人權 2010年夏季 Human Rights Summer 2010

SUMMER 夏 2010

21st Anniversary of Tiananmen Crackdown

Exiled To Nowhere: Myanmar's Rohingya

21年後仍沒有公 開獨立調查

無止境的流亡: 緬甸的羅興亞族

年度人權報告: 國際公義的缺陷，使數以百萬計的人遭受人權侵犯

Annual Report:

Global Justice Gap Condemns Millions to Abuse

國際特赦組織(香港) Amnesty International Hong Kong 香港九龍渡船街32-36號富利來商業大廈3樓D室 Unit D, 3/F, Best-O-Best Commercial Centre, 32-36 Ferry Street, Kowloon, Hong Kong 電話 Tel: (852) 2300 1250 傳真 Fax: (852) 2782 0583 網址 Web: http://www.amnesty.org.hk 電郵 Email: admin-hk@amnesty.org.hk 歡迎您的意見和投稿! 請來信或以電郵提出您對我們的意見或分享您對人權工作的經 驗。來信請註明姓名、電話、地址和電郵。 WE WELCOME YOUR COMMENTS! Share with us your views on our work or the actions you've taken for human rights. Please include your name, phone number, address and email address. 閱後請把季刊送贈朋友 Share this newsletter with your friends

特別鳴謝 國際特赦組織(香港)在此特別鳴謝以下 人士慷慨的時間和努力籌備今季季刊.

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好消息 Good News

Special thanks

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國際特赦組織2010年度報告：國際公義的缺陷，使全球數 以百萬計的人遭受人權侵犯 AI Annual Report 2010: Global Justice Gap Condemns Millions to Abuse

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中國：21年後仍沒有公開獨立調查 China: 21 Years Later, Still No Open and Independent Inquiry

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無止境的流亡:緬甸的羅興亞族 Exiled To Nowhere: Myanmar’s Rohingya

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死刑:都市神話 Death Penalty: The Urban Myth

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產婦死亡:布基納法索政府必須改善產婦保健 Maternal Mortality: Burkina Faso’s Government Must Take Steps to Improve Maternal Health

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亞太區青年網絡向日本外務部遞交4,130張蝴蝶明信片， 為太平洋戰爭的性奴隸倖存者伸張正義 APYN Delivers 4,130 Butterflies Demanding Justice for Pacific War Sexual Slavery Survivors to Japan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs

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終止菲律賓的政治暴力﹗ End Political Violence in the Philippines!

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為馬來西亞外勞爭取尊嚴 Demand Dignity for Malaysia’s Migrant Workers

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國際反恐同日:香港燭光晚會 IDAHO: Hong Kong Candlelight Vigil

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人權新聞獎︰58項作品在激烈競賽中脫穎而出獲得人權獎 榮譽 Human Rights Press Awards: 58 Entries Earn Human Rights Honours amid Keen Competition

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人權新聞評述比賽 Human Rights News Commentary Contest

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實習生、義工及會員 Interns, Volunteers, and Members

AIHK would like to thank the following individuals for their generous time and effort put into this issue of HR Magazine Astrid Lam Brandon Hung Greg Constantine Janice Cheung Marina Tse Medeleine Mok Raymond Kwan Ron Baker Sarah Carmichael Tina Chan Yannie Wong

內頁海報 Poster Insert

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本刊用再造紙印刷 Ths newsletter is printed on recycled paper

維 護 人 權

主席的話

LETTER FROM THE CHAIR 我很高興和榮幸擔任國際特赦組織(香港) 主席一職。我們都是 這全球運動裡280萬支持者裡的其中一份子，致力保護國際上公 認的人權。

It is a pleasure and a privilege to serve as the Chair of Amnesty International Hong Kong. All of us are part of a global movement of 2.8 million supporters, members and activists who are campaigning for the protection of internationally-recognised human rights.

我想引述2010年國際特赦組織報告的前言： 「國際人權準則的主要焦點是確立法律問責制度。人們享有法律 必須列載和保護的權利；根據法律，當權者有責任尊重、保護和 實現個體的權利。」

In setting out my vision for our Section, I would like to quote from the foreword of the Amnesty International Report 2010:

我們關注的全球重點包括: 尊嚴與人權 安全與人權 國際公義 發展 危機應對 在危人士 性別融合 基於上述重點，我們分會的重點工作將會是： 尊嚴與人權 沒有人權就沒有安全，焦點是緬甸及捍衛沒有保護的人民、難 民，尋求庇護人士和移民； 與亞洲反死刑網絡協調，透過遊說繼續反對死刑 舉行活動促請各國承認國際刑事法院條例，令國際公義得以實 現。 在緊急行動和其他活動保護人民的言論自由和免受歧視，包括維 權人士、移民、難民與尋求庇護人士。 我們過去近期的活動包括： 在學校和組織舉行關於不同人權問題的講座及工作坊 國際特赦組織和東南亞組舉行活動宣傳印尼當地女性家庭傭工的 權利。 參加紀念天安門事件21週年的抗議 呼籲菲律賓總統結束民兵、準軍事組織和私人軍隊侵犯人權；撤 銷指示菲律賓國家警察在反叛亂中支持軍隊的行政命令546；及 為紀念緬甸1988年8月8日人民起義遭血腥鎮壓的22週年，我們 發起了Facebook相片行動–‘用我手，撐緬甸三個自由！’包 括：言論自由、集會自由和結社自由。 今期雜誌亦包含本會的其他工作。我祝大家一個愉快仲夏，我亦 誠邀各位參與我們的活動。我們需要你的支持，以實現國際特赦 組織的全球重點，使那些權利受到挑戰的人得到自由，加強及鞏 固人權運動。 Armin Kalyanram 國際特赦組織(香港) 主席

“International human rights standards are focused primarily on establishing legal accountability. People have rights that must be set out in and protected by law; those in power have duties, also established in law, to respect, protect and fulfil individual rights.”

Our movement’s Global Priorities include: Demanding Dignity Security and Human Rights International Justice Growth Crisis Response Individuals at Risk Integrating Gender Based on these Global Priorities, the focus areas of our Section’s work for the immediate future are: Demanding Dignity; No security without human rights, with a specific focus on Myanmar, defending unprotected people on the move, refugees and asylum seekers, and migrants; Lobbying against the death penalty in co-ordination with the Asia anti-death-penalty network; Campaigns for the ratification of the statute for the International Criminal Court (ICC) under the project for making international justice real; and Protecting people’s freedom of expression and freedom from discrimination, including work on human rights defenders, migrants, asylum seekers and refugees, in the form of urgent actions and other campaigns.

Some of our recent past activities have been: Talks and workshops about different human rights topics for schools and organisations; The Amnesty International and South East Asia Group campaign for the rights of Indonesian domestic workers in their home country; Participation in the protest to mark the 21st anniversary of the Tiananmen Crackdown; The campaign calling on the Philippines president to end human rights abuses by militias, paramilitaries and private armies; to revoke Executive Order 546, which directs the Philippine National Police to support the military in counterinsurgency, including the use of militias and paramilitary groups; and to disarm and disband all private armies; and The launch of a Facebook photo action calling for "3 Freedoms" in Myanmar: freedom of expression, freedom of peaceful assembly, and freedom of association, in commemoration of the 22nd anniversary of the 8888 Popular Uprising in Myanmar on 8 August 1988, which ended in bloodshed.

This issue covers a lot of the other work we have done. I wish you all happy summer holidays, and I invite you all to participate in our activities. We need your help to achieve Amnesty International’s Global Priority endeavour to empower those whose rights are being challenged and strengthen the human rights movement.

Armin Kalyanram Chair, Amnesty International Hong Kong

DEFENDING HUMAN RIGHTS

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好消息

Good News

菲律賓推動保護在武裝衝 突中女權 國際特赦組織歡迎菲律賓政府決定遵從聯合國安全理事 會決議。該決議旨在確保女權在武裝衝突及衝突後都得 到保障。 2010年3月26日，菲律賓政府在奎松市推行了針對女性 和平及安全的全國行動計劃 (National Action Plan)。

前阿根廷總統因危害人類 罪被判監25年 國際特赦組織歡迎前阿根廷總統因在70年代觸犯危害人 類罪而被判監。 前軍事將領Reynaldo Bignone，曾在1976年至1978年 間任惡名昭著的Campo de Mayo detention centre的指揮 官，被裁定酷刑、謀殺及嚴重綁架罪。 現年82歲，於1982年被軍政府委任為執行總統的 Reynaldo Bignone，被判監25年。其他5名軍官亦在星期 三在布宜諾斯艾利斯法庭被重判監禁。 國際特赦組織美洲項目副主任Guadalupe Marengo說： 「今次裁決代表著打擊逍遙法外重要的一步。在此之 前，阿根廷軍事體制中的領導因侵害人權而惡名昭著， 但他們卻可以逍遙法外。雖然過程困難及充滿挫折，阿 根廷繼續遵從正確的方向，處理違反人權者逍遙法外的 個案。司法程序必須在沒有遲疑及必要資源足夠的情況 下繼續，以確保逍遙法外的情況不會再發生。」

FORMER ARGENTINE PRESIDENT GETS 25 YEARS FOR CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY

國際特赦組織亞太區項目副主任Donna Guest說: 「這是 一個邁向正確方向的一步，這個全國行動計劃不單提供 一個保護在武裝衝突及衝突後的女性的框架，而且可以 賦予女性力量成為和平及維權人士。」 聯合國安全理事會決議1325在2000年10月獲通過。它的 主要目標是促請成員國增加女性在防止及解決衝突中參 與的機會。 菲律賓是亞洲第一個推動全國行動計劃實行上述決議的 國家。

PHILIPPINES MOVES TO PROTECT WOMEN'S RIGHTS DURING ARMED CONFLICT Amnesty International has welcomed a decision by the Philippines government to implement a United Nations (UN) Security Council resolution that aims to ensure the protection of women's rights during armed conflict and post-conflict situations.

The Philippines government launched the National Action Plan (NAP) on Women’s Peace and Security in Quezon City on Friday, 26 March 2010.

"This is a step in the right direction. This NAP not only provides a framework for the protection of women in armed conflict and post-conflict situations, it could also empower women as peace advocates and human rights defenders," said Donna Guest, Amnesty International's Deputy Director for Asia and the Pacific.

UN Security Council resolution 1325 was adopted in October 2000.

Its main aim is to urge member states to increase the involvement of women in the prevention and resolution of conflict.

The Philippines is the first Asian country to produce an NAP implementing the resolution.

Amnesty International has welcomed the prison sentence handed to a former Argentine president responsible for crimes against humanity in the 1970s.

Reynaldo Bignone, a former military general, was found guilty of torture, murder and several kidnappings that occurred while he was commander of the notorious Campo de Mayo detention centre between 1976 and 1978.

The 82-year-old, who was appointed de facto president of Argentina by the military junta in 1982, has been sentenced to 25 years in jail. Five other military officers were also given long jail sentences by a court in Buenos Aires province on Wednesday.

"This judgement represents another important step in the fight against impunity that has, until recently, been enjoyed by the leaders of Argentina's military regime - now infamous for their role in human rights abuses.

Argentina is continuing to take steps in the right direction to end impunity for past human rights violations, despite difficulties and setbacks. The justice process must continue without delay and with the necessary resources to ensure that impunity is brought to an end,” said Guadalupe Marengo, Amnesty International's Americas Deputy Director.

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維 護 人 權

婦女在擁擠流離失所者營地生產。 Women give birth in overcrowded camps for displaced persons. © Amnesty International

英國同意向被錯誤指控恐 怖主義的男子賠償

烏克蘭釋放白俄羅斯反對 派活躍分子

國際特赦組織歡迎英國當局釋放飛行教員Lotfi Raissi。他 被錯誤指控訓練於美國911事件中的劫機者。

白俄羅斯反對派活躍分子兼音樂家Igor Koktysh被烏克蘭 政府拘禁於拘留所兩年半後，最近終於獲釋。國際特赦 組織歡迎烏克蘭政府的決定。

在2001年9月遭逮捕後，Raissi被關在Belmarsh的高度設 防監獄5個月。當時美國以無關恐怖主義的較輕微的指 控，嘗試引渡他。 2002年4月，法官下令他獲釋，並指出法庭「沒有任何證 據支持他曾參與恐怖主義活動」。 2010年4月23日，即他第一次被捕的8年多後，英國司法 部透過他的律師，證實他為「完全清白」。 4月23日，Lotfi Raissi經他的律師向國際特赦組織說： 「我很高興。我為此事(證明自己清白)等了九年。我希 望這個政府聲明可以幫助我擺脫因被懷疑(參與恐怖主義 活動)而一直困擾著我的陰霾。」

UK AGREES TO COMPENSATE MAN WRONGLY ACCUSED OF TERRORISM Amnesty International has welcomed a move by the UK authorities to compensate Lotfi Raissi, a flight instructor who was wrongly accused of training the hijackers of airplanes used to carry out the attacks on the US on 11 September 2001.

Following his arrest in September 2001, Raissi spent five months in prison in Belmarsh high security prison while the USA attempted to have him extradited on minor charges unconnected with terrorism.

In April 2002, a judge ordered his release, stating that the court had received "no evidence at all" to support the allegation that he was involved in "terrorism".

