Different Theories and practies of Development

Different theories and practices of development

Different theories and practices of development

Unesco

Published in 1982 b y the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization 7 place de Fontenoy, 75700 Paris Printed by Imprimerie des Presses Universitaires de France, V e n d 么 m e I S B N 92-3-102002-1

漏 Unesco 1982 Printed in France

Preface

In accordance with resolution 3/3.1/1 adopted b y the twentieth session of the Unesco General Conference, a meeting of experts w a s organized b y Unesco on the Role of N e w Theoretical Concepts in the Development Process, with the collaboration of the United Nations University and the National Commission of the Mongolian People's Republic for Unesco.

This work constitutes afirstattempt to implement t w o of the recommendations m a d e b y the experts, one requesting the United Nations University and Unesco 'to support efficiently the institutions and the researchers in different parts of the world, particularly in the developing countries, in their efforts for studying at the theoretical level with due regard to the interaction between theory and practice, the realities of their development, of its contradictions and alternative solutions which can be presented'. T h e other requested them 'to pursue their efforts with a view to studying, together with populations concerned, the National authorities and National researchers the original cases of development and to disseminate widely the results of these studies as w a s done in the case of Mongolia'.

This book includes some papers presented at the meeting which w a s held in Ulan Bator, Mongolia. T h e participants were afforded a unique occasion to observe the w a y in which Mongolia has passed from a feudal system to a fully fledged socialist society, and the two background papers describing and analysing this transformation are included in this volume.

It should be noted that the selection of facts presented in this publication, their analysis and the opinions stated with regard to them are the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Unesco.

Contents

1. The contribution of the United Nations system to formulating development concepts Iraida Alechina 2. A global view of the development process

Celso Furtado

3. Development centred on the h u m a n being: some West European perspectives Johan Galtung, Roy Preiswerk and Monica Wemegah 4. Development centred on m a n : some relevant concepts from Canada Jan J. Loubser 5. Developed socialism as a real society centred on h u m a n welfare Nikolai Lapin and Radovan Richta 6. Non-capitalist development and the Mongolian experience Yn-Miyegombo

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G. Gombo-

7. Theory and practice of development in Mongolia The National Commission of the Mongolian People's Republic for Unesco and the Mongolian State University

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T h e contribution of the United Nations system to formulating development concepts

Iraida Alechina

T h e past decade has seen the emergence in the institutions of the United Nations system of a series of n e w theoretical concepts concerning national and worldwide development. A m o n g these are the concepts of integrated development and development centred on m a n , endogenous and global development, a unified approach to development, self-reliance, basic needs, and finally the N e w International Economic Order ( N I E O ) .

T h e appearance of these n e w concepts is linked to the crisis affecting the earlier theoretical approaches followed in the debate on development, 1 a crisis that became clearly apparent even during the United Nations Second Development Decade. Discussion of the strategy for the Third Decade revealed the need for a n e w approach to understanding the essence and nature of development as a process, at both the worldwide and the national levels. Thanks to the efforts of the institutions of the United Nations system, a n e w b o d y of theory has emerged in the shape of the concepts mentioned above. Controversy has sprung u p around t h e m , h o w ever, and they are b y no m e a n s always interpreted in the same w a y . T h e y have, in fact, posed m a n y debatable problems.

T h e latest concepts of development are still in their infancy and have yet to stand the test of practical application. T h e consolidation of the ideas contained in the n e w concepts into a single, mature theory is something for the future and will call for efforts from the whole international c o m m u n i t y .

Nevertheless, it is enormously important to arrive at a scientifically based theory of development, since on it depends, in n o small measure, the socioeconomic and cultural advancement of developed and developing countries

IRAIDA ALECHINA is a Professor and Director of Research at the Institute for World Economics and International Relations, Academy of Sciences of the USSR, Moscow.

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alike and the material and cultural well-being of present and future generations. Since the theories and the concept of development have an ideological as well as a practical function, they are of concern to politicians, planners, administrators, and indeed anyone responsible for decisionmaking at any level.

The general state of development theory: the quest for a new approach The theory of development which arose in the West during the 1950s and 1960s is strongly criticized today, in both the developed and the developing countries. A number of basic assumptions have not survived the test of experience: assumptions concerning the very essence and nature of development, the internal and external conditions of development, and the aims and means required for bringing about these conditions.

W h a t are the aspects of this theory that the international community now rejects? What are the features of the new approach outlined during the 1970s?

E S S E N C E A N D DEFINITION OF T H E NOTION OF D E V E L O P M E N T The 1970s were marked by a radical reappraisal of the essence of the social-development process. The earlier view of the process was rejected, and this rejection formed the point of departure for the new approach.

The innumerable studies published on development during the 1950s and 1960s are striking because of the almost complete absence of any attempt to define the very notion of 'social development'. The old theory reduced this notion mainly to its economic aspect and, within the economic framework, limited it to the concept of growth. Growth was measured by the increase in the gross national product or in the national income, either in absolute terms or on a per capita basis. During the 1950s and 1960s the assimilation of development to economic growth had become a kind of dogma, to such an extent that the notion of development was generally not defined; the term was taken to be self-explanatory.

The desire to break away from a narrow, economic concept of development arose early in the 1970s in the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) of the United Nations, in the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (Unesco), in the United Nations Research Institute for Social Development ( U N R I S D ) , in the Economic Commission for Latin

The contribution of the United Nations system to formulating development concepts

America (EGLA) and in a number of other United Nations bodies and institutions.

The new concept of the development process marked a departure from the old one in two basic respects. First, the process was viewed in the unity of all its aspects—environmental, technical, economic and social. Secondly, there was a very keen awareness of m a n as the central link and principal agent of the whole development process. This new understanding of the essence of development was reflected in two concepts: the concept of integrated development and the concept of development centred on m a n . In our opinion, it is logical to begin to analyze the new approach by studying these two concepts.

The concept of integrated development This concept began to take shape in the late 1960s, still within the framework of the old theory of growth, when certain social questions related to development began to be added to the economic problems previously considered. This was reflected with particular clarity by the theory of the distribution of the product of growth. Fairly soon, however, the palliative character of such an approach was realized.

A new paradigm was therefore formulated: 'integration', which implies the interaction of the environmental, technical, economic and social aspects of the development process. 'Development should be seen as an integrated process, characterized by the achievement of both economic and social objectives', one m a y read in an E C L A resolution.2 This approach was basically new, because it did not merely add the social aspect of development to its economic aspect, as had been done by the theory of the distribution of the product of growth; rather, it underscored the unity of the development process, the interaction of all its aspects. This stress on the integrated nature of development is without a doubt the positive side of the new concept of the process; it represents a deepening and an enrichment of the concept itself. At present it is considered that the failure of the old purely economic concept to take account of the unity of all the aspects of development was a grave shortcoming.

However, the concept of an integrated approach is still by no means clear. To recognize that development forms a single whole does not solve the problem of co-ordinating its various aspects. Which of them—the economic, the social, the cultural—are decisive, essential? Which are secondary? And in what context do these theoretical problems arise?

For the past ten years it has been agreed that the notion of the 'social' should be included in the theory of development. But agreement on this point has led to the use of the word 'social' in the most divergent senses,

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from the narrowest to the broadest. Thus w e sometimes find it used, in the broad sense, as meaning 'societal'. In this case it refers to all the relations that occur in society, including cultural and ethnic relations.3 Sometimes it overflows into the realm of economic relations. It is not rare for the term to be applied to the services and system of social protection as these exist in a country. Hence it is obvious that, in future, the theorists of the concept of integrated development will have to look for a more precise and more limited application of the concept of 'social', all the more so as the term is often encountered in decisions and resolutions formulated b y the United Nations or its Specialized Agencies.

T h e influence of the old theory, which stressed economic growth, has been considerably diminished b y criticism that showed u p its w e a k points, in particular its unilateral character and its neglect of the social aspects of development. It is therefore important for economists and sociologists to co-operate in re-examining the theory of growth within the framework of interdisciplinary research. W h a t parts of the theory need to be changed?

W h a t parts remain valid? W h a t is the relative importance of the problem of economic growth in the n e w approach? Generally speaking, the role of the theory of economic growth within the concept of integrated development requires further analysis.

The concept of development centred on man This concept has been defined in various documents published b y U N C T A D , U N E P , Unesco and other United Nations organizations.

According to this concept, development is seen from the point of view of m a n , w h o is the central phenomenon in the whole process. A s he becomes aware of his needs, m a n determines the aims of development on the basis of these needs and subordinates the factors of development to the achievement of the aims he has determined.

This concept w a sfirstmentioned in the Cocoyoc Declaration of 1974, which said that there should be development 'not of things, but of m a n ' . 4 Later the idea was more fully defined, especially through the efforts of Unesco. 5 In examining this concept, special importance should be ascribed to the following aspects: The problem of the relations between man and his environment The development of m a n , and his needs, should be studied in connection with the development of the means for fulfilling his needs and with changes in his environment and the society to which he belongs. It is perfectly justifiable to focus the study of development on m a n , but this does not

The contribution of the United Nations system to formulating development concepts

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m e a n that in development theory m a n is transformed into a purely biological being. In m a n y cases one m a y note a tendency to consider m a n and his needs independently of the means and conditions that allow these needs to be fulfilled.

Is there not a different form of dissociation in the definition of development proposed by Professor Johan Galtung? H e says: Development is development of the people. . . . It should not be conceived in terms of the production of goods and services, their distribution, the creation of institutions, structural transformation, cultural development or ecological balance. All these things m a y be indispensable 'social' means or conditions; but development as such is that of m a n , of the members of society.8 T h e authors of the earlier theory concentrated their attention on material factors, forgetting m a n . There is a risk of a hiatus if m a n and his needs are considered independently of the various factors of development, of the means of production and of the environment.

M a n is certainly the central phenomenon of the development process; it is he w h o determines its objectives. But the process itself is broader; it includes m a n y factors and conditions and the whole environment. Unesco stresses this important aspect of the concept of the development process: 'The process of development centered on m a n must therefore, of necessity, be a total, multirelational process, involving all the aspects of the life of a community, its relations with the outside world and its awareness of itself.'7 T h e strengthening of multidisciplinary research does not at all imply the elimination of the traditional categories of development theory: the economic and the social. B u t the introduction of the concept of development centred on m a n has led certain researchers to deny the vaKdity of separate analysis of the economic, social and cultural factors in the development of society. W e are told: 'Breaking development u p into the economic, the social, the cultural, etc., makes no sense, since m a n is indivisible.'8 The problem of drawing up a strategy of development Every strategy of development takes account of the development aims formulated by a society for a given period, determines the means which the society has available for achieving these aims, and establishes a correlation between the aims and the means o n the one hand, and the factors and conditions of development on the other.

A Unesco study states, quite correctly, that 'only w h e n it is oriented towards aims which individuals and groups set for themselves can growth become development, in the full sense of the term'. 9 Another conceptual study adds: 'It is through m a n that the numerous and complex technical,

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economic, social, cultural and other factors can be integrated and subordinated to the same ultimate goal.'10 These basic principles should obviously be reflected in the theory of development.

In the elaboration of development strategy, m a n y things remain to be clarified. A uniform definition of this strategy does not exist. In contemporary definitions, the relations between the objective and subjective factors involved in the development process are explained in w a y s that leave t h e m very m u c h open to question.

Let us take some examples. W e m a y consider that the following variants of the definition of the strategy are at present widespread.

Development strategy is the set of 'structural changes' the achievem e n t of which is undertaken in order to 'find a coherent and lasting solution to the problem with which the society is faced and of which it has become aware'. 1 1 W e can also give a typical example of the w a y in which the strategy is presented—the definition given in an U N R I S D document: The satisfactory achievement of a more acceptable model and rate of development requires two things above all. It requires, in thefirstplace, a broader concept of the development process itself as a system of interdependent social changes, a system within which a whole set of forces—social and political as well as economic—influence one another. It also requires, in the light of this concept, the conscious application of a policy and a strategy aimed at ensuring a form of development in which a set of objectives m a y be achieved. These objectives must, essentially, reflect the absolute necessity for using the fruits of growth and development to provide a better life for the masses of the population.18 In these definitions of strategy, w e m a y note the need for individuals to intervene in the development process in order to m a k e it serve their o w n interests, to ensure that it has a logical character, without internal contradictions, and to guide it towards the chosen concept and model of developm e n t . Nevertheless these definitions of development strategy do not indicate clearly what relationship should exist between the factors and conditions of the development process and the general principles and aims put forward by society. W h a t relation exists between the subjective desires of society and the actual opportunities for realizing those desires, and h o w and under w h a t circumstances can the attainment of society's aims be accelerated?

Might not a voluntarist strategy lead to a slowing d o w n of the development process and to an aggravation of its unfavorable aspects?

Should not development strategy be conceived as a political matter, involving the establishment of specific targets to be attained within definite time-limits, and involving provision for the structural changes and the resources necessary for the attainment of those targets, while taking due

The contribution of the United Nations system to formulating development concepts

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account of actual circumstances and of the conditions and laws of development? If this is true, then the relations between the objective and the subjective in this process must be the subject of research, based on the n e w approach.

According to some opinions, the development process is the result of a set of concrete circumstances. O n e of the reports of the panel of experts convened b y U N R I S D says: N o simple, universal generalization m a y be made concerning the influence which the various factors exert upon one another. Hence there is no simple, universal law of deveJopment or formula for development. Different countries have different types of development, and they apply different methods of development according to their aims, constraints and opportunities and according to their subjective values and their ideologies.13 H o w are w e to understand this statement? Is it possible to combine the denial of objective laws with the quest for a scientific approach w h e n development strategy is elaborated?

In the economic-growth theory, a study is m a d e of the laws governing the relations between accumulation, the level of savings, the capital coefficient, etc., in the growth process. A n y economic or socio-economic model that reflects the principal relations between the parameters and the variables in the development process is already, in itself, the equivalent of an objective base for the process. In this respect, it m a y be considered that the theories and models of economic growth drawn up by R . Harrod, J. Generi, W . Leontief and other well-known economists are in fact a seaich for the objective links and laws governing the process of growth and development.

Does not the statement that the process of development in each country is 'the result of a set of concrete circumstances' constitute a step backward in the interpretation of this problem as compared with the old theory of development? True, where development is concerned, each country's situation represents a specific set of special characteristics, concrete circumstances, etc. But it m a y be time for development theory to become an instrument that will permit us to see, beyond sets of concrete circumstances and temporary situations, the manifestation of a basic force and the action of objectively determined laws.

Marxist research raises the problem of the relation between the objective and the subjective in the development process. W h e n the subjective actions of those w h o m a k e the decisions coincide with the objective laws that are at the base of the process, the latter is accelerated. If, on the contrary, their actions and decisions do not take account of the imperatives dictated b y the objective laws, the process is slowed d o w n or stagnates.

Thus the advancement of development theory on the basis of the n e w

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approach presupposes the study of the problem of the relations between the objective and the subjective in the development process.

T h e setting of goals is one complex problem that must be solved in the context of development theory and the definition of development strategies.

The fact that development theory is n o w centred on m a n has raised the urgent question of what m a y be considered the aim of development.

According to the old theory it w a s , as a rule, to accelerate the increase in overall or per capita production. Sometimes development goals were linked to a change of system or structure. J. Galtung and A . Wirak protest against such a point of view: Instead of being seen as the development of m e n and w o m e n throughout the world, development was seen in terms of things, systems and structures. . . . But such is not the aim of development; things, systems and structures are only instruments. The test that allows us to determine whether development has really taken place must not be sought in the development of things, systems and structures, but in what has been provided to human beings.14

Another point of view has been expressed, according to which aims and means m a y be inverted. More precisely, the aim of development strategy m a y become the very change in conditions which is required to promote development. In this connection a more general problem arises, which requires further research: Are the 'aims of development' and the 'aims of development strategy' the same thing? If not, what is the difference and what is the relationship between these two ideas? It is extremely important to solve this problem in view of the choice of goals for the Third Development Decade in the context of the N e w International Economic Order.

The problem of goal-setting has other aspects that are still to be resolved, such as the classification of objectives in an order of priority, the correlation of their quaUtative and quantitative formulation, the development of standardized methods for the measurement of international and national requirements, and so on. T h e adjustment of objectives to resources requires particular attention.

O n e important aspect of the concept of development centred on m a n , which forms part of the n e w approach, is m a n ' s right to development and social justice. 'The right to development' is a n e w idea, recently expressed in the work of specialists belonging to various United Nations bodies, notably E C O S O C and the H u m a n Rights Commission. Explaining the idea, these specialists consider it essential to stipulate that it 'involves not only the civil and political liberties traditionally considered as being h u m a n rights, but also standards relating to social, economic and cultural postulates.'15 This positive development of the notion of h u m a n rights must

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obviously be carried further, for it correlates with the structure of h u m a n needs. 16 At a conference held in Brighton17 and at other meetings which took place under Unesco auspices, the question w a s raised of the criterion of social equality and its practical use in planning; it would be logical to pursue the study of this question in the framework of the n e w approach to development problems.

Thus the concept of development centred on m a n opens up broad possibilities for the further elaboration of development theory. Unesco quite properly underscores the importance of this concept, an importance stemming not only from the fact that it led to the abandonment of the early notions of development, which assimilated it exclusively to economic growth: This concept opens the w a y to the harmonization of the development process and the needs, aspirations and capacities of society and the individuals w h o compose it. It has been recognized that m a n has his rightful place in this process, that he is not just one more factor, with an indirect effect, but an integral and extremely important part of the problem. Thus the social aspects have become one of the essentia] concerns of governments.18 Everything said above allows us to conclude that the n e w approach has considerably deepened our understanding of the essence of development. It must be noted, however, that within the framework of this n e w approach no satisfactory definition of the concept of development has yet been given. Such a definition must provide the key to m a n y questions that are still somewhat obscure, such as the distinction between progressive and regressive changes in society, the role of structural reforms, or the change in the socio-economic nature of development according to the historical context. The n e w approach requires a vastly increased a m o u n t of interdisciplinary research, which should embrace everything involved in the development process. In this respect, the world's scientists, and the United Nations institutions, still have m a n y difficult problems to solve.

THE NATURE OF DEVELOPMENT T h e criticism of the concept of development as viewed b y the old theory was accompanied by a change in views as to the nature of development in today's world. About the middle of the 1970s, this question began to be understood in a different w a y . Since the n e w approach to the nature of development has considerable theoretical and methodological importance in regard to the choice of a strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, it must be analyzed in detail.

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What was the old approach to the nature of development? In the theory accepted during the 1960s, the dynamics of development were seen as a linear process. This implied that, as the underdeveloped countries advanced, they had to follow the same road that had been taken by the countries that are now in the vanguard of progress. The idea of the linear character of development was fully staded in W . Rostow's theory of successive stages. According to this theory, the history of mankind shows us a series of successive stages through which all countries must pass in the course of their development. In his opinion, the highest stage is the one now attained by the United States and several other capitalist countries.

The Third World countries are at a lower stage, and their development implies 'catching up' with the advanced countries.

Toward the middle of the 1970s, however, all the propositions in the theory of stages were subjected to strong criticism. This theory was not accepted as an explanation of the world development process, for a number of reasons. First of all, Rostow's criterion for distinguishing the successive stages of development did not stand up to criticism. Rostow had distributed countries along the scale of development on the basis of a national typology; it became evident that this typology was tendentious. Serious doubts were expressed as to the 'ideal' model he had placed at the top of the scale of world civilization. The concrete expression of this model by the United States and the chief capitalist countries, where the problems of unemployment, inflation and the quality of life had not yet been solved, did not correspond to the social characteristics that should be those of tomorrow's model. It had become obvious that 'catching-up' development would not provide a solution to mankind's worldwide problems, would not eliminate the poverty or the lag from which the countries of the Third World suffered.

