka at least, might well have been lost to history.

Several reasons might account for this. He did not, for instance, 43

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Vol 18.1

In the next issue of

ever return to his homeland. Nor did his progeny, if they survived to adulthood, maintain links with their father’s country after he died. Their mother, of either Sinhalese or Tamil descent, would probably have raised them within her own ethnic family. The public scandal surrounding Taylor’s dismissal from his position as superintendent at Loolecoondera, followed by his mysterious death, may also have played a part in ensuring that any surviving family members would maintain a low profile both about him and his achievements. Perhaps even more relevant, however, was Taylor’s self-effacing persona and determination to avoid playing any significant public role in colonial affairs.

The legacy and reputation of another Scot with famous connections to 19th century Ceylon, the world-renowned Thomas Lipton, could also have ensured that Taylor’s name remained in the shadows. Taylor had a diametrically opposite personality to that of the charismatic and energetic Scottish grocer. Lipton relentlessly promoted Ceylon tea and his own name from the local high street to the global market place.

During his lifetime and beyond, Lipton and Ceylon tea almost became synonymous. He was the marketing man par excellence

who instinctively knew how to catch the headlines and boost the interest of the general public in his many enterprises.

The riches he garnered enabled him to move in the highest circles of the land and he was eventually created Knight Commander of the Royal Victorian Order by King Edward VII in 1901. Taylor, by contrast, shunned the limelight and was so unassuming that ‘few were aware of his high intellectual attainments’ in ‘almost every department of Natural Science’.

James Taylor’s legacy in Scotland is only now being acclaimed.

Scotland’s Tea Festival in 2014 paid tribute to him and this year at the Mearns Academy in Laurencekirk, close to his birthplace, a statue, funded from Sri Lankan tea interests, was unveiled. With the 150th anniversary of Ceylon tea in 2017, this is an opportune time to recover the life of a crucial figure in the history of Sri Lanka and in the story of Scottish emigration to Asia in the 19th century.

Angela McCarthy is Professor of Scottish and Irish History and Director of the Centre for Global Migrations at the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand.

Professor Sir Tom Devine is Sir William Fraser Chair of Scottish History and Palaeography Emeritus at the University of Edinburgh.

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Competition between the royal burgh of Stirling and the Augustinian Abbey of Cambuskenneth We explore the value that medieval communities placed on salmon fisheries, which was manifested in a violent and centuries-long dispute between a royal burgh and an Augustinian Abbey.

World War I and policing in the Scottish Borders A re-evaluation of commonly held ideas on crime during wartime, with an exploration of the role of police officers working in Borders communities during the Great War, and a look at the impact of the war on local police forces.

The orange tartan: Scottish influences on the New Zealand Orange Order By the mid 19th-century, the Orange Order had lodges around the world, from Canada to South Africa, and as far afield as New Zealand. But what prompted their spread and in what ways can we discern a Scottish influence on the Orange Order?

FURTHER READING • The Scottish Experience in Asia, c.1700 to the Present: Settlers and Sojourners, T. M. Devine and Angela McCarthy (eds) (Cham, 2017) • A Hundred Years of Ceylon Tea, 1867-1967, D.M. Forrest (London, 1967) • Tea and Empire: James Taylor in Victorian Ceylon, Angela McCarthy and T.M. Devine (Manchester, 2017) • National Library of Scotland, Papers of James Taylor, planter in Ceylon, MS 15908 • The Early British Tea and Coffee Planters and their Way of Life, 18251900: The Pioneers, John Weatherstone (London, 1986) • Tropical Pioneers: Human Agency and Ecological Change in the Highlands of Sri Lanka, 1800-1900, James Webb (Athens, 2002)

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Plus: Curator review of the Scotland’s Early Silver exhibition National Museum Scotland, report from the Stobs Camp archaeology project, new visual reconstructions of the Bass of Inverurie.

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The face of the Cramond murderer A recent collaboration between the University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh City Council and the Maltings at Crammond has provided a glimpse at the face of a 19th-century killer.

By Janet Philp

H

aving hung in the Anatomical Museum of the University of Edinburgh since his execution in 1832, the skull of murderer John Howison has been scanned and recreated as a 3D model. Average tissue depth data and a degree of artistic license with regards to hair and eye colour, have revealed what he may have looked like at the time he commited the Cramond murder, in December 1831.

On the day of the killing, John Howison made his way into Cramond, just outside Edinburgh. His face was covered with a black handkerchief, a Bible was tied around his wrist and he was looking for alms. A few weeks earlier, his usual landlady in Edinburgh had noticed that he had begun to act strangely. He had started chasing away imaginary flies and laying a salt ring around his bed to ward off evil spirits. Shortly after this he left Edinburgh and became a wandering vagrant.

As he entered Long Row in Crammond, Howison was looking for money. He came to the house of Martha Mason, or Widow Geddes as she was known, and went inside, leaving a few minutes later empty handed. It was not until a few hours later, when her neighbour entered the house, that the murder was discovered.

There was no sign of a struggle but Widow Geddes lay on the floor with her skull cleft open, a blood covered spade beside her.

Howison was arrested the next day and although he protested his innocence, he was tried for the murder. His lawyers put in a claim of insanity. Howison protested that they should have fought the charge on a complete lack of evidence. He insisted that he was two miles away even though there were several eye witnesses to his being in Crammond at the time. The partial insanity claim was pursued, a condition that had recently been termed homocidal monomania. This 46

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was the theory that someone could lose their reason over one aspect only whilst appearing to maintain reason on other matters. At the time this was a fairly new concept that has been used in France by the school of medicin mentale but it was rejected by the Scottish courts, leaving Howison to be executed.

Although seen by several doctors who declared him of sound mind, Howison was also seen by others who confirmed he should have been locked up in an asylum. Nowadays, he would most probably have been deemed mentally unwell. In a particularly ironic twist, his sanity was reasoned by the fact that he was denying the murder; had he been insane he would have confessed.

Howison’s case differs little from many others in preceding years; he becomes exceptional only because of the timing. The 1832 Anatomy Act came into force on 1 August, 1832, a few months after Howison was executed. The Act finally passed through Parliament following the acts of Thomas and Bishop in London who attempted to emulate Burke and Hare, the Edinburgh serial killers and suppliers of bodies to the medical profession.

The Act made it possible for people to donate their bodies to science and for medical schools to obtain the bodies of the unclaimed poor. It also provided murderers with burials inside prison grounds. Howison was the last person to be executed before the Act came into force, and therefore the last murderer to be anatomised.

The facial reconstruction can be seen as part of an exhibition at the Maltings Museum, Cramond, 6 Riverside, Cramond, Edinburgh EH4 6NY; website: http://cramondheritage.org.uk Dr Janet Philp is head of administration in the deanery of biomedical sciences at the University of Edinburgh.

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Inside the National Records of Scotland

True crime

Tristram Clarke shares some of the fascinating stories which await researchers among court, Crown Office, Scottish Office and prison records in Register House, Edinburgh

S

ome criminal cases which can be found in the records at National Records of Scotland are already well-known: the double life of William Brodie, Edinburgh cabinetmaker by day and housebreaker by night, who was executed in 1788; Madeleine Smith, the alleged poisoner who escaped the noose in 1857 by virtue of a not proven verdict in the High Court; and Oscar Slater, a disreputable foreigner who was jailed for murder in 1909, but whose conviction was quashed in 1928.