Igor Koktysh自2007年6月就被拘留於烏克蘭。在2001年 1月，Igor Koktysh曾因謀殺案而被白俄羅斯政府要求引 渡回國受審，於2002年無罪釋放。這次拘留於上星期獲 釋。 國際特赦組織相信，Igor Koktysh被白俄羅斯政府拘禁， 是因為不滿他過分活躍於政界而導致的。在拘禁期間， 組織一直視Igor Koktysh為良心犯。 Igor Koktysh於烏克蘭家中感謝國際特赦組織為他所做的 事。

UKRAINE RELEASES BELARUSIAN OPPOSITION ACTIVIST Amnesty International has welcomed the release of the Belarusian opposition activist and musician Igor Koktysh, who has been held in a pre-trial detention centre in Ukraine for two-and-a-half years.

Igor Koktysh had been detained in Ukraine since June 2007, when Belarus requested his extradition over an accusation that he committed murder in Belarus in January 2001, an offence he had been acquitted of in 2002. He was released on Monday.

Amnesty International believes the Belarusian authorities charged him because of his social and political activism. Before his release, the organization considered Igor Koktysh to be a prisoner of conscience.

Speaking from his home in Ukraine, Igor Koktysh thanked Amnesty International "for the efforts you have taken".

The UK Ministry of Justice told Lotfi Raissi via his lawyer on 23 April 2010 that it considered him "completely exonerated", more than eight years after he was first arrested.

Lotfi Raissi told Amnesty International via his lawyer on 23 April, "I am delighted. I have waited for this for nine years. I hope that this government statement will help get rid of the cloud of suspicion that has hung over my life for so long."

釋放後的Igor Koktysh與妻子Irina。 Igor Koktysh, with his wife Irina days after his release. © Private

英國司法部告訴Lotfi Raissi被視為完全清白。 The UK Ministry of Justice told Lotfi Raissi that it considered him 'completely exonerated'. © Amnesty International

DEFENDING HUMAN RIGHTS

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國際特赦組織2010年度報告： 國際公義的缺陷，使全球數以百萬 計的人遭受人權侵犯 國際特赦組織在年度全球人權狀況評估中表示， 2009年標誌了國 際公義發展的一個里程碑，但同時強權政治已經使國際公義的缺陷 惡化。

亞太區域

該組織剛發表的《國際特赦組織2010年度報告：世界人權狀 況》，記錄了在159個國家內發生的人權侵犯。國際特赦組織表 示，過去一年，一些強國政府淩駕於國際人權法律之上，袒護盟友 免受批評，只在政治方便時才採取維護人權的行動，嚴重阻礙了國 際公義進展。

數以百萬計在亞洲移民的流離失所者因公義及問責之間的差距而面 臨困境。違反國際人道法的武裝衝突，逼使數百萬人民往境內其他 地方、甚至境外逃難。這些情況在斯里蘭卡、巴基斯坦、阿富汗、 菲律賓的Mindanao及緬甸特別顯著。其他地方，例如北韓及緬 甸，持續及有系統的人權侵犯逼使數以千計人民離開家園。另外， 在中國和柬埔寨，當局以市區發展為理由，未經正當程序便強行逼 遷當地居民，使他們要離開家園。外地勞工面對剝削、暴力及侵犯 時，也得不到足夠的保護。

國際特赦組織臨時秘書長 Claudio Cordone 表示：「在國際公義的 缺口中，鎮壓及不公正的事件不斷湧現，使數以百萬計的人在人權 侵犯、壓逼與貧困中飽受煎熬。」

流離失所浪潮

偏見與強權政治 「各國政府必須確保沒有人淩駕於法律之上，而所有人在遇上各種 侵犯人權的情況，均可獲得申張公義的管道。除非各國政府不再政 治私利壓制公義，否則普遍人類免於恐懼和免於匱乏的自由是遙不 可及的。」

在亞洲，因強權政治而延續全球公義障礙的例子很多。在這些強權 政治中，政府淩駕自己於人權法律之上，避免國際監督，袒護盟友 免受批評，只在政治方便時才採取維護人權的行動。

國際特赦組織呼籲，各國政府必須對本身的行動問責、全面支持 國際刑事法院，並且確保觸犯國際法的罪行在全球各地均會受到 檢控。「20國集團」(G20) 聲稱要領導全球，可是其中七個成員 國，包括亞洲的中國、印度及印尼，卻沒有對此問責。

在新疆維吾爾族自治區，政府以限制訊息流通而避免受到監察。方 法包括收緊對互聯網、國際電話及短訊服務的控制，拘捕數以百計 懷疑參與騷亂的人，以及阻止聯合國酷刑問題專員前往當地探訪。 當局在沒有被監察的審訊下，指控維吾爾活躍分子的暴力行俓。

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維 護 人 權

國際特赦組織亞太區副主任貝凱玲說： 「數月之內，有22人被判 死刑，9人已被處決，而『嚴打整治』運動正進行中。」 緬甸是另一個偏見與強權政治的典型例子。中國和印度都正爭奪獲 取緬甸當地的資源，但它們都沒有利用自己在政治上及經濟上的影 響力，阻止緬甸政府繼續過分地侵犯人權。東南亞國家聯盟(東盟) 在影響緬甸政府中佔了獨一無二的位置，但它沒有聯合地作出聲明 及行動，並且對緬甸駭人的人權狀況一直沒有作出批評，雖然這嚴 重違反了新推行的東盟憲章。

國際特赦組織呼籲亞洲領袖採取特別行 動改善當地人權： 中國、印度及印尼必須簽署國際刑事法院 (International Criminal Court)，因為它們是世界上最多人口的4個國家的 其中3個，以及在G20峰會上確認為全球領袖。 亞洲政府及地區政府必須對當地人權結構缺乏的問題作出 回應，因為亞洲在結發展對人權挑戰的地區反應仍然比其 他地方落後。

缺乏問責制 東盟必須授權跨國人權委員會，以處理侵犯人權行為。 因缺乏問責制造成全球公義的障礙，使逼害及不公義繼續出現。 2009年，亞洲有很多關於法外處決、失蹤、酷刑及虐待、以及過 度及不必要下使用武力的報告，免責的情況亦屢見不鮮。印尼巴布 亞的警方在集會中使用了過度及不必要警力。警方更對示威者施以 酷刑及虐待，亦有報告記載非法殺人的事件。在孟加拉，當局成立 一個官方小組，調查48名步槍隊人員死亡的事件。他們因2月在首 都達卡的大型兵變暴力事件而被拘押。此外，雖然有調查發現泰國 保安部隊曾在2004年使用不適當的武力殺害Krue-Se清真寺內的32 人，以及驗屍研訊亦指出三名高級軍官需為此負責，但政府在4月 公佈將不會對他們指出檢控。 言論自由、結社自由及維權人士 貝凱玲說：「侵犯言論及結社自由，騷擾及逼害維權人士也在亞洲 發生。在要求問責制中擔任前線的維權人士及律師，經常成為目 標。」 被拘留的維權人士當中，包括反對逼遷及幫助四川大地震受害人的 活躍分子。中國政府展開了對維權律師及法律援助組織的廣泛鎮 壓，其規模是前所未見的。當局吊銷維權律師的牌照，以及延遲發 放可以讓他們執業的牌照。中國亦對參與08憲章民主政治改革的 維權人士及政治活躍分子判處超過10年的監禁。這些做法都使中 國返回90年代時的嚴厲打壓時代。

其他亞洲國家打壓言論及結社自由的方法 泰國 很多網站均被封鎖。 3人因冒犯君主罪而被判3王18年監禁。 馬來西亞 政府使用一系列法律，包括煽動叛亂罪鎮壓當地網上作家，打擊對 國家的批評。 新加坡 推行新治安法進一步打擊言論、集會及結社自由。 南韓 當局以誹謗及電訊法作出檢控，主要針對關注編輯自由而發表批判 言論的人士，包括經濟分析師及記者。

政府需確保國家的繁榮可以在社會層面及跨境層面得到普 及。這只可以在人權能夠在地區的法律及政策上體現才能 達成。 各國領袖需對現時人民跨境問題作出明確的回應， 特別是引起這個浪潮的人權問題。 由於衝突摧毀地區，各國政府必須遵守國際人道法，在武 裝衝突期間能夠保護平民，並就衝突期間所犯的罪行提供 問責機制，成立獨立調查和進行公平審訊。

香港人權 種族歧視 《種族歧視條例》在7月開始生效。8月，聯合國消除種族歧視委 員會特別指出，《種族歧視條例》中對種族歧視的定義，不完全符 合聯合國《消除一切形式種族歧視國際公約》的第一條款。消除種 族歧視委員會建議，條例定義中應補充關於語言、移民地位和國籍 的間接歧視，還建議使所有的政府職能和權力都受到《種族歧視條 例》的涵蓋。 難民和尋求庇護者 消除種族歧視委員會注意到，當局計畫改革有關酷刑申訴處理常 式。委員會建議政府確保尋求庇護者獲取資訊、翻譯、法律協助 和司法救濟的權利，並鼓勵當 局頒佈一項難民法，其中包含全面 審查各份庇護申請的程式。委員會還再次建議當局批准1951年的 《關於難民地位的公約》及其1967年的《議定書》。 同性戀者、雙性戀者及跨性別人士的權利 香港特別行政區政府在12月31日宣佈，修訂後的《家庭暴力條 例》將把同性同居者納入保護範圍，這在2010年1月1日生效。香 港特別行政區的法律沒有禁止基於性取向的歧視。

國際特赦組織要求香港政府： 修訂《種族歧視條例》對種族歧視的定義，跟國際法一 致。條例定義中亦應補充關於語言、移民地位和國籍的間 接歧視，所有的政府職能和權力都應受到《種族歧視條 例》 的涵蓋。 基於反對岐視的原則，有效地保障尋求庇護者和難民的權 利，包括獲得足夠的生活條件，例如食物和房屋，得到健 康和教育的權利。 立法禁止基於性傾向及性別認同的歧視，並成立投訴機制 確保性傾向及性別認同的歧視個案可以獨立地和盡快得到 調查，肇事者能夠被追究責任，繩之以法。 要參閱更多報告內的資訊，請瀏覽：http://thereport.amnesty. org/en (暫備英文版)

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AI Annual Report 2010: Global Justice Gap Condemns Millions to Abuse and systematic human rights violations forced thousands to flee.

Across the region, forced evictions in the name of development drove many from their homes without due process, especially in the context of urban regeneration in Cambodia and China. Migrant workers across the region are poorly protected against exploitation, violence and abuse.

Bias and Power Politics There are many glaring examples from across Asia of how the global justice gap is being perpetuated by powerful governments, who hold themselves above human rights laws, avoid international scrutiny, protect their allies, and pursue justice only when it is politically expedient. 亞太區副主席貝凱玲和香港分會總幹事祈美寶。 Catherine Baber, Deputy Director of the Asia Program, and Milabel Cristobal, Director of AIHK. © AIHK Power politics is making the global justice gap worse, despite a landmark year for international justice, said Amnesty International in its annual assessment of human rights worldwide.

Launching the Amnesty International Report 2010: State of the World’s Human Rights, which documents abuses in 159 countries, the organization said powerful governments are blocking advances in international justice by standing above the law on human rights, shielding their allies from criticism, and acting only when politically convenient.

“Repression and injustice are flourishing in the global justice gap, condemning millions of people to abuse, oppression and poverty,” said Claudio Cordone, interim Secretary General of Amnesty International.

Following riots in China’s Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, the government tried to evade scrutiny by restricting access to information. For instance, it tightened controls over the Internet, international telephone calls and text messages in the region, arrested hundreds on suspicion of participating in the disturbances, and ignored a request from the UN Rapporteur on Torture to visit the area. The authorities blamed Uighur activists for the violence without allowing independent monitoring of trials.

“Within months, 22 people were sentenced to death, nine were executed, and a “strike hard and punish” campaign was underway,” said Baber.

Myanmar is another example of bias and power politics. China and India are vying for access to Myanmar’s resources, and they fail to use their political and economic influence to curb its government’s egregious violations of human rights. ASEAN is in a unique position to influence the Myanmar government, but it has failed to speak or act in a united way, and it consistently fails to condemn Myanmar’s appalling human rights record, even though it clearly constitutes a serious breach of the newly ratified ASEAN charter.

Absence of Accountability

“Governments must ensure that no one is above the law, and that everyone has access to justice for all human rights violations. Until governments stop subordinating justice to political self-interest, freedom from fear and freedom from want will remain elusive for most of humanity.”

Amnesty International called on governments to ensure accountability for their own actions, sign up fully to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and ensure that crimes under international law can be prosecuted anywhere in the world. The G20 stakes a claim to global leadership, yet seven of its members have failed to sign up, including China, India and Indonesia in Asia.

Asia Pacific Region Displaced People on the Move The millions of displaced people who are on the move in the Asia Pacific region are suffering some of the worst consequences of the justice and accountability gap. Armed conflicts characterized by violations of international humanitarian law forced millions to flee both internally and across borders, particularly in Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Mindanao (Philippines) and Myanmar.

Elsewhere – for example in North Korea and Myanmar – ongoing

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The global justice gap – an absence of accountability – allows repression and injustice to flourish. Throughout Asia, there were numerous reports in 2009 of extra-judicial killings, disappearances, torture and ill-treatment, as well as the excessive and unnecessary use of force, often perpetrated with impunity. Police in Papua, Indonesia, used excessive and unnecessary force to police demonstrations, and they tortured and ill-treated protestors, leading to reports of unlawful killings. In Bangladesh, an official committee was set up to investigate the deaths of 48 Bangladesh Rifles personnel who had been taken into custody following the large and violent mutiny at their headquarters in Dhaka in February. Despite previous findings that Thai security forces used disproportionate force in killing 32 people in the Krue-Se mosque in 2004, as well as a post-mortem inquest that identified three ranking officers as responsible, the government announced in April that there would be no prosecutions.