This approach would not make it possible to reduce the gap between the levels of the developed and developing countries. Hence the theory of successive stages of growth was rejected as not providing a solution for mankind's worldwide problems.

The United Nations system then made efforts tofindan answer to the question of the nature of development, especially as applied to the leastdeveloped countries of the Third World. Research followed two paths. O n the one hand, it dealt with the rational character of mankind's use of the natural resources of our planet; certain worldwide problems were pointed out, which world society must solve by the application of concrete measures.

O n the other hand, intensive studies were made concerning the nature of the progress of Third World countries, and new approaches were sought, which would provide something different from the 'catch-up' model of development and would give these countries the possibility of overcoming poverty and backwardness within the predictable future. As a result of all

The contribution of the United Nations system to formulating development concepts

this work, two concepts were presented: that of endogenous development and that of global development, both of which imply a n e w approach to the nature of development.

The concept of endogenous development This replaced the concept that had characterized development according to the old theory. It condemned the mechanical imitation of the capitalist industrialized countries, including what is called the demonstration effect.

According to this concept, the development of the Third World countries (like the national development of any country) should have an essentially endogenous nature, and should take place without any outside pressure.

B y endogenous development is meant development that corresponds to the internal characteristics of the society in question, that takes account of its special features and its integrative qualities. W h e n a country develops endogenously, its w a y of life should be based on respect for its traditional values, for the authenticity of its culture and for the creative aptitudes of its people. T h e free choice by each country of its form of development, on the basis of its social ideals and its national objectives, is the alpha and o m e g a of the concept of endogenous development.

Resolutions and decisions of United Nations bodies stress the fact that 'development must always be endogenous', in other words, that its nature must be determined b y the country involved, on the basis of its internal possibilities, of the needs perceived and of the efforts its population is able to m a k e . That is w h y endogeny is an essential aspect of every development process.

T h e concept of endogenous development involves a n u m b e r of basic propositions concerning the nature of development in Third World countries.

T h e most important are the following: 1. These countries cannot follow blindly the same path that w a s taken b y countries that are developed today. In this respect, the concept of endogenous development replaces the theory of the stages of growth and the model of 'catch-up' development. Every country has the right to choose its o w n development model and the socio-economic system it considers most appropriate in its o w n case.

2. N o t only does the concept of endogenous development condemn 'catch-up' development; it is also directed against the dependence of Third World countries on capitalist industrialized countries. A s long as dependence exists, the development of the Third World countries cannot really be endogenous.

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3. Development strategy must be based on respect for internal social structures and the traditions and cultural values inherited from the national past.

4. Development must be oriented not towards an unlimited increase in production but towards the satisfaction of the essential needs of the whole population.

5. Development must be based on the m a x i m u m use of internal resources; it presupposes a rational policy for conserving these resources.

6. In the strategy of endogenous development, particular importance should be ascribed to the special intermediate technology that provides for the use of the local resources, material and human, of the developing countries and takes account of the population's level of education and technological training.

The list of the basic propositions involved in the concept of endogenous development could be lengthened, but even the short list given above bears witness to the progress made in perceiving the nature of development in the countries of the Third World.

The most positive element of the concept of endogenous development is its central idea: that the source of development is within the country concerned. The efforts made inside the country, and the social reforms undertaken, should be aimed at satisfying the basic needs of the vast majority of the population, avoiding any 'elitist' form of development. The strategy worked out on the basis of the concept of endogenous development assumes an attentive attitude towards the national culture and traditions and established social relations.

B y stressing the fact that the path of development followed by the capitalist countries is not acceptable for Third World countries, the concept of endogenous development encourages the latter to adopt a critical attitude towards everything that reaches them through the 'demonstration effect'.

A country's choice of objectives and means of social and economic development should resist the influence of this. Orientation towards local technology results from the desire to reduce dependence on capitalist countries and transnational companies, to provide work for as m a n y people as possible, and to stimulate the creative capacities of those who are employed in agriculture, handicrafts and small industry.

At a world conference of experts, held at Unesco headquarters in 1978 and devoted to the N e w International Economic Order, stress was laid on the fact that it is inadmissible to impose on states 'a single cultural model'.

The experts pointed out that the cultural results of the activities of transnational firms 'often go against the needs of endogenous development'.

Science and technology m a y serve as catalysts to speed up development, but they must acquire an endogenous character 'based on a knowledge of

The contribution of the United Nations system to formulating development concepts

local conditions and thus respecting the national identity'.19 All this orients the countries of the Third World towards determining the independent character of their development. T h e n e w approach thus outlined prolongs these countries' traditions of national liberation and anti-colonialism; it reflects their hope of complete deliverance from any type of dependence that prevents development from being really endogenous and is incompatible with such development.

The idea of the independence of developing countries with relation to international capitalism is one of the main ideas of Marxist economic literature, and it is also widespread a m o n g Latin-American economists.

A m o n g the latter, a 'dependence school' has arisen, headed b y R . Prebitsch.

The idea of dependence is also dealt with in documents published b y various United Nations bodies.20 In the West, however, this idea is far from being accepted everywhere. 21 The concept of the dependence of developing countries in respect to international capitalism has several variants, which cannot be discussed within the framework of this chapter. It is important, however, to define it in a general w a y : dependence is considered an obstacle to the elimination of a state of underdevelopment and to the pursuit of endogenous, autonomous development in Third World countries. Everywhere it is stressed that these countries' advance along the path of progress runs into the international division of labour which is the result of long years of domination b y the colonial system and within which these countries play the role of peripheral markets and suppliers of r a w materials and tropical products. In the economic and legal conditions of the capitalist market, the international relations that prevail at present lead to discrimination in the commercial field, a fact that also slows the progress of the Third World countries.

It is therefore clear that the concept of endogenous development requires further study. A t present, w e can see it as a first approximation pointing towards the understanding of the m a n y serious problems on which it touches. A m o n g these problems, the following should be mentioned: the relations between world culture and national cultures; the distinction that needs to be m a d e between progressive traditions and outworn traditions that act as a brake on progress; and the endowment of old national forms, familiar to the population, with a n e w progressive social content.

The concept of endogenous development is frankly opposed to the demonstration effect, but w e are not yet sure h o w to avoid it. T h e question requires further research and study, both at the theoretical level and at that of the concrete, practical aspects.

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The concept of global development All the concepts that characterize the essence and nature of development lead, logically, to the concept of worldwide development. T h e general problems of mankind—poverty and backwardness, demography, the environm e n t , natural resources, food, energy, disease control, etc.—are the focus of attention in the United Nations. A mere list of the conferences organized under United Nations auspices during the 1970s shows h o w active United Nations bodies and institutions have been in the mainfieldsof development.

Theme of the conference

Place

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

Stockholm Bucharest Rome Lima Mexico City Geneva Nairobi Vancouver Geneva Nairobi Mar del Plato Nairobi Vienna

Environment Demography Food Industry Women Health Trade Human settlements Employment Education and culture Water Desertification Science and technology

One of the essential problems, the solution of which requires constant and indefatigable attention on the part of world society, is that of total and definitive disarmament and of the achievement of stable conditions for the establishment of peace throughout the world, for peace is the essential condition of human progress.

The essence of the concept studied here is that it deals with problems of worldwide interest, the solution of which concerns all countries and all peoples. W h a t is involved is an interdependent complex of economic, sociopolitical and ecological problems on which hangs the fate of all mankind: W e must recognize the global character of the approach required to solve these problems; we are not faced with separate problems, each of which can be tackled independently. W e are dealing with a complex in which interdependent mechanisms and phenomena are closely interwoven. The world must be considered as a whole, as a system whose parts are organically linked. The global problem must be considered in its coherence and its internal logic."

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23

The concept thus put forward by Unesco—the global approach—must rest on a solid foundation. H o w can we tackle global problems in a world where two social systems co-exist, where the developing countries continue to be dependent on world capitalism and where there exists a wide gap between the levels of development of the advanced and the less advanced countries?

Within the United Nations system and in other international organizations, a number of fundamental research programmes have been carried out on the general problems of mankind. W e m a y cite the voluminous work published for the Seventh Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on the initiative of the Dag Hammarskjdld Fund and U N E P under the title What Now? Another Development; the report drawn up by the Club of R o m e in 1976 on the basis of research done under the leadership of Professor J. Tinbergen and entitled Reshaping the International Order; the research carried out between 1974 and 1976 by the Bariloche Institute (in Argentina), entitled Catastrophe or a New Society? A Latin-American World Model; the research directed by W . Leontief under contract to Unesco in 1976 and whose results were published under the title The Future of the World Economy; and the work published by the Aspen H u m a n Research Institute under the title The Planetary Bargain.23 A n analysis of the reports mentioned above is the subject of another special study. Within the framework of this chapter, it is important to note that w efind,as a leitmotiv, the statement that no satisfactory solution has yet been provided for the general problems of mankind. In all these reports, a common denominator is the idea that the system of values applied to development must be changed and that development must henceforth be based on the satisfaction of basic needs. According to the authors of some of these works, the reorientation of the world with a view to satisfying basic needs must establish a balance between needs and production. O n the other hand, in their opinion, it requires what is called 'another development'. In certain cases, the notion of'another development' amounts simply to proposing a 'third path', distinct from those n o w followed by the industrialized countries situated within the context of two opposed social systems.

At the present time it m a y be considered that the strategy based on the satisfaction of basic needs has been rejected by world society as a central international strategy.24 The idea of a 'third path' of development provides no answer to the problem of abolishing poverty, the economic lag and the state of dependence from which the developing countries now suffer. The members of the United Nations Planning Committee, expressing their point of view on the subject of the strategy to be followed during the Third Decade, have made the following justified comment: 'It is recognized that the international economy has become genuinely global, and that its

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functioning is a matter of concern to all nations. But adequate mechanisms for steering the global economy are still lacking.'25 Efforts to promote international research on mankind's global problems must not come to a halt.

In this connection, it seems urgent to study the following problems: H o w to solve global problems while at the same time respecting the national sovereignty of peoples and of countries, their right to dispose of their o w n resources and decide their o w n future. T h e idea of setting u p 'supranational' bodies to m a n a g e national resources, an idea expressed in some of the reports mentioned above, raises objections of principle, for it is incompatible with the respect of national sovereignty.

T h e setting of objectives, as an essential part of development theory, in connection with the need to solve mankind's global problems. A t international level, the setting of objectives requires a great deal of theoretical and organizational work. O n e m a y understand the enthusiasm of researchers w h o say that development should always have as its aim. the development of m a n . B u t there exists another point of view, sufficiently rational and justified: at the international level, considering the urgency of global problems and the need to strengthen the positive trends and eliminate the negative trends that w o r k against the interest of all mankind, the development objective of world society must be to achieve such international conditions as will ensure the survival and progress of mankind. It m a y be considered that total and definitive disarmament and the attainment of peace o n earth are a sine qua non condition of m a n ' s survival, and that they m a y therefore be put forward as the first objective of society.

Another global problem for mankind is the economic deprivation from which the developing countries suffer and their inability, at their present stage of development, to accomplish their immediate task, which is to fulfil the needs of their populations. T h e absence of the conditions that would permit them to develop satisfactorily is part of this problem. A developing economy needs structural reforms that will speed up progress in industry and agriculture. B u t accelerating the development of these countries depends, to a certain extent, on the attitude of the developed countries and their willingness to apply the principle of preferential treatment in their economic relations with the Third World.

In this connection, U N C T A D presents the following arguments: Structural changes in the developed countries are indispensable not only to support the process of industrialization of the Third World countries but also because the industrial growth of the developing countries will have an impact on the developed countries in the form of an increased demand for capital goods and high-technology items. Rising demand from the developing countries m a y become one of the main factors in future world economic growth.29

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A solution to the food problem, in particular, requires thoroughgoing landreform programmes in the developing countries as well as intensive efforts to combat outmoded agricultural methods in rural areas. 'Stress m u s t be laid on integrated rural development and o n the reconstitution of a rural society that is conscious of its mission, trained in m o d e r n production methods and given improved status with relation to other social groups.' 27 A s for Unesco, it considers that aid provided b y the advanced to the developing countries, in the form of transfers of knowledge and technology, is an indispensable condition for solving the global problem of the food needs of the Third World.

Since the lagging economies of the developing countries are in fact components of world capitalism, they have become, m o r e and more, a hindrance to the development of the latter. T h e contradictions inherent in this situation have become so flagrant that they have led to a crisis in the system of trade relations between the young countries and the W e s t .

T h e concept of the N e w International Economic Order, which emerged under crisis conditions, directly concerns mankind's global problems.

In taking stock of the research devoted to a n e w concept of the essence and nature of development, it is helpful to refer to a definition that appears in a Unesco document: Development is integrated: it is an organic process involving a number of economic, social and cultural factors which overlap and constantly influence one another.

Development is endogenous: each country carries out its development according to its own choice, and in conformity with the real values, aspirations and motivations of the population.

Development is global: its objectives and problems are determined with relation to world problems and reflect the general nature of development. . . . The society in which development is carried out is not isolated, but forms part of the network of relations and forces that cover the entire world, including the most economically advanced societies as well as those which, from the economic point of view, are the most deprived.

T h e n e w concepts elaborated within the United Nations system are not the results of the work of isolated researchers. T h e y are collective concepts.

T h e y reflect a heightened level of awareness on the part of all m a n k i n d — a n awareness of Third World countries and their problems, and of the urgent need to obtain the collaboration of all in the quest for a solution to the economic and social problems of world development.

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Towards a N e w International Economic Order: the lessons of the development strategies of the 1960s and 1970s The new approach is not limited to the revision of old notions concerning the essence and nature of development. It also implies the idea that it is indispensable to establish a N e w International Economic Order. First the basic principles were formulated; then the corresponding concept began to be worked out; at present, work is being done on a world-development strategy for the 1980s and beyond.

The background of the formulation of the idea of a N e w International Economic Order is directly related to the lessons drawn by world society from the economic-development strategies defined during the 1960s and 1970s. The unsatisfactory results of these strategies pointed to the need for a revision of the constitutive elements of the development theory on which they were based. Practical experience provided abundant data for a theoretical study. The very history of development strategies, as well as the conclusions society drew when it evaluated their inadequate results, led to the idea of a N e w International Economic Order. It is important to study this background to understand the significance of the proposed new order.

T H E E C O N O M I C D E V E L O P M E N T S T R A T E G Y OF T H E 1960s The specific character of development theory, including itsfirstvariants, lies in the fact that it recommends deliberate action on the development process in order to ensure its desired orientation and pace. From the point of view of Western economic thought, there was no doubt whatsoever that the state should intervene in the development of the economy, especially to adjust the development cycle, accelerate production and solve a number of specific problems seen as deserving priority at one stage or another of economic development. The Keynesians and the neo-liberals differed only as to the degree of intensity of state intervention and the instruments and methods to be applied for the purpose. In some developed capitalist countries, even in the early 1950s, work was started on plans for economic development, stabilization programmes and other specific programmes.

Unlike the capitalist economy, the socialist economy, in the U S S R and the countries of eastern Europe, had developed from the very beginning on the basis of planning.

In the Third World countries, the idea generally adopted was that

The contribution of the United Nations system to formulating development concepts

deliberate intervention b y the state, and the planning of development, were indispensable to close the gap between them and the developed countries and stimulate economic growth. But the young countries that had just acquired political independence did not see clearly in what direction they should develop their economy, h o w they should plan it, or what methods or instruments they should use to shape and influence it.

T h e attempts m a d e during the 1950s to adapt Keynes's theory to their purpose soon turned out to be unsuccessful. Models of the Domar-Harrod type, with parameters of a cumulative character, a multiplier and an accelerator, were hardly appropriate to the socio-economic structure of these countries, where the traditional sectors predominated and market relations were almost embryonic. There existed no valid theory that could be applied to state intervention under conditions where a traditional socioeconomic structure had trade relations with world capitalism. So in the Third World countries, with their very complex socio-economic problems, thefirststage in the history of state intervention was a stage of trial and error. In the late 1950s and early 1960s the idea of planning began to m a k e headway, and some Third World countries undertook to prepare economicdevelopment plans; but these plans did not yet include any very clear strategy of development.

In the Third World countries, thefirststage in development planning w a s characterized chiefly b y the participation of academic circles. O n the basis of their o w n theoretical studies and the experience of the developed countries, scientists worked out recommendations intended to speed u p the economic growth of their countries through industrialization, the modernization of production and changes in technology. In the late 1950s and early 1960s an industrialization strategy w a s introduced that w a s based on the local production of equipment previously imported from the industrialized countries. This strategy assumed that the creation of local industry, along with the development of the infrastructure, would accelerate the rate of growth of Third World countries, reduce their dependence on world capitalism as a whole and m a k e their budding national economies less vulnerable.

In a n u m b e r of countries the strategy of substitution industry did lead to the solution of some domestic problems. But it did not lead to an overall reduction in imports, and thus did not decrease dependence on foreign countries. T o set u p local industries, imported machines were required, and imported equipment and k n o w - h o w as well. T o pay for these imports, more raw materials had to be exported. Thus the need to import modern equipment, technological expertise and foreign administrators and specialists led to what has been termed technological dependence.

Often the local firms were not able to produce in sufficient quantities

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to be efficient, since their markets were limited. Then n e w problems arose for small countries whose trade w a s badly organized—and it must be remembered that more than three-fourths of the Third World countries have a population of less thanfivemillion people apiece, which means that they m a y be properly termed small countries. They had to borrow m o n e y abroad and thus increase their foreign debt.

T h e n these countries tried to apply a strategy of limiting imports.

This led to the setting up offirmswhose aim was to satisfy the elitist needs of the privileged population groups w h o were in power. This w a s an irrational use of means that were already quite limited. The state had to fight against the use of these means for the production of luxury goods.

At the same time another problem arose: m a n y of the enterprises created under the policy of substituting local products for imports did not work at full capacity, so that their yield was low.

The application of the import-substitution policy intensified autarkic tendencies in the development of the national economy. T h e negative aspects of this strategy soon became apparent: in m a n y countries the rate of economic growth slowed d o w n and n e w forms of dependence appeared.

Then, while continuing their import-substitution policy, these countries tried to gain access to international markets and increase their exports of manufactured goods. But here again they failed: the developed capitalist countries raised their protectionist barriers.

In the late 1960s and early 1970s the consequences of outside financial assistance began to become apparent. Furnished b y international financing institutions or b y capitalist countries on a multilateral or bilateral basis, this assistance had been accepted without taking account of its inevitable result—the accumulation of an enormous foreign debt that m a d e the urgent problems of developing the national economy m u c h harder to solve. Thus another form of dependence arose and gradually worsened—financial dependence.

The social problems of the Third World were worsening as well: poverty and unemployment were on the increase. In a report entitled 'Partners in Development', the Pearson Commission took stock of the aid policy and revealed its consequences, which had begun to be clear around 1970.

T h e lessons of the import-substitution strategy were obvious: the elimination of certain obstacles led to the appearance of n e w ones, still harder to overcome, without solving the main socio-economic problems: poverty and dependence. Acting separately in a complex capitalist world, the developing countries had not met with any notable degree of success; it had become obvious that they should act together to speed u p their economic growth, solve their industrialization problems, and form a c o m m o n front in thefieldof international economic relations.

The contribution of the United Nations system to formulating development concepts

In the 1960s the strategy of national development began to be reassessed. The external factors and conditions that adversely affected the development of Third World countries gave rise to dissatisfaction out of which a new idea was born: that these countries must necessarily unify their action in the field of international economic relations. This idea took shape in the formation of the Group of 77 in the framework of

UNCTAD. At this point, the proclamation of the United Nations Development Decade played an important role. Whatever the results m a y have been, the importance of this and succeeding Development Decades lies in the fact that they encouraged the idea of unified action and co-operation in furthering the development process. If we compare the situation at the end of the 1950s, when development problems were studied chiefly in the works of individual economists and in academic conferences on the problems of growth, with the situation which n o w prevails, characterized by the elaboration of a strategy for the Third Development Decade and beyond, the contrast is impressive. N o w the idea of co-operation in the development process is universally accepted. N o one questions the need for a pooling of efforts; this question has been solved once and for all. Nowadays discussion is centred on the characteristics of the co-operation 'platform'.

