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CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014), Aref Alobeid

CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014) Realities and Prospects Dr. Aref Alobeid

51α

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ΤΟΜΕΑΣ Β’

July 2016

Academy for Strategic Analyses

WORKING PAPER – 51a

Η Ακαδημία Στρατηγικών Αναλύσεων (ΑΣΑ), είναι ανεξάρτητος επιστημονικός - ερευνητικός φορέας, μια «δεξαμενή σκέψης», με νομική μορφή αστικού σωματείου μη κερδοσκοπικού χαρακτήρα, που ιδρύθηκε το 2014 με έδρα την Αθήνα. Τα ιδρυτικά μέλη και τη βάση των μελών της ΑΣΑ αποτελούν επιστήμονες που προέρχονται από τις Ένοπλες Δυνάμεις και τα Σώματα Ασφαλείας, που είναι διδάκτορες ελληνικών και ξένων πανεπιστημίων ή κάτοχοι άλλων υψηλού επιπέδου τίτλων σπουδών, με πλούσιο επιστημονικό, ερευνητικό και συγγραφικό έργο και συνεργασία με ελληνικά και ξένα πανεπιστήμια, κέντρα μελετών και ινστιτούτα, σε διάφορα επιστημονικά πεδία. Επίσης, μέλη της ΑΣΑ είναι προσωπικότητες του διπλωματικού και ακαδημαϊκού χώρου και άλλοι επιστήμονες υψηλού κύρους με επιστημονική δραστηριότητα σε γνωστικά αντικείμενα τα οποία συνάδουν προς τους σκοπούς της. Σκοπός της ΑΣΑ είναι η ανάπτυξη επιστημονικού έργου και δράσεων στα πεδία των Στρατηγικών Σπουδών, της Άμυνας, της Ασφάλειας και της Εξωτερικής Πολιτικής, η εκπόνηση επιστημονικών αναλύσεων, ερευνών και μελετών καθώς και η παροχή εξειδικευμένων συμβουλευτικών και εκπαιδευτικών υπηρεσιών στα παραπάνω πεδία, σε φορείς του δημοσίου και του ιδιωτικού τομέα και σε φυσικά πρόσωπα, σε εθνικό, ευρωπαϊκό και διεθνές επίπεδο. Για την υλοποίηση των στόχων της η ΑΣΑ έχει οργανώσει τέσσερεις Επιστημονικούς Τομείς: (1) Ανάλυσης Στρατηγικού Περιβάλλοντος, (2) Ανάλυσης Αμυντικής Πολιτικής και Ασφάλειας (3) Ανάλυσης Συστημάτων, Τεχνολογίας και Οικονομίας, (4) Επιχειρησιακής Έρευνας, Διοικήσεως και Ελέγχου. Μεταξύ των στόχων της ΑΣΑ περιλαμβάνεται η ανάπτυξη συνεργασιών με διεθνείς οργανισμούς, με ακαδημαϊκούς - επιστημονικούς φορείς και άλλα κέντρα επιστημονικής έρευνας με συναφές αντικείμενο, καθώς και με έγκυρους επιστήμονες, στρατιωτικούς, διπλωμάτες, κ.ά., στο εσωτερικό και το εξωτερικό, ιδίως στο ευρω-ατλαντικό και το ευρύτερο μεσογειακό περιβάλλον.

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CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014), Aref Alobeid

CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014) Realities and Prospects Dr. Aref Alobeid

WORKING PAPER 51a July 2016

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Academy for Strategic Analyses

WORKING PAPER – 51a

ΚΕΙΜΕΝΑ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ – Νο51a / July 2016 Τίτλος: CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014) Realities and Prospects Συγγραφέας: Dr. Aref Alobeid

Εκδότης: Academy for Strategic Analyses (ASA) Σχεδιασμός – ηλεκτρονική επεξεργασία: ΑΣΑ Copyright © Academy for Strategic Analyses asa@acastran.org http://www.acastran.org, https://www.facebook.com/AcademyStrategicAnalyses ISSN: 2407-9863 Απαγορεύεται η αναδημοσίευση, η αναπαραγωγή, ολική, μερική ή περιληπτική, ή η απόδοση κατά παράφραση ή διασκευή του περιεχομένου του βιβλίου με οποιονδήποτε τρόπο, μηχανικό, ηλεκτρονικό, φωτοτυπικό, ηχογράφησης ή άλλο, χωρίς προηγούμενη γραπτή άδεια του εκδότη. Νόμος 2121/1993 και κανόνες του Διεθνούς Δικαίου που ισχύουν στην Ελλάδα.