Freedom of Expression and Association and Human Rights Defenders “Violations of freedom of expression and association, harassment and prosecution of human rights defenders (HRDs) also occurred across the region. HRDs and lawyers, who are often at the forefront

of the struggle for accountability, were frequently targeted,” said Baber.

The HRDs detained in China included activists against forced evictions and advocates for the victims of the recent earthquake in Sichuan. The Chinese government launched an unprecedentedly wide-ranging crackdown on human rights lawyers and legal aid organizations, disbarring lawyers or delaying the issue of licences allowing them to practice. Long prison sentences, several more than 10 years, were imposed on HRDs and political activists involved in the Charter 08 domestic political reform campaign. This harked back to the government’s harsher practices in the 1990s.

Violations of Freedom of Expression in Some Other Countries in Asia Thailand Numerous websites were blocked.

3 people were sentenced to prison terms of between three and 18 years for violating the lese majeste law.

Malaysia The government used an array of laws, including the Sedition Act, to crush critical opinion in a nationwide crackdown on bloggers.

Singapore Introduced a new Public Order Act to further control freedom of expression, assembly and association South Korea A series of prosecutions under defamation and telecommunication legislation targeted a wide range of people for expressing critical opinions, from economic forecasters to journalists who were concerned about maintaining editorial independence.

Amnesty International is asking Asian leaders to take specific action to improve human rights in the region: China, India and Indonesia must sign up to the International Criminal Court, because they are three of the world’s four most-populous countries, and acknowledged world leaders at the G20 table.

Asian governments and regional bodies must address the lack of a regional human rights structure since it still lags behind other world regions in terms of developing a regional response to human rights challenges.

ASEAN must empower its Intergovernmental Human Rights Commission to deal with rights violations.

Governments must ensure that the growing prosperity of their countries filters down the social scale and across borders. This will only be achieved when human rights are enshrined at the centre of the region’s laws and policies.

Leaders must establish a clear regional response to the ongoing problems created by flows of people across borders, and the underlying human rights problems that prompt such movements.

As conflicts wrack the region, governments must abide by international humanitarian law by protecting civilians during armed conflict, and provide accountability for abuses committed during conflicts through independent investigations and fair trials.

Human Rights in Hong Kong Racial Discrimination Although the Racial Discrimination Ordinance (RDO) came into force in July 2009, the UN Committee on the Elimination of

律師2009年5月18日在北京採取行動支持同僚李春富和張凱.兩 人與當事人會面討論案件後被重慶警方拘留.案件關於當事人親 戚勞改時死亡。 Lawyers action in support of two fellow lawyers, Li Chunfu and Zhang Kai, Beijing, 18 May 2009. Li Chunfu and Zhang Kai were detained and beaten by Chongqing police after meeting with their client to discuss a case, the death of their client's relative while they were undergoing re-education through labour. © Private Racial Discrimination (CERD) notes that the definition of racial discrimination in the Ordinance is not completely consistent with Article 1 of the UN Convention Against Racism.

Refugees and Asylum-Seekers While noting the planned reform of the torture claims procedure, CERD recommended that the government guarantee the rights of asylum-seekers to information, interpretation, legal assistance and judicial remedies, and it encouraged the adoption of a refugee law with a comprehensive screening procedure for individual asylum claims. It also repeated its recommendation that the authorities ratify the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol.

Rights of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender People On 31 December, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government announced that amendments to the Domestic Violence Ordinance would extend protection to samesex cohabitants. These took effect on 1 January 2010. However, the HKSAR law does not prohibit discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation.

Amnesty International is calling upon the Hong Kong SAR government to: Address the inconsistencies between the definitions of racial discrimination in the RDO and international law and the Ordinance’s failure to cover some basic issues of exemptions based on nationality, immigration status, and language, and extend its scope to cover the full range of governmental functions.

Effectively protect the full range of rights of asylum seekers and refugees, based on the principle of non-discrimination, including the right to an adequate standard of living, including food and housing, the right to health and the right to education.

Enact legislation to prevent discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity, and establish a complaints mechanism to ensure that all allegations and reports of human rights violations based on sexual orientation or gender identity are promptly and impartially investigated, and that the perpetrators are held accountable and brought to justice.

For more information on the report, please visit: http://thereport.amnesty.org/en

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中國：21年後仍沒有公開獨 立調查 1989年6月3日及4日，中國政府對天安門廣場內外的民主示威進 行軍事鎮壓。這件事發生至今已有21年，但中國有關當局仍然拒 絕展開任何公開而獨立的調查。反之，那些批評鎮壓及紀念死難 者的公民繼續被當局以「煽動顛覆」的罪名起訴，並在不公平的 審訊中被判長期監禁。 為了追求中國憲法裡允諾的基本自由，中國境內數百萬人在1989 年和平聚集。時至今日，他們的訴求依然具有重大意義。適逢天 安門鎮壓21周年，國際特赦組織再一次促請中國有關當局保障言 論自由，以維護憲法。

六四前夕 香港言論自由蒙陰影 國際特赦組織(香港)對此表示深切關注，並指出香港特區政府在 天安門鎮壓21周年的一星期前，便已採取行動阻撓紀念活動。 支聯會分別於5月29日及30日試圖在銅鑼灣時代廣場展示仿民主 女神像，要求為六四死難者及被拘禁人士「平反」，卻兩度受到 警方干預，場內雕像被充公，警方亦於5月29日及30日分別拘捕 了13人及2人。 警方解釋，由於他們接到食物環境衛生署的投訴，指主辦單位沒 有按照《公眾娛樂場所條例》申請牌照，警方遂充公展覽雕像。 然而，聯合會已於事前依循規管公眾集會的《公安條例》之相關 程序。 本會主席祈美寶說：「我們擔心這是使用另類手法進一步阻撓本 港言論自由的開端。在該條例中，『娛樂』一詞的定義含糊；事 實上，《公民權利和政治權利國際公約》對言論自由的保障，已 包括了政治言論和『娛樂』。」 對於私人場所範圍內公眾地方的管理手法，香港分會亦表示關 注。時代廣場發言人指出，他們並沒有容許在商場的公眾地方舉 行政治活動。值得注意的是，政府現正為私人場所對公眾地方的 管理手法草擬指引。

1989年5月,在天安門廣場的和平示威者。 Peaceful protesters gathered in the Tiananmen Square in May 1989. © 1989 Hei Han Khiang 中國憲法第35條規定，「中華人民共和國公民有言論、出版、集 會、結社、游行、示威的自由。」中國政府於2009年4月發表的 《國家人權行動計劃（2009-2010年）》亦聲明「保障公民對國 家機關和國家工作人員提出批評、建議、申訴、控告、檢舉的權 利」。然而，當中國公民出版或傳閱一些被有關當局視為不當的 批評時，他們仍有機會面臨重罰。 根據中國於1998年簽署的《公民權利和政治權利國際公約》 （ICCPR），公民均享有言論和集會自由的基本權利，但這公約 尚未獲得中國批准。國際特赦組織現促請中國政府，停止壓制那 些行使上述基本權利的公民。 1989年的鎮壓事件仍然是中國的一大官方禁忌，任何相關的公開 討論一律被禁。中國官方互聯網過濾及審查系統「防火長城」， 便防止了中國公民接觸任何與鎮壓及其他敏感話題有關的網上資 訊；除非他們懂得利用代理伺服器，否則根本無法翻越高牆。 現時仍有多名人士因為涉及1989年鎮壓事件的網絡通訊而被監 禁，他們包括譚作人、胡佳、師濤等。

立即行動 致函中國總理，要求釋放維權人士。 欲知詳情，請瀏覽 http://www.amnesty.org.hk/html/node/10568。

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經過被警方拘留數天後,民主女神像6月4日晚上樹立在維多利亞 公園。 After being detained by the Hong Kong police for several days, the Goddess of Democracy stands in Victoria Park on June 4. © AIHK 祈美寶說：「現在香港特區政府需要做的，是確保人們即使在那 些由私人場所管理的公共地方中，也能行使言論自由，包括發表 政治言論。」 《公民權利和政治權利國際公約》已得到香港落實。該公約賦予 所有人在不受到任何強制干預的情況下，能循各種途徑—包括 藝術的表現方式—享有言論自由的權利。國際特赦組織(香港) 促請香港特區政府，維護言論自由及和平示威的自由，以履行香 港在《公民權利和政治權利國際公約》中作出的承諾。

China: 21 Years Later, Still No Open and Independent Inquiry Twenty-one years since the military crackdown on pro-democracy protests in and around Tiananmen Square on 3-4 June 1989, the Chinese authorities still refuse to hold an open and independent inquiry. Instead, they continue to prosecute citizens who criticize the crackdown or commemorate its victims, accusing them of "inciting subversion" and imposing lengthy imprisonment after unfair trials.

In 1989, millions across China gathered peacefully to pursue fundamental freedoms promised in the Chinese Constitution. Their demands remain highly relevant today. As the 21st anniversary of the Tiananmen Crackdown approaches, Amnesty International once again urges the Chinese authorities to uphold the Constitution by guaranteeing freedom of expression.

Article 35 of the Chinese Constitution stipulates that "Citizens of the People's Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of procession and of demonstration."

The Chinese government's National Human Rights Action Plan 2009-2010, released in April 2009, also states that "the state will guarantee citizens' rights to criticize, give advice to, complain of, and accuse state organs and civil servants". Yet Chinese citizens continue to risk severe punishment if they publish or circulate materials the authorities deem unwarranted criticism.

Freedom of expression and association are fundamental rights enshrined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) which China signed in 1998 but has not yet ratified.

Amnesty International urges the Chinese government to stop suppressing citizens who exercise these fundamental rights.

The 1989 crackdown remains a major official taboo in China. Any public discussion is strictly prohibited. The “Great Firewall”, the official internet filtering and censorship system, prevents Chinese citizens from accessing any online information related to the crackdown and other sensitive topics, unless they know how to climb over the Wall through proxy servers.

The Shadow Casted on Freedom of Expression in Hong Kong Before 4 June AIHK is very concerned that, one week before the 21st Anniversary of the Tiananmen Crackdown, the Hong Kong SAR government has taken action to curtail commemorative activities.

The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China (The Alliance) made two attempts to exhibit a replica of the Goddess of Democracy in Times Square, Causeway Bay on May 29 and May 30 to call for "vindication" for the prodemocracy protestors killed and imprisoned in 1989. On both occasions, police intervened, confiscating the sculptures and arresting 13 people on May 29 and two people on May 30.

The police explained that they had confiscated the sculptures following complaints from the Food and Environmental Hygiene Department that the organizers did not have a licence as required under the Public Entertainment Ordinance. The Alliance had followed procedures under the Public Order Ordinance used to regulate public rallies and assemblies.

"We are concerned that this may mark the beginning of the use of alternative ways to further curtail freedom of expression in Hong Kong," said Milabel Cristobal, Director of AIHK, "The definition of 'entertainment' in the ordinance is vague and the ICCPR's protection of the freedom of expression includes political opinion and 'entertainment'".

A number of individuals are still imprisoned for their web communications about the 1989 crackdown, such as Tan Zuoren, Hu Jia, and Shi Tao.

警方沒收民主女神像。 The police confiscated the Goddess of Democracy. © Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China AIHK is also concerned with the management of public areas within private premises. A spokesperson for Times Square stated that they did not condone political activities in the public area in the mall. It should be noted that the government is currently drafting guidelines on private sector management of public areas.

"In the meantime, the HKSAR government needs to ensure that freedom of expression, which includes expression of political opinion, can be pursued in public space, even if it is managed by the private sector," said Milabel Cristobal.

Send appeals to the Chinese Premier and call for the release of human rights defenders.

For more information, please visit: http://www.amnesty.org.hk/ html/node/10568.

Hong Kong has ratified the ICCPR. The covenant entitles everyone to the right to freedom of expression without arbitrary interference and by various means, including artistic expression. AIHK urges the HKSAR government to ensure that Hong Kong's commitments under the ICCPR to uphold freedom of expression and the right of peaceful protest are upheld.