What can be done to ensure that this co-operation process is carried out on the basis of equality and mutual interest? This is now the problem which world society must face. M a n y obstacles and difficulties lie in the way of a practical solution to this problem, and they can be surmounted only by unflagging efforts and great determination, not only on the part of society and national governments but on the part of the progressive forces of the whole world.28 Development theory must determine the precise sense of the notions of 'equality and mutual interest' in an economic context, and must explain how these notions fall into the framework of economic relations and to what extent they should determine state intervention in the process of national development.

THE SECOND DEVELOPMENT DECADE: A CLEARER DEFINITION OF THE AIMS OF DEVELOPMENT Even though the pace of economic growth had increased during the First Development Decade, it had become clear that the developing world had made less progress than had been expected. The main reason for dissatisfaction with the results obtained was the aggravation of social problems—hunger, poverty, unemployment and social inequality. A purely economic approach did not make it possible to solve the immense problems

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with which the developing countries were faced. T h e search for a n e w international strategy had become an urgent task.

A s early as 1962 E C O S O C , in resolution 903 ( X X X I V ) , had reco m m e n d e d an integrated approach to the economic and social aspects of development. In 1966 E C O S O C again, in resolution 1139 (XLI), took note of the interdependence of economic and social factors and the need to harmonize economic and social planning in order to improve the living conditions of mankind.

The United Nations Committee for Development Planning, in its proposals for the Second Development Decade, set forth new considerations relating to the nature of growth and development: It is impossible to overestimate the importance of the fact that, for the countries concerned, development implies not only an increase in productive capacity but major changes in their social and economic structures. Because of the dualism which characterizes their economies, the consequence of technological and economic progress is often to accentuate the contrast between their modern and traditional sectors and to increase social and economic in equalities. . . . In such a context, the increase in production or income is not an indicator of development.

But other indicators are lacking; hence certain basic objectives can be judged only from a qualitative point of view.28 In fact, these statements m a y already be considered a revision of the point of view that considered economic growth to be the basis of all development.

Soon the expression 'accelerated growth' w a s replaced b y the expression 'accelerated development'. A n d efforts were m a d e to w o r k out a system of indicators that would reflect the whole complex of social aspects of development.

It w a s during the Second Development Decade that the concept of integrated development took shape. O n 24 October 1970 the United Nations General Assembly adopted resolution 2626 ( X X V ) , in which the goals of development were set forth. T h e acceleration of economic growth was no longer the only factor to be considered; it w a s specified that social changes should also be accelerated in such a w a y as to improve the condition of the mass of the population.

Paragraph 7 of resolution 2626 ( X X V ) states: The ultimate objective of development must be to bring about sustained improvement in the well-being of the individual and bestow benefits on all. If undue privileges, extremes of wealth and social injustices persist, then development fails in its essential purpose.

Paragraph 18 has a similar tone: As the ultimate purpose of development is to provide increasing opportunities to all people for a better life, it is essential to bring about a more equitable

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distribution of income and wealth for promoting both social justice and efficiency of production, to raise substantially the level of employment, to achieve a greater degree of income security, to expand and improve facilities for education, health, nutrition, housing and social welfare, and to safeguard the environment. Thus, qualitative and structural changes in the society must go hand in hand with rapid economic growth, and existing disparities—regional, sectoral and social—should be substantially reduced. These objectives are both determining factors and end results of development; they should therefore be viewed as integrated parts of the same dynamic process and would require a unified approach.30 In 1976 the Social Development Commission of the United Nations stated that it was necessary to 'define m o r e clearly the subdivisions responsible for social development in the United Nations'.

THE

CONCEPT OF A UNIFIED APPROACH TO DEVELOPMENT

The realization of the important role of social factors, and the efforts m a d e to formulate social objectives, led to a need for revising strategy and planning. A t a meeting of E C O S O C experts held in Stockholm in 1969, it had already been noted that it would be desirable to arrive at a unified concept that would reflect the important role of social factors in developm e n t . Later, o n the basis of E C O S O C resolution 1494 (XVIII) and the United Nations General Assembly resolution 2681 ( X X V ) , it was decided to concentrate o n the elaboration of such a concept, which would take account of the economic and social components of policies and p r o g r a m m e s at both national and international levels, and to entrust this w o r k to U N R I S D , E C L A and the Social Development Department of the United Nations.

E C O S O C resolution 1494 ( X L V I I I ) defines the objectives of a n integrated approach as follows: (i) T o leave no section of the population outside the scope of change and development; (ii) T o eflfect structural change which favours national development and to activate all sectors of the population and social organizations, to ensure their participation in the development process; (iii) To aim at social equity, including the achievement of suitable distribution of income in the nation; (iv) To give high priority to the development of h u m a n potentials . . . 3 1 In 1972, a panel of U N R I S D experts drew u p a report that defined in detail the concept of the integrated approach.

The change in the formulation of the objectives of development, and the addition of social objectives, implied a revision of the methods to be

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used to achieve them. T h e experts noted the complexity of the internal conditions of development in Third World countries, the possibility of contradictions between economic and social objectives, and consequently the possibility of internal tensions.

T h e problem of a unified approach to development and planning is h o w to abolish the sources of tensions 'by means of structural and institutional changes and social and individual transformations'. 'The problem consists of identifying the imbalances, contradictions and sources of conflict, and reducing or abolishing them in so far as possible.'32 The concept of the unified approach includes the idea of a dynamic system. T h e 'key to development' must be found; the best possible relationship must be ensured a m o n g the various sectors—agriculture, industry, imports, technology, education, public health, etc. R e c o m m e n dations are m a d e for improving the relations a m o n g these sectors, for geographical integration, and for strengthening popular participation in development and planning. T h e experts expressed the opinion that it would be rational and desirable to work out unified development programmes, based on a combination of scientific analysis and political value judgements.

T h e concept already contained the outline of a model for autonomous development that should allow the capacities of the people and the country to be utilized fully. In its essence, the concept of the unified approach is close to the idea of endogenous development. It was not b y chance that, later, at the conference of African planners held in Addis A b a b a in December 1978, the concept of the unified approach was linked to the 'indigenization' of development in Africa. It was noted in particular that the unified approach could help to harmonize development and the objectives of indigenization.33 T h e positive aspect of the concept of the unified approach lies in the fact that it is multidisciplinary. T h e experts called attention to the difficult problem of co-ordinating the economic and social objectives of development within the framework of a single strategy. They stated that 'development strategy requires more than including social objectives as mere additions to economic objectives. These multiple objectives must be seen as reinforcing one another within the framework of a single, coherent development strategy'.34 F r o m a theoretical point of view, the merit of U N R I S D w a s to have thought of improving the model of growth b y including factors of a social nature. This model 'should involve efforts to improve understanding of the precise nature of the relations between economic growth, especially rapid economic growth, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, unemployment, bad income distribution, and the perpetuation of the poverty of the masses'.35 Yet although the problem was posed in a very rational w a y , it

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w a s not solved either in the development theory or in the concepts based on the n e w approach. T h e solution remains to be found.

T h e most positive aspect of the concept is doubtless that it brings out the necessity for a large n u m b e r of social and structural reforms, aimed at ensuring the development of the sectors that are behind, abolishing imbalances and reducing social inequities. In this connection, the concept stresses the role of the state and the fact that its interests coincide with those of the people. B u t nothing is said as to h o w to achieve these reforms under the economic conditions which prevail in developing countries. E v e n if the state has a proper concept of national development, h o w can it bring together categories and groups whose interests are widely divergent? T h e mechanism of a strategy based on the unified approach has yet to be designed.

It should be noted that this concept marks the abandonment of the principle of 'catch-up' development and that it criticizes the mere m e c h anical imitation of the system that prevails in developed countries: The developed countries must not necessarily be considered as models for the developing countries—models which succeed in reconciling economic growth with equity, and efficiency with participation. These countries themselves are searching for a more acceptable style of development, and in the advanced countries no less than the developing countries, development is an affair of radical societal change.

The need for a unified approach is not limited to the poor countries alone.36 In the beginning, the concept of unified development w a s intended to serve at both national and international levels, but its application at international level has remained highly problematical. Observing the persistence of internal imbalances and the lack of harmonization in the development of Third World countries, the experts noted that obstacles of a worldwide nature prevented these countries from choosing a completely autonomous m o d e of development. 37 Nevertheless the experts m a d e no concrete proposals for the improvement of the world economic situation.

T h u s , because the concept of the unified approach only mentioned the need for co-operation in development, without going to the root of the problem, it is not destined to play any considerable role in international development strategy.

ADOPTION OF THE DECLARATION AND THE PROGRAMME OF ACTION ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A N E W INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC ORDER T h e Second Development Decade oriented the Third World countries towards increasing their exports, in order to obtain the foreign currency

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needed to b u y capital goods abroad. T h e developing countries have always had large foreign-trade deficits. B u t during the Second Decade the difficulties of exporting manufactured goods increased, especially because of the deepening recession in the capitalist countries. In the foreign economic policy of these countries, protectionist trends were intensified, which threatened the quantitative growth objectives set for the Second Decade.

Early in the 1970s there occurred an event m a n y observers see as the direct origin of the d e m a n d for a N e w International Economic Order. T h e m e m b e r s of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries ( O P E C ) , under pressure of circumstances, decided to quadruple the price of petroleum. N o t only did this measure play a significant role in the relations between the capitalist countries and the developing countries; it also led to a n e w awareness in the Third World countries, opening u p for them n e w possibilities for solving their problems where relations with international capitalism were concerned.

The role of the m e m b e r s of O P E C in the evolution of international events during the Second Development Decade has been evaluated in various w a y s . It is interesting to note the assessment m a d e b y Professor B . Hettne, of Sweden: The demand for economic independence and international equality was the inevitable corollary of political emancipation during the decolonization process (here considered as a political phenomenon). Since the process of economic liberation implies a redistribution of resources and a reorientation of world financialflows,conflict and struggle are inevitable. For the struggle to be successful, organization is necessary, and it is here that O P E C comes in.38 This period witnessed a redoubling of activity o n the part of countries which were not satisfied with the w a y the Second Development Decade w a s turning out, and which were looking for n e w political measures that would permit them to counter the negative trends that development was beginning to show. This being the case, the documents drawn u p in connection with the Second Decade began to seem less valuable. Professor H . S . Bos, of the Netherlands, w h o took part in the work of the United Nations Committee for Development Planning, has characterized in the following terms the situation which then arose: 'In spite of its complete, balanced and operational character, the international strategy, shortly after its proclamation, lost m u c h of its authority as the principal general policy document where development w a s concerned.'39 Five or six years after it w a s proclaimed, it w a s noted that 'this strategy no longer played any appreciable role in national or international discussions of development, for which it had been designed'.40 In 1972, at the Third Session of U N C T A D , discussions had already

The contribution of the United Nations system to formulating development concepts

begun concerning a N e w International Economic Order, and a committee had been established to draw up a 'charter of the economic rights and duties of States'. Later, a series of international meetings was held, during which the chief provisions of the N e w International Economic Order began to emerge.

In 1974 the Sixth Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly saw the adoption of the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a N e w International Economic Order (resolution 3201 (SVI)). The same year, the General Assembly adopted the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States (resolution 3281 (XXIX)).

In 1975, at its Seventh Special Session, the General Assembly adopted resolution 3362 (SVII), concerning 'the development of international economic co-operation'.

Henceforth, the attention of the United Nations was to be focused on development problems. The decisions made by the organization were aimed at establishing, among countries, relations based on mutual interest and mutual respect.41

The New International Economic Order: programme and concept W h a t is the international economic order? This question requires several answers, since the N e w International Economic Order has several facets, taking in, as it does, all the aspects of the development of contemporary world society.42 The N e w International Economic Order is a movement that emerged within the United Nations system and is based on a programme drawn up in the course of a series of international conferences and representing a first outline of the new order. A process of negotiations concerning the n e w economic order was started in international organizations with the aim of changing the economic relations among countries in such a w a y as to promote the development of the Third World countries and put an end to their economic underdevelopment. Thus the preamble to resolution 3362 (S-VII) states: 'The general objective of the N e w International Economic Order is to increase the capacity of the developing countries . . . to ensure their development.'43 O n the basis of the programme for a new economic order, there were theoretical discussions leading to the outlines of a concept of the ways and means appropriate for a restructuration of the present capitalist-type world system of trade relations and a more rational organization of international economic relations.

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In General Assembly resolution 3201 (VI) it is stated that the NewInternational Economic Order should be based, in particular, o n 'the c o m munity of interests and the co-operation of all States, independently of their socio-economic systems'.

Since the p r o g r a m m e proposals concerning a change in international economic relations preceded the elaboration of the theoretical concept of the N e w International Economic Order, they should be studied first.

THE N E W INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC ORDER AS A PROGRAMME T h e programme documents concerning the N e w International Economic Order proclaim the necessity of establishing a m o n g states relations that will be basically n e w in regard to the following points: T h e complete and permanent sovereignty of every state over its natural resources. In accordance with this principle, every state has the right to exercise effective control over its resources and their exploitation, using the means appropriate to its situation, including the right to nationalize property or to transfer property to its citizens and the right to control the activities of transnational firms.

Diversification of production in the developing countries.

Industrialization of the developing countries, to permit t h e m to attain the objective set in L i m a for the year 2000, at which date these countries should have at least 25 per cent of world industrial capacity.

Promotion of agricultural development.

Free access for the products of developing countries to markets in industrialized countries.

Stabilization of commodity prices in international trade.

Improvement of the competitive position of natural products in relation to that of synthetic products.

Putting a stop to the waste of natural resources, including food.

Easier access to industrial technology, its transfer and its adaptation.

Closer co-operation between the developing countries.

Reform of the international monetary system.

M a n a g e m e n t of the c o m m o n heritage of mankind (for minerals contained in the seabed).

example,

the

A s m a y be seen, this p r o g r a m m e , which should be applied u p to the year 2000, is quite radical and polyvalent in nature. All its components cannot be analysed here, but it should be considered from the point of view of the n e w proposals which it contributes to the conceptualization of development.

T h e m o v e m e n t for the N e w International Economic Order w a s the

The contribution of the United Nations system to formulating development concepts

result of m a n y appeals, made throughout the world, in the name of the principles of equity, equality and mutual respect among nations. Soon after its publication, however, the programme gave rise to comments which showed that there were considerable differences in the interpretation of the principles on which it was based as well as the character of the programme itself. It is n o w clear that the movement in favour of the N e w International Economic Order cannot be reduced to a mere demand for international rules of conduct or for more equitable distribution of the world's income among countries. T o attempt to do so is to take too narrow a point of view.

A few years after the formulation of thefirstproposals by the Group of 77 and the non-aligned countries, the programme for the N e w Economic Order was completed and enriched by other institutions and by the organizations of the United Nations system. At the present time it deals with all the theoretical and practical problems of world development, at both international and national levels. It touches on the most delicate problems, on the solution of which depend the well-being, the health, the w a y of living and the quality of life of an overwhelming majority—and, so far, a deprived majority—of the inhabitants of our planet.

As the above list shows, the programme of the new economic order deals with the use of natural resources, the development of production and the distribution of its fruits, the international division of labour, the organization of international trade and travel, and the use of the achievements of science and technology.

VARIOUS INTERPRETATIONS OF THE N E W ORDER

BY GROUPS OF COUNTRIES A N D SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT N o single, c o m m o n theoretical concept of the N e w International Economic Order has yet beenfinalized.Discussions on the subject have involved the participation of representatives of various schools of thought and proponents of different economic theories. Although none of the various schools has yet arrived at a uniform approach to the new order, it is possible, even at the present stage, to discern certain trends.

Neoclassical liberalism This conventional point of view44 is represented by the work done under the auspices of the Trilateral Commission and by other representatives of the 'establishment' w h o share the methodological points of view that still predominate in the West. 45 To this school belongs the research done by W . Leontief and his team for the United Nations; its results have been published under the title The Future of the World Economy.

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Proponents of this school consider that the n e w economic order should be based on the principle of 'economic efficiency', which is m a d e possible by relative freedom of m o v e m e n t for capital, goods and technology. T h e efforts of the state should be directed towards maintaining the balance of markets. International organizations like the World B a n k , the International Monetary F u n d (IMF) and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade ( G A T T ) are needed to control the activities of national governments and transnational firms from the point of view of the proper conduct of international trade.

T h e m e m b e r countries of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development ( O E C D ) take a very similar position where competition in trade is concerned. In 1978 the O E C D amended its 1974 'Trade Pledge' in order to stress its support for a 'free, market-oriented economic system'.

A t the same time the organization noted 'the importance of strengthening co-operation with the developing countries, in order to promote the c o m m o n interest in efficient economic management and to bring about mutually advantageous changes in the structure and balance of the world economy'. 46 According to this school, the solution to the problem of social inequalities comes d o w n to the improvement of income distribution at international as well as national level, to the satisfaction of the 'basic needs' of the Third World countries, and to self-reliance in development.

T h e work done b y W . Leontief's team denies the assumption of an absolute limit to world economic growth, the assumption m a d e in the first Club of R o m e reports,47 but notes nevertheless that economic growth is slowed by delays in the application of political, social and economic reforms, chiefly at the national level.48 T h e authors of this study predict that the economic gap between the developed and developing countries will shrink somewhat by the year 2000, but do not claim that all the problems responsible for the gap will be solved.

T h e main weakness in this point of view is the theoretical and methodological base it ascribes to the economy, which at present is recognized even in establishment circles to be in a state of crisis. T o a certain extent, the failure of the old theory of development resulted from the fact that it was simply a branch of economics.

Social democracy Representatives of the social-democratic trend apply their o w n point of view to the interpretation of the concept of the N e w International Economic Order. Without rejecting the theoretical positions of the monopolistic liberalists, they accent 'social equity' rather than 'economic efficiency'.

Under this heading, with certain reservations, m a y be grouped the econ-

The contribution of the United Nations system to formulating development concepts

omists of the University of Sussex, those of the Swedish agency for research on co-operation with the developing countries and those of the International Labour Organization. T h e most eminent spokesman for this trend is Professor J. Tinbergen, winner of the Nobel Prize in economics.49 According to those w h o pursue this line of thought, the essential is that social equity be respected in the field of international economic relations. Thanks to a system of generalized preferences, to a broadening of the scope of both national and international planning, to the introduction of social security, etc., society will be enabled to become gradually more equitable without the need to change its socio-economic base. B u t this position leaves a great m a n y things in the shadow. W h a t is the criterion of social equity? H o w will multinational firms transform themselves into friendly partners of the developing countries? W h a t can guarantee that the international division of labour will improve, considering the advantageous positions of the multinational firms and world capitalism in general? N o precise, simple answer is given to any of these questions.

D u e tribute should be paid, however, to the authors of the study entitled Reshaping the International Order, w h o have m a d e n e w and constructive observations on a number of questions, particularly in the field of the application of social norms. Such comments are food for serious thought. O n one point of principle, their restructuration project deviates considerably from the programme for a n e w economic order presented b y the developed countries, and that is where the role of national governments is concerned. The authors of this report link the application of the principle of social equity to the creation of 'supranational bodies' that would m a k e decisions concerning the use of the planet's resources and impose these decisions on national governments. T h e point of view of the young countries is different; their proposals favour the strengthening of national sovereignty.

T h e question will have to be discussed further. T h e problem of the strengthening of national sovereignty under the N e w International Economic Order will certainly be of great importance in future research.