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CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014), Aref Alobeid

About the author

Dr. Aref Alobeid has a Ph.D. in Political Science and History, Panteion University, Thesis: "The historical and socio-political roots of relations between Syria & Turkey". He is an expert in Middle East affairs where He collaborates with various Arab and Greek Research Centers. He taught the course "National Issues in Middle Geopolitical Environment" at Creek National Defence College) 2010 - 2012.

He teaches the course "Geostrategy of the Middle East" at the Hellenic Military Academy 2009-2014. He is a visiting faculty at the Supreme Joint War College of Greece, 2012- 2014, Thessaloniki. He is an external and independent associate of Middle East Studies department of Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP), the Center for Mediterranean, Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies at the University of Peloponnese (CEMMIS), the Research Institute for European and American Studies (RIEAS) and the Center for Defence, Energy and Geopolitical Research, University of the Aegean. Center of Al-Jazeera For Studies.

Member of RIEAS International Advisory Board, Member of Middle East Institution of School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) UK. Also, he participated at a lot of seminar as a major speakers inside and outside of Greece.

He is member of the Academy for Strategic Analyses (ASA)

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WORKING PAPER – 51a

CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014), Aref Alobeid

A brief overview The Greek state was established in 1830, after winning its independence from the Ottoman Empire, with the help of great powers1. The current internationally recognized borders were settled after the annexation of the islands of the Dodecanese to Greece under the Treaty of Paris in 19472. The Greek constitution states that the form of Government is Representative Democracy and the actual political system is Parliamentary Democracy3 Nowadays, Greece is a full member state of the European Union, a member of NATO since 1952 and is also a key country in the Southern Balkan region. However, the population of this country is around 10.8 people4 and the absolute majority of Greeks follow the orthodox Christian doctrine5 which in the Arab world is usually referred to as “Rom Orthodox”. In this regard it is different than most of the EU countries, which follow the Catholic doctrine (Rom Catholics).

1

Richard Clogg, Short History of Modern Greece, Translation Haris Founteas, Publishing, House “Karthamitsa”, First edition, Athens 1984, p.103.

2

Thanos Veremis, Greek-Turkish relations, Sakkoulas Publishers, Athens, First edition, 1991, p.74.

3

A. Manesis and G. Papadimitriou, The Constitution of 1975-1986, Sakkoulas Publishers, Athens, First edition, 1989, Item 1 p. 28-29.

4

According to the Hellenic Statistical Authority in 2011.

5

The Constitution of 1975-1986, Item 3.

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The Arab world is divided into three zones. The first consists of the countries of Maghreb (Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco and Mauritania) and the second zone is formed by the countries of the central Middle East (Egypt, North Sudan, Palestine, Syria, Jordan. Lebanon and Iraq). Lastly, the Arab Gulf countries (Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Oman and Yemen) comprise the third zone. Therefore, the analysis of third countries pertaining to Arab states is achieved by country or zone. Nowadays, The Arab League consists of 22 countries with different national anthems, different flags and different domestic and foreign policies.

The Arab world is a massive geopolitical and cultural entity spread into three continents and it has the three key elements of a strong state: firstly, the Arab population was 318.3 million in 20066, where the youth element dominated and nowadays is estimated to 370 million people7. Secondly, Oil, gas and other natural resources make the Arab people one of the richest in the world. Confirmed oil and gas reserves in Arab countries make up 57% of the world oil reserves and 29.5% of the natural gas ones. Finally, the extent of the Arab world area reaches 14.2 million square kilometers, which is 10.2% of the total land area of Earth. Moreover, the Arabs possess large territories, stretching from the Atlantic Ocean to the Arab-Persian Gulf and control important trade routes and chock points such as the Suez Canal, the Gulf of Aden, the Strait of Hormuz and Gibraltar.