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相中的男子強制勞動期間頭部被打至一隻眼 睛失明。90年代，他從緬甸逃到鄰近的孟加 拉。 Blind in one eye after being beaten in the head during forced labor, the man fled from Burma to neighboring Bangladesh in the 1990s. © Greg Constantine

無止境的流亡: 緬甸的羅興亞族 Greg Constantine 撰文及攝影

Exiled To Nowhere: Myanmar’s Rohingya Text and Photographs by Greg Constantine 11

維 護 人 權

「我們來到孟加拉，變成了難民。」43歲的Rahul在2009年12月 告訴我︰「在這裡，我們睡在塑膠墊下，白天非常熱，晚上卻非 常冷。有時候，晚上不時有露水從我們的塑膠墊屋頂滴下來。我 們只能吃一餐，其餘兩餐要挨餓。我們只找到些微工作，賺到的 錢並不夠買食物。雖然生活艱苦，但只要想到在緬甸受到的虐 待，我們還是覺得在這裏比在緬甸要好。」 當知道羅興亞族難民在孟加拉的生活環境多麼骯髒和貧困，他們 卻說「在這裏比在緬甸要好」是多麼難以置信而又震撼。然而， 這句話又是多麼的普遍，令我不禁常常想像，究道羅興亞族在緬 甸的生活相比這裏還悽慘多少倍，以致他們可以忍受在孟加拉南 部過著卑微的生活？ 我2006年初開始拍攝孟加拉的羅興亞族人。我相信他們的故事是 亞洲最嚴重也最欠缺媒體報道的人權侵犯故事之一。自2006年 起，我7次回到那裏，希望按時序記錄他們的境況，而每一次回 到那裏，都發現情況一次比一次糟糕。 羅興亞人是來自緬甸西部的回教少數族裔。在緬甸，他們的社 會、文化和經濟權利被剝奪，也受到各種的人權侵犯。1982年， 緬甸的羅興亞族因為帶有歧視的公民法律剝奪了他們的國籍而成 為無國籍的人。過去60年緬甸持續不斷將羅興亞族摒棄於邊境之 外，使得一群又一群羅興亞人逃往鄰國孟加拉。 然而，他們當中大多數人都被否決正式難民資格，他們所能得到 的庇護極少。他們被地方當局剝奪、騷擾，獲准接受極少的人道 援助，一切都使羅興亞族在孟加拉的生活只能勉強糊口。 為了保護自己，羅興亞族搭建起臨時難民營。2008年，在孟加拉 的羅興亞族開始搭建臨時營地，叫作Kutupalong臨時營地。從那 時候開始，營地由數個家庭擴展到容納超過3萬人，環境堪稱世 上最惡劣之一。 最近數月，孟加拉當局採取行動打擊沒有證件的羅興亞族，拘捕 了數以百計羅興亞人，把他們強迫遣返緬甸或關押起來。打擊行 動令數以千計人流離失所，並引起恐慌，使許多人不敢離家外出 尋找工作。人道組織表示，結果，由於得不到援助，羅興亞族在 孟加拉面臨重大人道危機。 在緬甸不被接納，在孟加拉不受歡迎，他們生活在惡性循環的 悲慘命運中，永無止境。我記錄羅興亞族的生活，目的不單是 記錄及曝露羅興亞族在孟加拉長年累月的掙扎求存以及所受到 的忽視，也希望能打開一扇窗，揭露他們身處困境的根本原因 —他們在緬甸的族群所正在受到的人權侵犯。我相信，如果不 知道羅興亞族為何持續逃離他們的家園，人們就不可能真正明白 或完全體會他們的悲慘故事。

(Burma). In Burma, they are denied most social, civil and economic rights and are subjected to a number of human rights abuses. In 1982, the Rohingya in Burma were made stateless when discriminatory citizenship laws effectively stripped them of their nationality. Efforts to rid Burma of the Rohingya over the past 60 years have caused one wave of Rohingya after another to flee into neighboring Bangladesh.

Yet, in Bangladesh most are denied official refugee status and have found little sanctuary. Exploited, harassed by local authorities and permitted to receive little humanitarian assistance, the Rohingya in Bangladesh eek out an existence.

To protect themselves, the Rohingya have created makeshift refugee camps. In 2008, Rohingya in Bangladesh began to create a new makeshift camp called the Kutupalong Makeshift camp.

Since it’s inception, the camp has grown from a few families to over 30,000 people. Camp conditions are some of the worst in the world.

In recent months, Bangladesh authorities have cracked down on undocumented Rohingya, arresting and forcibly repatriating hundreds back to Burma or putting them in jail. The crackdown has displaced thousands and has sent out a wave a fear that has left many too afraid to leave their homes to find work. As a result, humanitarian organizations claim that without aid, the Rohingya in Bangladesh face a grave humanitarian crisis.

Unwanted in Burma and unwelcome in Bangladesh, they live in a cycle of misery that has no borders. My work on the Rohingya aims not only to document and expose the ongoing struggles and neglect the Rohingya face in Bangladesh, but it also aims to open a small window into the root cause of their plight—the targeted abuse their community endures in Burma. I believe that without knowing the stories behind why the Rohingya continue to flee their homeland, people will not truly understand or fully appreciate the tragedy of their story.

Greg Constantine is a freelance photographer from the US. For the past 4 ½ years he has been working on a long-term project, which documents stateless minorities groups around the world. The project is called Nowhere People. Work from this project has received a number of awards, including an Award of Merit in the 2008 Amnesty International Human Right Press Awards in Hong Kong and the 2008 SOPA Award for Feature Photography. He’s currently based in SE Asia.

For more on Nowhere People, please visit: http://www.nowherepeople.org

Greg Constantine是來自美國的自由攝影記者，過去4年半一 直在進行長期的工作計劃，記錄全球無國籍的少數族裔社 群，計劃名為Nowhere People。這項計劃中的作品曾獲多個 獎項，包括國際特赦組織(香港)參與舉辦的2008年人權新聞 獎的優異獎，以及2008年專題攝影SOPA獎。Greg目前在東 南亞工作。 卻知更多Nowhere People，請瀏覽： http://www.nowherepeople.org “We came to Bangladesh and became refugees,” 43-year-old Rahul said to me in December 2009. “Here we live under plastic sheets. In daytime it gets very hot. And in nighttime it is very cold, sometimes at night dew drops from the plastic sheets of our roof.

We eat once but starve twice. We are able to work very little and it’s not enough to buy food. Despite this suffering, when we remember the abuse in Myanmar, we think it is better here than in Myanmar.”

“It is better here than in Burma”, is an incredibly shocking statement to hear considering the squalor and destitution Rohingya refugees are living with in Bangladesh. But it is a common statement, which has always left me wondering how much worse could life be for Rohingya in Burma to make them tolerate their existence in southern Bangladesh?

I began photographing the Rohingya in Bangladesh in early 2006 and believe the Rohingya’s story is one of the most critical and one of the most underreported stories of human rights abuse in Asia.

Since 2006, I have returned seven times in an effort to chronicle their plight, and with each trip, their situation gets worse and worse.

The Rohingya are a Muslim minority from western Myanmar

在世界難民日的前夕，國際特赦組織(香港)舉行相展展覽Greg Constantine的羅興亞作品。

The day before World Refugee Day, AIHK exhibited Greg Constantine’s work on the Rohingya refugees. © AIHK

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71 名代表,參與國際特赦組織在國際議會會 議的死刑行動.最少 71 名小童及年輕人在伊 朗等待被處決。 Death penalty action at Amnesty International's International Council Meeting. 71 AI delegates took part in the action; at least 71 children and young adults are in prison in Iran awaiting execution. © Amnesty International

死刑: 都市神話

Death Penalty: The Urban Myth DEFENDING HUMAN RIGHTS

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全球一個又一個國家不斷進步，不管那是限制使用死刑， 還是一併從法律體系中廢除死刑。 1977 年只有 16 個國家 廢除了死刑。現在，全憑世界各地致力爭取廢除死刑者努 力不懈，愈來愈多國家停止執行處決。這比任何時候都要 多— 95 個國家全面廢除了死刑，多了 44 個國家停止執 行死刑。這份名單還會繼續增加。 對於是否保留官方核准的謀殺，近期沒有任何地方的辯論 會比台灣的更激烈，尤其當法務部長王清峰因此事於3月 請辭。台灣 2005 年起在陳水扁政府執政時實際上已實施 暫緩處決。台灣現任政府也承認廢除死刑是全球趨勢，同 時也承諾逐步廢除死刑。然而，台灣境內外不少人一直爭 論，認為死刑是阻嚇犯罪的有效工具，故需要以此維持法 治。 這個論點符合情理嗎？也許這此數據能為我們提供一些線 索。 自加拿大於1976年廢除死刑後的20年，謀殺案比率在10 萬分之2.2至2.8，而且有持續下降的趨勢。1995年，謀殺 比率錄得 10 萬分之 1.98 的 30 年來低位。而據最近所得的 2008年數據，比率為10萬分之1.8。 在加拿大廢除死刑之後的10年，一級謀殺罪的整體入罪比 率倍增（從不足10%升至約20%）。這顯示，當加拿大的 陪審團毋須被迫作出生死悠關的決定時，會較願意裁定疑 犯謀殺罪名成立。 在美國，聯邦調查局 2008 年的數據顯示，首 14 個仍然執 行死刑的州份，其殺人罪案率較已停止執行死刑的另外14 個州的要高，又或者兩者比率相若。美國全國的殺人罪案 率為10萬分之5.3，遠比鄰國加拿大的要高。 香港的謀殺案比率在全球最低之列。自從 1998 年起，香 港的謀殺案比率一直在 10 萬分之一以下， 2002 年除外。 再者，與許多人所相信的相反，數據顯示了，自從香港 1993 年正式廢除死刑後，謀殺案的數量一直在下降，儘 管人口有增無減。 死刑是唯一一種無法挽回的刑罰。一旦被判罪的人遭到處 決，即使發現之前出了錯，也無法彌補錯誤。使用死刑也 令人質疑一個社會的公平及公義程度，以及動用死刑是否 可能帶有遏制反對者聲音的政治動機或被用來推動政治議 題。 當新墨西哥州 2009 年成為美國第 15 個廢除死刑的州份 時，州長Bill Richardson評論說︰「現實是死刑制度並不 完美—遠遠及不上完美。」 希望創造零罪案環境是一個雄心壯志的目標，然而，政治 和社會教育是告訴未來一代是非價值的關鍵。許多人從歷 史教訓中得知執行死刑所付出的可怕代價。作為亞洲的國 際城市，我們可以向台灣展示，也向仍堅持這種冷血殺戳 的亞洲及區外其他國家展示，死亡並非解決一個複雜問題 的答案。

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One after another, countries around the world are moving forward, either limiting their use of capital punishment or removing it from their legal system altogether. In 1977, only 16 countries had done away with the death penalty. Now, thanks to tireless efforts by abolition activists worldwide, more countries have stopped executing people than ever before: 95 have completely abolished the death penalty, while 44 more have halted the practice. And the list continues to grow.

Nowhere has the debate about whether to retain statesanctioned murder been more intense recently than in Taiwan, where it was further intensified by the resignation of the justice minister, Wang Ching-feng, in March. Taiwan implemented a de facto moratorium on executions in 2005, under the Chen Shui-bian administration. The island’s current government has also acknowledged that abolishing the death penalty is a global trend, and it has promised to make efforts to phase it out. Yet many people both inside and outside Taiwan continue to argue that the death penalty is a useful tool for deterring crime, and that it is necessary for maintaining law and order.

Does that assertion hold water? Maybe some statistics will give us a clue.

In the 20 years since Canada ended capital punishment in 1976, the murder rate has been between 2.2 and 2.8 per 100,000, and the trend has been consistently downwards.

In 1995, the homicide rate hit a 30-year low at 1.98 per 100,000, while the latest available figure for 2008 show that it stood at 1.8 per 100,000.

The overall conviction rate for first-degree murder doubled during the decade following abolition (from under 10% to approximately 20%). This suggests that Canadian juries are more willing to convict someone for murder now that they are not being compelled to make a life-and-death decision.

In the United States, FBI data for 2008 showed that the top 14 states that still carry out capital punishment had homicide rates that were higher than or similar to the 14 which had stopped executions. Nationally, the homicide rate stands at about 5.3 per 100,000, significantly higher than in neighbouring Canada.

Hong Kong has one of the lowest murder rates in the world.

Since 1998, and with the exception of 2002, the murder rate has been below 1.0 per 100,000. And, contrary to what many believe, the statistics show that the number of murders committed in Hong Kong has been decreasing ever since the formal abolition of the death penalty in 1993, despite the city’s increasing population.

The death penalty is the only kind of irrevocable sentence.

Once a convicted person has been executed, nothing can be done to make amends if it emerges that a mistake was made. The use of the death penalty also calls into question the degree of fairness and justice in a society, and whether or not its application could be politically motivated to silence opponents or promote political agendas.

When New Mexico became the 15th U.S. state to abolish the death penalty in 2009, Governor Bill Richardson commented: “The reality is the system is not perfect – far from it.”

It would be an ambitious goal to create a zero-crime environment. However, politics and social education will be the keys to informing future generations about the values of right and wrong. Many have learned from history about the terrible price that comes with executions. As Asia’s world city, we can show Taiwan – and other parts of Asia and countries outside the region that persist with this type of cold-blooded killing – that death is not the solution to a complex problem.