Marxism Marxists look at the programme of the n e w economic order from the point of view of the basic principles of the restructuring of international economic relations. In recent years they have published several essential works on this theme, 50 which stress the fact that the N e w International Economic Order concerns the relations between three groups of states—the socialist, the capitalist and the developing states.

In their work the Marxists show that the present world economic order is a hindrance to the development of the young countries, and that a radical

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change in this economic order is henceforth an objective necessity. The essence of the new economic order consists of putting an end to exploitation on an international scale; of eliminating relations between exploiters and exploited from the international scene; and of establishing, in economic relations throughout the world, total equality before the law for all states, independently of their social regime or their level of development.

The underlying material base for the new economic order is the growing internationalization of production and capital and the increasing division of labour in society. Hence the concept of the new order must provide for a reorganization of relationships not only in thefieldof distribution but also in that of production. The chief instigator of decolonization, and the most effective instrument for bringing about an autonomous modern economy, is the state. Only the national state is in a position to link and co-ordinate internal economic reforms with the external factors and conditions of development.

In their works the Marxists point out the role of socialism in the fight against discrimination and in the elimination of all the artificial barriers that stand in the way of equitable and mutually advantageous economic relations among states.

The Third World theorists These m a y be taken as a separate group, since the theorists of this group take the same position on a number of basic problems. Generally speaking, however, their points of view are fairly divergent: it suffices to say that the group includes the economists of the World Bank, and also the representatives of various religious beliefs (Catholicism, Protestantism, Hinduism, Islam, etc.). A n important role is played by the Latin American school, which, in addition, is quite heterogeneous, including economists who have worked with E C L A and others who represent the broad currents of Mexican and Brazilian thought. To this group belong such well-known theorists as R . Prebisch, Celso Furtado, E . Iglesias and Samir A m i n .

The representatives of this group have more or less the same views on the following points: Support and considerable contribution to the elaboration of a 'new approach' to the essence and nature of development.

A critical attitude towards the Western model of development.

Condemnation of the relations of domination and dependence, and hence of exploitation, which have been formed in the world capitalist economy.

Active participation in the elaboration of the programme proposals of the N e w International Economic Order.

Recognition of the necessity for economic integration between the devel-

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oping countries, and, recently, intensive work on the concept of'collective self-reliance'.

Such a rapid overview of the various trends of thought where the problems of development in the contemporary world are concerned cannot, of course, take note of all the ideas that have emerged within each trend, and does not pretend to establish an exhaustive classification of the trends themselves. But even in its summary form, it does give an idea of the intellectual environment, if one m a y be permitted such a term, in which the concept of the N e w International Economic Order is being formed and, with it, the new approach to the theory of development.

SOME THEORETICAL PROBLEMS RELATED TO THE CONCEPT OF THE N E W ORDER The concept of the N e w International Economic Order is only beginning to take shape, and, as w e have seen above, the process is going on in an effervescence of complex and sometimes contradictory socio-economic ideas.

The proposals made in connection with the new order are variously appreciated, sometimes positively, sometimes negatively; and in the course of the discussion they are deepened and completed.

The radical character of the programme proposals for the new order had a double influence on the process of working out the concept. O n the one hand, the old concepts, paradigms and ideas were reconsidered; on the other, new problems emerged which, as a general rule, had not been addressed by the old theory of development.

From the theoretical point of view, the N e w International Economic Order is mainly linked to problems of the level of international development. Hence the theory of international trade is now being revised, as are also the concept of the interdependence of the industrialized and developing countries and the manner of approaching the problem of the links between internal and external factors in the development process. In the bight of the imperatives of the new order, the need for world economic reforms appears in all its urgency. For a long time, Marxist science has focused attention on the question of the role of reforms in socio-economic development and on the nature and meaning of these reforms. But in the international context and in the bight of the new economic order, this problem requires more detailed analysis.

The theoretical aspect of the problem of interdependence in the light of the New International Economic Order Reminders of the interdependence of all countries in their development have become a commonplace in the documents that deal with the N e w

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International Economic Order. In particular, the idea of interdependence is stated in the declaration concerning the n e w economic order that w a s adopted b y the United Nations General Assembly at its Sixth Special Session. Nevertheless, the problems posed b y this interdependence have not yet been solved at the theoretical level; what is more, considering the prog r a m m e proposals for the n e w order, its very statement needs to be revised.

The theoretical debates concerning interdependence reflected two schools of thought: on the one hand, the neoclassical theory of international trade, and, on the other, the idea of the imbalance of trade in the world capitalist market and the dependence of the developing countries on capitalist production centres.

The neoclassical theory of international trade generally refers to the model of bilateral trade constructed o n the basis of David Ricardo's principle of relative advantages. This theory has been m u c h used as an argument in favour of the 'market-oriented economic system'. It uses conventional models to compare the cost of producing goods with the advantages obtained from the sale of these goods on foreign markets; profit margins are analysed to assess the benefits of foreign trade in a marketoriented economy. Since the central postulate of this theory, the one underlying the construction of the model, is the principle of 'free competition', the whole theory is oriented towards the need for free trade and the creation of the conditions that m a k e it possible. This postulate, which is too abstract and too strict, does not take account of the domination of the world capitalist market b y transnational firms, or of the existence of protectionism and massive discrimination. Hence the neoclassical theory has no practical, functional meaning. In addition, its very structure is n o w being questioned.

A s for the second school of thought, it includes ideas on the subject of the Third World that have been taken u p b y Latin American economists in the course of their research, and that constitute a basic challenge to the neoclassical theory of interdependence between countries. This school points out the inequalities in trade and the state of dependence to which m a n y countries are reduced. Whereas the neoclassical school concludes that trade based on the international division of labour leads to universal efficiency, this second school holds that interdependence where international trade is concerned does not lead to the same advantages for all parties, and that the neoclassical theory presents an idealized model, leaving out parameters that are important, even indispensable, for the description of international economic relations. Interdependence is asymmetrical; it involves domination b y the more developed capitalist countries and multinational firms, which dictate their o w n terms for the sale of goods on world markets. T h e N e w International Economic Order is designed to avoid such a state of things in international trade and economic relations.

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The proclamation of the programme proposals for the n e w economic order further undermined the credibility of the neoclassical theory. Considerations concerning the relative advantages to be taken into account b y countries engaged in international trade, concerning the accentuation of the international division of labour and, more precisely, the need to include manufactured goods from the developing countries in international trade and gradually to increase the volume of such goods all remain valid in the light of the n e w economic order. T h e problem of interdependence, however, is conceived in a w a y that is radically different from the point of view adopted b y the neoclassical theorists. T h e following points illustrate this difference: 1. T h e idea of interdependence takes on global scope: it no longer applies merely to two or three parties, but is applicable on a worldwide scale.

2 . T h e problem of the nature of relations is posed, and consequently the problem of the nature of the interdependence between three types of countries: the capitalist countries, the developing countries and the socialist countries. Here attention is called to the economic dependence of the developing countries where the capitalist world is concerned, in other words, to the lack of balance in trade between these two groups and hence to the asymmetrical character of their interdependence—a factor the neoclassical theory does not take into account.

3. T h e restructuration of economic relations is seen as taking a form that will ensure fair davantages to all parties and that will promote, instead of preventing, the elimination of the gap between developed and developing countries. Thus it becomes necessary to set u p appropriate mechanisms for dealing with international economic relations, m e c h anisms that can contribute to the practical realization of the principles of equality.51 4 . T h e problem of interdependence goes beyond the framework of international trade. It touches on questions involving the international monetary system and the exchange of advances m a d e in science and technology.

In discussions concerning the theoretical problems of interdependence a m o n g countries, it is logical to go more deeply into the questions of the international division of labour and a better world distribution of the forces of production. H o w can w e assure the proper international distribution of labour, in the light of the scientific and technological revolution and the need to accelerate the development of the countries that are n o w behind? Is the international division of labour unlimited or does it have limits, objective or subjective? According to what parameters will each country find its place in the international division of labour? W h a t are the criteria and factors of relative advantages for countries that have reached different stages in the solution of social problems?

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It seems necessary to pursue efforts to construct a model for the international division of labour on the basis of the countries of the world as they actually exist today. A t the present stage it is hard to see all the practical uses to which such a model might be put, but it is indispensable for the guidance of society where mankind's general problems are concerned—food, the environment and the rational exploitation of the world's natural resources. If it is constructed realistically, this model can be an aid to decision-making, at national level, w h e n questions are raised concerning the speciabzation of the country's production and its possible participation in the international distribution of labour.

It is important to m a k e a detailed study of the international division of labour: what is it n o w and h o w is it brought about? In this connection it is logical to m a k e a critical study of the model of industrial development presented b y the capitabst countries.

T h e time has come to undertake in-depth research and try to m a k e projections concerning the place that the Third World countries will occupy in tomorrow's world. Such projections should take account of the strategy for the N e w International Economic Order, 62 thanks to which these countries should surmount their present handicaps and become developed countries. Since their progress is n o w hindered b y their state of dependence, it is necessary to analyse more thoroughly the forms this dependence takes. The efforts so far m a d e to quantify dependence relationships have not b y any means exhausted all the possibilities of research in this direction.53 A whole set of theoretical problems arises in connection with the need to restructure international economic relations on a democratic base, and, in the framework of this restructuration, to bring about the necessary changes in the regulation mechanism.

It is particularly important to study the obstacles to the setting u p of the N e w International Economic Order—obstacles involving trade, finance, science and technology. General conclusions concerning the relative advantages of specialized international trade and the inevitable improvement of the efficiency of the economy w h e n it becomes part of a system of international division of labour—such conclusions remain a matter of speculation as long as multinational firms dictate their production and trade terms in the capitalist world, and as long as there subsist protectionist barriers that prevent the developing countries from finding outlets for their goods. Thus an analysis of the obstacles to the establishment of the N e w International Economic Order is an urgent task, to which theorists of development and the institutions of the United Nations system should address themselves. Unesco has already undertaken work in this area.54

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The NIEO and the problem of the relations between the internal and external factors of development From the point of view of the N e w International Economic Order, the theoretical study of the problem of the links between the internal and external factors of development takes on particular importance. Until recently this problem was posed at a strictly economic level, chiefly in the double-deficit theory. O n the basis of the double-deficit model, planners determined the amount of external resources necessary, over and above available internal resources, for the implementation of national programmes ; this calculation indicated the amount of aid that would have to be provided by international financing bodies. The theory did not imply that the developing states would have to deal with the outside world in all its complexity. It m a y indeed be said that this area is one of those to which the least attention was paid in the old theory of development.

The programme of the new economic order requires a new approach to the problem. It cannot be stated merely in terms offinancingand the possibilities of outside aid. For Third World countries, the problem of the external factors of development is, in fact, the problem of the external conditions that are indispensable if they are to overcome their lag and organize an independent economy. From the theoretical point of view, this problem must be approached in two stages. First the situation must be analysed in the context of the existing international economic order, then means must be sought for solving the problem in the future, within the context of the N e w International Economic Order.

Under present development conditions, two factors have an important role: the dependent state of Third World countries and the economic and social revolution which, considering the interdependence of all countries, cannot fail to be reflected in the development of those that belong to the Third World. Neither of these factors was taken into account in the doubledeficit theory. A Unesco document points out55 that the new economic order is directed against all forms of oppression. W h a t , then, are the possibilities of struggling against technological dependence in the context of the present scientific and technological revolution? W h a t opportunities do the Third World countries have for adapting to the conditions imposed by this revolution, and what methods can they employ to achieve this aim?

These problems are already the subject of considerable attention within the United Nations system, especially in Unesco and U N I D O . 5 6 In 1979 a special United Nations conference was held on the development of science and technology.

Our hopes offindingsolutions to m a n y problems within the near future depend on progress in these twofields.As a Unesco document says, '1 hanks

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to science and technology, mankind as a whole has a chance to solve the most serious problems of underdevelopment'. 57 B u t the present position of the Third World countries in these twofieldskeeps them in a state of dependence and prevents them from using their h u m a n and natural resources in the best w a y .

Present external economic conditions leave the Third World countries in a vicious circle: they suffer from technological dependence, but if they have recourse to contemporary science and technology their dependence is further increased, because contemporary science and technology are oriented towardsfillingthe needs of the developed countries.

In the Unesco study entitled Moving Towards Change this problem is studied in considerable detail and in terms deserving of attention. According to the authors of the study, the Third World countries could emerge from this vicious circle if they turned to endogenous development—if, a m o n g today's innumerable scientific and technological innovations, they chose those which do not run counter to their o w n special characteristics, but which would permit them to close the gap while preserving, so to speak, their o w n personality. T h e success of such a course of action would depend to a great extent on these countries' awareness of their o w n scientific and technological potential, and on the use they m a d e of it to solve their o w n problems.

O n e proposal has aroused great interest: that the social aspect of the scientific and technological revolution be strengthened so as to give this revolution a more humanitarian character. T h e authors of the Unesco study point out that today, from the point of view of the n e w economic order, it is imperative to achieve 'a n e w concept and a n e w long-term international strategy for the development of science and technology which will take account of social needs, considered in their entirety'.58 O n e of the aspects of such an orientation must be the endogenous progress of the social sciences in all regions.59 Thus, in future, science and technology should not be focused exclusively on satisfying the needs of the developed countries, but on satisfying the needs of all the countries in the world.

H o w can w e solve the problem thus posed? Within the context of the N e w International Economic Order, the question requires further research and discussion.

If science and technology are to be socially oriented, in other words oriented to serve the interests of all countries, including those of the Third World, then this orientation implies, on the part of the latter countries, an effort in return: their traditional civilizations and endogenous development must adapt to the n e w historical and cultural values created b y science and technology. Such adaptation is possible, if the countries in question become aware of their o w n scientific and technological potential

The contribution of the United Nations system to formulating development concepts

and if they exercise strict control over the channels through which modern science and technology reach them. This being said, a radical change is needed in the aid policy of the developed countries where transfers of technology are concerned. The authors of the same study propose that external aid in the realm of science and technology be an integral part of plans for national development.

Such are some of the aspects of Third World dependence on external conditions, especially conditions resulting from the contemporary scientific and technological revolution. But the problems of developing science and technology have not only an international aspect; they take on particular importance w h e n national strategies for self-reliant development are elaborated. This side of the question will be studied later.

The nature and significance of international reforms in the process of world economic development Success in achieving the N e w International Economic Order depends in large measure on the clarity and depth of the theoretical statement of the problem of the relations between the objective and the subjective aspects of the development process; it also depends o n an understanding of the importance of h u m a n actions and decisions in speeding up (or slowing d o w n ) development. O n e of the important aspects of this broad problem is the need to define the nature and significance of the international reforms that should be brought about in the process of world development.

This problem requires especially serious study for two reasons. In the first place, it has practical importance: the reforms undertaken should contribute to hastening development and abolishing, as far as possible, the obstacles that are opposed to it. Those w h o will decide on the reforms should be thoroughly acquainted with the objective factors, conditions and laws of development that logically should be taken into account by development theory. In the second place, the problem also has moral significance: the expression of Utopian demands, and the consequent creation of illusions that could only bring disillusion in their w a k e , might lead to a loss of confidence in the m o v e m e n t for a n e w economic order, which n o w looks so promising. So it is also useful to study the role of reforms, and the possibilities of reforms, in the process of development. W h a t should be the nature of reforms at the international level? In what cases can reform contribute to development and hasten the process?

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THE CONCEPT OF A N E W INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC SOCIAL AND CULTURAL ORDER The programme and the concept of the N e w International Economic Order are now at the discussion stage, which means that they can be deepened and developed. Attempts are being made to give the idea of the new economic order a broader meaning. Special attention should be paid to Unesco's proposal to extend the concept of the new order to all fields of h u m a n activity, social and cultural as well as economic.

While expressing approval of the Declaration and the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a N e w International Economic Order, Unesco points out that the concept of a new order should not be limited to the economic sphere. In its resolution 18 C/12, the Unesco General Conference states that 'the establishment of a new international economic order depends not only on political and economic factors, but also on socio•cultural factors, whose role in development is constantly increasing and which are essential to the struggle of peoples against all forms of domination'.60 Basing its position on the concept of integrated development, Unesco considers that all the aspects of development should be the object of a new order. The Organization particularly stresses the need for a new order in education, science, culture and communication, since the current situation in thesefieldsdestroys the balance of international relations and works to the detriment of the developing countries. This point of view is fully justified and very timely. Increased efforts are required in these fields at international level.

Nevertheless, the proposal to replace the concept of the N e w International Economic Order by the concept of a new international economic, social and cultural order seems problematic, considering that there exists as yet no single definition of 'social'. At international level, this concept probably includes the notion of social welfare, represented in the world by two opposing social systems. Each of these systems is developing in accordance with its own laws, a situation that corresponds to the concept of •endogenous development. But the proposal concerning the establishment of a single social order in the world goes against the very foundations of the new approach to development postulated by international society.

The idea of establishing a single social ethic seems no less problematic in a world divided into two systems. It seems doubtful that agreement could be reached on a single set of values and 'the deliberate choice of a c o m m o n destiny'.61 It hardly seems realistic to hope that a c o m m o n set of ethical values can be drawn up for everybody, and that as a result the world will be organized in such a way that there will be no more

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oppression. All this brings out once again the urgency of a discussion on correlating all the aspects of development, particularly as regards the Third World. A s stated in a Unesco publication already mentioned: 'There is a gap in our knowledge of development considered as a global process.

It is essential to integrate its various elements, technological, economic, social, political and cultural, so as to understand the dynamics of their interdependence. ' 6 3

T h e concept of self-reliant development Along with the interest they are showing in the p r o g r a m m e for the N e w International Economic Order, the institutions of the United Nations system are also stressing the concept of self-reliance as applied to the development of Third World countries. T h e n e w economic order is essentially linked to worldwide problems, whereas the concept of self-reliance is mainly intended for the Third World countries; it urges t h e m to unite and mobilize a m a x i m u m of their o w n resources to solve the complex socioeconomic, technical and other problems with which their development is faced.

T h e idea of self-reliance was broached before that of a n e w economic order. It was echoed in the Arusha Declaration in 1967, in the documents produced b y the meeting of non-aligned countries held in Lusaka in 1970, in the Cocoyoc Declaration in 1974, and finally in the Declaration and P r o g r a m m e of Action approved b y the Third Conference of U N C T A D in Manila.

In the Cocoyoc Declaration the principle of self-reliance is defined as follows: To believe in the people and in the nation, to count on the ability of the people themselves to find new resources and invent new techniques for applying these resources to socially useful ends, to take the leadership of the national economy and to find their own w a y of life. W e believe that the basic strategy of development should be worked out according to the principle of national self-reliance.

This does not m e a n autarky; on the contrary, it implies the mutual advantages drawn from trade and cooperation and a fairer distribution of resources for the satisfaction of essential needs.63 T h e theorists of this concept stress the fact that self-reliance does not m e a n autarky or isolation from the rest of the world. M o r e and m o r e , selfreliance is seen as an integral part of the radical restructuration of the

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whole system of international economic relations. In the Arusha programme for collective self-reliance (February 1979), this concept is seen as one of the components of the N e w International Economic Order. It is to be hoped that the concept and the corresponding strategy will help strengthen co-operation a m o n g the developing countries themselves.64 O n e of the strong points of this concept is that it underlines the absolute necessity of mobilizing the national energies of each country: 'Self-reliance—is above all the mobilization of the energies of the people.'65 Like the concept of development centred on m a n , that of self-rebanee sees the people as the centre of development, its principal driving force and at the same time the chief consumer of the fruits of development. Only if this last condition is m e t will the people take an active interest in development. 66 T h e concept stresses the need for changes in the social, economic, political and cultural life of the developing countries. T h e authors of the concept hold varying opinions as to the extent of these changes. T h e y all agree, however, in demanding a reduction in inequalities in the distribution of income, an expansion of the domestic market, and more active participation b y the people in decision-making at every level: that of the family, the village, the city, the firm, the co-operative, the school, the hospital, etc. T h e y also point out the importance of a prudent and attentive attitude towards the environment. Finally, they agree that it is inadmissible to oppose the national interest of individual countries to the collective interest of those that belong to the Third World.