Greece has always been the connecting link between the east and west and an important part of the Silk Road which linked commercially, China to Italy. Furthermore, the Greek historian Herodotus was the first that mentioned in his books the importance of the Arabian Peninsula to Greece in 430-450 BC. Also, as a visitor he analyzed the Arab personality and characteristics of the Arab people. The second phase of the Hellenic-Arab relations began with the conquest of the eastern Mediterranean and the countries of Al sham (Geographical Syria) by Alexander the Great whose Greek culture legacy still lingers on. For the Arabs, the Greeks were the only "occupiers" that brought along enlightenment. A new era begins at the time of the Arab Abbasids and Umayyads Caliphs when the Arab scientists Al-Kindi, Al-Farampi, Ibn-Sina, Ibn Rushd-(Averroes) and Ibn Khaldoun translated, enriched and transmitted the Greek culture to all the states of the Arab and Islamic world using the Arabic which was then widespread and it is still a global language acknowledged by the United Nations.

6

Bader Mohamed Badr, The Unified Arab Economic Report, aljazeera.net, (2/3/2008) http://www.aljazeera.net/knowledgegate/books/2008/3/2/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D9%82%D8%B1%D 9%8A%D8%B1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%82%D8%AA%D8%B5%D8%A7%D8%AF%D9%8A%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A8%D9%8A-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D9%88%D8%AD%D8%AF 7

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arab_world#Population.

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CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014), Aref Alobeid

The contemporary Greek - Arab relations In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War Greece’s involvement in international affairs was significantly limited by its entanglement in a bloody civil war and it was ultimately dominated by East-West considerations related to the beginning of the Cold War, as highlighted by the American attempt to stabilize Greece in the Western sphere through both the Truman Doctrine and the economic aid offered under the Marshal plan in the late 1940s 8.

The modern interest in the development of diplomatic relations between Greece and the Arab countries began after the Second World War. For the importance of the development of the relations between the two sides a Greek advisor – Colonel Karatzenis in 1947 states specifically “Arabs are fighters, if they were trained they could form a remarkable military force to be reckoned for political and military coalitions in the Middle East and it could be a valuable partner and ally of Greece”9.

Meanwhile, the Arab Syrian President Amin Al Hafez characterized Greece as “the cradle of civilization and a source of inspiration for the people of the region”10.

The creation of the first Greek draft of directives which dictated the cooperation with the Arab states was decided at the Council of Political Affairs on 28 July 194711. Initially the Greek approach to the Arabs was based on the idea of the Arab League and the unity of the Arab world. The aim was to interact with the Arabs as an entity and not as 20 different countries. Unfortunately, the lack of a single political governance of the Arab states, the internal instability and the differences among them12 did not provide secure foundations for this creative policy. Therefore, we have no common Greek policy towards the Arab countries, but different policies on bilateral bases.

In the early 1960s began an intense and mutual diplomatic activity, when Antonopoulos was appointed as the first Ambassador of Greece to Iraq13. That was followed by

8

Eleni Stavrou, Greek- Arab Relations During the Papandreou Era, 1981-1989, A Pioneering Vision ?, first edition , Athens, Papazissis Publishers, 2010, p. 31-32 9

Council of Political Affairs of 21 September in 1947, File 125, subfolder 1. Greek Diplomatic and Historical Archive (G.D.H.A).

10

Document 1586, date 22 /12/1964, File 33, Subfolder 9, Greek Diplomatic and Historical Archive.

11

See the minutes of the meeting of 28 July 1947, File 125, subfolder 1.

12 For example, the conflict between the dynasty of Hashemite in Jordan and Iraq on the one and Saudi Arabia,

Egypt and Syria on the other paralyzed the function of the Arab League.

13

See, Relations Greece-Iraq, document 2057/ΗΑ, date 22/01/1963. File 34, Subfolder 9, Greek Diplomatic and Historical Archive.

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the appointment of the Ambassador Taher Karamanli of Libya to Athens 14. Greece directly recognized the independence of Algeria15 and upgraded to ambassadorial level its relations with Syria. Saudi Arabia reciprocated by appointing the ambassador Mouhammed Abderrahman El Tabishi in Athens16. By the late 1980s Greece had recognized almost all newly independent Arab states. It is true that the Greek Embassy in Cairo and Beirut were the first to be established in the Arab region. Many trade agreements were signed between Greece and several Arab countries as a result. The exported Greek products were mainly industrial including yarns, pumps, electrical cables, razor blades and pharmaceuticals17.

Furthermore, political issues such as the Palestinian issue, the Cyprus issue, the bilateral relations of Egypt with the UK, the Greek-British relations and the Slavic Coalition greatly influenced the Greek-Arab relations. The abstention of Greece on the issue of inclusion of Israel in the UN18 signaled an unprecedented approach between Greece and the Arab World and the Greek people received favorable comments from all the Arab countries.19 The Greek diplomat Kontoumas says particularly in 1947 on the Palestinian issue,: “the establishment of the Jewish state is not in the best interest of Greece because the Jewish state in Palestine will conquer the markets of the East to which Greece was aiming at with much hope”20.