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產婦死亡: 布基納法索政府必須改善 產婦保健 Maternal Mortality: Burkina Faso’s Government Must Take Steps to Improve Maternal Health

45歲的Aisseta擁有5名子女。她壞孕7個月，雙 胞胎因病身亡，剖腹後在病房休養。 Aisseta, a 45 year old woman and mother of 5, in the recovery ward after a cesarean to remove her twins who had died due to complications at 7 month. © Anna Kari

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維 護 人 權

「每年有超過五十萬婦女因懷孕或生育引起的併發症死 亡-即每分鐘一宗。」大部分死亡的婦女都是發展中國 家的貧窮人口。在布基納法索，每年有超過二千名產婦因 懷孕或生育引起的併發症死亡。這些婦女對性生活與生殖 健康的權利(包括墮胎的權利)缺乏認識；女性的法律地位 和社會地位低，早婚令她們無法自由選擇是否生育、何時 生育或孩子的數目；昂貴的醫療費用和差劣的醫療質量是 另一威脅。 自2006年起，布基納法索政府資助產婦保健費用達 80%，並為赤貧婦女提供免費保健服務。因此，受過訓練 的醫護人員數目有所增加，醫療中心遍佈全國，而政府亦 已推行家庭計劃政策。 然而，這些政策的執行仍有漏洞。並非全部有需要的婦女 都能享用產婦保健服務；亦有很多婦女不願意去健康中心 生產，因為很多健康中心都有衛生環境惡劣、醫護人手不 足的問題，加上醫護人員經常向她們索取金錢， 甚至對 她們無禮。 布基納法索有如此高的產婦死亡率，顯示當地婦女與健康 有關的基本人權被剝削。健康人權受到國際法和國家法律 的認可，每個國家都有義務尊重、保護和促進人民的健康 人權。婦女在懷孕或分娩過程中死亡，是由於政府忽視本 可避免的致死原因，無疑侵犯了婦女的生存權利。 布基納法索總統布萊斯孔波雷( Blaise Compaoré )與國際 特赦組織臨時秘書長Claudio Cordone所帶領的代表團會面 時，承諾減輕產婦保健的財政負擔。雖然有此積極回應， 但這只是口頭承諾，付諸實行需要支持者繼續採取行動。 有見及此，國際特赦組織(香港)於國際婦女節以及母親節 發起了明信片運動，總共收集137張明信片。 我們的青年發展小組為支持這項活動，向學校和親友派發 明信片，並收集超過1,000張明信片。 今年，國際特赦組織(香港)將會繼續舉辦活動向布基納法 索政府施壓。

救護車帶一名難產的孕婦到醫院等待剖腹生產。 A woman brought in by ambulance after failing to deliver waits for a cesarean in the maternity ward. © Anna Kari “More than half a million women die each year from complications related to pregnancy and childbirth – one every minute.” The vast majority of women who die are poor and they come from developing countries such as Burkina Faso, where more than 2,000 women die from complications associated with pregnancy and childbirth every year. Such women lack information about sexual and reproductive health and rights, including abortion.

Meanwhile, their low legal and social status permits early marriage, which undermines their right to decide whether, when and how many children they will bear. The cost and quality of the medical treatment available to them is another major threat.

In 2006, Burkina Faso’s government adopted a policy of subsidising the cost of maternal care by 80%, and giving free care to women in extreme poverty. As a result, the number of trained medical personnel has increased, primary health care centres have been built throughout the country, and a national strategy for family planning has been adopted.

However, the implementation of these policies still suffers from major flaws. Maternal health services remain unavailable or inaccessible to all the women that need them. Many are reluctant to go to health facilities to give birth, as they are often unhygienic and understaffed and their medical personnel frequently demand money and sometimes treat them disrespectfully.

The high rate of maternal deaths in Burkina Faso shows that women are being denied their right to health, a right that is enshrined in international and national law, a right that every state is obliged to respect, protect and fulfil. When a woman dies during pregnancy or childbirth because the government fails to address preventable causes of maternal death, that government is violating her right to life.

3月7日，國際婦女節前夕，一班熱心義工在尖沙咀為布基納法索 產婦死亡問題收集過百張明信片。 On 7 March, one day before International Women’s Day, a group of volunteers collected over 100 postcards at Tsim Sha Tsui for maternal mortality in Burkina Faso. © Anna Kari

The President of Burkina Faso, Blaise Compaoré, agreed to lift the financial barriers to maternal healthcare during a meeting with an Amnesty International delegation led by interim Secretary General Claudio Cordone. While this was very positive, it was only an oral commitment. It needs to be turned into a reality with further actions from our supporters.

In response to the situation, AIHK organised postcard campaigns on International Women’s Day and Mother’s Day and 137 postcards have been collected.

Members of our Youth Development Taskforce also supported the cause by distributing postcards through their schools and personal networks. Between them, they collected over 1,000 postcards.

AIHK will continue to organise campaigning events to put pressure on the Burkina Faso government throughout the rest of the year.

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亞太區青年網絡向日本外務部遞交 4,130 張蝴蝶明信片，為太平洋戰爭 的性奴隸倖存者伸張正義

APYN Delivers 4,130 Butterflies Demanding Justice for Pacific War Sexual Slavery Survivors to Japan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs

亞太區青年網絡代表爭取日本民主黨 秘書長山根隆治對性奴役公義運動的 支持。 APYN representatives meet Mr Ryuji Yamane Vice Secretary General DPJ to seek support for APYN justice for sexual slavery survivors campaign. © AIHK

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來自尼泊爾亞太區青年網絡和國際特 赦組織分會的年輕人支持此運動。 Youth from AI Nepal support the APYN campaign. © AIHK

2010年5月24日，亞太區青年網絡寄出4,130蝴 蝶明信片給日本外交部。 As of May 24, 2010, 4,130 butterflies have been signed and delivered to the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. © AIHK

「時間無法治癒冤屈。青年是推動變革的力量。我們與這些大多 已年逾80的勇敢倖存者站在同一陣線。她們為正義而戰的運動激 發我們展開這場運動；我們在深受感動之餘，亦不會容許這種罪 行被遺忘。」——亞太區青年網絡行動團隊 亞太區青年網絡（APYN）在2010年5月24日派出三名代表，和 日本外務大臣政務官西村智奈美（Chinami Nishimura）於東京會 面。他們帶著4,130張已簽署的蝶狀行動卡，希望為那些曾在太 平洋戰爭中充當性奴隸的倖存者討回公道。西村智奈美承諾會把 行動卡轉交外務大臣岡田克也（Katsuya Okada）。 來自不同地區的青年首次團結起來，為那些在日本陸軍性奴隸制 底下倖存的女性討回公道。是次運動由一批以巴基斯坦、印度、 泰國、馬來西亞、韓國、日本、香港和澳洲作為據點的APYN活 躍份子策劃率領，他們準備了多張蝴蝶明信片，於菲律賓、印 尼、尼泊爾、荷蘭、美國和加拿大收集簽名。在2010年1月中至 4月中期間，APYN活躍份子舉辦了超過70場大大小小的活動，旨 在加深大眾對該議題的認識，同時亦讓人們在明信片上簽署，並 拍下他們的頭像，響應相片請願行動。 在太平洋戰爭時期，約200,000名年輕婦女及女孩——有些只得 12歲——被逼成為日軍的性奴隸。她們主要來自韓國、中國、日 本、菲律賓、泰國、越南、馬來西亞、台灣、印尼和東帝汶。她 們一律被囚禁於「慰安所」，受盡長年累月的強暴及其他虐待。 一直以來，日本政府從來沒有對她們的遭遇負責，或承擔任何法 律責任。逾65年後的今天，這些性奴隸制底下的倖存者仍然為爭 取公義勇敢地站出來。 APYN呼籲日本首相：為此等發生於太平洋戰爭時期嚴重侵犯人 權的行為負上全部責任；發表官方道歉；對倖存的受害者及其家 人作出足夠賠償；以及在所有提及談及太平洋戰爭的日本教科書 中，對性奴隸制作出正確的描述。

我們參與此行動的原因： Taisuke（東京）：「我遇過很多對此事一無所知的日本青 年，他們沒有機會在學校中學到這段日本近代史，這是一件 可悲的事。只要政府對倖存者致歉，並讓日本青年認識這些 罪行，我相信這對世界上的公義來說是一件好事。」 Asher（墨爾本）：「在全球眾多侵犯人權的行為當中，對 婦女使用暴力仍然是最普遍的一種。為防止暴力滋長，每一 個人，包括政府，都必須承認過去所犯下的錯誤，並負上責 任。作為年輕一輩，我們有能力計畫未來，讓世界不致重蹈 覆轍。如果這種理念得以廣泛宣揚，我們便能發動一場世代 變革，逼令政府——例如在這事件中的日本政府——聽取我 們的聲音。」

“Time does not heal injustice. Young people are agents of change.

We stand in solidarity with these courageous survivors, many of whom are now in their eighties. We are inspired by their campaign for justice, and we will not allow this crime to be forgotten.” – APYN campaign team.

Three representatives from the Asia Pacific Youth Network (APYN) met Ms. Chinami Nishimura, Japan’s Parliamentary Secretary for Foreign Affairs in Tokyo on 24 May 2010. They brought with them 4,130 signed butterfly action cards calling for justice for the survivors of sexual slavery during the Pacific War, which Ms. Nishimura agreed to deliver to Mr. Katsuya Okada, the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

This was one of the first times that so many young people in different parts of the region have united to demand justice for the survivors of the Japanese Imperial Army’s sexual slavery system.

The campaign was devised and conducted by APYN activists based in Pakistan, India, Thailand, Malaysia, Korea, Japan, Hong Kong and Australia. They also arranged for butterflies to be signed by people in the Philippines, Indonesia, Nepal, the Netherlands, the USA and Canada. Between mid-January and mid-April 2010, the activists held more than 70 large and small-scale events to raise awareness of the issue and give people opportunities to sign the butterflies and have their pictures taken for the butterfly photo petition.

Around 200,000 young women and girls, some as young as 12, were forced into sexual slavery by the Japanese Imperial Army during the Pacific War. They came mainly from Korea, China, Japan and the Philippines, as well as Thailand, Vietnam, Malaysia, Taiwan, Indonesia and Timor Leste. Held in camps known as “comfort stations”, they were subjected to years of rape and other harsh treatment. The Japanese Government has failed to acknowledge its responsibility or legal liability for the enforced sexual slavery system during the Pacific War. More than 65 years later, the courageous survivors of this sexual slavery system are still campaigning for justice.

APYN calls on the Japanese Prime Minister to accept full responsibility for these grave violations of human rights during the Pacific War; to make an official apology; to pay adequate compensation for the surviving victims and their families; and to depict the sexual slavery system accurately in all Japanese educational textbooks that cover the Pacific War.

Why we became involved in this campaign: Taisuke, Tokyo: “I’ve met many young Japanese people who don’t know anything about this issue. It’s tragic that they haven’t had an opportunity to learn about this aspect of recent Japanese history at school. I believe that, once the government apologises to the survivors and teaches young Japanese people about these crimes, it will contribute to justice in this world.”

Asher, Melbourne: “Violence against women remains the most pervasive form of human rights abuse around the world. To break down the cycle of violence, we need everyone, including governments, to recognise and be accountable for the mistakes of the past. As young people, we have the power to plan a future in which such mistakes are not repeated. With enough widespread activism, we can create a generational change, so that governments, like the Japanese government in this case, are forced to listen.”

Kristina（東京）：「作為一個女性，我希望能夠出一分力， 為這個問題尋求解決方案。這些老婆婆為了討回自己的尊嚴 而奮鬥了那麼多年，真的很令人感動。而『青年能為此帶來 改變』這個信念，正是驅使我參加今次運動的其中一個關鍵 因素。」

Kris, Tokyo: “As a woman, I would like to contribute towards the resolution of this issue. These grandmothers are really inspiring, fighting all these years to claim back their dignity.

And the belief that young people can make this change happen is one of the key factors that inspired me to join this campaign.”

Zaineb（拉哈爾）：「我認為這次運動能促使國家更負責 任。它加深了我們對戰爭罪行的認識。1971年，有報道指 巴基斯坦對東巴基斯坦（即現今的孟加拉）人民犯下了十惡 不赦的罪行。因此，今次的運動不但能讓我們反思自己國家 所做過的種種，以及當年我們如何寬恕了它的軍事行動，更 為我們帶來了希望：有一天，巴基斯坦會同樣承認自己的過 錯，並停止為這些違反人道的罪行作出辯解。」

Zaineb, Lahore: “In my opinion, this campaign is an initiative to make countries more responsible. It has helped us to raise awareness about war crimes. In 1971, the Pakistani state is reported to have committed heinous crimes against the civilian population of what was then East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Therefore, this campaign actually makes us question the actions of our own country and the way we condoned its military operations then. It has given us hope that, one day, Pakistan will also acknowledge its mistakes and stop justifying such crimes against humanity.”

有關APYN的詳盡資料，請瀏覽 www.apyouth.net。

For more information about APYN please visit www.apyouth.net

DEFENDING HUMAN RIGHTS

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終止菲律賓的政治暴力﹗ End Political Violence in the Philippines!