It is beyond doubt that the concept of self-reliance contains a good m a n y of the components of the n e w approach to the general problematic of development. It reflects the vital interests of all the Third World countries.

T h e concept of self-reliance is based on the premise that the present conditions of the world market and the current state of international economic relations, both unfavourable to the developing countries, require these latter to set up a strong system of horizontal links a m o n g themselves b y diversifying their national economies, especially through concerted efforts.

In other words, the concept tries to give an independent base to economic and social development, so that in due time it will be possible to carry out production processes mainly within the framework of a region, a group of associated countries or the Third World as a whole. It is precisely for this reason that the need is proclaimed for the Third World countries to exercise effective control over their wealth, their natural resources and their system of production.

In thefieldof economic development, a broad programme is proposed that would permit the economy to solve certain specific problems, with a view to fulfilling the basic needs of the people and especially the deprived

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groups in the population. Efforts to restructure and develop the whole economy should be oriented precisely towards the satisfaction of these needs. Although there are m a n y variants and interpretations of the concept of self-reliance, the following points are brought out, in one w a y or another, by all the theorists.

The states taking part in the system of collective self-reliance should co-ordinate their industrial and agricultural development, as well as their trade, in such a w a y as to achieve greater economic balance and improved efficiency through co-operation. In the economic field they should: Increase and vary agricultural production so as to meet all the food needs of their population.

Organize their o w n production of the chief products needed for the development of agriculture, priority being given to fertilizers and pesticides.

Increase production intended for export, as regards both manufactured goods and r a w materials, the latter being exported in a m o r e highly processed form than before.

Raise the general level of technological development through collaboration a m o n g all the developing countries, especially as regards all forms of energy.

Establish c o m m o n institutions for the co-ordination of their activities in thefieldsof transport, marketing, etc.

Hold regular consultations in order to reduce, in future, their dependence on transnational firms in the fields of industry, trade, transport and 'know-how'.

Strengthen the autonomous financing potential of the Third World b y developing their o w n channels of financing.

Increase their o w n scientific and technological potential.

Strengthen the links between Third World countries, and also the links between these countries and the developed countries, in order to promote cultural exchanges and an awareness of the fact that the Third World has been decolonized.

Increase their bargaining power in international negotiations, especially where joint action is possible and necessary (as regards exports and imports and relations with transnational firms).

T h e Economic Declaration m a d e b y the fifth conference of heads of state and government of the non-aligned countries (held in Colombo in 1976) underlined the two principal objectives of 'collective self-reliance'. T h e first was to gain the respect of the legitimate economic rights of the developing countries in international transactions; the second w a s to explore and exploit the vast possibilities offered b y co-operation of these countries a m o n g themselves in thefieldsof trade, finance, industry, science and technology, etc.

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T h e concept of self-reliance entails certain changes in the old theories concerning the replacement of imports b y local production and the orientation of exports. Within the framework of a region, a subregion or an integrated group of states, the import-substitution policy considerably broadens the possibilities open to the developing countries. It coincides with the imperatives of the N e w International Economic Order, since it adopts certain aspects of the latter's export strategy. Each developing country m a y at the same time carry on a policy of promoting exports to the other countries of its region or group, and of importing from them or from third countries for the needs of its o w n production. The concept of collective self-reliance also increases export possibilities, because of the pooling of resources b y all the countries in the group, and because together they can better control the activities of transnational firms and use the latter in a w a y thatfitstheir development plans.

The secretariat of U N C T A D notes in a report that it is urgent to strengthen trade and economic co-operation between countries with different socio-economic regimes, and especially between the developing countries and the socialist countries of Eastern Europe. These latter countries 'are themselves n o w going through a process of growth and fulfilment which opens increasing possibilities for specialization and trade'.67 A n analysis of the concept of self-reliance leads to the conclusion that sufficient light has not yet been shed on certain problems, and that other questions are still the subject of varied interpretations. This m a y be explained, to some extent (as is the case with the concept of the N e w International Economic Order), b y the very diversity of the intellectual circles which have contributed to it; its theorists have widely divergent conceptual orientations. Let us take a closer look at some of the problems which require further clarification.

T H E P R O B L E M OF T H E T E C H N O L O G I C A L BASE OF T H E S T R A T E G Y OF S E L F - R E L I A N C E So far, no clear strategy has been defined to guide the considerable work undertaken b y United Nations agencies on the choice of suitable technologies for attaining the objectives of the developing countries, or on the elaboration of n e w technologies especially designed for this purpose.68 T h e documents hitherto published r e c o m m e n d labour-intensive technologies as a means of economizing capital. But this recommendation involves a grave danger: that centripetal tendencies within the Third World, in the realm of science and technology, will weaken the links of the developing countries with the developed countries of both systems, maintain their technological lag and leave them in a sort of technological stagnation. Thus it could c o m e

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about that the world would contain groups of states having a level of scientific and technological development quite different from the level enjoyed b y all the others.

The impression produced is that w h a t is recommended as a basis for the development of the newly independent states is their present technology. This automatically denies all priority, at least for the foreseeable future, to such urgent socio-economic problems as industrialization, the struggle against present handicaps, and the economic gap between these young countries and the developed countries.

T H E P R O B L E M OF T H E INDUSTRIALIZATION OF T H E D E V E L O P I N G C O U N T R I E S U N D E R CONDITIONS OF S E L F - R E L I A N C E Recently certain authors, in both the developed and the developing countries, have begun to deny that industrialization is an urgent part of the strategy of self-reliance. T h e O E C D , for example, stresses the need to intensify the production of consumer goods and to improve the infrastructure. T o a degree, the World B a n k takes the same position.

Robert W . C o x , professor of political science, considers that most economists close to government circles in the W e s t feel the same w a y . 6 9 Various arguments are put forward b y the theorists in developed countries w h o take a negative attitude towards industrialization. A s a n example, the following statement b y an Algerian economist m a y be quoted: 'Self-reliance is not a technological problem; it is a problem of social forces.

T o achieve self-reliance, exactly the same system of social forces m u s t exist in different countries at the same time. B u t this is not possible.'70 The same author considers that the industrialization of the developing countries goes against the interests of the workers in developed countries, so that the developing countries must give u p the idea of export-oriented industrialization: A n y real industrial development in Africa must avoid thwarting the interests of workers in the developed countries. This is very important. If there is exportoriented industrialization, there is in fact a certain contradiction between the level of employment in the developed countries and the level in the developing countries. And that proves that export-oriented industrialization is not a viable means of development.71

Such views are opposed to the strategy adopted b y the United Nations and its Specialized Agencies, in particular U N I D O , U N C T A D and Unesco.

T h e y are in addition opposed to the p r o g r a m m e proposals of the N e w

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International Economic Order. Can such a point of view contribute to eliminating the gap between the Third World countries and the developed countries?

T H E P R O B L E M OF T H E SIZE OF FIRMS IN T H E C O N C E P T OF S E L F - R E L I A N C E T h e self-reliance concept gives priority to small and medium-sized enterprises, which do not require bigfinancialinvestments or the use of costly, imported technology, equipment or raw materials. It is true that labourintensive processes m a k e it possible to employ a great m a n y unskilled workers, and also to aim production at the domestic market, where d e m a n d will rise because of increased employment and the improvement in the purchasing power of the most deprived strata of the population. A t first sight, considering the urgent economic and social problems with which the Third World is faced today, such an approach to the type and size of production units, and the type of technology to be applied, seems fully justified. But a serious question must be raised: what will be the basis and orientation of further development?

It therefore looks as though this concept, while concentrating on the solution of the Third World's immediate problems, hardly takes account of its long-term development, nor of the nature of the links between local and imported technology, nor of means for eliminating the economic and technical gap between the developing and developed countries. If no large industry is created, based on modern technology and capable of bringing about a thorough reorganization of the whole economy and raising the productivity of labour in all sectors, then the present economic and technological gap between the developed capitalist countries and the developing countries will not only be perpetuated but widen still further. A n d then it will become still harder for the developing countries to safeguard their national independence and play an active role in the solution of the world's great problems.

Inside the Third World countries, such a policy would result in slowing d o w n the growth rate of the national economy and the rise in the people's standard of living; it would also limit the possibilities of utilizing scientific and technical advances, which play an ever-increasing role in economic development.

T H E P R O B L E M OF D I S C O N N E C T I O N A N D R E C O N N E C T I O N According to some interpretations of the concept, the application of the self-reliance strategy requires careful consideration of the links between

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the developed and developing countries; these links might even be temporarily cut. This policy is justified b y the fact that it would allow a balance to be re-established between worlds having different levels of development and would prepare t h e m for a later 'reconnection' and an intensification of mutual relations on an equal footing: 'The approach to development based on collective self-reliance implies the disconnection of the components of the international system with which balanced relations cannot be established, and the forging of n e w links with those Third World countries with which balanced relations are possible.'72 In the report entitled What Now? Another Development an attempt is m a d e to classify links in the light of the self-reliance policy—an attempt which, it must be said, is purely theoretical. T h e authors of this report propose that the application of the self-reliance strategy be based on the following guidelines: T h e maintenance of only those links with the developed world that are necessary to m a k e possible the continuation of the development process.

T h e limitation of such links to an optimal choice, since the others cease to be productive.

T h e recognition that certain links strengthen collective self-reliance.

T h e recognition that certain links weaken self-reliance.

Participants in the working party on development theory that was organized b y the S A R E C in Switzerland in 1977 noted that the theory of development should include criteria for the optimal choice of links with the outside world on the basis of the self-reliance strategy.73 The strengthening of economic relations a m o n g the developing countries themselves is a vital necessity. Increased co-operation and economic integration a m o n g these countries will m a k e it easier for t h e m to establish their o w n bases for economic development, especially at regional level, and will give t h e m a chance to set up, jointly, large complexes in various sectors, both industrial and agricultural—complexes endowed with advanced technology and applying the principle of economic sovereignty.74 O n e has the feeling that the concept of self-reliance does not yet p a y sufficient attention to the problems involved in the collaboration of Third World countries at regional or subregional level. It was perhaps this idea that led B . Hettne to judge that, at the present time, the concept of selfreliance has above all an ideological character.75 It is obvious that the concept must be further developed from this point of view.

Beyond the fact that it has not yet been sufficiently elaborated in certain respects, the concept also includes theses that require further reflection and, in our opinion, have little chance of standing u p to serious criticism. Such is the case, especially, with the proposal for temporarily 'disconnecting' the developing countries from the developed countries 'with

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a view to re-establishing balance and preparing intensive relations for the future'. T o begin with, the proposed 'disconnection' is Utopian under the conditions that actually prevail in today's world. Secondly, even if it were possible, what would the long-term consequences be? Guiding the economy of the developing countries in the direction of small production units utilizing the corresponding technology would not be a m o v e towards progress, towards the building of a modern, technically advanced, economy; rather, it would tend to perpetuate the present gap. Hence it is hard to see what would serve as an economic base for the later 'reconnection' of the Third World countries with all the others. Does not the proposal for temporary 'disconnection', especially with the socialist countries, imply a risk of being harmful to the Third World? 7 6 Development strategy will not be successful unless account is taken, at the same time, of short- and long-term problems and of the reciprocal links between internal and external factors at each stage.

THE HOLE OF THE STATE IN THE CONCEPT OF SELF-RELIANCE Another aspect of the self-rehance concept is not clear: the place of the state. D o the theorists have in view the strengthening of the economic functions of the state, or will development be mainly the business of the private sector and domestic and foreign capital? This question is of primordial importance. T h e dependence of the developing countries with regard to the world capitalist economy can be broken only by strengthening the role of the state, which, in a situation of underdevelopment, is best placed to ensure the mobilization of all resources for the aims of development and national rebirth. If the partners of capitalist powers and transnational firms are to be private entrepreneurs and firms that will necessarily be m u c h weaker than the multinationals, while supranational bodies—within which the capitalist countries will probably keep a dominating position for a long time to come—decide the chief questions involved in international economic relations, then the strategy will have little chance of being successful.

Already certain general laws and trends have emerged in the building u p of the national economy: A n increase in the role of the public sector as an instrument of decisionmaking in the principal national economic problems and the defence of the national economy against the detrimental effects of external factors.

T h e use of mid- and long-term planning and programming to avoid a scattering of efforts and create an integrated national economy.

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A n intensification of participation in the world economy through the strengthening of traditional links and the formation of n e w links.

Action tending to prevent external economic relations from having a unilateral character.

Efforts aimed at reconciling local and foreign technology and techniques and creating a national scientific and technological infrastructure.

T h e development of the concept of self-reliance implies the study of all these questions and their integration into the framework of this concept, as well as their co-ordination with the national strategies that are already being used to deal with these problems.

The concept of basic needs T h e concept of basic needs began to take shape towards the end of the First Development Decade and the beginning of the second, at a time w h e n the inadequacies of the growth strategy were becoming apparent.

Growth had accelerated somewhat during the First Decade, but this acceleration had been accompanied b y an aggravation of social problems, an increase in poverty, and cases of famine here and there; it had to be recognized that the basic needs of the masses of the population were still unsatisfied.

E v e n before the concept took shape, the problem of satisfying the basic needs of the poorest categories of the population had been posed at the United Nations. T h e notion of basic needs appears in the United Nations Charter, in the Declaration of H u m a n Rights (Articles 25 and 26), in the international pact concerning social, economic and cultural rights (1966), and in the declaration on social progress and development adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 11 December 1969 (in other words, before the adoption of the document concerning strategy for the Second Development Decade). This notion is incorporated in the set of 'tasks and objectives' recommended in these various documents, but is not considered the main aim of development.

T h e background of the concept of basic needs m a y be traced back to the Cocoyoc Declaration, adopted in October 1974. It contains the following proposition: Our chief problem consists of reformulating the objectives of development.

Development should not be aimed at the production of material goods but at the improvement of the human condition. M a n has basic needs: food, shelter, clothing and health and education services. A n y growth process which does not lead to the satisfaction of these needs—or, what is worse, compromises their satisfaction—is only a parody of the idea of development.

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It was at this point that the second stage in the study of the notion of basic needs began: the stage of formulating a concept.

In its original form the idea of 'basic needs' had been 'incorporated' into the theory of economic growth. Later, in modernized form, it became a theory of 'a new distribution of the income derived from growth'. It was in the framework of this latter theory that thefirsteffort was made to reorient the objectives of growth from the purely economic to the satisfaction of basic needs.77 This m a y be considered a step forward, which has brought us somewhat closer to the new concept of the development process.

In thefirstplace, it was already considered that merely speeding up economic growth was not enough; henceforth, stress was laid on the situation of the deprived masses. Secondly, the situation of the Third World countries was denounced, and theorists began to realize that it had a global significance. Thirdly, they began to make a critical assessment of the idea of 'catch-up' development and to refuse to recommend the imitation of the models of development represented by the capitalist countries.

Nevertheless, the new emphasis on the satisfaction of basic needs as a central aim showed how complex and immature this notion was. Whereas it was possible to quantify economic growth as an indicator, in spite of its limited character, the objective of satisfying basic needs did not even have a precise content窶馬ot to mention the impossibility of making quantitative measurements. Hence the idea was interpreted in the most varied ways, some of which distorted it completely. In particular, attempts were made to replace the idea of the acceleration of economic growth by that of a better distribution of the fruits of growth, which did not correspond to the real nature of development either and which came no nearer to solving the social problems of the Third World countries.

About the middle of the 1970s the concept of basic needs became very popular. It was put forward by the World Bank, by the C O M E C O N countries, and by government circles in capitalist countries; and its adoption was strongly recommended as a basis for the development strategy of the Third Decade.78 The United Nations and some of its agencies also considered making this concept the dominating idea in the strategy to be adopted for this new Development Decade, but after further study of the problem the idea was abandoned. The Unesco Executive Board drew up a very interesting and highly convincing document entitled ' A n in-depth study of the concept of basic human needs under different living conditions, and the possible implications of this concept for action by the Organization' {105 E X / 7 , dated 29 September 1978); this document states, among other things, that 'the strategy of satisfying basic needs cannot in itself become an international development strategy'.

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This document points out that the concept of basic needs is still in the research stage and has not yet been precisely formulated. Everything depends on the content given to it, since it is extra-social and indifferent to the national, international or endogenous characteristics of development: 'In absolute terms, the "basic needs" approach cannot fail to win support. . . . But in terms of practical action such support has no impact if it is divorced from the concrete strategy suggested, with its specific configuration and its particular balance of ways and means.' 7 9 W h a t is more, it would seem that the formula itself should be different according to the level at which it is considered—international or national. A s for the content, it will be concrete in each national case, and will change according to the specific situation, the historic and cultural traditions and the level of development of each country.

Let us examine the chief characteristics of this concept. Independently of the level at which it is appbed—national or international—it must include three essential components:first,it must explain the structure of the basic needs; second, it must study the degree to which they are satisfied in the society in question; third, it must study the m e a n s of fulfilling them, and the method by which these means are to be increased—since h u m a n needs, as w e k n o w , increase constantly.

Since the concept of basic needsfirsttook shape, a large n u m b e r of works have been published that discuss the question of their structure. This problem w a s also studied at a conference held under the auspices of the I L O , 8 0 which considered the needs of the individual and of society, both immediate needs and needs whose fulfilment is required as a prerequisite for future development. It is neither possible nor necessary here to go further into this problem. W e m a y merely note that, where the Third World countries are concerned, the fulfilment of basic needs implies the provision to each family of sufficient food and clothing and adequate housing, the necessary household equipment and the basic services that are organized for and used b y all of society—clean drinking water, health and sanitation services, transport, education and a chance to engage in cultural activities.

More serious is the problem of w h y the basic needs of deprived groups of the population are not met. Here two points of view are possible. T h e first holds that failure to satisfy the needs of the impoverished masses, and to redress the social inequalities resulting from this failure, are due to bad income distribution, whereas the second explains them as the consequence of the prevailing social system as a whole. According to partisans of the first view, income distribution is one of the components of the social structure, which depends on production and the nature of property. In this connection it is interesting to note the conclusions of a panel of experts

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brought together b y Unesco in Brighton in September 1978. O n the application of the criterion of equity to the analysis of development and planning, the experts had this to say: Since inequality is established as a structural phenomenon, the strategies used to combat it cannot be limited to a policy of social protection but must involve all social relations, including, necessarily, production and economic relations as well as State intervention in distribution. Social strategies must be pluridimensional, for inequality is rooted in m a n y factors of domination. Strategies must also be varied, for they must be adapted to the specific situations of the various nations, regions or localities concerned.81 A n explanation of the causes of deprivation must logically be followed b y a study of the means to be used for fulfilling the basic needs of the poorer population groups. Here again, several points of view have been expressed.

S o m e of t h e m were put forward at a world conference held in 1976 o n problems of employment, income distribution, social progress and the international division of labour. E v e n then, doubt w a s cast o n the possibility that the basic needs of the poorest groups could be fulfilled through reliance on the mechanisms of the market. This approach was not even studied, for in fact it represented a step backward, to the time w h e n the strategy of economic growth had predominated. Another proposal consisted of increasing the income of the poorest groups faster than the income of the rest of the population, through indirect regulation procedures. T h e participants in the conferencefinallydecided that the best w a y to provide for the needs of the poorest would be to guarantee jobs for an everincreasing percentage of t h e m and to increase the productivity of their labour. E m p l o y m e n t would provide them with a stable income and would at the same time increase their degree of participation in the economic and social life of the country.