The participation of Greece in the Western coalition pushed Athens into a de facto recognition of Israel in 1950s 21; nevertheless it was only in 1991 that this was converted into a de jure recognition22, Despite the lukewarm attitude of France and England, Greece was accepted in the Economic Commission of the Middle East in 1948 with the support of the relevant Arab states in the UN General Assembly with 10 votes against one (Russia); it was a significant evidence of the development of the Greek-Arab relations23.

14 Document Α.Π. 27/Μ/8/10, date 18/2/64, also document

Α.Π. 226, date 20/2/64, File 46, Subfolder 3, Greek

Diplomatic and Historical Archive.

15

See Relations Greece- Algeria, document Β60-11, date 16/06/1962 and document ΔΑΕ40-15, date 13/03/1963, File 45, Subfolder 6.

16 Document ΔΣΑ40-7, date 11/7/1963, document 1313/Α/1 , date 15/7/63 , document Π4-5674 date 20/9/63.

Document Π4-6120, date 28/9/63, File 46, Subfolder 9, Greek Diplomatic and Historical Archive.

17

Document 724, date 3/6/1964, File 33, Subfolder 9. Greek Diplomatic and Historical Archive.

18

The Greek delegation to the UN, New York, document 2790, date 12/05/1949, File 110, Subfolder 4.

19

Greek newspaper «Phos», date 14-6-1948, Arabs and Greeks, File 137, Subfolder 1.

20

Council of Political Affairs of 21 September in 1947, File 125, subfolder 1. (G.D.H.A).

21

Middle East – Arab states, document 1869, date 12/05/1950, File 92- subfolder 2.

22

Eleni Stavrou, p. 38.

23Document

5010, date 27/05/1948. also document 3685, date 19/04/1948, File 137, Subfolder 1. Greek Diplomatic and Historical Archive.

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CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014), Aref Alobeid

The support for the candidacy of Libya in the World Health Organization24, the offering of financial assistance to Algerian refugees25 and victims of the earthquake of the same country, the aid offered to Egypt, namely 13.50 tons of medicine which suffered from a cholera epidemic26 provides us with an idea of the warmth of Greek-Arab relations. Furthermore, the great technical assistance to Libya for training Libyan electricians27 , the dissemination of expertise by Greek sponge divers for the development of sponge diving in the waters of Libya28 and Tunisia29, the university scholarships to Syrians30, Jordanians31, Lebanese students32 as well as the provision of military scholarships by the Greek military schools to students from Algeria, Sudan, Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Kuwait33, Libya34, Jordan35, Saudi Arabia36 and Syria37, the transport of Arab products in the global market by Greek ship-owners like Latsis show the Greek interest in the Arab region during the 1950s and 1960s. In addition, several Arab prominent figures were honored by Greece as the Sudanese Mohamed Nasr Osman38 and Youssif Ahmed Youssif39, the Jordanians Habis

24

Document Α.Π.2289/13/5, date 28/5/64 and ΔΛΥ40-23 date 4/3/64 File 46, Subfolder 3.

25

See, Relations Greece- Algeria, document 1654/ Δ2, date 25/7/1962 and document 1268/ΑΑΓ, date 27/07/1962, File 45, Subfolder.6.

26

Ministry of Health of Greece 1949, document 145, date 12/02/1948, The problem of cholera in Egypt and the actions of the Greek, File 156, Subfolder 4, As the Secretary of Health of Egypt Mohamed Sadek Fahmy thanked Greece in the name of the Egyptian people in Association of Egypt-Europe for humanitarian and medical assistance during a cholera epidemic. Document 2114, date 09/03/1948, Greek Diplomatic and Historical Archive.

27

Document Α. Π. 472, date 8/4/64, File 46, Subfolder 3.

28

Greeks in Libya, Greek Consul in Tripoli, document Α.Ε.Π. 72, file 152, Subfolder 5.

29

Administration of economic Affairs, document 7320 ΔΙΣ, date 6/7/1950, File 152, Subfolder 5, Greek Diplomatic and Historical Archive.

30

See, Relations Greece-Syria 1964, document 1352/Δ/15, date 17/7/1963, File 33 , Subfolder 9.