國際特赦組織(香港)舉行明信片運動, 促 請菲律賓政府把私人軍隊解散及解除武 裝. 國際特赦組織(香港)總幹事祈美寶非 常滿意是次活動結果。 AIHK organized a postcard campaign to urge the Philippines government to disarm and disband private armies. Milabel Cristobal, Director of AIHK, is very pleased with result. © AIHK

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維 護 人 權

馬京達瑙省大屠殺,是菲律賓史上選舉前暴力事件中的最惡劣例 子，也使菲律賓的人權狀況成為世界關注的焦點。2009年11月23 日，勢力強大的Ampatuan家族所操控的一群武裝分子埋伏襲擊， 殺死了63人。死者包括當時準備前往為一名反對派候選人登記參 選的親屬，以及所有隨行的人，當中有33名記者及其他傳媒工作 者。那場瘋狂的屠殺，也是全球新聞從業員歴來受到最大規模的一 次襲擊。 法外處決在菲律賓屢見不鮮，過去10年來，至少200名菲律賓人失 蹤，超過1,100名菲律賓人因政治理由被殺害。國際特赦組織2006 年發表報告，題為「菲律賓︰政治謀殺、人權及和平進程」。 2006至2007年一連串國內及國際調查（部分由聯合國進行）提供 了更多強而有力的證據，證明這些謀殺是有組織地進行的。這些謀 殺，通常都是由身分不明的男子騎電單車進行，他們的目標是左翼 政黨、人權組織及工會的成員，以及傳媒工作者、教會及土著的領 袖。 2006年實行的行政命令546已容許在進行反叛亂行動時動用準軍事 部隊，這些部隊沒受過良好訓練，無從問責，不嚴格從屬於軍方司 令部，而且要為多宗嚴重侵犯人權的事件負上責任。在某一些省， 這些部隊的作用猶如政客的私人軍隊，選舉前發生暴力事件的風險 因此增加。在馬京達瑙省，Ampatuan家族據報操控著這些部隊中 約3,000至4,000名武裝人員，與軍方的反叛亂行動連結一起。 菲律賓政府就國際及國內關注的問題採取行動，成立獨立委員會， 提供政策建議，也設立調查警察的機構Usig專責部隊。有關法外處 決的聯合國專家Philip Alston獲邀於2007年訪問菲律賓。 政治謀殺個案數目在2007及2008年有所下降，儘管個案仍然不在 少數。個案數目雖然下降，但政府主動採取的行動對於受害人、他 們的家人及其他身處險境的人來說，效果相當有限。檢控的個案很 少、家人投訴調查被拖延、對犯罪現場的分析不充足導致缺乏法庭 證據、執法者不願意向身為軍方及警方人員的疑犯問話，及未有改 革保護目擊證人的計劃,也成為疑犯持續免責的另一重要原因。一 名專家指出，缺乏目擊證人,也解釋了為何每10宗法外處決調查, 便有8宗失敗。 2009年4月，Phillip Alston注意到，儘管菲律賓政府已採取了一些 針對法外處決問題的措施，卻並沒有採取結束免責文化所需的行 動。他的兩大關注點，是未能改善保護目擊證人，以及未有改變軍 方的反叛亂手法。 馬京達瑙省大屠殺發生後，當時的總統阿羅約夫人承諾，犯案者將 難逃法律制裁。然而，時至今日，與事件有關的很多警方、軍方及 準軍事人員仍然消遙法外。寬鬆的執法措施容許疑犯避過拘押。多 名目擊者據報受到恐嚇，兩名目擊者的親戚遭殺害。Ampatuan家 族兩名重要成員的控罪在選舉前3星期獲撤銷，顯示政治仍然凌駕 公義和人權。前總統阿羅約夫人責成的獨立調查委員會,調查準軍 事組織解散及解除武裝之事，據委員會一名成員報告，這些組織 的數目事實上有增無減，在2010年1月至2月間由68個增加至117 個。 國際特赦組織呼籲新任菲律賓總統阿基諾三世撤銷行政命令546， 並成立獨立的總統委員會，檢討失蹤及政治謀殺的個案，目的是確 保能進行及時以及有效的調查，充分保護目擊證人，無論甚麼情況 下都檢控犯下這些罪行的人。新任總統阿基諾三世應當啟動立法程 序，把強迫失蹤及法外處決刑事化，菲律賓也應該簽署聯合國的 《保護所有人免遭强迫失踪國際公約》。儘管棉蘭老島停火，單是 2008年的武裝衝突已導致超過125,000人流離失所。要因應這麼重 大的人道狀況，新任總統阿基諾三世應該公開指示政府，要確關乎 流離失所人士待遇的政策符合國際標準，並落實執行。 如有興趣參加有關菲律賓的運動，請瀏覽︰ http://www.amnesty.org.hk/chi/whatwedo?tid=56

The Maguindanao massacre was the worst example of pre-election violence in Philippines history, and it focused the world’s attention on the country’s human rights situation. On November 23, 2009, a group of armed men under the control of the powerful Ampatuan clan ambushed and killed 63 people. They included relatives of an opposition candidate who were on their way to file his candidacy, as well as all those who were accompanying them, including 33 journalists and other media workers. That made the massacre the world’s largest ever single attack on journalists.

Extra-judicial killings are nothing new in the Philippines. In the last decade, at least 200 Filipinos have disappeared and more than 1,100 Filipinos have been murdered for political reasons. In 2006 Amnesty International published a report entitled Philippines: Political Killings, Human Rights and the Peace Process. A series of national and international investigations in 2006-2007, some conducted by the UN, provided further compelling evidence about the systematic nature of these killings. They are typically carried out by unidentified men riding on motorcycles, and their targets were members of left-wing political parties, human rights organisations and trade unions, as well as media workers and church and indigenous leaders.

The implementation of Executive Order 546 in 2006 allowed for the use of paramilitary groups in counter-insurgency operations.

These groups are ill trained, unaccountable, poorly integrated into the military chain of command, and responsible for serious human rights violations. In some provinces, they function as the private armies of local politicians, thereby heightening the risk of pre-election violence. In Maguindanao, the Ampatuan clan reportedly controlled 3,000 to 4,000 armed men in such a group, in conjunction with the military’s counter-insurgency operations.

The Philippines government took action in response to international and domestic concerns. It set up an independent commission to provide policy recommendations and a special police investigative body, the Task Force Usig. A United Nations expert on extrajudicial executions, Philip Alston, was also invited to visit the Philippines in 2007.

The number of political killings decreased in 2007 and 2008, although there were still many. Despite the decrease in reported cases, government initiatives have had a limited effect on the lives of the victims, their families and others at risk. There have been few prosecutions. Families complain about delayed investigations, inadequate crime scene analysis that results in lack of forensic evidence, and an unwillingness to interview suspects who are military and police personnel. Failure to reform the witness protection programme is another significant reason for continued impunity in the Philippines. One expert suggests that a lack of witnesses is the reason why eight out of 10 investigations into extrajudicial killings fail to result in a prosecution.

In April 2009, Phillip Alston observed that, while the Philippines government has taken some steps to address extrajudicial killings, it has failed to take the necessary action to end the culture of impunity. Two of his concerns are the failure to improve protection for witnesses and the failure to change the military’s counterinsurgency methods.

After the Maguindanao massacre, former President Arroyo promised the perpetrators would not escape justice. Yet, today, many police, military, and paramilitary personnel implicated in the massacre remain at large. Lax security measures have allowed one suspect to escape detention. Witnesses have reportedly been threatened, and two relatives of witnesses have been killed.

Charges against two prominent members of the Ampatuan family were dropped three weeks before national elections, indicating that politics still takes priority over justice and human rights. A member of the independent commission tasked by former President Arroyo to investigate the disbanding and disarming of paramilitary groups reported that the number of such groups in the Philippines actually increased from 68 to 117 between January and February 2010.

Amnesty International calls on the new Philippines president Noynoy Aquino III to revoke Executive Order 546 and to establish an independent presidential commission to review cases of disappearances and political killings, with the aim of ensuring timely and effective investigations are carried out, witnesses are adequately protected, and the perpetrators of these crimes are prosecuted wherever possible. President Aquino III should initiate legislation that specifically criminalises enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, and that the Philippines should sign the UN Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances. Despite the ceasefire in Mindanao, more than 125,000 people are still displaced as a result of the 2008 armed conflict alone. To address this grave humanitarian situation, President Aquino III should publicly instruct the administration to ensure that policies which comply with international standards for the treatment of displaced persons are implemented.

If you'd like to get involved with this campaign, please visit: http://www.amnesty.org.hk/html/whatwedo?tid=56

DEFENDING HUMAN RIGHTS

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馬來西亞吉隆坡一名外地建築勞工。 A migrant construction worker in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. © Amnesty International

為馬來西亞外勞爭取尊嚴 在馬來西亞的勞動人口當中，約百分之20為持證外勞。同時，據 馬來西亞入境當局估計，當地有220萬無證工人。因此，外勞差 不多佔了當地勞動人口的三分之一；沒有他們，恐怕整個馬來西 亞都難以運作。 國際特赦組織發現，不少外勞須於惡劣的工作環境中長時間工 作，且須承受僱主肉體上和言語上的虐待。此外，許多外勞的薪 金與入職時承諾的水平不符，有些甚至完全沒有獲發薪酬。雖然 馬來西亞已訂立保障外勞的僱傭法例，惜當地政府並未確切執 行。 Ghulam自2007年9月開始在一間建築公司工作，但六個月以 來，所有員工均未獲發任何薪酬。員工遂入稟勞工處，獲判 勝訴。然而，他們在判決一年後仍未取回薪金，馬來西亞當 局亦無就裁決作出任何行動。 就連馬來西亞的勞工也得不到當地勞工法例的保障，而與外界隔 絕的工作環境亦令工人易受虐待。當地工人就曾向國際特赦組織 透露，他們曾被僱主掌摑、拉扯頭髮、被逼長時間蹲下作為懲 罰，以及其他暴力行為、辱罵和侮辱。有些工人甚至曾被性侵 犯。 僱主及僱員之間一般並無訂定合約，而未獲合法許可於當地工作 的勞工亦未必意識到自己的入境資格。有些員工則因為僱主沒有 為他們續簽工作證而成為無證工人；喪失法律地位實在易如反 掌。外勞要返回家鄉卻並非易事，因為他們的護照通常由僱主保 管，且絕大部分外勞須向招聘代理償還巨額債項。 「來到馬來西亞後，我的薪金每個月都會被扣除100馬幣 ［港幣243元］，但在2008年8月至2009年7月期間，我還 是沒有取得工作證。到了這裡以來，我不斷向公司問及我的 工作證，他們總說還未做好。我的護照則由仲介公司保管； 我已經多次要求取回，但他們依然拒絕發還，所以我沒有護 照。」 —當地電子廠的印尼女工

件，但他們通常會乘機敲詐。很多時候，工人會受到恐嚇或毆 打；向有關當局舉辦虐待個案的人，甚至會遭當局以違反入境法 假釋條件為由而被拘捕。 「我沒有任何權利，只得接受發生在我身上的一切。我的身 分令我有口難言。」 —Htun，32歲，來自緬甸的無證工人 無證工人一旦被裁定有罪，須面對罰款、監禁或遞解出境等嚴厲 罰則。法官一般會對非法移民判以笞刑；事實上，在2002年至 2008年期間，即有35,000移民被判笞刑。入境局的拘留設施更令 人慘不忍睹，國際特赦組織曾視察三個同類型設施，發現被拘留 者不但沒有被鋪，就連清水、藥物、食物也非定期供應給他們。 此外，18歲以下的犯人與成年犯人同囚一室，亦違反了國際法； 設施的整體條件也遠遠低於最低國際標準。

國際特赦組織呼籲馬來西亞政府： 從速檢討外勞的仲介制度，以進行改革。 訂立法例，使扣留護照及其他身分證明文件的人士受到適 當的懲罰，並即時修訂有關政策及諒解備忘錄。 根據馬來西亞的《反人口販運法》（Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act），對那些在僱用員工時採取欺詐或行騙的手 段剝削工人利益的招聘代理及僱主提出起訴。 大幅增加視察工作場所的次數；對從事強制勞工或其他勞 工剝削行為的僱主提出起訴；著眼於工作場所的虐待行 為，而非工人的入境資格。 立即徹查所有涉及執法人員（包括人民志願部隊隊員）的 虐待、敲詐或其他失職行為的投訴個案。 確保拘留所的環境符合最低國際標準。 與外勞的所屬國家簽署諒解備忘錄，包括簽訂協議以監察 於該等國家營運的招聘代理，從而加強保障外勞的人權。

不少馬來西亞外勞在受聘時被詐騙，而當地亦有入境局官員從事 人口販賣的勾當。美國國務院在2009年發表了一份有關人口販賣 的報告，當中即把馬來西亞歸入不符合、且未有致力符合打擊人 口販賣最低標準的國家之列。

參見國際特赦組織的報告“Trapped: The exploitation of migrant

外勞無時無刻都面對著受到警察或人民志願部隊隊員（RELA

workers in Malaysia” ASA 28/002/2010: http://www.amnesty.org/ en/library/info/ASA28/002/2010/en（暫時只備有英文版）

agents）截查的風險。這些執法人員有權檢查人們的身分證明文

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在馬來西亞的拘留中心。 Immigration Detention Centre in Malaysia. © Amnesty International

Demand Dignity for Malaysia’s Migrant Workers Nearly one in five workers in Malaysia is a documented migrant worker; and the Malaysian immigration authorities estimate there are up to 2.2 million undocumented workers as well. They may therefore make up nearly one third of the country’s entire labour force, and Malaysia could not function without them.

Amnesty International has found that many migrants work long hours and in unsafe conditions. They also have to endure physical and verbal abuse from their employers. A lot of them do not receive the wages they were promised, and some are not paid at all. Malaysian employment laws cover migrant workers, but they are not effectively enforced.

Ghulam started working for a construction company in September 2007. After six months, none of the workers had received any payment. A complaint was filed with the Labour Department, which found in favour of the workers. One year after the decision, they still had not seen any of the back pay they were owed, and the Malaysian authorities had made no effort to enforce the ruling.

Domestic workers are not even protected by most of Malaysia’s labour laws, and the isolated nature of their work creates particular risks of abuse. Workers told Amnesty that they had been slapped, had their hair pulled, made to squat for long periods of time, and subjected to other types of violence, verbal abuse and humiliating treatment. Some were sexually assaulted.

Workers often have no contracts, and those without legal permission to work in Malaysia may be unaware of their status.

Others become undocumented when their employers fail to renew their work permits. Losing legal status is all too easy. It is difficult for migrant workers to return to their own countries as their employers often keep their passports and most of them need to repay large debts to recruitment agents.

“I did not receive a work permit from August 2008 to July 2009, even though 100 ringgit [HK$243] was deducted from my wages every month after I arrived in Malaysia. I asked the company about my work permit constantly after I arrived.

They said it had not been completed yet. I did not have my passport because the outsourcing agent had kept it. It was not returned to me, although I asked for it many times.”