At a conference held in 1979 the I L O set full employment and the satisfaction of the basic needs of all as an objective to be attained within the space of a single generation, in other words b y the year 2000. For this to be achieved, it is indispensable for the developing countries to increase the rate of their economic growth, but also to change their models of development. 82 T h e model of development should be oriented towards the production of essential goods and services. T h e process of development should necessarily m a k e better use of h u m a n labour and increase its productivity. It was stipulated that these aims implied the necessity of social measures, especially agrarian reform. Furthermore, in income distribution, the share of the most deprived groups would have to increase faster than that of the rest of the population.

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T h u s the elaboration of a national development strategy aimed at satisfying the basic needs of the poorer masses of the population is fully justified.83 T h e success of such a strategy would depend on the degree of seriousness with which the question of m e a n s was posed: the m e a n s which would m a k e it possible to attain the objective—in other words, the social transformations without which it would be impossible to talk about satisfying basic needs. In the Unesco Executive Board document already quoted, an idea is emphasized that seems to us very important: the necessity for continuity in the strategy applied to the process of building up the national economy, even if there is a reorientation in favour oí stressing the satisfaction of basic needs: 'It thus appears to b e an approach that represents not so m u c h a break with the past as a reorientation involving altered priorities.'84 O n the other hand, a strategy centred on the satisfaction of basic needs is obviously inapplicable on an international scale. There are great differences in the levels of well-being and in the structures of the needs of various populations, depending on the specific characteristics of development in each country. If the satisfaction of basic needs were adopted as the key component of the international strategy of development, m u c h consultation would be required, standards would have to be set u p , and a broad information campaign would be necessary. It is possible that the organization of such services would be useful later to national states. B u t for the time being, from both a theoretical and a practical point of view, such a strategy does not have a sufficiently sure base. T h e authors of Unesco D o c u m e n t 105 E X / 7 seem to be quite right w h e n they reach the following conclusion: The concept, which involves so m a n y different approaches and disciplines, is so complex that even a study of the problem of need, as such, if it became the focal point of efforts on the part of the international community, could well be an exhausting enterprise which might mobilize a great deal of energy, occasion heavy expenditure and even take on a technocratic or esoteric colouring, or alternatively become transformed into an academic debate on typologies or batteries of indicators, while the problems themselves are allowed to remain.85 If the highest priority is given to the satisfaction of basic needs, this very fact will reduce the importance ascribed to the p r o g r a m m e for establishing the N e w International Economic Order, on which depends in large measure the solution of the problems of poverty, hunger and technological inadequacy which plague the countries of the Third World: A development strategy founded on the concept of basic needs would, in fact, tend to regard the heart of the various problems as being essentially located

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within each, country; conversely, it would mean that the problems of intercountry relations, which the various texts on the new international economic order have emphasized as being of capital importance, were treated as secondary.86

A theoretical basis for a development strategy for the Third Decade A n analytical review of the most recent concepts in thefieldof development leads to the conclusion that, in the course of the past ten years, the United Nations agencies have done a great deal of theoretical work on the problems involved in development. T h e weaknesses of the theory formed during the 1950s and 1960s have been exposed, and a n e w approach to the very concept of development has been outlined. This n e w approach rejects the purely economic interpretation of the development process, the interpretation that assimilated this process to mere economic growth, and brings out clearly its complex social nature. N e w problems have been raised which had not been dealt with, or which had been dealt with only superficially, in the old theory of development—the problems c o m m o n to all mankind, the problems of the external conditions of development of the various countries, the problem of the endogenous nature of development, and others as well. A n e w turn was taken w h e n m a n began to be seen as a social phenomenon, the chief driving force in the process of development and the chief beneficiary of its results.

During the 1970s, not only w a s theoretical research on development deepened, m a d e interdisciplinary and enriched b y long-term forecasting, but practical work was also intensified. W e are n o w better able to realize that the struggle to solve the world's problems, as well as national problems, will be a long process, slowed d o w n b y certain antagonistic forces, and requiring for its success the persevering efforts of all of society as well as of national governments.

Nevertheless, scientific knowledge in the realm of development is not yet sufficient, from either the analytical or the factual point of view. T h e n e w theoretical concepts have been more or less developed, but they have not yet been properlyfittedtogether. There are still a considerable n u m b e r of gaps in our knowledge, and our findings in certain areas sometimes contradict each other or are given various interpretations, depending on the social tendencies of those w h o study them.

Within the United Nations agencies, a great deal of work has been done with a view to setting a strategy for the Third Development Decade. This

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international strategy needs a sound theoretical base; hence it is essential to continue theoretical w o r k in the problematics of development.

A t present such work is divided a m o n g several Specialized Agencies of the United Nations, according to the field of competence of each. It

is

obvious that there should be a central b o d y in charge of guiding and co-ordinating the whole process of interdisciplinary scientific research in thisfield.It is not impossible that, in the light of n e w theoretical concepts, a unified theory of development m a y emerge that will be applicable to the whole world, a theory which could play an important part in the solution of the complex problems with which m a n k i n d is faced at the d a w n of the third millennium.

Notes

1.

At a specialists' meeting devoted to 'socio-cultural alternatives in a changing world' organizedln 1977 in Japan by the United Nations University, it was noted that 'both scientists and administrators were dissatisfied with the problematics of development, and had the feeling that there was a crisis in the social sciences where problems of development were concerned'.

Socio-Cultural Development in a Changing World. Project Meeting Report, Tokyo, June 1977, United Nations University, Programme Document H S D , p . 4 .

2. E C L A , 'Evaluación de la ciudad de L a Paz'.

3. A Unesco document draws attention to the differences in the interpretation of the term 'social' and tries to explain its essence: 'The social aspects of development are an integral part of the development process, independently of whether development is studied at the level of the concept, of the planning of investments or in connection with particular projects.' ('Measures for achieving better co-ordination between social and other development activities within the U N system', Unesco General Conference, nineteenth session, Meeting Document N 6/Add 1, 1 November 1978.) Here an attempt is obviously being m a d e to give this term a very broad interpretation. A s for the United Nations Department of International Economic and Social Affairs, it includes within the scope of the term 'social' the condition of w o m e n , social protection and integration, and the condition of various population groups—young people, old people, the handicapped—and it points out: 'These problems require integrated interpretation, just as do their economic, political and cultural aspects.

EffortB should be m a d e to draw up a system of indicators

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4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

which would characterize each of these problems in its relationship to development as a whole; measures are also required to ensure the best co-ordination of the social and other aspects of development in the United Nations system.' (Preliminary note by the Department of International Economic and Social Affairs, Meeting Document N 6/Add 1, 1 November 1978.)

Cocoyoc Declaration, U N E P / U N C T A D , 1974.

'The Concept of Development Centred on M a n ' , Unesco Secretariat document, 20 April 1979.

Johan Galtung, Goals, Processes and Indicators of Development. A Project Description, United Nations University, p . 1.

Unesco, Medium-term Plan (1977-82), document 19 C / 4 , 1977, paras. 305-7.

'The slicing of development into economic, social, cultural, etc. loses on every ground, since m a n cannot be divided.' I F D A dossier 13, November 1979, p . 15.

Unesco, Medium-term Plan, para. 44.

'The Concept of Development Centred on M a n ' , Unesco Secretariat document, 20 April 1979, p. 4.

Bjorn Hettne, 'Current Issues in Development Theory', S A R E C Report R 5, 1978, p. 8.

Report of the Expert Panel on a unified approach to the analysis and planning of development, 6-10 November 1972.

Ibid., p. 4.

Johan Galtung and Andros Wirak, ' H u m a n Needs, H u m a n Rights and the Theories of Development', in Indicators of Social and Economic Changes and Their Applications, Social Science Reports and Documents, Unesco, N o . 37, 1977, p. 8. ' H u m a n Rights in the Context of Development', United Nations University programme document H S P D - 6 / U N U P - 8 ,

p. 5.

16. "The Concept of Development Centred on M a n ' , Unesco Secretariat document, 20 April 1979, p. 11.

17. Towards a Development Tending to Reduce Economic and Social Inequalities,finalreport of the experts' meeting on the application of the criterion of equity to the analysis and planning of development, Brighton, United Kingdom, 11-15 September 1978.

18. 'The Concept of Development Centred on M a n ' , Unesco Secretariat document, 20 April 1979, p. 3.

19. Unesco document 104 E X / 5 1 , paras. 29-30.

20. Hettne states that 'the demand for a n e w international economic order is directly linked to the failure of the paradigm of dependence'. Bj么rn Hettne (Sweden), 'Current Issues in Development Theory', S A R E C Report R 5 , 1978, p. 24.

It should be noted that the notion of dependence is called, in various reports, a concept, a paradigm, a theory.

21. Cf. Tony Smith, 'The Underdevelopment of Development Literature: the Case of Dependency Theory', in World Politics, Vol. X X X I , January 1979.

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22. Report of the working party on the analysis of the great world problems and Unesco'Âť contribution to their solution, in Moving Towards Change, p. 113.

23. What Now? Another Development, report of the D a g Hammarskjold Foundation, 1975. Reshaping the International Order, 1976. Catastrophe or a New Society? A Latin American World Model, I D R C , Ottawa, 1976. The Future of the World Economy, by W . Leontief et al., United Nations, 1977.

The Planetary Bargain, N e w York.

24. This problem is studied in greater detail in connection with the concept of basic needs.

25. Development in the 1980s. Approach to a New Strategy, United Nations, N e w York, 1978, p . 6.

26. U N C T A D , document T D / B / 7 5 8 , 19 September 1979, p . 8.

27. Moving Towards Change, p . 79.

28. 'The Concept of Development Centred on M a n ' , Unesco Secretariat document, 20 April 1979, p . 7.

29. 'Towards Accelerated Development. Proposals for the Second United Nations Development Decade', United Nations, 1970, p. 5.

30. Resolution 2 6 2 6 / X X V , paras. 7 and 18.

31. Cf. official Documents of the Economic and Social Council, forty-eighth session, E/4832/Add. 1.

32. Report of the Expert Panel on a unified approach to the analysis and planning of development, 6-10 November 1972, para. 14.

33. E C O S O C , Economic Commission for Europe, 'The Indigenization of African Economies', E / C N . 1 4 / C a p . 7/2, 29 August 1978, paras. 67-73.

34. Report of the Expert Panel on a unified approach to the analysis and planning of development, 6-10 November 1972, para. 2.

35. Ibid., para. 29.

36. Ibid., para. 27.

37. Ibid., para. 32.

38. Hettne, op. cit., p . 24.

39. Partners in Tomorrow, p. 21.

40. Ibid.

41. Development in the 1980s, p. 2.

42. A list of documents concerning the N e w International Economic Order m a y be found in U N I T A R : A New International Economic Order. Selected Documents, 1945-1975.

43. Resolution 3362 (S-VII), preamble.

44. See Robert W . Cox, 'Ideologies and the N e w International Economic Order: Reflections on Some Recent Literature', International Organizations, Vol. 33, N o . 2, Spring 1979.

45. Richard N . Cooper, Karl Keiser and Masataka Kosaka, Towards a Renovated International System, The Triangle Papers, N e w York, The Trilateral Commission, 1977; The New International Economic Order. The North-South Debate, Jagdish

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Iraida Alechina

46.

47.

48.

49.

50.

N . Bhagwati (ĂŠd.), The Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1977; Wassily Leontief et al., The Future of the World Economy, United Nations, N e w York, Oxford University Press, 1977.

O E C D , press release A (78) 23, Paris, 15 June 1978, para. Ill, 18.

D . Meadows et al., The Limits of Growth, N e w York, 1973; M . Mesarovic and E . Pestel, Mankind at the Turning Point.

A n analysis of this problem would go beyond the framework of the present study, even though the problem in itself is most important.

Reshaping the International Order, a Club of R o m e report, Jan Tinbergen, co-ordinator, Antony J. Dolman, editor in chief, Jan van Ettinger, director of publication, 1976; The Optimal International Division of Labour, I L O , Geneva, 1975; Rich and Poor Countries, London, 1977.

E . E . Obminsky, 'Concepts of a N e w International Economic Order, Mysl (Moscow), 1977; N . P . Chmelov, 'Socialism and International Economic Relations', Mezdunarodnye otnosenija (Moscow), 1979; R . A . Oulianovsky, Contemporary Problems of Asia and Africa, Nauka, chief publishing centre for Oriental literature, Moscow, 1978; K . N . Broutenz, Countries Liberated During the 1970s, Political Editions, Moscow, 1979; V . P . Kolessov and L . T . Komlev, 'Towards Equitable Economic Relations', Mezdunarodnye otnosenija (Moscow), 1978; G . G . Tchibrikov, The Role of Modern International Monopolies in the Process of Internationalization of Capital and Production, Moscow, 1979; I. D . Ivanov, 'International Firms in the World Economy', Mysl, 1976.

51. 'Everyone realizes the international economy has become really worldwide, and that its functioning n o w involves all countries. But there is not yet any adequate mechanism for guiding the world economy.' (Development in the 1980s, p. 6.)

52. This is exactly the w a y the problem is posed in the Unesco document.

53. Cf. R . Duvall, S. Jackson, B . Russett, D . Snidal, and D . Sylvan, ' A Formal Model of "Dependencia" Theory: Structures and Measurement', mimeo.; also D . Snidal, R . Duvall, S. Jackson, R . Russett and D . Sylvan, 'Testing "Dependencia": an Overview of the Dependence Project', mimeo.

54. Unesco resolution 18 C/12.

55. Unesco document 108 E X / 2 4 , p . 20.

56. Resolution 3362 (S-VII), part III. 57. Unesco document 108 E X / 2 4 , p. 29.

58. Moving Towards Change, p. 58.

59. Unesco document A/AC.196/II/CRP.II, 11-22 June 1979.

60. Unesco Resolution 18 C/12.11.

61. Moving Towards Change, p. 17.

62. Ibid., p . 121.

63. Cocoyoc Declaration, U N E P / U N C T A D , 1974.

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64. The strategy of self-reliance 'is responsible for the new emphasis n o w laid on co-operation among the developing countries'. (Development in the 1980s.)

65. Ismail-Sabri Abdalla, ' W h a t Development? A Third World Viewpoint', I F D A Dossier 13, November 1979, p. 15.

66. Ibid.

67. ' U N C T A D ' s Contribution to the Preparation of the N e w International Development Strategy', report by the U N C T A D Secretariat, document T D / V / 7 5 8 , 1 9 September 1979, para. 44.

68. A detailed analysis of the work done on this question in the United Nations system will be found in an article by Bertrand H . Chatel, head of the technological applications service of the Bureau of Science and Technology. Entitled 'Technology Assessment and Developing Countries', the article appeared in Technology Forecasting and Social Change, Vol. 12, N o . 3, April 1979.

69. Cox, op. cit.

70. Emerging Trends in Development Theory, report of a S A R E C study group on the theory of development, Vasterhaninge, 8-12 August 1977. S A R E C Report R 3, 1978, p. 27.

71. Ibid.

72. Abdalla, op. cit., p . 12.

73. Emerging Trends in Development Theory, S A R E C Report R 3, 1978, p. 58.

74. Decision of the fourth session of U N C T A D , Nairobi, 1976.

L . Zevine, ' N e w Concepts of Economic Development and the International Co-operation of the Third World Countries', Voprosy ĂŠkonomiki, N o . 11, 1978.

75. Hettne, op. cit., p . 32.

76. U N C T A D demands a strengthening of the economic links between the developing countries and the socialist countries.

(See also note 67.)

77. In the report of the Director General of the I L O , Employment, Growth and Basic Needs: A One-World Problem, I L O , Geneva, 1976, p. 33, it is noted that 'rapid economic growth is an essential element of the strategy of basic needs'.

78. In document 105 E X / 7 of the Unesco Executive Board, it is stipulated that 'an analysis of the various documents of the meeting, which had studied the concept of autonomy especially in connection with the example of Tanzania, seems to show that the expression "basic needs" is not, as such, included in the vocabulary used by these countries themselves.... Apparently this expression was introduced as an interpretive concept on the initiative of economists specializing in development questions'.

79. Unesco document 105 E X / 7 , para. 76.

80. Report of the Director General of the I L O , Employment, Growth and Basic Needs, pp. 7-8.

81. Final report of the experts' meeting on the application of the criterion of equity to the analysis and planning of development, Brighton, 11-15 September 1978, para. 76.

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82. Report of the Director General of the I L O , Employment, Growth and Basic Needs, p . 34.

83. A t the I L O World Conference in 1976, it w a s noted that BO far there w a s only one case in which the national development strategy w a s oriented towards the satisfaction of basic needs—Cameroon. (Report of the Director General of the I L O : Employment, Growth and Basic Needs, p . 276.)

84. Unesco document 105 E X / 7 , para. 74.

85. Ibid., para. 69.

86. Ibid., para. 115.

2

A global view of the development process

Celso Furtado

T h e models of growth that have been the subject of a major part of the theoretical w o r k of economists in the last three decades are a by-product of attempts at a d y n a m i c approach to the Keynesian m o d e l . T h e bulk of this w o r k follows t w o lines: o n the one h a n d , renewed contact with the classical tradition, linked to a pattern of institutional distribution of income, and o n the other, a continuation of the neoclassical tradition founded o n the concept of the production function withflexiblecoefficients, linking the return o n the factors with their respective marginal productivity.

This theoretical w o r k h a d only limited significance for the progress of ideas o n development, both in the highly industrialized countries a n d in the so-called underdeveloped countries. T h e inability of growth models to account for major structural changes—i.e. the interplay between the 'economic' a n d the 'non-economic'—and to record the complex relations that arise at the boundaries of the economic system (the relations with other economic systems and with the ecosystem) stem from the very conception of the science of economics o n which they are based. T h e m o r e sophisticated the model, the m o r e remote it is from the multidimensional reality of society.

It w a s for this reason that the most important changes—caused b y the gathering speed of accumulation in the last quarter of a century, and the advent of transnational structures with a n ever-growing role in the allocation of resources, the creation of liquidity a n d the geographical distribution of income—have taken place without the theorists of growth having grasped their impact at the level of national economic systems. T h e inability at present s h o w n b y the governments of the great capitalist nations to reconcile the aims of their respective economic policies is in

C E L S O F U R T A D O is Professor of Economy at the University of Paris I.

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great part due to the direction taken b y the theory of growth and its considerable influence on the elaboration of these economic policies.

While it is true that the reproduction of capitalist society generates a substantial potential for accumulation, it is also true that such accumulation can be achieved only through delicate and continuing alterations in social structures. It is thus necessary to consider h o w the reproduction of structures of privilege succeeds historically in blending in with the need for change. T h e ruling classes, w h o control the strategic points in the decisionmaking system, direct their policies towards preserving the privileged position they occupy. In so doing, however, they trigger off a large-scale process of accumulation that gives rise to a d e m a n d for labour in excess of population growth, and promotes social tensions. While in the early stages—when artisanal structures were being dismantled—accumulation proceeded under conditions of an elastic supply of labour, in time it c a m e up against a growing inelasticity of supply, necessitating population m o v e ments, mobilizing the potential of female labour and so on. T h e reproduction of a capitalist economy is inconceivable without such social tensions, which have been resolved b y directing technological progress in such a w a y as to offset any rigidity in the labour supply. Those w h o claim to have discovered in the logic of capitalism an inexorable trend towards stagnation, the aggravation of social antagonisms, and self-destruction, underestimate the potentialities of technology for generating n e w power resources. T h e agents w h o direct or supervise economic activities in capitalist society seldom form part of a system that has objectives explicitly established beforehand. In reality such agents compete for position, triggering off a process of accumulation that produces pressure to increase the share of labour in the social product. Thus in competing with each other these agents unleash forces that are conducive to reducing the space for which they are competing. This situation favours agents w h o innovate with a view to economizing labour.