A huge range of crimes of assault, rape, theft, fraud and arson feature in the 68,000 entries covering High Court and Crown Office records that are open for the period 1800 to 1932. As our cataloguing progresses, endlessly fascinating details of characters, circumstances and events come to light. Of course the accused are named, as well some of their victims. Within the case papers and other records, a host of witnesses, jurors, court officials and police officers appear and play their part.

In addition to prison registers, we also hold fascinating albums of prison photographs for Barlinnie, Greenock and Perth prisons.

Surviving records of the lower courts are mostly held in local archives.

In hindsight some historic crimes are more comic than serious. A file concerning the SS Politician contains a letter concerning the eight men from South Uist who were jailed for stealing whisky from the wreck on the island of Eriskay in 1943 – the event that inspired Compton Mackenzie’s novel Whisky Galore! The essence of the real story is captured in the memorable explanation given by the crofter who owned the boat that was used to salvage the whisky: he went along ‘to ensure that his boat was not damaged rather than to steal the whisky’.

Crime lends itself to storytelling, and a master of the art was James McLevy, a detective in Victorian Edinburgh, whose droll tales of catching criminals were widely-read in his day, and thanks to reprints and radio adaptations, have gained new followers. The historical records of the crimes he relates can add sober but revealing details to his personal accounts. For example in The Blue-Bells of Scotland he related how in 1843 he traced jewellery and a musical box, stolen from a New Town house, to the Old Town. The box, one of whose tunes gives the thieves away, is described in the trial

Wanted poster, 1909 (AD15/9/166)

papers as ‘a Geneva musical box’.

The inventory of stolen valuables also lists the names inscribed on three gold mourning rings, reflecting the historic custom of distributing commemorative jewellery.

The declarations by the suspects, their associates and other witnesses usually contain the most interesting and revealing details of daily life in the home, at work and in public spaces.

In this instance, one of the accused declared that McLevy arrested him on his way home from a spirit shop. This detail shows that McLevy increased the dramatic effect of his story when he wrote that he surprised the suspects in their run-down lodgings.

He was perfectly accurate about the sentences of ten years and fourteen years transportation handed to the two guilty men. More than 7,000 transportation cases of Scots can be found in the NRS records, just some of the 160,000 Britons transported to Australia from the 1790s until 1857. Most people were transported for theft aggravated by ‘habit and repute’. How repeat offending was tackled in later decades is one of the themes in an exhibition at Register House this autumn.

‘Rogues Gallery’ brings together remarkable police photographs from the Lothians, 1870-1917, preserved in Edinburgh City Archives, and criminal case papers from NRS – true crime indeed.

Dr Tristram Clarke is archivist at National Records of Scotland

Oscar Slater in 1909 and 1927 (HH15/20/11) H I S TO RY S COT LA ND - NOVE MB E R / D E C E MB E R 2017

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NRS research guide on crime and criminals: http://scot.sh/HScrime Details of Rogues Gallery exhibition: http://scot.sh/NRSexhib 47

27/09/2017 11:44

PROJECT REVEAL National Trust for Scotland is undertaking a huge cataloguing project to catalogue and photograph every one of the 100,000 artefacts in its care. We spoke to Susanna Hillhouse at the conservation charity to find out more

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roject Reveal, which is one of the biggest heritage cataloguing projects ever to take place in Scotland, will employ a team of 26 people and cover all of the properties with collections in the care of Scotland’s conservation charity, from the clifftop Culzean Castle in Ayrshire, to the humble home of geologist Hugh Miller in Cromarty.

Over the course of the project, the team will not only learn a lot about the pieces which are cared for at Trust properties all over Scotland, but will also, they hope, discover ‘hidden gems’ which will give an even greater insight into the country’s history and heritage.

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Sarah Heaton, Team manager for West, with John MacKenzie, NTS team manager, reveal inventory project, South West

When the project is complete, there will be one central record of information and high resolution photographs which can be accessed by all NTS staff, and which will enable members of the public to learn more about the collections. This central information will then be able to be used to create room-by-room inventories, provide background information for volunteer guides and provide data for audits, helping staff to manage and care for the collections more efficiently.

So why is now a good time for such a large-scale project to happen? Susanna told us: ‘National Trust for Scotland

has been through a revamp and restructure and this was seen as a useful NTS-wide project where everyone would have access to consistent information, allowing our people to be more creative and tell the stories of the items that we hold.’

Although NTS has records of the thousands of items in its care, these have been created over many years and include hard copy files, donation letters and a card index system as well as the modern database. But inevitably there are some gaps and inconsistencies. ‘What I’ve done,’ said Susanna, ‘is to ask for an accurate picture of what’s in each property and this might

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Project Reveal

throw up some surprises.

So, for example, an item in our collections might be listed at a fairly basic level but we’ll be taking a fresh look at that object and might discover things that we didn’t know we had.’

‘Also, where an item might have been logged as a single piece of furniture, the team will separately photograph everything relating to that, so if there is something contained within one of the drawers, that will be listed separately. And if an object is hidden within something else, it can be re-evaluated and may take on a new significance.’

The logistics This £1.3 million project covers a huge area and takes in 47 of the Trust’s properties covering the whole of Scotland, from the The Glenfinnan Monument in the Highlands, to the tiny Robert Smail’s print shop in the Borders.

The country has been split into four regions, each of which has a team manager, and within that region, the properties are tackled on what might seem to be a random basis, but is actually a carefully constructed plan, as Susanna explained: ‘Some properties might have some building or conservation work scheduled, and so they might want the team to visit before or after that, and then there’s the weather to consider for the more northerly sites, as well as the fact that many of our properties close for the winter, through until Easter.’

Above: dodo claret jug

by Alexander Crichton, from the collection at Brodick Castle, Arran Right: vase from Hill Of Tarvit Mansion, Fife

Bottom, from left: Indigo Carnie, team manager for North, at Hill of Tarvit Mansion; banners introduce the team to visitors at Culzean Castle; the Project Reveal team at work in the Hill House

With such a large-scale project and a tight time schedule, much of the cataloguing work will be carried out during normal property opening hours, giving visitors the chance the see the cataloguers at work, ask questions and see how historic items are handled and logged.

This, said Susanna, is a positive move for NTS, engaging people with Project Reveal and helping to spread the work about the Trust and its work: ‘Members of the public are the very reason why we have collections in the first place, and doing a project on this scale means we have no choice about carrying on with the work in view of the visitors. If people can see what we’re doing it helps explain why we need their support and also shows the authenticity of our collections.

‘Our room guides have been briefed about the work that’s going on and they will incorporate this into their tours while the team are at the property. We also have promotional material, pop-up banners and postcards to explain what Project Reveal is and what it involves.’

The Project Reveal team are

Susanna Hillhouse is collections manager – Curatorial & Conservation Ser vices at NTS. Follow the team on the NTS ‘What We Do’ blog at www. nts.org.uk by searching for Project Reveal or on Twitter @NTSCollections #ProjectReveal

Project Reveal in numbers 26 team members working around the country 129 NTS properties, including gardens, countryside and islands and built heritage, of which 50 have collections 100,000 artefacts (give or take a few!) to be catalogued and photographed 86 years of history to explore, from the time National Trust for Scotland was established

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also blogging to the wider world on the NTS website, telling the story of the items they’ve been cataloguing and sharing photos.