31

See, Relations Greece-Jordan, document ΔΡΔ/40-34, date 27/1/1964, File 48, Subfolder 3.

32

See, Relations Greece-Lebanon, document 1138/Ζ/1, File 35, Subfolder 7.

33

1965 Students from Jordan, Tunisia and Libya in military schools of Greece, document ΡΡΔ46-133, date 7/8/65, File 33, Subfolder 10.

34

Document of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Libya, No.2989/3/4/AD (in Arabic), administration of international relations, 27/07/65. Tripoli.

35

Document 2310/Ζ/6, date 11/8/65, File 33, Subfolder 10.

36

Document of Embassy of Saudi Arabia in Athens, Νο. 10/4/224, date 23/8/65.

37

For the academic year 1966-1967 the number of Arab military students reached 224, See document of Greek ministry of defense No. F. 1715/10/504, date 20/09/1965.

38

See, Relations Greece- Sudan, The Sudan Daily 23/9/1964, File 40, Subfolder 3.

39

See, Relations Greece- Sudan, document ΡΣΔ/40-28, date 25/6/65, File. 35 Subfolde.7.

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Majali40, Daoud Abou Ghazalleh41 and Anton Attalah42, the Lebanese Halim Abou Izzeddine43 and Memdouh Khodre44 and the Egyptian Mohamed Awad.45 Apart from that, the Greek communities in the Arab countries were massive and thriving46 and the Greek schools flourished in Alexandria, Khartoum, Beirut, Damascus, Tripoli and Benghazi47. Also for the first time there was talk of a Greek Center at American University in Beirut48.

Furthermore, the request of Algeria to Greek ship-owners for assistance in setting up the country's merchant fleet49, the Tunisia's request for Greece's participation in the construction of ports, organizing tourism50 and transporting Tunisian51 and Libyan pilgrims to Jeddah with Greek ships52, the provision of scholarships to Greek Muslims from the highest religious education institution, al-Azhar in Egypt53, the easy settlement of the most outstanding issues such as the issue of fishing and sponge54, the support of the Arab world as regards Cyprus55, illustrate the excellent relations between Arabs and Greece.

In the aforementioned decades there were some issues that erode the relations between the two sides but without great impact. For instance, there were concerns of the Arab for contingent of NATO bases in Cyprus56, the law enforcement on aliens in some

40

See Relations Greece- Jordan, document 1922/I/Ι, date 7/10/1963, File 48, Subfolder 3.

41

See, Relations Greece- Jordan, document 1352/Δ/15, date 23/10/1963, File 48, Subfolder 3..

42

See, Relations Greece- Jordan, document 83/Δ/15, date 25/1/1964, File 48, Subfolder 3

43

See, Relations Greece- Lebanon, document Ε 341-23, date 16/4/1964, File 35, Subfolder 7.

44

See, Relations Greece- Lebanon, document 2149/1/1, date 6/10/64, File 35, Subfolder 7.

45

See, Relations Greece-Egypt, document 1552, date 29/10/1965, File 46, Subfolder 7.

46

During 1928-1932 the Greek leader Eleftherios Venizelos increased diplomatic ties with Arab area in order to provided added security and protection for the large Greek Orthodox communities in Arab World , see Eleni Stavrou, p. 33.

47

Greeks in Syria 1950, document 28903, date 7/06/1950, File 152, Subfolder 9.

48

See, Relations Greece-Lebanon, document 2649/Ζ/Ι, date 8/12/1964, File 35, Subfolder 7.

49

See, Relations Greece-Algeria, document Φ1050ΑΕ-3, date 24/05/1963, File 45, Subfolder.6.

50

See Relations Greece–Tunisia, document 338, date 1/2/1964, File 47, Subfolder 7.

51

See Relations Greece–Tunisia, document 2044/ΤΝ, date 21/10/1963 and document Α.Π. Φ1050-288, date 6/11/1963, File 47 Subfolder 7 .

52

See Relations Greece-Libya, document Α.Π. 217 ΔΙΣ, date 17/2/64 and document Α.Π. 606, date 14/ 5/64, File. 46, Subfolder 3.

53

See, Relations Greece-Egypt, document Δ9253-19, date 15/4/1965, File 46, Subfolder 7

54

See Relations Greece-Libya, document Α.Π. 390, date 25/3/64, File 46, Subfolder 3.