– An Indonesian female worker in an electronics factory Many migrant workers in Malaysia are recruited through deception, and some Malaysian immigration officers themselves engage in human trafficking. The US Department of State’s 2009 report on trafficking put Malaysia on its list of countries that do not comply with minimum standards to combat trafficking and which fail to make significant efforts to do so.

Migrant workers are always at risk of being stopped by the police or agents of RELA, a volunteer self-defence corps. The police and RELA are authorised to examine the identification documents of individuals, but they often take this as an opportunity to extort

money. Workers are frequently threatened and beaten. Those who complain to the authorities about mistreatment are sometimes arrested for technical violations of the immigration laws.

“I have no rights and I have to accept everything that happens to me. I cannot speak up because of who I am.”

– Htun, a 32-year-old undocumented worker from Myanmar The penalties for undocumented workers are severe. They may be fined, imprisoned and deported. Judges often sentence illegal migrants to caning. In fact, nearly 35,000 migrants were caned between 2002 and 2008. Conditions in immigration detention facilities are deplorable. When Amnesty International inspected three such facilities, it found the detainees lacked bedding, regular access to clean water, medication and sufficient food. Those aged under 18 were held with adults, in violation of international law, and the overall conditions fell far short of minimum international standards.

Amnesty International calls on the government of Malaysia to: Undertake an immediate review of the labour outsourcing system for migrant workers, with a view to reforming it.

Make the withholding of passports and other identity documents an offence subject to appropriate penalties, and immediately amend policies and memoranda of understanding accordingly.

Prosecute recruitment agents and employers who engage in fraud or deception in order to recruit workers for the purpose of exploiting them under Malaysia’s Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act. Substantially increase the number of workplace inspections and prosecute employers who engage in forced labour or other forms of labour exploitation; and focus on abusive practices in the workplace rather than the immigration status of individual workers.

Promptly investigate all complaints of ill-treatment, extortion or other misconduct by police officers or other persons, including RELA agents.

Ensure that places of detention comply with minimum international standards.

Strengthen provisions for the protection of the human rights of migrant workers in memoranda of understanding with their countries of origin, including agreements to monitor recruitment agents who operate in those countries.

Read Amnesty’s report “Trapped: The exploitation of migrant workers in Malaysia” ASA 28/002/2010: http://www.amnesty.org/ en/library/info/ASA28/002/2010/en

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同性戀、雙性戀及跨性別人士權利支持者 以「至死抗議」型式象征著因恐同失去生 命的受害者。 Supporters of LGBT rights die-in to symbolize those who lost their lives to homophobia. © AIHK

國際反恐同日: 香港燭光晚會

IDAHO: Hong Kong Candlelight Vigil 27

維 護 人 權

2010年5月17日晚上，國際特赦組織(香港)聯袂多個代表婦女和 性小眾的本地團體，在香港舉辦首個燭光晚會紀念第6屆國際反恐 同日。集會在遮打花園舉行，逾300人出席，毗鄰的立法會成了 燭光晚會的背幕。 今年集會採納了國際反恐同日的國際主題︰「宗教、同性戀恐懼 症、跨性別恐懼症」，焦點包括宗教對同性戀者、雙性戀者及跨 性別人士生活的負面影響。集會呼籲更多思想開明的教徒去反思 這種負面影響過去所造成的傷害，透過接納，以及基於有意義的 理由給予公眾支持，以作補償。 集會的另一焦點，是恐同這個應被視作人權議題的事實。獲得政 府支持的同性戀恐懼症及跨性別恐懼症一乏例子，當中包括烏干 達建議訂立反同性戀法律，引起全球關注並發起運動提出反對。 至於香港方面，有兒童因為他們的性傾向或性別認同以致在學校 受到欺凌，人們卻保持沉默。這是人權被嚴重侵犯的兩個例子。 燭光晚會播放了一段幻燈片，引起人們關注這些例子，也使我們 得以令公眾意識到恐懼同性戀及恐懼變性所造成的嚴重不良影 響。

On the evening of 17 May 2010, AIHK joined forces with local organisations representing women and sexual minorities to stage the first candlelight vigil to mark the 6th IDAHO (International Day Against Homophobia and Transphobia) in Hong Kong. More than 300 people turned out for the event, which was held against the backdrop of the Legislative Council in Chater Garden.

Adopting this year’s international theme for IDAHO, “Religions, Homophobia, Transphobia”, the gathering focused on the negative impact of religions on the lives of gays, lesbians, bisexuals and transgender people. It called on more liberal-minded religious believers to reflect on the hurt that has occurred in the past, and achieve redemption through acceptance and public support for meaningful causes such as this.

Another focus was on the fact that that it should be seen as a human rights issue. Examples of state-sponsored homophobia and transphobia include a proposed anti-homosexual law in Uganda that has led to a worldwide campaign of opposition. Locally, there has been a silence about the suffering of children who are being bullied in schools because of their sexual orientation and gender identities. These are two instances of serious human rights violations. A slide show during the vigil drew attention to such cases and enabled us to raise the public’s awareness of the serious negative impact of homophobia and transphobia.

One of the most moving moments was the “die-in” staged on a long rainbow flag. The participants lay down to symbolise those who have suffered due to homophobia and transphobia, and they were covered by a cloth to remind all of us about the past sufferings of LGBT people. Later, the lighting of candles served to unite us in solidarity, and rekindle our commitment to the fight for equality for sexual minorities.

國際特赦組織(香港)同志組統籌員莫羨嫻在活動上發言。 Medeleine Mok, AIHK’s LGBT Group Coordinator, speaks at the event. © AIHK 集會予人最深刻的時刻之一，是在長長的彩虹旗上演「至死抗 議」的一幕。參加者躺下，象徵他們因為人們恐懼同性戀及變性 者而飽受痛苦，他們被布遮蓋，警醒我們每一個人有關同志從前 受過的苦難。稍後，燭光燃點，象徵我們團結起來，重燃我們為 性小眾爭取平等的承諾。 今次活動有多位講者，我們尤其覺得年輕的有男變女的變性人講 者Momo勇氣可嘉。她講述了自己的經驗，寄望香港多點包容一 直面對遭社會邊緣化挑戰的跨性別人士。Sam Winter亦講述了變 性人遇到的困難，尤其政府拒絕讓他們改變「正式」性別顯示他 們的性別已轉變，以致他們無法與異性結婚，建立新的家庭。 晚會另一重點是王美鳳牧師感動人心之舉，她道出了本地宗教社 群過去導致同志所受的傷害，並向在場同志致以非常誠摯的道 歉。王美鳳牧師和另一位來自尋道會（Unitarian Universalists）的 開明派宗教講者，展示出只要宗教信眾修正他們的看法，接受人 人有平等權利的原則，宗教與同志也能和平共存。 香港立法會議員何秀蘭在燭光晚會中表示，過去一項禁止基於性 傾向及性別認同作出歧視的私人法案，最終卻因為些微票數之差 遭到否決。這也說明了，只要我們憑著持續及團結的努力，日後 就有可能令反歧視法例獲得通過。 同樣的心情在聯合國大會在2008年12月通過關於《人權、性取向 和性別認同的聲明》時也曾有過。這再一次肯定了聯合國《世界 人權宣言》第一條訂明有關人權的普世原則，以及第二條訂明不 因為性傾向及性別認同而受到歧視的權利。 燭光晚會結束只不過代表一項活動的結束。國際特赦組織(香港) 將會繼續在本地及國際層面為同志爭取權利。本地社群的支持持 續增加，這將使我們更堅決在香港為性小眾爭取平等及人權。

There were many speakers. We particularly applauded the courage of Momo, a young male-to-female speaker, who described her experiences, and her wish for greater acceptance of transgender people in Hong Kong, who face the added challenge of being marginalised by society. Sam Winter also spoke about the difficulties transgender people face, especially the government’s refusal to allow them to alter their “official” gender to reflect their gender change, thus preventing them from marrying someone of the opposite sex and starting a new family.

Another highlight of the evening was the heartfelt act of contrition by the Rev. Phyllis Wong, who spoke of the hurt inflicted on LGBT people by the local Christian community in the past, and offered the LGBT audience a very sincere apology for it. Both the Rev. Wong and another liberal-minded religious speaker from the Unitarian Universalists demonstrated that religion and LGBT people can coexist in peace, provided religious believers modify their views and accept the principle of equal rights for all.

As local legislator Cyd Ho noted during the vigil, a private bill to outlaw discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity failed to win the Legislative Council’s approval by only a narrow margin in the past. That can only mean that our persistent and united efforts could enable a non-discrimination law to become a reality in the future.

The same sentiment has already been affirmed by the Statement on Human Rights, Sexual Orientation, and Gender Identity adopted by the UN General Assembly in December 2008. This reaffirms the principle of the universality of human rights, as enshrined in Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the right to non-discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in Article 2.

The end of the vigil meant the end of just one event. AIHK will continue to work on the rights of LGBT people, both locally and internationally; and the growing support of the local community will only make us more determined to obtain equality and human rights for sexual minorities in Hong Kong.

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人權新聞獎︰ 58項作品在激烈競賽中脫穎而 出獲得人權獎榮譽 Human Rights Press Awards: 58 Entries Earn Human Rights Honours amid Keen Competition

Justice Now!副主席及發言人，Myrna Reblando， 在第14屆人權新聞獎頒獎午餐會發表演講。她 是被殺馬尼拉公報記者Alejandro Reblando的遺 孀。Justice Now!是一個被殺記者家屬組織。 Mrs. Myrna Reblando, the vice-chair and spokesperson for the Justice Now! movement, address the audience at the 14th Human Rights Press Awards Presentation Luncheon. Her husband, Alejandro Reblando of the Manila Bulletin, was among the journalists murdered.

Justice Now! is an association of the families of the slain journalists. © AIHK

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人權新聞獎︰58項作品在激烈競賽中脫穎而出獲得人權獎榮譽來 自亞洲區的58個記者、攝影記者和新聞機構在4月17日於香港外 國記者會舉行的第14屆人權新聞獎的頒獎禮上獲得表揚。

58 journalists, photojournalists and news organisations from across the Asian region received recognition at the 14th Annual Human Rights Awards presentation ceremony held on 17 April at the Foreign Correspondents’ Club (FCC), Hong Kong.

今年的頒獎禮謹向2009年11月23日在菲律賓馬京達瑙省遇到伏 擊死亡的32位菲律賓記者致敬，是次襲擊共造成57人喪生，也是 有紀錄以來最多新聞從業員喪生的一次襲擊。新聞從業員的組織 認為，對身為記者來說，菲律賓是最危險的地方。

This year’s presentation ceremony was dedicated to the memory of 32 Filipino journalists who were among 57 people killed during an ambush at Maguindanao on November 23, 2009. The slayings were the largest single massacre of journalists on record anywhere.

Journalists’ organisations regard the Philippines as the world’s most dangerous place to be a reporter.

Justice Now! 運動副主席暨發言人Mrs. Myrna Reblando為頒獎典 禮的特別嘉賓，她在馬尼拉公報任職的丈夫Alejandro Reblando是 遇害者之一。Justice Now! 是遇害記者家屬的組織。 頒獎禮上播放了澳洲廣播公司特派記者Mark Willacy所拍攝有關是 次屠殺的紀錄片。 人權新聞獎由香港記者協會、香港外國記者會和國際特赦組織 (香港)合辦，是亞洲歷史最悠久、最具榮譽的新聞獎。 由記者、攝影記者、學者、法律專家及人權專家組成的多個獨立 評審小組頒授16個獎項及42項優異獎。參選中文作品的數目差不 多是前一年的兩倍。

Mrs. Myrna Reblando, vice-chair and spokesperson for the Justice Now! movement, was the Special Guest at the ceremony. Her husband, Alejandro Reblando of the Manila Bulletin, was among those murdered. Justice Now! is an association of the families of slain journalists.

A documentary on the massacre by correspondent Mark Willacy of ABC, the Australian broadcaster, was shown at the event.

The Human Rights Press Awards, the most prestigious and longest-running journalism prizes in Asia, are co-organised by the Hong Kong Journalists Association; the Foreign Correspondents’ Club, Hong Kong; and Amnesty International Hong Kong.

2009年的參賽作品總和較前一年增加了16%，中文參賽項目的數 量更差不多是前一年的兩倍。參賽作品總數為250份，當中106份 是中文，95份是英語，另有49份相片。在2008年，參賽作品中 有55份是中文，97份是英語及63份相片，總數是215份。

16 Prizes and 42 Special Merit certificates were awarded by independent panels of journalists, photojournalists, academics, legal experts and rights specialists. The number of Chineselanguage submissions was almost double that of the previous year.

The organisers said they were delighted by the quantity and quality of the 250 submissions covering 14 nations and territories from around the Asia region. They included the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Korea, China, Bangladesh, Nepal, Thailand, Myanmar, Indonesia, Vietnam, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Japan and Hong Kong. Journalists working for global networks and news organisations competed alongside major regional news outlets, local publications and freelancers. The competition was open to journalists based in Hong Kong as well as those serving as foreign correspondents in Asia.

The total number of entries for 2009 was 16 percent higher than in the year before, with a significant near doubling of Chineselanguage categories. There were 250 entries in total: 106 in Chinese and 95 in English, plus 49 photo submissions. The corresponding numbers in 2008 were 55 Chinese and 97 Englishlanguage entries and 63 photo submissions, a total of 215.