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www.historyscotland.com

Hidden history

Paisley

patterns our past

In the last of his hidden history visits during the Year of History, Heritage & Archaeology, Neil McLennan takes a trip to Paisley, a candidate for UK City of Culture

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arlier this year we covered Perth in its bid to become UK City of Culture. The old capital of Scotland offers great history, heritage and hospitality. Now in the final months of the Year of History, Heritage and Archaeology only one Scottish location has made the final UK City of Culture shortlist.

So how does Paisley fare as a venue for heritage trails and hidden history?

The town certainly has history woven through it. Paisley’s association with weaving saw it enjoy global textile fame, however a later economic downturn saw harder

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times for the people of Paisley. Now the town is being revitalised by the City of Culture bid and a new interest in its past.

The town is an ideal day trip from Glasgow. Many of the key sites are in walking distance of Paisley train station and the town has much of historical interest.

Whilst the world famous Paisley pattern has its origins in Mesopotamia, it was the skill of the weavers of Paisley which put the town on the map; the towns weavers were able to produce the pattern in five colours and their skills were highly valued. The design

The interior of Paisley Abbey, founded in the 12th century and known as the cradle of the royal house of Stewart

is called different things across the world: palme in France, bota in Netherlands and bootar in India.

For many it is the Paisley pattern.

Paisley’s origins The town can be traced back to the 7th century and Paisley Abbey is a great place to consider the span of history long before weaving made Paisley world famous. The building was given abbey status in 1245 and the church can be traced back to 1163.

In 1315, a year after victory at Bannockburn, Robert the Bruce’s daughter, Marjory Bruce, married

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Hidden history Drummond - Paisley

the sixth High Steward, Walter.

Only a year later the pregnant Marjory Bruce was to die in a tragic riding accident. Almost by a miracle, the baby was saved. Robert II became the first of the Stewart monarchs and thus the abbey and town became known as the cradle of the royal house of Stewart. The abbey is also the resting place of six High Stewards of Scotland and textile money helped to pay for its restoration.

Another building which references Paisley’s textile history is the Thomas Coats Church, which is often referred to as the Baptist Cathedral of Europe. This dominant, Gothic figure on the local skyline was made possible by the philanthropic support of Thomas Coats, co-founder of J&P Coats textiles company. In 1910 Coats was the third biggest company in the world after US Steel and Standard Oil. Thomas Coats’s support helped fund the restoration of the abbey and the construction of Coats Observatory and Paisley Fountain Gardens.

After his death his family funded the construction of this other magnificent place of worship.

Much of the town’s other notable architecture is connected to its textile past. To find out more about the town’s weaving industry a visit to Sma Shot Cottages has to be on the itinerary.

Entering from Shuttle Street visitors take a step back in time to a weaver’s cottage originally built in the 1750s. Weaving expertise is still part of life in the town today and the Paisley Thread Mill Museum at Abbey Mill is worth a visit.

We have visited many museums both large and small as part of our 2017 podcast tour. Here in Paisley we find Scotland’s first municipal museum, opened in 1871 and designed by John Honeyman. Again the town’s thread mill connection is woven through the very history of the museum; Peter Coats, Thomas’s partner at J&P Coats, was the donor. This, together with the considerable collections amassed by the Paisley Philosophical society since 1808, made the museum venture possible.

As well as a museum the building

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also held a full library. By 1882, art and sculpture galleries were added. These were paid for by donations from Sir Peter Coats.

Shawl galleries were added in 1974 extending the major collection

Coats Memorial Church, financed by textile magnate Thomas Coats

to include the finest collection of Paisley shawls in the world.

Listen to the latest episode of the Hidden Histories podcast: http:// scot.sh/his-podcast

Historic hotel For our Paisley visit we stayed at the Grand Central Hotel in Glasgow.

The iconic, imposing Victorian hotel has recently been refurbished and recreates the ambience of sophistication that once saw the likes of Sir Winston Churchill and Frank Sinatra welcomed as guests. The hotel sits on Glasgow’s ‘style mile’ and is a much loved landmark on the city’s skyline. It opened in 1883 and was designed by architect Robert Rowand Anderson in the baroque Queen Anne style. Like railway hotels of the era the hotel forms part of the front of the station.

Earlier in our podcast series we shared stories of Fraserburgh’s Marconi 1904 radio link and Gleneagles Hotel hosting the first ever outside broadcast in 1924. Well, three years later Grand Central held a key role in the transmission of the world’s first long distance television pictures.

This historic event was carried out by

John Logie Baird who’d had success in transmitting an image and in 1927 transmitted from London to Grand Central Hotel.

My own recent research reveals that ten years before this historic event the hotel also hosted one of World War I’s most famous poets. Craiglockhart War Hospital patient Siegfried Sassoon claimed to have played golf on every golf course in Edinburgh when he stayed there in 1917. However he also travelled further afield to North Berwick and Glasgow. A letter to Lady Ottoline Morrell in August 1917 states that he ‘lunched ponderously’ in the city.

During our stay we were treated to fine hospitality in historic surrounds.

The hotel is an atmospheric base for any heritage travels on the west coast of Scotland and beyond. What more can you ask for… you have a railway station right on your doorstep!

27/09/2017 12:33

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FREE EXHIBITION 25 OCTOBER – 1 DECEMBER 2017

~ MONDAY – FRIDAY 9.30 – 4.30

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26/09/2017 09:55

BOOKREVIEWS By blood divided

Edited by Dr Allan Kennedy reviews@historyscotland.com

Dr Allan Kennedy reviews a new book that aims to shed light on a long-forgotten clan feud of the mid-16th century, which saw rival wings of the Cameron family tussle for pre-eminence during the minority of Allan Cameron of Lochiel (d.1647)

The Erracht Feud: Internal Divisions in Clan Cameron 1567-77 J.T. Ewing Welkin Books, 2016 98 pages Paperback, £8.99 ISBN: 978910075050 Readers coming to this book for the first time are likely to react with blank incomprehension to its title. The ‘Erracht feud’ was a power-struggle within the Cameron family centred on who should control the clan during the minority of its 16th-century chief, Allan Cameron of Lochiel. One faction was led by Lochiel’s cousin, Donald McEwan Beg, while the other was led by his tutors, drawn from the Cameron cadets, the McEwans of Erracht. It can hardly be described as one of the more recognisable stories from Scottish history, and few will have much idea about its course or significance. In this slim volume, John Thor Ewing sets out to explain what the feud involved and why it is of interest.

The book is split into two sections.

The first is concerned with scene-setting, offering the reader a brief account of Clan Cameron’s history before 1567, as well as critical appraisals of the main narrative sources for the feud, both historical and modern. The second section, much the longer, provides as detailed a reconstruction of the feud as the sources will allow. This text is supported by a meaty appendix reproducing, in whole or part, all the major sources upon which Ewing hangs his narrative. There is also a second appendix discussing the meaning of the Camerons’ heraldic crest of a sheaf of five arrows, but this is not related to the rest of the book.

The primary strength of this book is Ewing’s careful handling of some challenging primary sources. Alert to the

dangers of taking family traditions and contemporary narratives at face value, he moves beyond such sources to bring in a range of contemporary letters and legal documents. Ewing wastes little effort on the impossible task of shoe-horning this disparate evidence-base into a linear story, directing readers searching for narrative towards John Drummond of Balhaldie’s 18th-century Memoirs of Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiell. His approach, instead, is to examine each piece of evidence individually and assess what it tells us about the general course of the feud, the issues underpinning it, and the means by which it was prosecuted. As a methodology it is perhaps a little dry, and moreover its claim to be focused on ‘new’ material is shaky, since all the sources used are available in print.