55

Statement of General Secretary of Arab League Abdel Khaleq Hassouna “Arab countries will vote in favor of the Cypriot application to the General Assembly, File 48, Subfolder 3, document 171/Δ/18, date 02/27/1963.

56

See, Relations Greece- Lebanon, document 686/Γ/7, date 11/8/64, File 35, Subfolder 7.

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CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014), Aref Alobeid

Arab countries57, the nationalization of banks and industries58 and the attitude of local capitalists towards foreign item and forbidding some Greeks to visit Arab countries because of their previous visit to Israel59.

THE ARAB WORLD

During the period 1967-1974 the Greek-Arab relations stagnated due to the overthrow of the democratically elected government by the military regime. During the period 1975-1980 the main concerns of the government of Constantine Karamanlis was the return to democracy, the Cyprus issue and Greece aspiration to join the European Economic Community (EEC). Politically, Arabs and Greeks cooperated as regards the issues of Cyprus and Palestine. The Arab countries have supported the decisions and resolutions of the UN (186-353-3395) for Cyprus and Greece supported the Palestinians in their struggle within the UN and in particular in the respective resolutions (242-338).

The victory of the socialist PASOK party led by Andreas Papandreou signaled an unprecedented political and economic Greek convergence to the Arab countries (198057 Although this measure was general and focuses on those who hold Egyptian citizenship, however, the Greek

expatriate, expel their Egyptian nationality to obtain or to recover the Greek, required within a set time to leave Egyptian territory and lose their rights, See, Relations Greece-Egypt, document 6189, date 19/10/65, File 46, Subfolder 7. Considering that the Greek constitution at that time did not allow to Greek citizens to have two nationalities.

58

Remarkable was the case of Sudan see Relations Greece-Sudan, document Π.336, date 22/5/1965 File. 35, Subfolder.7.

59

See, Arab League, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Greece relations, document 2847/Γ/2, date 29/12/64, File. 46, Subfolder 9. Characteristic example was the refusal of accreditation of Greek diplomat Pantermali from Saudi Arabia because he was a diplomatic representative of Greece in Israel File 32, Subfolder 1 document ΡΣΑ4022, date 16/2/65.

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1989). The Middle East quickly developed into the second largest market for Greek exports after the EEC 60 This approach to the Arabs gradually began to flicker after the fall of A. Papandreou’ s government and the ascent to power of the president of the party of New Democracy Konstantinos Mitsotakis (1990-1993). The period of governance by the socialist Prime Minister Costas Simitis (1996-2004) is considered one of the coldest in the history of the two nations.

The decline of economic cooperation between the Arabs and Greeks during the decade of 1980s was caused by several factors:  First, the accession of Greece to the European Union (E.U)  Second, the stagnation of the Greek economy, mostly in the industrial sector,  Thirdly, the growth of industrial sector in the Arab countries and their ability to produce competitive products.  Fourthly, the rise of new global economic powers for instance China and Malaysia and fifthly the emergence of interest groups that wanted to prevent any kind of transaction between the two nations61. And finally a new factor which has risen in the last decades is the entrance of Turkey into the economic arena and its efforts to claim a significant share of the Arab market62 The rising of Costas Karamanlis the younger to power in 2004 resulted in the partial improvement of the Greek-Arab economic relations63. Furthermore Greece's policy on the Arab world was based on three pillars:  The first pillar was to strengthen the Mediterranean Union, as a link among Europe, North Africa and the Middle East for the advancement of economic and social development.  The second pillar was to strengthen the Mediterranean dialogue within the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe.

60

Eleni Stavrou, p. 172.

61

service of interests through the financing of some journalists, politicians and professors from a great power (Greek newspaper " Ethnos" date, 5/12/ 2010) Raises questions whether Arab entrepreneurs are desirable or not in Greek market in case of friction about interests with this great power? .

62

Turkish-Arab economic relations and the political reflections, http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/arabic/middle_east_news/newsid_7451000/7451049.stm

(14/12/2008),

BBC,

The latest available figures show that Turkish exports to Arab markets increased from $3 billion in 2000 to around $11 billion in 2006 and then an average of $25 billion in 2009-2012, or by fold over a ten-year period.

Arab exports to Turkey on the other hand rose from less than $3 billion to an average of around $9 billion during the same period or by nearly threefold. Prospects for the continued fast growth of Arab-Turkish trade are certainly positive, with the Turkish minister of science, industry and technology estimating that the total size of such trade will rise to $100 billion over the next five years. See Announcement, of the Turkish-Arab Financial Markets Forum, http://www.iktissadevents.com/news/120630/024303.