Social antimonies, and the constant outstripping of the tensions resulting therefrom, generate the sweeping social changes that characterize the development of capitalism. O n the one hand substantial accumulation and o n the other the concentration of economic activity are conducive to making the individual worker an element in structured social groupings, and give rise to n e w forms of power, all of which tends to transfer social conflicts to the political level. Thus the driving force specific to capitalist society is above all a result of the fact that the reproduction of its built-in structures is based on technical innovation. In other words, the advance of technology is given every facility to succeed b y this society, precisely because it ensures the perpetuation of the privileges of the ruling classes.

H o w e v e r , the assimilation of technological progress in a competitive society

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implies substantial accumulation, which in turn generates social pressures for a reduction of inequality. Thus the combined action of technological innovation and accumulation makes it possible for the privileges to continue, and to exist side-by-side with the social forces that challenge them.

So long as a capitalist economy succeeds in maintaining growth, the expectations of agents with antagonistic interests can be satisfactorily met: real wages increase, and the share of capitalists and other privileged groups in the social product tends to be maintained. A superficial observer would see only afieldof class conflicts, and antagonism between m e m b e r s of the same class. Since accumulation and the penetration of technological progress bring about continual changes in relative prices, speed u p the installation of n e w equipment to replace that which has become outdated, continually eliminate certain goods from the market, alter the distribution of income both in space and in time, and concentrate economic power, etc., thefieldis extraordinarily unstable, and appears even, from a certain angle, to be chaotic. B u t from a wider viewpoint it can be seen that because of this mutability (in which M a r x claimed to have discovered anarchy) capitalist society reproduces itself and maintains its basic class structure.

T h e concept of development has been used in two cases with reference to contemporary history. T h efirstconcerns the evolution of a social system of production which, by means of accumulation and technological progress, becomes more efficient, or rather increases the productivity of its labour force as a whole. Concepts such as efficiency and productivity are, of course, ambiguous w h e n applied to complex production systems in which inputs and outputs are heterogeneous, and vary with time. It can, however, be admitted as self-evident that the social division of labour increases efficiency of m a n p o w e r , and that accumulation is not only a transfer in time of the ultimate utilization of a resource, but the means whereby the division of labour takes on a diachronic dimension. T h e possibility of intensifying the division of labour is considerably increased w h e n tasks which are carried out simultaneously are supplemented or replaced b y others which can be spread out over periods of varying duration. T h e worker w h o uses a tool shares the w o r k with others w h o previously contributed, directly or indirectly, towards making the tool concerned.

T h e second case in which reference is m a d e to the concept of development relates to the degree to which h u m a n needs are satisfied. In this case the ambiguity is even greater. There is a first level at which objective criteria can be used: the satisfaction of basic h u m a n needs such as food, clothing and housing. T h e life expectancy of the population—bearing in mind certain distortions due to social stratification—is an indicator of the degree of satisfaction of basic needs. A s w e m o v e a w a y from thisfirstlevel, reference to a system of values becomes proportionately more urgent, since

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the very idea of a need, w h e n unrelated to essentials, becomes obscure outside the cultural context to which it belongs.

T h e concept of development can accordingly be approached on the basis of three criteria, which have a complex interrelationship: the criterion of an increase in the efficiency of the production system, that of the satisfaction of the population's basic needs, and that of the attainment of the objectives sought b y various groups in a society, which are linked to the use of scarce resources. T h e third criterion is certainly the most difficult to define, because what represents well-being for one social group m a y seem a mere waste of resources to another. That is w h y the view of developm e n t held b y a society is not unrelated to its social structure.

A n increase in the efficiency of production—commonly defined as the main indicator of development—is not an adequate prerequisite for the fuller satisfaction of the population's basic needs. W e cannot rule out the possibility that the deterioration in the living conditions of the population at large is due to the introduction of more 'efficient' techniques. Furthermore, an increase in the availability of resources and a rise in living standards m a y occur in the absence of any change in the production process w h e n , for example, the pressure on reserves of non-renewable resources is increased. T h e current view of development overlooks the fact that in the capitalist system the creation of economic values entails a greater cost than that which is shown in either private or public accounting systems.

M a n ' s productive activity increasingly involves irreversible natural processes such as dissipation of energy, which tend to increase universal entropy.1 T h e stimulation of forms of technology based on a growing use of energy (the outcome of the short-term view engendered b y the private appropriation of non-renewable resources) aggravates this trend, turning their economic process into something that makes increasing inroads on resources as time goes by.

In the process of the reproduction of capitalist society, technological progress fulfills a dual role: it reduces the pressure for social equality and keeps consumption b y middle and high-level income groups growing.

T h u s the orientation of technological progress governs the evolution of the entire production system, the structure of which must be such as to ensure the social diffusion of products originally reserved for high-income minorities. For example, the mechanization of the individual transport of highincome minorities, and the subsequent search for economies of scale in the production of automobiles leads to a spread a m o n g the general public of the habit of using the same kind of transport, even though this entails substantial social costs.

T h e subordination of technological creativity to the objective of reproducing a social structure that is largely non-egalitarian, and where

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accumulation is at a high level, is the root cause of some of the most paradoxical aspects of contemporary civilization. E v e n in countries where the accumulation process is the most advanced, a proportion of the population (between one-tenth and one-third) has not reached the level of real income required to satisfy what are regarded as basic needs. Gases occur in which an increase in wages is part and parcel of a process that includes both an increase in the coefficient of waste, inherent in expenditure b y high-income groups, and the spreading throughout middle-income groups of more and more sophisticated forms of consumption. Thus the elimination of 'poverty in the midst of plenty' m a y become m o r e difficult as accumulation proceeds. N o w it is precisely in terms of the values of this civilization that an awareness has been born of increasing inequalities in hiving standards a m o n g nations, of accumulated backwardness, of underdevelopment. A n d it is with reference to the problems involved in international inequalities that the concept of development has grown u p as a central concern of our time.

T h e geographical concentration of economic activities, for the benefit of a small n u m b e r of countries, was one of the most striking consequences of the intensification of the accumulation process. A d a m Smith observed that the opportunities created for the social division of labour are m u c h greater in manufacturing than in agriculture.2 T h e division of w o r k into tasks in manufacturing subsequently opened u p unprecedented possibilities for accumulation, and gradually changed the structure of manufacturing, in which the separation between production processes tended to prevail upon product specialization. Thus the interdependence of manufacturing activities began to increase both synchronously and diachronously. T h e idea of productivity, which could be grasped at the micro-economic level in agriculture and handicrafts, gradually became inseparable, as industrialization proceeded, from the degree of development attained b y industrial activities as a whole. In addition, since technological innovation—both in production processes and in the composition of the final product—is conducive to the appropriation of the surplus b y those in its vanguard, it is easy to see that a structural tendency exists in a capitalist economy towards a concentration of income that benefits urban areas (where manufacturing activities are grouped together) and countries exporting products that incorporate the most sophisticated technology.

That these problems were recognized is shown clearly in the great debate which took place in the second half of the nineteenth century on free trade versus protectionism. T h e reaction against the doctrine of free trade was based on the idea of the complementarity of economic activities, and w a s to lead to the concept of the national economic system. T h e spread of industrialization, which produced in the second half of the last

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century a whole constellation of independent economic centres, took place for the most part in the context of national protectionism. F r o m then onwards the concept of development became clearly bound up with the idea of national interest.

F r o m the end of the Second World W a r onwards, reflection on development had as its starting point awareness of the economic backwardness of certain countries in relation to others, assessed b y the differences between levels of productivity and/or of consumption. Other indicators of a social nature were soon added thereto, such as infant mortality, the incidence of contagious diseases, the degree of literacy, etc., thus contributing to the confusion of the concepts of development, progress, social welfare and modernization, all seen as giving access to life-styles created by industrial civilization.

This reflection began b y taking the form of a political concern, which was the fruit of the major changes brought about by the Second World W a r , such as the dismantling of colonial structures and the appearance of n e w forms of dominant international interests, based on the mastery of technology and on ideological manipulation. During thisfirststage a major catalytic role fell to the n e w international institutions—the United Nations, its regional commissions and Specialized Agencies—whose secretariats carried out thefirstempirical studies with a view to defining these n e w problems.

T h e fact is that for the last three decades reflection on development has remained directly related to problems in which the political dimension has been decisive: the deterioration in the terms of foreign trade, the fact that the price system was ill-suited for use in orienting investment, the insufficiency of accumulation in societies exposed to the demonstration effect, the inadequacy of traditional institutions w h e n faced with the n e w functions of the state, the unsuitability of imported technology to cope with the potential supply factors and the dimensions of the domestic market, outdated agrarian structures, the tendency for income to be concentrated, structural tensions reflected in chronic inflation, continuing disequilibrium in the balance of payments, and so on. This complex group of questions w a s broached without any appropriate attempt at theorizing in advance, and almost always in a totally inadequate conceptual context.

With its primary emphasis on an overall view of economic decisions, where inadequate co-ordination w a s responsible for unemployment, the work of Keynes gave great impetus to the theory of economic policy.3 Keynes's analysis gave rise to a theory of the co-ordination of economic decisions, which set considerable store on decision-making centres at the national level. But if the elimination of unemployment required action b y the state in directing the economic system as a whole, what about the

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structural modifications essential in order to overcome underdevelopment?

This approach led to emphasis being laid on the political aspects of economic problems, and to the concept of development as the fruit of deliberate action, not the effect of spontaneous generation.

In taking an overall approach to economic problems, development specialists are led to resume contact with the tradition of historicist thought that had contributed to the criticism levelled against international liberalism in the middle of the nineteenth century. W i t h neoclassicism the theory of production w a s limited to an abstract study of the individual enterprise and of its cost equation in a context that was regarded as neutral. B u t the social antinomies inherent in capitalism, which are inseparable from the driving force behind it, cannot be apprehended from a study of isolated agents. T h efirststep towards formulating a theory of production is not taken until one has grasped the interdependence of productive activities, which makes it necessary to start with th&idea of a system. T h e historicist tradition had produced, with Friedrich List, the concept of a system of productive forces, which was to be used extensively b y M a r x . 4 This concept shed light on the complementarity of productive activities, which are regarded as a social process, not as an aggregate of isolated entities. In this w a y external economies, which are of considerable importance in the study of development, can be included in the theory of production. Thus the inadequacy of micro-economic criteria of rationality for defining a model of social productivity becomes obvious.

Possibly no concept has had so m u c h significance for the advance of studies on development as Raúl Prebisch's concept of the centre-periphery structure.5 Though Prebisch's main concern w a s the international propagation of the business cycle—the diversity of the behaviour of economies that export primary products b y comparison with economies that export industrial products—the concept was based on an overall view of the capitalist system and opened the w a y to a perception of its structural diversity, a knowledge of which is essential if w e are to understand the special character of underdevelopment. T h e elaboration of this concept b y Prebisch himself, and b y the group of social scientists w h o m e t at the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America ( E C L A ) — a group k n o w n as the Latin American structuralist school—gave rise to a trend of thought that has had considerable influence.6 Prebisch's starting-point w a s a criticism of the system of the international division of labour and the theory of international trade based on the concept of comparative advantages, the validity of which w a s still uncontested in the academic world. O n e of the corollaries of this theory was that international trade not only provided an 'engine of growth'—it enabled all participating countries to m a k e more rational use of their o w n

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resources—but was also a factor in reducing inequalities in living standards as between countries, since it eliminated some of the negative effects brought about b y the lack of complementarity of the available factors.

Yet the empirical data on the long-term behaviour of prices in international markets b y no means confirmed these forecasts. Such evidence as existed w a s the other w a y around, i.e. it pointed towards the concentration of income in the hands of countries having the highest level of income.

Prebisch brought the problem out of the abstract context of theorems of comparative advantages (an exercise in logic in which the conclusions are implicit in the premises) into the context of social structures, within which costs are worked out and surpluses appropriated. The difficulty of bringing d o w n m o n e y wages in industrial economies was pointed out b y Keynes, w h o ascribed it to the vigour of trade-unionism. B u t the situation w a s different in countries that exported primary products, a theme that w a s shortly to be linked to the theory of the structural surplus of labour.

Thus there is a structural tendency in the capitalist system towards concentrating income for the benefit of countries that have a more advanced form of social organization. Disparities in the rate of accumulation, because in part of the system of the international division of labour and its impact on social structures, have produced a structural heterogeneity in the capitalist system that cannot be ignored in any study of international relations.

Thus underdevelopment came to be regarded not as a stage on the road to development, but as a permanent structural feature.

Another idea of considerable importance, brought to the fore b y the Latin American school in the early 1950s, was that of the harmful effects of the types of technology incorporated in equipment imported b y latedeveloping countries.7 Bearing in mind the fact that these types of technology are bound u p with prevailing social relationships in countries with advanced accumulation, it is easy to understand w h y it causes an ever-increasing concentration of income in countries where accumulation is in its early stages, and frequently creates an incompatibility between the m a x i m u m profits sought b y private enterprises and the social objectives of development policies. This subject subsequently aroused considerable interest with the debate on urban marginality, the choice of techniques, labour-intensive techniques, technological dependence, etc. The work of the Latin American structuralists evolved towards an interdisciplinary approach to underdevelopment, considered as corresponding to a type of society in which the relations of external dependence interjected into the structure of society influence the reproduction of the society itself.8 Let us try to s u m u p . T h e process whereby this world economic system was formed had from the outset two quite separate aspects. T h e first relates to radical changes in production methods, i.e. the destruction,

A global view of the development process

11

in whole or in part, of family, artisanal, feudal and guild forms of organization of production, and the gradual establishment of markets for production factors, such as labour and the natural resources appropriated b y m a n . These radical changes resulted in greater opportunities for the division of labour and technological progress, which explains the heightened pace of accumulation.

The second aspect relates to the upsurge of commercial activities, i.e. the interregional and international division of labour. T h e regions in which accumulation first began to gather speed tended to specialize in activities in which the contemporary revolution in production methods opened up greater possibilities for the progress of technology, and became centres that generated technological progress. However, geographical specialization also brought about increased productivity, that is to say a more efficient use of available resources. These increases in productivity, the results of foreign trade, acted as vectors that transmitted the innovations of the material culture reflecting the acceleration of accumulation.

Progress—the assimilation of the n e w life-styles produced b y innovation in the dominating culture—became the universal ideology. T h e modernization of models of consumption—the imitation and adaptation of large fragments of the material culture—was able to m a k e substantial progress without markedly interfering with social structures, which explains h o w in m a n y parts of the world foreign trade w a s activated in the context of pre-existing forms of the organization of production, including slavery.

T h e dissemination of capitalism was m u c h swifter and more widespread as a modernization process than it was in bringing about relevant changes in production methods and social structures.9 Development and underdevelopment are thus historical processes that stem from the same initial impetus, i.e. they have their roots in the acceleration of accumulation that took place in Europe at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century. For an understanding of the causes of the historical persistence of underdevelopment, it is necessary to observe it as part of a whole that is in m o v e m e n t , as an expression of the driving force behind the world economic system produced b y industrial capitalism.

T h e industrialization of countries that have been caught in the underdevelopment trap takes place in competition with imports, not with artisanal activity. It thus tends to be subordinated to the modernization that precedes it. Far from being a reflection of the level of accumulation reached, the evolution of the production system is a simple process of adaptation, in which the dominant role falls to the external and internal forces that determine the profile of d e m a n d . This is the basic reason w h y the social structures of countries of belated industrialization are so different

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from those that arose in areas where industrial capitalism developed as an independent process.

T h e mechanization of infrastructures, and the transformation of agriculture provoked by the drive to export and also b y developing trends in internal d e m a n d , together with the impact of industrialization in cases where artisanal activities were important—for example in sectors such as food, textiles and clothing—set in motion a long drawn-out process of destruction of traditional employment structures. T h e tremendous and chaotic spread of towns, to be found in all underdeveloped countries, is only one of the most visible signs of this complex process of disintegration of social structures. T h e concept of disguised unemployment, introduced b y economists in the early 1950s, w a s the first form of an awareness of this problem, but it w a s the studies on urban marginality carried out in the subsequent decade by Latin American sociologists that m a d e it possible to apprehend it in all its complexity and to bring out the special character of the social structures in countries with dependent economies.

Populations deprived of their traditional occupations by changes in the forms of production tend to m o v e into urban cultural subsystems that have only sporadic links with markets but have a strong potential influence on them as reserves of labour. Marginalized populations, which are largely independent in reproducing themselves, are an expression of a type of social stratification that has its roots in modernization. T h e technological mismatch referred to b y economists has been reflected, from the sociological point of view, in the two extremes of modernization and marginalization.

T h e attempt to find c o m m o n theoretical ground leads to the theory of dependence, which is based on an overall view of capitalism as an expanding economic system and aims at apprehending the heterogeneity, in time and space, of the process of accumulation.

These studies, which bring out the basic links between the external relations and the internal forms of social domination in countries that have been caught in underdevelopment, have highlighted other subjects of equal importance, such as the nature of the state in these countries and the role of transnational corporations in controlling their economies.

W h e r e modernization has been based on the exploitation of nonrenewable resources (the case of the oil-exporting countries, though an extreme one, lends itself most easily to analysis), the surplus kept b y the country of origin tends to be taken over by a central system of power.

In this w a y , links with the outside world come to play a basic part in the evolution of the power structure, leading to its centralization and reinforcement. This process, coinciding with the disintegration of social structures, confers on the state characteristics that are only n o w beginning to be recognized as unique. A s the state is primarily an instrument that appro-

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pri창tes the surplus, the evolution of social structures tends to be strongly influenced b y the w a y in which the state directs the utilization of the resources it controls. It is thus in a country's relations with the outside world, and in the process of accumulation, that w e find the bases of the power system, whose action intervenes in the restructuring of society that accompanies the spreading out of capitalism.

The situation of countries that are linked with the outside world through the exploitation of non-renewable resources, and in which the state is the primary, almost the sole instrument of accumulation controlled from within, is obviously an extreme case. H o w e v e r , in other underdeveloped countries political trends are moving in the same direction: the strengthening of the state machinery being the general rule, as well as the emergence of n e w forms of social organization under its guardianship. Investments in infrastructure and basic industries depend directly on the public authorities, or the guarantees given b y the latter to foreign groups. Local saving, to a large extent compulsory, would not exist without deliberate action b y the state, which assumes growing responsibilities in the production field itself, where the enterprises it establishes operate with a considerable margin of independence. In the face of these trends, it is no longer possible to apply traditional criteria to differentiate government activities from private ones. That is w h y "Weber's concept of bureaucracy, linked with the forms of power that are based solely on instrumental rationality, is of little value in accounting for the n e w realities of power to which w e are referring.

The study of development, b y leading to a gradual rapprochement of the theory of accumulation with the theory of social stratification and the theory of power, finds its place at a strategic point where the various social science disciplines converge. Early ideas on economic development, defined as an increase in the flow of goods and services that w a s more rapid than population growth, have been gradually replaced b y others, which are linked to a complex of social changes that acquire meaning with reference to an implicit or explicit system of values. Measuring a flow of goods and services is an operation that has specific meaning only w h e n such goods and services are related to the satisfaction of objectively defined h u m a n needs, that is to say which can be identified independently of existing social inequalities. Ambiguity will, however, always exist in any attempt to reduce to a c o m m o n denominator expenditures b y the different groups of a non-egalitarian society, or in any attempt to compare increases or reductions in inequalities. The postulate of the homogeneity of consumption expenditures is incompatible with the idea of social welfare, which, in one w a y or another, is included in the concept of development, since the hypothesis of an egalitarian society is excluded. T h e controversy o n this

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point—apparently only a technical one—has led to a criticism of the types of society implicit in development projects.