Ewing is to be commended for handling his material with painstaking care, resulting in an account whose fullness seems unlikely to be surpassed Nonetheless, Ewing is to be commended for handling his material with painstaking care, resulting in an account whose fullness seems unlikely to be surpassed.

But while Ewing’s text is excellent at dealing with the minutiae of the Erracht conflict, it is less accomplished when it comes to explaining why the story matters.

The bibliography cites some important modern research on early modern Scotland, particularly in the political sphere, and it would have been stimulating to see some exploration of how the Erracht episode feeds into these historians’ arguments.

Do the Camerons’ travails tell us anything about the development of the Scottish state, or the structures of pre-modern power, or the nature of elite authority, or the dynamics of clanship, or the relationship between Highlands and Lowlands? Linking his subject to these sorts of debates would have enhanced the wider interest of Ewing’s book, and in not doing so, opting instead for

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a traditional-feeling work of clan history, he has arguably underplayed the significance of his research, On a more conceptual level, there is some tension in Ewing’s decision to classify the conflict as a ‘feud’. ‘Feuding’ in an early modern context does not simply mean ‘fighting’, but signifies a semi-formal, often highly ritualised type of competition between opposing groups.

Crucially, these struggles were normally focused on control of resources, often lands over which both sides claimed control, or rights and privileges coveted by all participants.

It is not entirely clear that the standoff narrated by Ewing, which essentially involved temporary resistance to the tutors of an underage clan chief, fits the

feuding paradigm. Ewing himself more or less concedes this point towards the end of his account, but readers’ understanding might well have been enhanced by fuller reframing, conceptualising the Erracht conflict not as a ‘feud’, but as a window on the nature of noble power and Highland lordship in early modern Scotland.

This, then, is an interesting little book that sheds light on a largely unknown episode in 16th-century Scottish history. It will likely appeal principally to those with a particular interest in the Camerons and their cadets, which is unfortunate because Ewing’s story has the potential to offer stimulating insights into the nature of early modern Scottish society more generally.

Dr Allan Kennedy is Consultant Editor of History Scotland and Lecturer in History at the University of Dundee.

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Re-evaluating a radical Dr Emma Macleod is impressed by a new collection of essays in commemoration of Thomas Muir of Huntershill, whose fiery dedication to the cause of political reform made him one of the most recognisable figures in the radical movement of the 1790s Thomas Muir of Huntershill: Essays for the Twenty-first Century Gerard Carruthers and Don Martin (eds.)

Humming Earth, 2016 346 pages Paperback, £19.95 ISBN: 9781846220517 Gerard Carruthers and Don Martin present here a volume of fifteen fresh and varied essays with the aims of reminding a wider Scottish public of the importance of Thomas Muir of Huntershill (1765-99), martyr to the cause of Scottish reform politics in the age of the French Revolution, and of stimulating further academic research into his life and career.

The collection originated in the revival of Scottish interest in Muir from 2011 around preparations for the 250th anniversary of his birth in 2015. It includes chapters written by a range of authors from local historians (Jimmy Watson, Don Martin and Alex Watson), through a variety of academic contributors including T.M. Devine, to the veteran nationalist politician Alex Salmond. Some are transcripts of talks presented at events in 2015, but most are contributions written specifically for this book, which therefore conveys a sense both of commemoration and of new research.

There is plenty to stimulate in this book.

One of its most important innovative emphases, achieved by no fewer than three essays with different angles on Muir, is the importance of his evangelical Presbyterian churchmanship. The chapters by Don Martin, Gerard Carruthers and Carruthers and Satinder Kaur not only present an important element of Muir’s career and focus that is missing from much previous writing about him, but they do this with a nuanced understanding of evangelicalism, and of the spectrum of Presbyterian intellectualism in Glasgow and Scotland in this period, which are also too often absent.

The essays by Carruthers and Kaur, and Ronnie Young offer valuable new material on 54

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Muir’s career at the University of Glasgow.

Rhona Brown’s chapter on the reciprocal relationship between Muir’s political activities and his trial and its aftermath, and the short-lived but lively radical newspaper, the Edinburgh Gazetteer, is suggestive of what might be gained from a similar approach on a wider canvas. Gordon Pentland’s elegant chapter on Muir and the constitution raises the important issue of what was really meant by ‘the constitution’ by different political groups in the 1790s. By his careful comparison of different published reports of the same trial, Pentland shows that different political groups used Muir’s case to press their own understanding of ‘the constitution’ – a point that Alex Salmond illustrates with characteristic flair in his own argument for continuities between Muir’s political campaign and his own. This is not just political opportunism. Salmond’s case that Muir was genuinely concerned to foster a literate and politically engaged population is a serious claim worth interrogating, and it is taken up later in the book by Don Martin’s examination of Muir’s roots in the ideas of the Scottish Enlightenment.

There are also valuable essays by Beverley Sherry on Muir in Australia and by T.J. Dowds on Muir’s successors in the campaign for political reform in 1820; and one of

large number and wide range of images, from recently produced works of art portraying Muir to photographs of important sites and even a 1790 handkerchief printed with ‘a view of Botany Bay’ in support of Muir and his fellow Scottish political martyrs.

David McVey’s fine essay on Muir’s contemporary, the Whig lawyer John McFarlan of Campsie (1767-1846), with which the collection closes, makes the important point that it is impossible for us to judge accurately the real level of support for political reform in Scotland in the 1790s, not only because of distance but also because of the political constraints of that turbulent decade. It is of course unachievable; yet it ought not to be ignored on that account. Thomas Muir of Huntershill: Essays for the Twenty-first Century achieves a good balance between focusing on Muir himself, unearthing an impressive volume of new material on him, and setting him in a wider panorama of his 18th-century context than we have previously had.

Yet I am left wondering whether, as well as this book being rewarded with the further research into Muir himself that it calls for, the pendulum also needs to swing back to the collective effort of 1790s Scottish reformers so as to acknowledge more substantially the contribution of more cautious but no less admirable individuals such as John McFarlan,

One of the book’s most important innovative emphases, achieved by no fewer than three essays with different angles on Muir, is the importance of his Evangelical Presbyterian churchmanship the most welcome aspects of the book is Carruthers’ acknowledgement of ‘murky elements’ in Muir’s handling of the legal case of the Cadder Church vacancy in 1790. It is all too tempting in a book partly created to commemorate a local hero of the history of the campaign for political reform to present a wholly sympathetic portrait, but recognition of such ‘murky elements’ is essential to mature biography. Finally, the book is enhanced by a

who helped to keep ‘the light of democracy and liberty alive’ after bolder and more fiery spirits such as Muir and the other Scottish martyrs ‘had departed the scene’ (p. 302).

Dr Emma Macleod is Senior Lecturer in History the University of Stirling. She has published widely on aspects of 18th- and 19th-century British political history, and is author of BritishVisions of America, 1775-1820 (London, 2013).

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Buy books at discounted prices with the History Scotland Book Shop at: http://scot.sh/his-bookshop

The villagers’ war Dr James Smyth is struck by the poignancy and pathos of a new book offering a detailed exploration of how the Great War impacted the small village of Bridge of Weir in Renfrewshire, with a particular focus on how the tight-knit community coped with the loss of so many of its young men Supreme Sacrifice: A Small Village and the Great War W. Reid, with P. Birchand and G. Masterton Birlinn, 2016 224 pages Paperback, £9.99 ISBN: 9781780273501 The centenary of the Great War has ushered in a huge amount of new writings, exhibitions, documentaries, and so on and will continue to do so for a few years yet.