香港記者協會主席麥燕庭表示，今年的參賽作品反映了記者對人 權議題更加了解︰

Mak Yin-ting, chairperson of the Hong Kong Journalists’ Association, said this year’s entries displayed a growth in journalists’ understanding of rights issues:

主辦者表示，來自亞洲區內14個國家和地區的250項參賽作品， 不論數量或素質都令他們感到欣喜。這些作品來自包括菲律賓、 斯里蘭卡、韓國、中國、孟加拉、尼泊爾、泰國、緬甸、印尼、 越南、巴基斯坦、阿富汗、日本和香港。為環球網絡及新聞機構 工作的記者與多個主要的區內新聞通訊社、本地刊物和自由新聞 從業員一同參與競逐。比賽開放給駐香港的記者參加，也開放給 亞洲的外國記者參加。

「人權新聞獎舉行了多於十年,我們從作品中看見記者對人權議 題有更深入和廣泛的了解.作品引用了以往罕有被提及的國際人 權宣言,反映記者接觸到不同的人權問題,倒如在保護水利資源當 中,當地人民向國家索取賠償的權利。」 外國記者會主席Tom Mitchell讚揚香港本地記者率先報道了一些 重大新聞，環球新聞媒體其後亦跟隨報道。 他說︰「競逐今年人權新聞獎的作品數量之多和質素之高，見證 了區內新聞工作者的活力和勇氣。」 「尤其令人鼓舞的，是看到本地記者報道了一些重大人權新聞之 後，全球多家大型傳媒機構亦追蹤報道。」 國際特赦組織(香港)主席區美寶表示，今年有超過100份中文作 品參賽。 她說:「侵犯人權的報導包括性小眾、福利受助人、年輕毒品罪 犯、維權人士的拘捕、以致對於天安門母親及其他六四運動支持 者的制壓。故事包括香港記者在履行職務時遭受騷擾、毆打、扣 留及拘捕，以及世界其他地區展露了人權不同面貌的故事。當我 們的權利越來越受威脅，以及威脅越來越多樣化，我們必須揭示 這些故事，令人們可以了解真相。

得獎者名單可瀏覽︰http://www.amnesty.org.hk/html/node/10522

“After holding the Human Rights Press Award for more than a decade, a deeper and wider understanding of human rights can be seen from the entries. Seldom-mentioned articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights have been cited, reflecting the different kinds of rights issues that arose during the reporters’ encounters, such as the right to compensation from the state for the sacrifices made by local people in the protection of water resources.”

FCC President Tom Mitchell praised local Hong Kong journalists for breaking stories that global news media then picked up on.

“The number and high quality of entries for this year’s human rights press awards are a testament to the energy and courage of journalists across the region,” he said.

“It was particularly encouraging to see local outlets breaking human rights stories that were afterwards pursued by some of the world’s largest media organisations.”

Amnesty International Hong Kong’s Chairperson, Mabel Au, noted that more than 100 Chinese-language entries were submitted this year.

“Most told of rights violations ranging from discrimination against sexual minorities, welfare recipients and young drug offenders, to the arrest of human rights defenders and the continued suppression of the Tiananmen Mothers and other backers of the June 4 movement,” she said. “There were stories about Hong Kong journalists who were harassed, beaten, detained and arrested while carrying out their duties, along with stories from elsewhere in the region showing the different faces of human rights,” Ms Au said. “With threats to our rights increasing and increasingly varied, it is imperative to bring these stories to light so that people might learn the truth.”

For a complete list of winners, please see: http://www.amnesty.org. hk/html/node/10522.

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第13屆人權新聞獎中文報章特寫得 獎者雷子樂分享對人權新聞報導心 得。 Ken Lui, winner of the 13th Human Rights Press Award in the Chinese newspaper feature category, sharing his insights on human rights reporting. © AIHK

人權新聞評述比賽 Human Rights News Commentary Contest 31

維 護 人 權

經過數個月的準備，人權新聞評述比賽得獎者於2010年2月27日 在香港外國記者會舉行頒獎典禮中頒發大獎及優異獎。 去年人權新聞獎中文報章特寫得獎者雷子樂受邀分享他對人權報 導的見解。雷特別指出,人權報導的困難,在於這類報導一般並不 會很受讀者歡迎，而出版與否就成為一個商業決定。第二點他指 出的是為觸動讀者的心靈，報導時加入情緒及同情心是重要的一 環。最後，他亦不忘嘉許不同人權及基層組織的努力。 人權新聞評述比賽讓參加者有機會對由國際特赦組織(香港)揀選 的人權新聞獎得獎作品,作閱後感或評述，以反映參加者對人權 的意見與領會。 是次活動旨在增加參賽者對國際事務的知識與理解,及其對人權 新聞的接觸、幫助他們發展客觀思考的功能、鼓勵他們參與,與 及提高他們的社會意識。 我們一共收到了117份分別由中學、大學及個人遞交的參賽作 品。經過慎重評審，我們的評判選出了以下各組別的傑出作品:

中文初中組 大獎 優異獎 優異獎

：景嶺書院 王曉棋 ：景嶺書院 蔡倩婷 ：聖公會林護紀念中學

趙慧敏

中文高中組 大獎 優異獎 優異獎

：中華基督教會基朗中學 ：香島中學 黎偉雄 ：基督書院 陳永泰

李紫雲

中文公開組 大獎 優異獎

：張嘉禧 ：葉芷蕙

英文初中組 大獎

：聖保羅書院 陳摯恆

本會執委胡麗雲頒發優異獎證書。 Serenade Woo, AIHK EXCO Member, presents a merit certificate. © AIHK After months of preparations, the winners of the Human Rights News Commentary Contest (HRNCC) were presented with prizes and certificates during a ceremony at the Foreign Correspondents’ Club, Hong Kong on 27 February 2010.

The winner of last year’s Human Rights Press Award in the Chinese newspaper feature category, Ken Lui, was invited to share his insights about human rights reporting. He highlighted the difficulties of reporting human rights stories. They are not a popular subject among readers, so it becomes a business decision whether to publish them or not. The second point he made was the importance of adding emotion and empathy to the tone of the stories, in order to touch the hearts of readers. Last, but not least, he gave credit to various human rights and grassroots organisations for their hard work.

Participants in the HRNCC were given the opportunity to submit a commentary on one or more of the winning entries in the Human Rights Press Awards, which were chosen by AIHK, in order to reflect their ideas and understanding about human rights.

This event aimed to enhance their knowledge and comprehension of international affairs and their exposure to human rights news, develop their objectivity, encourage their participation and raise their social consciousness.

We received 117 entries from secondary schools, universities, and individuals. After careful consideration, our judges selected the following outstanding entries in each category:

英文高中組

Chinese junior secondary category

大獎 優異獎

Prize : King Ling College, Wong Hiu Ki Merit Certificate : King Ling College, Tsoi Sin Ting Merit Certificate : SKH Lam Woo Memorial Secondary School, Jiu Wai Man

：嘉諾撤聖家書院 何天琪 ：嘉諾撤聖家書院 陳立賢

公開英文作品 大獎 優異獎 優異獎

：Annie Szeto ：倪倩珩 ：龍佩斯

Chinese senior secondary category Prize : CCC Kei Long College, Li Tsz Wan Merit Certificate : Heung To Middle School, Lai Wai Hung Merit Certificate : Christ College, Chan Wing Tai

Chinese public category Prize : Cheung Ka Hei Merit Certificate : Ip Tsz Wai

English junior secondary category Prize

: St. Paul’s College, Chan Chi Hang

English senior secondary category Prize : Holy Family Canossian College, Kathy Ho Merit Certificate : Holy Family Canossian College, Loretta Chan Lap Yin

English public category 本會主席Armin Kalyanram頒發大獎證書及獎品。 Armin Kalyanram, Chairperson of AIHK, presents a certificate and prize. © AIHK。

Prize : Annie Szeto Merit Certificate : Jenny Ngai Merit Certificate : Gloria Lung Pui Sze

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實習生、義工及會員 Interns, Volunteers & Members 活在充滿不同意見的世界中，我們 應當如何運用理性思維？「沒有任 何東西比我們的基本人權更重要」 又是否真確？從人道主義出發對人 權概念進行詮釋，或未能為其他可 能的詮釋留予充分空間。然而我認 為人道的行為並不只是一種表達善 意的喜好；它是一種沒有任何歧 視、普遍的仁慈，能讓我們把理性 置於動物情感之前、發展同理心，以及產生一種新的情感，一種 有利於建立更好的世界、人類專屬的情感。 驅使我的是一種對在某種意義下世界共融的渴望。在那個世界， 每個人都享有同等的權利去追求比基本需要更高的目標，而在追 求的過程中，沒有人再會受到不公義的對待。我很高興國際特赦 (香港)給予我機會去付出以幫助世界各地的人。我亦由衷地感謝 工作人員一直以來對我的友善與熱情。 How shall we apply reason amidst a plethora of opinions that are being voiced by almost every individual? Is it true that nothing should outweigh our basic human rights? We do not tend to make allowances for interpretations about the importance of human rights that are not based on humanitarian grounds. Perhaps the reason for our sense of humanitarianism is that humanitarian acts are not merely the result of a preference to express kindness.

Rather it is our universal sense of kindness, without discrimination of any kind, that allows us to put reason before animal passion, to develop humane sensitivity, to derive a new kind of passion – a human passion that is conducive to the creation of a better world.

What seems to drive me on is a craving for a world in which everyone has an equal right to pursue something more than basic necessities, without the threat of being treated unjustly in any situation. I am more than happy that AIHK has given me an opportunity to contribute my efforts to helping lives worldwide. And I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to the staff at AIHK for the kindness they have shown me. 林杞榆 Astrid Lam

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維 護 人 權

在加入國際特赦組織之前，自己其 實已對外國的人權狀況十分關注。 例如伊朗對婦女的枷鎖，中國對傳 媒的限制等。然而，自己對這些了 解只是流於表面。這次在國際特赦 組織實習，令我對人權了解更多， 國際視野亦擴闊了不少。以前的 我，雖知道每一個人都享有接受免 費教育的權利，但現在才知教育權 利僅限於必須的免費小學為止。很多以前不太了解的人權概念現 在都清晰了，真的感謝國際特赦組織給了我這個實習的機會。在 這段實習的日子裡，我過得很愉快。期待自己將來能對國際時事 有更宏觀的認識，能對社會更有承擔。 I would like to thank AIHK for giving me an opportunity to become an intern in its organization. I was already concerned about human rights in foreign countries before I joined AIHK, including issues such as women’s rights in Iran and press censorship in China. Yet I was unclear about what human rights meant. Since joining AIHK, I have come to understand more about the concept and widened my horizons. For instance, I always knew that everyone was entitled to free education, but I only recently learnt that the right to free education is essentially limited to free and compulsory primary school. I have enjoyed my time at AIHK, and I hope the experience and knowledge I have gained here will help me to analyze global issues more objectively. 關欣銘 Raymond Kwan

三個月的實習讓我認清自己的強項 與弱項，令我對自己有另一套的看 法。我在國際特赦組織（香港）的 第一項工作就是透過講座，讓來自 世界各地的人了解國際特赦組織如 何為人爭取人權自由。活動當中我 認識了一班熱心的人權工作者及國 際特赦組織其他分會的成員。他們 的熱誠讓我知道特赦組織的每一小 步對整個世界的人權狀況都起了一定的作用。 參與不同的推廣工作，例如布基納法索產婦保健運動和同性戀、 雙性戀及跨性別人士權利報告，除了擴闊了我的視野及令我清楚 了解現今國際關係，更深深讓我體會到當文字付諸實行時 (例如 明信片運動)，足以改變整個局面。畢業後，我想成為人權推動 者；這三個月的實習更加鞏固了我的決心去當一位出色的人權推 動者。

與國際特赦組織(香港)一起捍衛人權 國際特赦姐織聚集一群志同道合的普通人，為世界實現非一般的 變化。請與我們一起在以下幾個方面來幫助我們繼續捍衛世界各 地人權。

成為會員 請即加入全球最大的人權組織,成為280萬支持者的其中一份 子。你們的聲音,可以壯大我們的力量。 https://amnesty.org.hk/html/member_form

成為義工 發掘你們的才能，參與我們的活動。我們的專業義工參與策 劃、籌募及宣傳工作。 https://amnesty.org.hk/html/support_join

加入我們的社交網絡 你們可以在Facebook, Twitter以及YouTube 追蹤我們的最新

My three-month internship with AIHK gave me a chance to look at myself in a new way; and I subsequently came to realise my own strengths and weaknesses. My first task there was to give a presentation about the Global Network Conference to a group of people from all over the world, about what AIHK does and how it works to help people whose human rights are being violated. I got to know a lot of human rights activists and AIHK people from other sections through this activity. Their passion for their work helped me to realise that every single step AI takes does make the world a different place.

I was also given a chance to participate in some projects, such as the one concerning maternal mortality in Burkina Faso and the LGBT Report. This not only broadened my horizons and helped me to understand more about the current situation, it also made me realise that words are not simply words when they are put into action, such as in postcard campaigns. I want to be a human rights campaigner after I graduate, and my internship with AIHK has definitely strengthened my determination to be a successful one.

Tina Y.T. Chan

動態。 http://www.facebook.com/AmnestyHK http://twitter.com/amnestyHK http://www.youtube.com/AmnestyHongKong

DEFEND HUMAN RIGHTS WITH AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL HONG KONG We're a movement of ordinary people working together to achieve extraordinary change. Get active with us in the following ways to help us continue to defend human rights around the world.

Become a member Join today and become one of 2.8 million supporters in the world's largest human rights organisation. The more voices we have, the stronger we grow. https://amnesty.org.hk/html/member_form

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