63

Korfiatis Christos, To VIMA (economy), date 06/08/2006. http://www.tovima.gr/finance/article/?aid=174930

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CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014), Aref Alobeid

 The third axis consisted of bilateral initiatives to support Women's entrepreneurship and the Youth.

The outbreak of the economic crisis meant the collapse of the bipolar system that ruled the country since 1974 and the emergence of a coalition of originally three and now two parties, under the current Prime Minister Antonis Samaras, in 2012. The new government initiated reforms and innovations in all sectors with a view to converting Greece into an attractive country for foreign investments. China, Israel, Qatar and Saudi Arabia have shown interest in the Greek market.

The renewed interest of the Gulf countries in the Greek market encountered problems because of the reactions of some Europeans. Jose Asempigio, a Spanish architect and adviser to the Greek Prime Minister Samaras, supports that “only Qatar could invest 4 billion euros in the area of Elliniko in Athens but the Germans have objected because they finance the Greek crisis64 ” Secondly, there is lack of investment project proposals.

Patrick N. Theros as a president and Executive Director of US Qatar Business Council argues that “the lack of well-designed major Greek proposals - business plans create obstacles to the realization of business in Greece by Qatar”65. Thirdly, the rise of the extreme right66 in Greece. The party Golden Dawn believes that Islam is a threat to the Greek Nation67 and opposes the cooperation since the absolute majority of the Gulf countries is Muslim. It is noteworthy that the Golden Dawn’s approximately 7% of the votes in the last elections does not mean that the majority of these voters embraced the ideology of this party and their vote is considered a natural reaction to the austerity measures of the political system, corruption, impunity and as a protest to the perceived “Greek domination” by the European Committee and the IMF, which control the course of the Greek debt.

Another interesting fact is that this party is Neo-Nazi and as such is very anti-Jew. Hence, it opposes any Greek cooperation with the state of Israel as well.

However, there are some individuals who treat with suspicion any Arab investment activity in Greece. One of them, the writer Andreas Banoutsos, commented as regards the participation of Amir Al-Waleed bin Talal bin Abdulaziz al Saud at the conference of the Economist entitled "Europe and the Arab World" “the Saudis have not invested in any Western country without having assured some aims of political and religious nature; he also mentions that the opening of Samaraʼs government to Saudi tycoons might lead to the spread of Wahhabism in Greece, further contributing to the Islamization of the country”68.

64

Geek newspaper « Τo Vima» date 12/06/2011, p.57/Α41.

65

Geek newspaper «kyriakatiki Eleftherotypia», date 6/3/2011.

66

For the first time in the history of Greece, the extreme right in 2012 manages to win 6.97% of voters and control 18 seats of the Greek Parliament.

67

Andreas Banoutsos, Islam vs Radical Islam and Greece, http://www.rimse.gr/2013/05/vs_13.html

68

Radical Islam Monitor in Southeast Europe (RIMSE), http://www.rimse.gr/2014/05/blog-post_7.html

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Clearly, a small part of the Greek society is deeply influenced by the nearly 400 years of Ottoman occupation. Unfortunately, some atrocities committed by the Ottomans in Greece still remain in collective memory and a further hurdle is that some Greeks consider everything that is Islamic in nature as Turkish.

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CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014), Aref Alobeid

Prospects and Proposals for Strengthening the Economic Greek-Arab Relations There is a big margin for improvement as regards the bilateral economic relations.

The main areas of cooperation are: 1) Agriculture The Agricultural Schools of Athens and Thessaloniki are among the best schools in Europe, therefore, they could play an important role in attracting students from the Arab world. They could evenmonopolize the scientific collaboration with agricultural universities of all the Arab countries. What is more important, Greece has famous Mediterranean agricultural products of high quality and nutritional value and is attractive especially for the countries of the Gulf because of their different climate. Also trade in pesticides, agricultural education and research are equally important investment.

2) Tourism The exchange of high quality tourism with the countries of the Arab-Persian Gulf, the provision of the Greek experience to Arab countries, the development of international tourism packages for the tourists to visit two or three countries at the same time, the establishment of an International University for Tourism and the religious tourism, are serious investment areas between Arabs and Greek.