A common theme across much of this effort is the desire to focus on individual stories, to provide not just the shocking lists of casualties, but provide (where possible) personal detail, even photographs of those who served, but mostly those who died. This book on the experience of the Renfrewshire village of Bridge of Weir during the war is a very welcome addition to the historiography.

The book is dedicated to those who fell and who are commemorated in the memorials of the village but also ‘to the

memory of the families who bore their loss.’ While there are no footnotes and little other academic apparatus, the work itself, and the associated website of the Bridge of Weir memorial society, indicates the sorts of sources used to tell both the collective and individual tales. The approach is similar to that undertaken by historians at Stirling University in our exhibition ‘A Stirling 100’ which focused on the parish memorials of Stirling district and detailed the lives of a more or less random group of 100 names on those memorials.

This work goes further, however, in telling the story through those who fell, starting with the death of the first – James Smellie, 22, Royal Navy, torpedoed on 22 September, 1914 – through to the last – William Cairns, 28, King’s Own Scottish Borderers, of septicaemia on 11 August, 1919. While this chronology is not sustained completely it is only diverted from occasionally and for good reasons, and it does provide a unifying thread between the experiences of the soldiers themselves and between them and the community they had left behind. It also provides a very humane way of detailing the military campaigns and progress of the war. Most casualties occurred on the Western Front, with each battle indicated,

but there were casualties elsewhere: Gallipoli, Salonica, the Italian Front.

While the authors focus on the war itself there is plenty of relevant and interesting detail on the village, its population, economy and wartime experiences. The importance of the local leather and tanning industry is recognised, as is the role of Roland Muirhead, local businessman, socialist and later founder member of the SNP. Bridge of Weir hosted a number of Belgian refugees from October 1914 through to the end of hostilities and though there was some local disgruntlement the welcome offered was overwhelmingly positive; so much so that a number of the refugees chose to remain after 1918.

A total of 72 men of the village died, out of an estimated 452 who served.

All of their stories contain drama, tragedy, and pathos. All sections of what was a close-knit community were affected. Men of all ranks, from private to captain, died in the carnage. It is invidious to select any single death but the case of two young men stuck with me. Born within days of each other in 1895, Robert Barr MacDougall and Robert Barr grew up together, went to school together, took up golf

From left: The Cross, Main Street, Bridge of Weir, around 1911. Gryffe Place and Gryffe View on the left were home to three of the men killed; unveiling and dedication of the Memorial on 26 June, 1921 H I S TO RY S COT L A ND - NOV E MB E R / D E C E MB E R 2017

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RECENTLY PUBLISHED Black’s Guide to Scotland: Picturesque Tourist Guide 1840

By Adam Black and Charles Black Collins, £9.99 ISBN 9780008251147 A facsimile edition of the famous Black’s Picturesque Tourist Guide of Scotland originally published in 1840, as used by Paul Murton on the TV series Grand Tours of Scotland.

The Andrew Family. Back left: John Andrew, killed 23 July, 1918 in the attack on Buzancy, next to Henry Andrew, who died in Paisley, 4 January, 1917, after contracting fever in Salonika

together, both became professionals shortly before the war, enlisted in the same battalion of the Highland Light Infantry, and were both killed together on the same day (18 November, 1916) on the Somme. On that date, Second

and unimaginative’ as the military doctrine may sound to us, it was ‘Haig’s achievement’ to have won the war and to have done so ‘perhaps two years earlier than it would otherwise… saving countless lives in the process.’

The thought of Haig as a saviour of lives will be shocking to many. Even at the time of the Somme he was described as ‘the butcher’ Lieutenant Ian Bannatyne of the same regiment was killed also. United in grief, the village was not, however, immune to the petty prejudices of the time. The memorial of the local golf club records the names of members only, and does not include the professionals who worked there.

It is to the credit of the authors that this is recorded and they are scrupulously even-handed in their accounts of all figures. Both the antiwar revolutionary John Maclean and the ultra-patriotic industrialist William Weir are treated positively. The same approach is adopted towards the military staff and Douglas Haig in particular. As well as a social history this is also a military history and the viewpoint is that this was a war that had to be fought; ‘unappealing 56

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The thought of Haig as a saviour of lives will be shocking to many. Even at the time of the Somme he was described as ‘the butcher’. If that epithet was unfair then and now there is still the awful casualness towards the mass deaths that is difficult to fathom. At the end of July 1916 as the bodies piled up relentlessly, the authors here quote Haig’s defence of his strategy; that month’s losses were only ‘120,000 more than they would have been had we not attacked.’ Only 120,000.

Dr James J. Smyth is Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Stirling. His work incorporates social, political, and cultural aspect of 19th- and 20th-century Scotland, and he also researches the commemoration and memorialisation of the Great War.

The Hidden Ways: Scotland’s Forgotten Roads

By Alistair Moffat Canongate Books, £20 ISBN 9781786891013 In The Hidden Ways, Alistair Moffat traverses the lost paths of Scotland – its Roman roads tramped by armies, its warpaths and pilgrim routes, drove roads and rail roads, turnpikes and sea roads – in a bid to understand how our history has left its mark upon our landscape.

The Clyde: Mapping the River

By John Moore Birlinn, £30 ISBN 9781780274829 John Moore, collections manager at University of Glasgow looks at maps of the Clyde which display the river itself from its source, to the wide estuary which is as much a part of the whole image. He discusses how the river was mapped from its earliest depictions and includes topics such as navigation, river crossings, war & defence, tourism, sport & recreation, industry & power, and urban development.

On the Trail of Mary Queen of Scots

By Roy Calley Amberley Publishing, £20 ISBN 9781445659428 An exploration of the landscapes that Mary Queen of Scots would have known, with castles, towering cathedrals, manor homes and chapels associated with the life of the Stewart queen.

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Curator’s pick

Britain’s first police bravery medal Alastair Dinsmor MBE, curator at The Glasgow Police Museum, showcases a favourite item from the museum’s collection – a medal awarded to a brave Glasgow constable

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ne of the key exhibits in The Glasgow Police Museum is a silver medal presented to Constable John Kerr of The Glasgow Police by Glasgow City Council in 1871. Related to the medal are two interesting stories.

At 4.45am on 23 November, 1871, Constable No. 210 of ‘A’ Division, Glasgow Police, was patrolling Trongate, one of the City’s main thoroughfares. He turned into a dark passageway called Old Wynd which led to a number of dilapidated houses, some dating from the 17th century. As his lantern scanned the buildings, the light picked out a large crack in the gable-end of one of the buildings.

Kerr’s previous training as a fireman allowed him to quickly assess that the situation was critical and that the occupants of the fourstorey building were in great danger should the building collapse.

He immediately went into the building and awakened 68 people, leading them from their houses to safety. As he returned to the building to make sure everyone was out, the structure collapsed, throwing him from the third to the first floor, thankfully without injury.

When the story was reported in the newspapers, £30 was donated by readers, as a reward to the constable in recognition of Kerr’s heroism.

The City Council also commissioned the large silver medal (pictured above) which was presented to him in early 1872. Subsequent research has shown that this was the first bravery medal awarded exclusively to a policeman.

The obverse of the medal is a representation of the Glasgow Police helmet badge while the reverse has the following beautifully inscribed: Presented by the Lord Provost, Magistrates and Board of Police to John Kerr, Constable, ‘A’ Division of the Police Force of the City in recognition of Meritorious Services rendered by him in saving, by his intrepid conduct, the lives of the inhabitants of a tenement, four storeys in height, at Old Wynd, Glasgow, immediately preceding the fall of that tenement on 23 November 1871.

From left: Kerr pictured in 1871, the year he was awarded the bravery medal; the two sides of the medal; Jerry Platt (right) presents the medal to Alastair Dinsmore of Glasgow Police Museum

The ribbon suspension ring has a representation of a police helmet and crossed truncheons.

The medal was handed down within the family until the 1980s when it was offered for sale.

Strathclyde Police, the regional police force which incorporated The City of Glasgow Police in 1975, received a copy of the auction catalogue and decided to make a bid on behalf of Strathclyde Police & Fire Committee. However, the Committee was outbid by a private collector and the medal disappeared into a private collection.

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and engaged with Society members setting up The Glasgow Police Museum. I knew of the John Kerr medal and its story and had created a display for the museum, with a photograph of the medal and portrait of Kerr. Efforts to trace the original medal met with no success, so disappointingly, a photograph of the medal had to be used.

In 2004, I was ‘on duty’ at the museum when a Mr Jerry Platt from Florida, a medal collector, called there to look at the bravery medals. It soon transpired that this collector had the original medal in his safe deposit box in Florida. After some discussion, he agreed to a limited period loan of the medal.

Two years later, Mr Platt contacted the museum offered us the opportunity to purchase the medal. The value of the medal was obtained from two medal auction houses and a price agreed. Being a charity, the museum applied to the National Lottery ‘Awards for All’ scheme and the medal was purchased for the museum, where it can be seen and appreciated by visitors today.

Glasgow Police Museum, First Floor, 30 Bell Street, Glasgow G1 1LG; tel: 0141 552 1818; e-mail: curator@policemuseum.org.uk; website: www.policemuseum.org.uk Open year-round. See website for summer and winter opening details.

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DIARY DATES

EXHIBITION History of Peebleshire, until 23 December Tweeddale Museum & Gallery presents an exhibition teling the story of Peeblesshire using objects,maps and photos from ancient times through to the present day Chambers Institution, High Street, Peebles EH45 8AG; tel: 01721 724820; website: http://scot.sh/HStweed TALK Beginners in English Genealogy, 2 December Genealogist and History Scotland columnist Ken Nisbet presents a Scottish Genealogy Society workshop on tracing English ancestors, which is aimed at those who may be confident in tracing their Scottish roots, but would welcome advice on exploring English family history records.

Scottish Genealogy Society, 15 Victoria Terrace, Edinburgh EH1 2JL; tel: 0131 220 3677; website: www.scotsgenealogy.com

Ring of Brodgar, part of the Heart of Neolithic Orkney site, which Caroline Wickham-Jones explores in the 2017 Buchan Lecture

EXHIBITION The Truest Mirror of Life, until 21 January 2018 Described as an art of discernment, subtlety and caustic wit, caricature features strongly in the holdings of The Hunterian collection.

This display reflects the rising popularity of the genre in 19th-century France.

Showcasing some of its greatest exponents, most notably Honoré Daumier and Gavarni, it also provides a look at aspects of 19th century Parisian society at a time of great change. Glasgow Hunterian, University of Glasgow, University Avenue, Glasgow G12 8QQ; tel: 0141 330 4221; website: www.gla.ac.uk/hunterian EVENT Previously: Scotland’s History Festival, 16 to 26 November An annual history festival which takes place at venues around Edinburgh, with talks, workshops, debates, walks and tours. This year, the festival will incorporate Elsie Inglis Day on 26 November, in honour of the centenary of the death of the pioneering doctor and founder of the Scottish Women’s Hospital. e-mail: info@historyfest.co.uk; website: www.historyfest.co.uk

Explore the latest archaeology research As the Year of History, Heritage & Archaeology 2017 draws to a close, there are still plenty of themed events taking place around the country Elgin Museum is hosting an archaeology conference at the Alexander Graham Bell Centre in Elgin on 4 November, to showcase some of Moray’s lesser known archaeological and historic sites. Ten speakers have been confirmed, including Professor Ian Armit, Dr Fraser Hunter, Martin Cook and Matt Ritchie. For more information, visit scot.sh/elginconf The Neon Digital Arts Festival (7 to 12 November) in Dundee uses the medium of media archaeology to uncover and reconsider the material culture of the digital age, from software algorithms to tiny media chips. The festival proposes that we should consider artists as future media archaeologists, recording our information-based society for future generations. Find out more at: www. northeastofnorth.com.

The annual Edinburgh, Lothians & Borders Archaeology Conference on 18 November provides an opportunity to hear and discuss first hand accounts of the archaeological fieldwork and research being undertaken in the region. The venue is Queen Margaret University in Musselburgh. For details and booking, visit: scot.sh/HSarchevent Caroline Wickham-Jones, lecturer in the Department of Archaeology at the University of Aberdeen, presents the Buchan Lecture for Ayrshire Archaeological & Natural History Society on ‘People and water in Neolithic Orkney’. The lecture takes place on 23 November at Ayr Town Hall, 7.30pm to 9pm. For details, tel 07840 731110.

The re-created World War I trenches at Pollok Park in Glasgow will be open on 17 December, for walks and talks aimed at showing how soldiers of the Great War celebrated Christmas... and the truth behind the famous festive trenches truce.

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EVENTS SPOTLIGHT

TALK

EXHIBITION Encountering Africa: Henry Gaden’s Life and Photography in Colonial French West Africa (1894-1939), until 25 February 2018 Henry Gaden was a French Colonial Governor and soldier who lived in West Africa for 45 years. He was also an ethnographer and linguist and captured on camera a rich variety of African life – from landscapes, architecture and trade to colonial activities at a military outpost.

He documented military campaigns and manoeuvres as well as everyday village life, including music, dance and ceremony. Gaden’s striking photographic images, exhibited for the first time at MUSA, provide a rare glimpse of West Africa in colonial times

Their Name Liveth, 12 November It’s 1927, the fighting is over by a decade and the Scottish War Memorial is open for the first time.

Hear the true stories of two veterans – a soldier and a nurse – as they recount their very different tales of service across four years of war and many battlefields and continents. Performances at 11.15am, 12.15pm, 2pm & 3pm.

Edinburgh Castle, Castlehill, Edinburgh EH1 2YT; tel: 0131 226 7393; website: www.edinburghcastle.gov.uk Henry Gaden in Africa

EVENT and the remarkable people he met.

Museum of the University of St Andrews, 7 The Scores, St Andrews KY16 9AR; tel: 01334 461660; website: www.st-andrews.ac.uk/musa

Christmas 1910, 3 December Come along to Lauriston Castle and experience what Christmas may have been like in the Edwardian era. Meet Mr and Mrs Reid and their special guests to see how preparations are progressing for Christmas.

Tickets: Adult £5/ child £3/ family £12.50.