3) Defense industry The economic crisis made the Greek defense industry extrovert. Nowadays, it plays the role of "locomotive" for the rest of the economy. Furthermore, the Arab market is one of the largest import markets in defensive military equipment because of the many conflicts that are sweeping the region. Greece, due to its geopolitical position, will be active in the export of any military equipment with the exception of weapons of mass destruction. Many Arab countries would prefer to work with the Greeks than other countries but unfortunately Athens lacks the competitive production technology of state-of the art military equipment, compared to other countries like the USA or Russia. Nonetheless, it could be attractive to the Arab market, since it is a safe source for the development of the defense industry, with high quality products that abide by the strictest NATO and EU norms, standards and regulations. Moreover, Greece has institutional stability as a member of European Union and is eager to have co-productions with the Arab countries.

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4) The construction sector During the 1980s the Greek construction companies played an important role in the building of major projects, mainly in the Gulf countries. In this area there has been a significant reduction of the Greek participation since the 1990s because of competition and the absence of Greek economic diplomacy. Today the Greek state could recover the lost ground, assisting the Greek companies to return to the market of the Arab world because of the many opportunities that will appear after the end of the wars and insurgencies and during the reconstruction of Iraq, Syria, Libya and Palestine (after the establishment of the state).

5) Education Cooperation in this sector could be useful in military, maritime and police training.

In the field of private security Greek companies could play an important role because of the many tensions in the Arab region.

6) Shipping Greece has the largest merchant fleet in the world, who traditionally carry oil and other products to and from the Arab countries in international markets. Improving relations with the Arab world would facilitate the maritime sector and expand its activities. The peace in the region will strengthen this sector and will protect it against risks such as outbreaks of tension and conflict.

7) Energy and renewable sources Cooperation in the energy sector between Greece and Arabs could be very useful because of the experience of Arab countries of the Gulf as oil producing countries.

Moreover, there are plans for the construction of pipeline from Egypt to Crete or from Libya to Crete, which would ensure the Greek national needs and increase its geopolitical position in comparison with other European partners. Also Greece because of high technology and expertise could be useful for the Arab countries on the issue of renewable sources.

8) The cultural sector This sector is equally important and could be seen as positive if Greece and some Arab countries cooperated in the repatriation of archaeological findings of each side in third countries (especially France and the UK)

9) The commercial and business sector The Arab consumer market is one of the biggest in the world and could easily assist greatly in the development of Greek industry especially in sectors like food and high technology.

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CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014), Aref Alobeid

Conclusions

The Field of Greek-Arab relations is non-existent or at best under-examined and needs more studying based on a new generation of experts in Middle East and Arabic studies who should research the relations between the two sides, from the Greek microscope rather than the western. The Arab peoples consider Greece as a source of the world culture with great spiritual radiance. From the Arabic side Greece's history is more positive in contrast to other European countries that had colonial past and Crusaders69 The Arab market is considered one of the largest consumer markets in the world, and is geographically closest to Greece than other European countries. The strengthening of trade between Greece and the 22 Arab states is feasible but requires an active economic diplomacy. Factors such as patriarchy and citizens with Greek roots that are considered part of Greek interest could contribute significantly to any new approach, under the prerequisite of mutual respect of sovereignty.

The progress in Greek-Israel partnership, which lacks the characteristics of a strategic alliance, could be used to solve the Palestinian issue. The end to the occupation that began in 1967 and the creation of an independent, democratic and viable Palestinian state, living side by side in peace and security alongside Israel, could play a key role in the strengthening of relations between Arab and Greeks and would reduce the phenomenon of the fundamentalism. Finally, the Arab approach to Greece could be classified as easy because Greece is a country with two lungs, East and West.

69

Newspaper Al Ahram, date 20/12/64 “peace is the basis of the foreign policy of Greece�, document 768, date 30/12/64, File 46, Subfolder 7. Sheikh Hassan Maamoun, President of Al-Azhar, said that Greece is a country who respects all religions and abides by the principal of religious freedom, See Newpapers Phos and Tachidromos, date 22/12/1964, document 6006, date 07/01/1965, File 46, Sufolder 7.

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The text, CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014) - Realities and Prospects by Dr. Aref Alobeid has been published in Arab language, in the book “ARAB – BALKAN RELATIONS”, at the Forum for Arab & International Relations, Qatar.

Here is the Academy for Strategic Analyses’ publication in English.

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CONTEMPORARY GREEK-ARAB RELATIONS (1945-2014), Aref Alobeid

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