Lauriston Castle, 2a Cramond Road South, Edinburgh EH4 5QD; tel: 0131 529 3963; website: www.edinburghmuseums.org.uk/ Venues/Lauriston-Castle CONFERENCE Scottish Records Association Annual Conference, 10 November This one-day conference (at New Register House in Edinburgh) explores the subject of court records in Scotland, from the earliest times through to the present day. Topics will include local courts, military courts, ecclesiastical courts, and legal registers.

For tickets and the full programme, visit the Scottish Records Association website: www. scottishrecordsassociation.org/conference LECTURE

From top: a Royal Collection Trust member of staff views an enamelled gold and jewel encrusted crown, presented to the Prince of Wales by Taluqdars of Awad in 1876; a set of small brass military figures presented to the Prince during his visit to Madras in South India

EXHIBITION Splendours of the Subcontinent: A Prince’s Tour of India (1875-76), 15 December 2017 to 15 April 2018 In October 1875, the Prince of Wales set out on a four-month tour of the Indian subcontinent, visiting 21 locations. This exhibition tells the story of this grand

tour through some of the finest Indian treasures from the Royal Collection that were presented to the Prince during his visit.

Palace of Holyroodhouse, Edinburgh EH8 8DX; tel: 0303 123 7606; website: www.royalcollection.org.uk/ visit/palace-of-holyroodhouse

The Middle Ages & the Movies, 11 December The Royal Society of Edinburgh is the venue for the Sir Walter Scott Lecture by Robert Bartlett FBA FRSE, Bishop Wardlaw Professor of Mediaeval History Emeritus, University of St Andrews. Professor Bartlett looks at the different ways history, specifically medieval history, can be presented on the page and on screen, using nationalism as a case study.

Runs 6pm-7.30pm.

To book, visit: www.rse.org.uk/event/themiddle-ages-and-the-movies/

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www.historyscotland.com

Little Ross Lighthouse Lens

L

ittle Ross is an Island off the coast of south west Scotland near Kirkcudbright. In 1842 it became the home of a lighthouse which has guarded the mouth of Kirkcudbright bay unceasingly ever since.

In 2004 the lighthouse was upgraded and refurbished and the lens, which was itself a replacement installed in the late 1800s, was removed. But instead of disposing of this amazing piece of glass technology, Northern Lighthouse Board decided to donate it to The Stewartry Museum in Kirkcudbright.

It took an exciting and laborious route by helicopter and flatbed truck to travel the few miles to the town, but once in the mussum, the lens was too heavy to remove from its crate and there it languished for the next ten years.

It was not until 2015 when a change in museum staffing brought Stranraer Museum’s exhibition specialist Alan McFarlane to Kirkcudbright that the lens was able to be displayed. Alan built a reinforced plinth with a custom made Perspex cover to house the lens.

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The story of how a huge lighthouse lens came to be at the Stewartry Museum in Kirkcudbright, allowing visitors the chance to enjoy 19th-century lighthouse technology The wooden crate in which the lens had lived since its removal from the lighthouse was dismantled and with the help of all the staff, and a hand fork lift, the Little Ross Lighthouse lens was gently settled to its new display.

Now, instead of peeking into a huge wooden box to glimpse the top of the metal and glass structure, visitors are often treated to a fascinating light display when, in the right light, the lens refraction fills it with rainbows.

The lens was taken to the Stewartry Museum by helicopter and flatbed truck in 2004, however it wasn’t until 2016 that the lens was able to be displayed fully

History of Little Ross Lighthouse The first navigational aids on Little Ross comprised two emergency beacons set on site in 1819 on the orders of a local ship captain, James Skelly. Then in 1842 the present lighthouse was built to the design of Robert Stevenson, Robert Louis Stevenson’s grandfather. At the time it was lit by paraffin vapour with a clockwork mechanism controlling the lighthouse beam.

It was the first lighthouse in the world where the beam was focused with both lenses and mirrors, and was considered to be the pinnacle of technological innovation. The lens now in the museum was made in Paris in 1896 by Barbier & Benad, the world leader for lighthouse construction at the time, and installed as part of the 19th-century upgrade.

The lighthouse was automated in 1960 and the mechanism was removed, also now housed in The Stewartry Museum. Up until that time, the lighthouse had been manned by two keepers and was the site of a murder

that has become part of local legend.

In August 1960 two relief lighthouse keepers were on duty during the holiday of the principal keeper. A local man and experienced sailor arrived by boat with his father for lunch and a walk and discovered the island quiet and unattended. On searching the cottages, they found the body of one of the keepers. After a nationwide hunt the other relief keeper was arrested and found guilty of murder for which he was initially sentenced to hang, a sentence subsequently changed to life imprisonment.

The Stewartry Museum St Mary Street, Kirkcudbright, DG6 4AQ; tel: 01557 331643; e-mail: stewartrymuseum@ dumgal.gov.uk; website: www. dumfriesmuseum.demon.co.uk/ stewmuse.html Open, Winter: 1 October to 15 April, Monday to Saturday 11am to 4pm; Summer: 16 April to 30 September, Monday to Saturday, 11am to 5pm and Sunday 2pm to 5pm. Admission free.

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Local and family history

Spotlight on...

Banffshire Field Club Founded in 1880, Banffshire Field Club’s founding statement ‘to explore the district… enquiring into its geology, botany, natural history, archaeology, etc’ remains true today, with a programme of lectures and excursions exploring this historic county in the northeast of Scotland.

The Club was originally part of the Northern Association of Literary and Scientific Societies and its founder members and associates included historian William Cramond, naturalist Thomas Edward and geologist John Home. In the 1920s, Dr Douglas W Simpson, librarian at King’s College, University of Aberdeen, led excursions and published articles, many of which are still available through the Club’s transaction publishing programme.

The Club was in abeyance between 1939 and 1958, after which it was reformed as the Banffshire Field Club, quickly gaining more than 200 members. The Club holds an archive of printed lectures, from the foundation through to 1939, when the practice ceased. These cover a wide range of topics, including the social history and archaeology of the region. The lectures are available to purchase on the group’s website and the Club is also currently working on a project to digitise these.

Membership of the Banffshire Field Club is £5 per annum (though that will rise in 2018) and the club meets between September and April (except January) at 2.15pm on the second Saturday of the month at St Rufus Hall in Keith. The meeting fee is £2 members/ £3 non-members, and the Club also organises two excursions during the summer months.

The group has lately brought out several books on Banffshire topics. The latest was Alex McKay’s Cullykhan, Troup Castle and Fort Fiddes. The above photo shows some of the Club members on a very enlightening summer outing to see Cullykhan from the sea.

For more information, contact Alistair Mason, Organising Secretary on e-mail: Alistair.mason@btinternet.com; tel: 01261 812941; website: http:// scot.sh/HSbanff

Locating a World War I military ancestor

Discover more about family history at: www.family-tree.co.uk the online home of Family Tree magazine

Ken Nisbet presents a selection of online resources which can help you find out where your World War I ancestor died and was buried On 31 July this year, the 100th year anniversary of the commencement of the series of battles known as 3rd Ypres or more commonly as Passchendaele was commemorated. Some of the television programmes on the event mentioned the work of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission (CWGC).

One of the questions that is often asked is how can one find where a relative was initially buried or died? On the CWGC website (www.cwgc.org) amongst the original records the commission have digitised are the Concentration of Graves (Exhumation and Reburial) records. These records are for individuals whose remains were either removed from another cemetery or found on the battlefield and then reburied in a CWGC Cemetery.

For example, 2nd Lieutenant Cyril T Broom, the son of the Minister of the United Free Church at Leuchars, was moved from Salome Churchyard German Extension to Rue Petilllon Military Cemetery and the

means of identification was a cross and his officer’s shirt and puttees. 2nd Lieutenant Samuel Smiles, who was killed on 16 August, 1917 is buried at Tyne Cot Cemetery, Zonnebeke. His body was recovered at Map Reference D.19.a.1.9 and he was able to be identified by his identity discs.

For soldiers who could not be identified, the resource also shows where the body was found. Unfortunately circumstances of death records have not survived for British soldiers.

However, they have survived for men who served in the Australian divisions (http:// scot.sh/HSXcwgc) and for the Canadian Expeditionary Force for names from A-SIP (http://scot.sh/HScanadaregister). The Canadian records include information on the circumstances of death with particulars of the initial grave site.

The Australian records, which are officially named ‘Australian Red Cross Society Wounded and Missing Enquiry Bureau Files, 1914-1918 File’, also give very detailed and sometimes quite graphic descriptions of the circumstances of death and note if the

soldier was buried or no burial took place.

For British soldiers who have no known place of burial, regimental and unit histories can be useful and it is worth looking at Unit War Diaries which can be found on the commercial sites www.ancestry.co.uk and http://scot.sh/HSnavalmil and through the UK National Archives http://scot. sh/HSnadiaries. Whilst these very rarely mention individual burials, they will give information on the actions or circumstances on the day your relative was killed and where his unit was located.

Ken Nisbet is Secretary of the Scottish Genealogy Society and of the Scottish Association of Family History Societies and is on the user group for the Family History Centre in Edinburgh. He is a regular lecturer to Scotland’s family history societies. He has written a number of books, all of which are published by the Scottish Genealogy Society, and tutors some of the classes the society runs.

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Volume 17, Number 6 November/December 2017 www.historyscotland.com EDITORIAL Editor: Rachel Bellerby rachelb@warnersgroup.co.uk Tel: 0113 2002922 editorial@historyscotland.com Consultant Editor: Dr Allan Kennedy editorial@historyscotland.com School of Humanities, University of Dundee, DD1 4HN Reviews Editor: Dr Allan Kennedy reviews@historyscotland.com Submission guidelines: http://scot.sh/writeforHS ADMINISTRATION Warners Group Publications Fifth Floor, 31-32 Park Row, Leeds, LS1 5JD Publisher: Collette Smith Associate Publisher: Matthew Hill Senior Designer: Nathan Ward Designers: Mary Ward, Rajneet Gill Advertising: Sarah Hopton sarah.hopton@warnersgroup.co.uk Tel: 0113 200 2925 Marketing: Lauren Beharrell lauren.beharrell@warnersgroup.co.uk Tel: 0113 200 2916 History Scotland Subscriptions Warners Group Publications The Maltings, Bourne, PE10 9PH subscriptions@warnersgroup.co.uk Tel: 01778 392 463 Subscription details on page 52 Join History Scotland and save!

Jan/Feb issue: on sale 10 December, 2017 History Scotland is published bi-monthly by Warners Group Publications ISSN: 1475-5270 Printed by Warners (Midlands) plc, The Maltings, Bourne, Lincs PE10 9PH Distribution by Warners Group Publications plc The views expressed by contributors are not necessarily those of the publisher. Every care is taken to ensure that the contents of the magazine are accurate, but the publisher assumes no responsibility for errors.

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Copyright: No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted without the prior written permission of the publisher. © WARNERS GROUP PUBLICATIONS PLC 2017

IMAGE CREDITS: Cover and pg 8 Habit of Mary Queen of Scots in 1570. Marie reine d’Ecosse, The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Art & Architecture Collection, The New York Public Library; p3 Professor Sir Thomas Devine © The University of Edinburgh; p6 Dr Alasdair Ross © University of Stirling, Cairngorms © Peter Mulligan; p10-11 © Hayley Fisher; p15 © GUARD Archaeology; © p16-22 Professor Ted Cowan; p23 Royal Collection Trust / © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2017; p24 © National Museums Scotland; p26-28 © Robert Hay; p32-36 © Paul Christensen; p37-39 © Phyllida Shaw; p40 and p43 courtesy of Tom Barron, p41, p42 © Angela McCarthy; p47 © National Records of Scotland; p48-49 © Peter Sandground/NTS Media pics; p57 © Glasgow Police Museum; p59 subcontinent exhibition © Royal Collection Trust / © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2017, Henry Gaden © Museum of the University of St Andrews; p60 Little Ross Lighthouse © David R Collin.

FINAL WORD

Digital first Tom Meade, digital director of Registers of Scotland, which holds the world’s oldest land register, talks to History Scotland about the challenges of leading the Registers towards its goal of becoming a fully digital organisation by 2020

R

egisters of Scotland (RoS) is the keeper of the Register of Sasines, a chronological list of land deeds, which marked its 400th anniversary this year. It also compiles and maintains a further seventeen public registers, including the Register of Great Seal, the Crofting Register and the Land Register of Scotland, introduced in 1981.

With many heritage organisations aiming to increase their digital output and offerings, we asked Tom what it was like to help transform centuries-old data into something which can be used by modern-day customers.

What were the initial challenges when rolling out a ‘digital first’ approach?

Originally we put together a three-year strategy which focused in year one on making our IT systems more secure and stable, then understanding the very valuable data that we hold, and how we sell it to other people and use it ourselves. The following year was about becoming more efficient, for example we used to receive signed registrations which had to be sent around the building, but now these are dealt with through a high-quality scanning system and there are no longer people pushing trollies of documents around RoS. This third year is about being dynamic and trying new things, such as our new mapbased view of Scotland (ScotLIS) where users will be able drill down to get details of things such as land registration titles and places of historical interest. This has just gone through its external testing phase and we’ve had very positive feedback.

Are there any individuals or organisations whose digital approach has inspired you?

Definitely. The UK Government’s gov.uk website [launched 2012-15] worked on an initial suggestion from Martha Lane Fox that public sector organisations could learn from methods used in the private sector. Places such as Amazon, Facebook and Google had been using this digital approach for years

and had rapid release systems which allowed them to change quickly.

The use of a new ‘agile’ methodology on the Government website meant that projects could be delivered better, customers would get less frustrated and changes could be made quickly when needed.

Are there any groups of people you’d like RoS to reach to?

Well, we’ve been working quite a bit with modern apprentices and have taken on some very enthusiastic people through that scheme.

We’re also keen to foster relationships with local universities as another way to recruit people. And internally, we’d like people within RoS to consider our IT roles and not to be afraid to apply to join us.

From a collaborative point of view, we work with the Scottish Government and are building new registries for them and in the future we hope to engage with different parts of government, such as Historic Environment Scotland, the Scottish Environment Protection Agency and local councils.

How would you like to see RoS develop over the coming five years?

Our objective is to become a fully digital organisation by 2020, which means that by then, all default interactions with us should be digital – either through a website or IT systems. We’re making more and more of our data available and the hope is that eventually other organisations will be able to use our data to create their own applications.

Internally, we’re changing from being very specialised people whose jobs were defined by an inability to change systems, to people who are problem solving, are more able to help customers and can look ahead to new commercial opportunities.

I love working at RoS, the organisation is very ambitious – we’ve achieved a lot over the past few years, which has enabled us to set our bar even higher.

Registers of Scotland website: www.ros.gov.uk

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