It is easy to see w h y this controversy arose originally in underdeveloped countries, since the type of society in question already exists on account of these countries' backwardness and dependence. Thus the type of traditional thinking about 'obstacles to development' seemed likely to be replaced b y another, which has fed the controversy about the 'limits of growth', 'development styles', 'types of society', and 'world order'. A n in-depth analysis of international relations of domination and dependence and their effect on social structures has given a clearer insight into the nature of the forces that ensure the permanence of underdevelopment. In addition, criticism of the 'logic of markets' has thrown light on the impact on the ecosystem of a type of society that encourages accumulation at the s a m e time as it inevitably reproduces inequalities.

T h e fruitfulness of critical reflection stimulated b y the theory of development is most certainly due to its interdisciplinary nature. A n d the horizons it has opened up m a y well have contributed towards enriching m a n ' s view of the contemporary world.

Notes

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

In this connection, see the work of the pioneer GeorgescuRoegen, The Entropy Law and the Economic Process, C a m bridge, Mass., 1951.

Cf. The Wealth of Nations, edited by Edwin Cannan, Vol. 1, p. 7.

Thefirstedition of the work of J. M . Keynes, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, came out in 1936.

Thefirstattempt to m a k e the Keynesian model dynamic was

by R . F . Harrod, in ' A n Essay in Dynamic Theory', Economic Journal, March 1939.

Cf. Friedrich List, Das nationale System der Politischen Oekonomie,firstpublished in 1841.

The ideas of Raúl Prebisch were presented for thefirsttime in El desarollo económico de la América-latina y algunos de sus problemas, United Nations Economie Commission for Latin America ( E C L A ) , Santiago de Chile, 1949.

A number of aspects of Latin American structuralist thought, and a bibliographical guide, are presented by Celso Furtado in Economic Development of Latin America, 2nd éd., Cambridge University Press, 1976.

Thefirstapproach to the problem of the relationship between imported technology and underdevelopment is to be found in

A global view of the development process

8.

9.

81

the study prepared b y the E C L A team in 1951, Theoretical and Practical Problems of Economic Growth, Santiago de Chile.

For a sociological presentation of ideas on dependence, see F . H . Cardoso, 'Les États-Unis et la théorie de la dépendance', Revue du Tiers Monde, October-December 1976. See also Celso Furtado, Théorie du développement économique, 2nd éd., Paris 1976.

O n the general subject of modernization, although it is approached from other angles, see S. Eisenstadt, Modernization: Protest and Change, Prentice-Hall, 1966; and Marion J. Levy, Jr., Modernization and the Structure of Society: A Setting of International Affairs, Princeton University Press, 1966.

3

Development centred on the h u m a n being: some West European perspectives

Johan Galtung, R o y Preiswerk and Monica W e m e g a h

' T h e most important question with which those responsible for developm e n t are confronted, is: h o w m u c h h u m a n suffering is acceptable for the attainment of economic gains?'1 There w a s a great awakening in Europe in the 1970s. T h e awareness of the overpowering impact of increased industrialization and mechanization led m a n y people to set question marks after such concepts as modernization and progress. In a satirical plea for 'Aid for the Overdeveloped!' one author reveals that in the richest countries (10 per cent of the world's population), w e find 98 per cent of the world's psycho-pharmacological consumption, 86 per cent of impotency and frigidity, 86 per cent of telephone calls, 80 per cent of suicides, 78 per cent of television consumption, 74 per cent of heart attacks, etc.2 This is the endogenous part of the critique of European development (applicable to industrial society in general), since it derives from observations m a d e b y insiders. B u t there is also an external input. M a n y of those w h o have been living in the Third World and exposed to the influence of other cultures experience a definite malaise w h e n attempting to reinsert themselves into their o w n society. M u c h of what is going on in Europe in the search for alternative w a y s of life stems from people w h o have experienced cultural diversity in a positive w a y , i.e. b y learning from others and becoming critical of themselves.

J O H A N G A L T U N G is Professor of Peace Research at the University of Oslo and the University Institute for Development Studies, Geneva.

R O Y P R E I S W E R K is a Professor and the Director of the University Institute for Development Studies, Geneva.

M R S M O N I C A W E M E G A H is Research Officer at the University Institute for Development Studies, Geneva.

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Three possible fallacies of a man-centred concept of development: anthropocentrism, Eurocentrism and psychological reductionism Development centred on h u m a n beings rather than on things sounds like a very good idea.3 Before w e explore this further, w e must simply point to the possibility of this idea leading us into a few traps.

Europe has a very old tradition of anthropocentrism, of m a n placed in the centre of all things, which gives him, as the Bible already says, a dominant position over nature. T h e culture-nature dichotomy must be overcome. M a n is part of nature and depends upon it. A n e w concept of man-centred development requires a n e w relationship between m a n and nature, one that is less exploitative and domineering than that which w e have experienced, particularly since the onset of the industrial revolution.

Europe also has an old tradition, like most other cultures, of ethnocentrism, of the belief in one's o w n cultural superiority. Eurocentrism differs from some other forms of ethnocentrism because of its expansionist approach from the fifteenth century to 1945 (and sometimes beyond), while other societies used ethnocentrism in a defensive w a y to preserve their identity and resist foreign penetration (China, native America in particular). Eurocentrism is accompanied b y a claim to universalism: European values must be valid in all other parts of the world.4 Thus, m u c h of the humanistic thinking of the past was deeply ethnocentric. N o reference will therefore be m a d e in this document to the classical European humanistic tradition, which, although it has its great merits, w a s not always relevant, descriptively or normatively, to other societies.

A third fallacy is that of reducing the problem of development to the contribution m a d e by, and the emancipation of, the individual h u m a n being. This is similar to what epistemologists call psychological reductionism.6 The principle of individual emancipation can be detrimental to the well-being of the collectivity, as w e well k n o w from certain abuses of capitalism. Basic h u m a n needs such as freedom, identity and security can be satisfied only within a social structure that also puts demands and restrictions on the individual. The ideal man-centred development is one that provides room for individual emancipation but gives priority to group solidarity and collective decision-making.

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Three dimensions of the malaise: m a n and things, m a n and the state, m a n and science More and more people in Europe are beginning to feel that conventional economic wisdom is based on the principle that if m a n is given a chance to produce things and to consume things, he will somehow muddle his waythrough to happiness of one kind or the other. The development of a consumer society has already gone too far to remain innocuous even to the uneducated. Entrepreneurs and workers alike begin to feel that they are producing things that m a y be useless or dangerous and that they spend a considerable part of their earnings derived from this effort on things that are useless or dangerous. As w e shall see further on, no one in Europe has made this more clear than Erich F r o m m , when he demonstrates how absurd it is to create human beings for the purpose of having rather than being.6 Today's international system is a statocracy. International organizations are based on the principle of state sovereignty. Transnational corporations weaken some states and strengthen others. Liberation movements are out to create new states. It is all of these states that have been concocting development strategies over the past decades. They are doing so again when defining what is supposed to be a N e w International Economic Order. This order is based purely on an inter-state regulation.

W e have a Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of states (1974) but not a word on the economic rights and duties of people. Doubts are arising, particularly with regard to the Third World, whether governments are the best agents of development. In many cases, governments repress development or do not see where it could take place. N e w lines of thinking about development in Europe are decidedly not state-centric.7 Karl W . Kapp writes that 'neither in science nor in society are the concrete human beings and their interests at the centre of attention'.8 Kapp has coined the term of the 'dehumanization' of science. Referring to the practical implications of this, Alfred Sauvy is of the opinion that 'science has indeed succeeded in making m e n live longer and worse'.9 M a n y Europeans are beginning to be afraid of the impact of science and technology on their lives. This is obvious in the natural sciences, which have created the atomic, biological and chemical capacity to kill each European a million times.10 Social science in general takes little interest in the lives of human beings when it deals with institutions, processes, or events, as if people were molecules that do not matter as such, but are noticed to the extent that they function as members of institutions, heroes or victims of pro-

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cesses and participants in events.11 T h e average social scientist treats people as objects, as sources of information, and he uses more and more technological hardware to achieve highly specialized and often esoteric results. Actually this kind of professional ethics (the more specialization the better) runs parallel to the interest of the ruling power (the more specialization, the weirder the language becomes for the layman, consequently no one can use the specialists'findingsto question the established system). Thus, the consumers of social science are not people, but other social scientists (who admittedly are also people, but small in number), governments or corporations. T h e question remains open for the m o m e n t as to what these other social scientists or institutions do with the knowledge obtained.

This m a y be a good occasion to point out that Western scientists could here and n o w learn something from other civilizations. Joseph N e e d h a m , a biochemist and embryologist, w h o came into close contact with engineering and medicine, says 'of one thing I feel certain, namely that China will not produce those types of utterly inhuman scientists and engineers w h o k n o w little, and care less, about the needs and desires of the average m a n and w o m a n ' . 1 2

The two major traditional schools of thought in Europe: liberalism and Marxism T h e current interest in human-centred theories and practices of development can be understood only against the background of presently applied theories and practices of development. O f these, there could be m a n y , but there are two development theories that are particularly important: liberalism and Marxism, as underpinnings of capitalist and socialist practices respectively. There is no denial that both liberal and Marxist thinking represent extremely rich approaches to the h u m a n condition, partly overlapping, certainly not as incompatible as they are often seen. N o r should there be any denial that they seem to render themselves to a kind of trivialization w h e n they go through the simplification processes said to be needed in order for them to be operational, and that this gives rise to practices that are commonly criticized as not being human-centred.

In this respect, these two development models are relatively similar, which is instructive for anyone interested in promulgating a n e w type of development thinking, centring on the development of h u m a n beings in their somatic, mental and spiritual dimensions. In the process of becoming operational the same trivialization m a y take place, and any body of

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thinking m a y be turned into a quite diffĂŠrent model. Thus liberalism, from being a theory of how m a n could be set free in a well-designed system of institutional checks and balances, with economic competition, political democracy guarded through parliamentary elections, military balance of power and cultural pluralism, became perverted into a system of capitalist economics for the pursuit of economic growth, in turn perverted further through the operationalization known as the gross national product. And similarly with Marxism: from a rich and impressive body of thought again outlining the conditions under which m a n could be set free, in a society where production would be geared to use rather than to exchange and contradictions between labour and capital would be overcome, into a model where much too much emphasis would be placed on ownership of the means of production, particularly by the part of the society known as the state. The operationalization of development corresponding to gross national product (divided or not by a population figure) would be the percentage of the economy under 'public control'. Hence, in either case the focus would be on the economic aspect of the human condition, the size of production in the former and the control of production in the latter, leaving aside everything else as of minor or no significance.

True, there have been voices of protest. There have been softer versions of capitalism and socialism, concerned with distribution. In the case of capitalism the concern has focused on income distribution, on h o w to reduce the discrepancy between those who have more and those who have less acquisitive power. And in the case of socialism the focus has been on power distribution in connection with the control of the means of production, with an attempt at reducing the discrepancy between those who have more and those who have less control—particularly the difference between managers and workers in factories. The first approach leads to the softer versions of the capitalist West: the social democracies of Northern Europe (and some of the richer countries in the British Commonwealth); the soft approach to socialism leads to such expressions as the drive for self-management in Yugoslavia. Softening on either side makes the two models less divergent, they get more points of contact as there are some conversion processes between reduced income inequality and reduced decision-making inequality. As a consequence there is not that much distance between the most 'red' countries of the capitalist West and the most 'blue' countries of the socialist East—the two geographical terms referring to the North-American/European space only, not to the world as a whole.13 The two models have two important things in common. First, the unit of development is the country, whether the dimension of development is economic growth or level of nationalization, mellowed OT not with considerations of distribution. Secondly, they both give an image of human beings

Development centred on the human being: some West European perspectives

that covers an insufficient number of human dimensions, more or less assuming that if the basic factors in these development models are set straight, the human beings will somehow take care of themselves, be free to develop according to their own inclinations. In that there is something positive not to be underestimated: the idea that there can be no humancentred theory of development because human development is essentially something that human beings have to do for themselves and by themselves. What there can be, however, is a theory of necessary conditions for human development to take place, and the answers given by the capitalist and socialist systems are clear.

T w o approaches suggest themselves in order to get out of the difficulties just indicated: other units of development, other dimensions or aspects of development. Thus, a considerable body of development theory does not deal with countries but with a whole region, the Third World (or some of the sub regions); another equally important body of development theory and practice deals with the subnational unit of development, the community. If these three levels are seen in combination the result can become a very rich theory of economic development; if one is singled out for attention at the expense of the others (for instance, because it is seen as more basic than the others, as a necessary or sufficient condition for the other levels to develop) then regardless of what level is selected the result will be meagre. The same applies to the adding of more aspects of development: if to 'economic' is added 'political', 'social', 'cultural', 'communication', again the result will be a rich body of thought and possibly of practice, when they are seen as complementary, not as supplementary.

However, multidimensional, multilevel development theory and practice are still not the same as human-centred development theory and practice.

The reason for this is simple. If development centred on human beings is to become more than a slogan it means that the criterion of development is in human beings themselves, in all human beings, in all aspects of human beings. Growth in production—probably best done by means of capitalistically organized corporations—and growth in the control of production—probably best done through the state and nationalization—tempered by measures of distribution of acquisitive power and decision-making power at best become conditions. The most enthusiastic among their adherents will see them as sufficient conditions: once wealth is produced and accumulated, or once the control level is sufficiently high, this external development will trigger off a set of factors of internal development, development of human beings. The less enthusiastic willtalk about necessary conditions, about the removal of such obstacles as poverty (in thefirstcase) and exploitation (in the latter), and reject any thesis of

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automaticity. And then there is the third approach, the 'green' approach focusing on smaller units of development, 'the local level': the enthusiasts would see a world organized in terms of local communities as in and by itself conducive to human development; the more sceptical will talk about the removal of one literally speaking big obstacle: big-size organizations, be they corporate or bureaucratic or both. Hence, it is easy to see where the green line in development thinking m a y or will go wrong: in making communalism into a fetish (corresponding to productionism and statism for the blue and red Unes of development respectively), for instance by counting the number of people in the world or in a country to w h o m the local level is the dominant factor.

Thus, the common mistake has a simple structure: means are taken for ends, conditions are confused with consequences, what at most would be necessary conditions are seen as sufficient conditions and to guard oneself against realizing the mistake made what really happens to human beings is not studied but is brushed under the carpet. The reason for that is simple: really to see fully what happens at the human level would much too clearly reveal the falsity and fallacy of almost all development thinking and practice as we know it: it has simply failed to deliver the goods.

If human beings are taken in their somatic, mental and spiritual dimensions—well knowing how interrelated these three are—then two conclusions with broad implications for development thinking and practice seem to emerge.

First, no existing theories seem to be good at relating to all three levels. It is well known that some countries, particularly those that are able to combine a focus on production with a focus on control of production, have been able to cater to the body of human beings, at least until recently, when the production of pollutants and the stress generated in society seem to start tearing at the bodies themselves. But these societies at the same time seem to be weak in catering to the human mind and the human spirit. Roughly speaking it also seems to be true that the local level, even the micro-level permitting closeness to others and also closeness to oneself through meditation and other practices, is good at catering to the mind and the spirit, but perhaps not so good at catering to the body, except when nature is particularly benevolent. Hence, only very partial images of human beings are compatible with unlimited faith in these development theories.

Second, we shall probably have to come to grips with the circumstance that human-centred development in all its aspects can take place under a variety of conditions. This means that if the criterion is shifted towards the human level, then no clear preference for blue, red or green alternatives will any longer be possible—they m a y all be right, singly or

Development centred on the human being: some West European perspectives

combined, or all be wrong. In other words, this approach will create havoc with what today passes as development thinking and practice, and for that reason offers a major opportunity for new approaches. A n y such new approach, however, will have to come to grips with the interests—economic, political, intellectual, vested in the various macro-level approaches. N o doubt this task can become somewhat easier by taking such schools as liberalism and Marxism in their rich entirety—adding to them, of course, all other bodies of thought about the conditions under which human development m a y take place.

Overdevelopment and alternative ways of life OVERDEVELOPMENT 'Where have we gone wrong—and what can we do about it?' are the two central interrogations around which revolves the current worldwide debate on Another Development. Whereas the theme of Alternative W a y s of Life ( A W L ) relates essentially to the second of these two questions, the issue of Alternative Life-Styles, as it is often called, cannot be properly understood unless it is discussed with a minimum reference to 'what has gone wrong' with the prevailing, dominant way of life in our societies.

H o w can this dominant way of life be defined? Is it the most frequent way of life, the statistical average of individual life-styles or the way of life of the dominant class? N o . The dominant way of life is the way of life the dominant pattern of a given society leads one into. At the international level, this pattern is characterized by an appalling trend towards everincreasing centralization and concentration, ultimately leading to the abdication of all personal independence in the Northern countries and to impotent dependence in the South. Thus, notwithstanding the massive 'development' efforts over the past decades, w o m e n and m e n of the so-called Third World are still struggling desperately for access to the elementary necessities of Ufe, whereas the peoples in the rich world, while enjoying an abundant supply of goods and services, are suffering increasingly from all kinds of 'civilizational diseases' while becoming at the same time alienated by materialism.

Surely, something must have gone wrong somewhere with development—the question is what, how and w h y . Evidently, this is a rather important problembecause the growth rate of social pathologies such as death from cancer, heart attacks or suicide, to mention but a few, is typically in the

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Tange 4-9 per cent per year, quite often around 6 per cent. A growth rate of 7 per cent means a doubling in ten years, which again in m a n y cases would m e a n a qualitatively different society, not to mention the huge a m o u n t of very concrete h u m a n individuals directly affected by maldevelopment. Hence, h o w to conceive of these phenomena is a matter of supreme urgency, lest w e fall into the habit of seeing them as normal and natural, as something one cannot do anything about, or the equally dangerous possibility of blind actionism, whether élite or base generated, as efforts to d o something guided b y neither theory nor data, only b y good values.

O n e approach, but b y no means the only one, might take as a point of departure the concept of overconsumption. T o use this concept, a distinction between h u m a n needs on the one hand and need-satisfiers on the other is necessary. Underconsumption means that a person has too little access to satisfiers for a need to be satisfied—insufficient food for the need of nutrition; insufficient schooling for the need for education; insufficient «ontact with other people for the need for togetherness, love; insufficient challenge for the need to be creative, etc. Overconsumption means that too m u c h of the satisfiers are consumed so that additional consumption not only brings diminishing returns in the form of satisfaction but sometimes no returns at all, or even negative returns, the 'disutilities'. Consumption has become counter-productive: there is overeating, overschooling, gregariousness and 'information overload'. In short: w h e n there is underconsumption there are too few means around for the goal—human satisfaction and further development—to be reached; w h e n there is overconsumption there is too m u c h . This should not be confused with under- and overproduction, however: there m a y be overproduction in a country as a whole and yet underconsumption in large groups of the population; there m a y be underproduction in a country as a whole and yet overconsumption, but usually only a m o n g restricted groups.

T h e problem is that in order to produce any kind of needs-satisfier nature or people somehow enter into the 'production equation' (capital, administration and research also enter, but theyfirsthave to be produced, so the basis is nature and people). This means that the whole productiondistribution-consumption cycle of material or non-material 'goods' can go wrong in three ways. First, because h u m a n beings have a limited absorption •capacity: one cannot feed oneself an unlimited quantity of material or nonmaterial 'things' (satisfiers) without having counterproductive effects.

Second, because nature has its 'outer limits'; there is a limitation to h o w far one can upset environmental balances (e.g. through depletion and pollution) without impairing the subsistence basis for future generations.

A n d third, because social systems couple the needs satisfaction of one to the needs satisfaction of the other: if I get more, it m a y be because something

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is taken away from others who then get less. Behind all this, then, is a concept of m a x i m u m , of a ceiling, and the idea that the growing production of all kinds of things somehow bounces off against that ceiling and in general terms starts becoming counterproductive.

What has been said above leads to one conclusion: overconsumption (beyond satisfaction) will tend to go hand in hand with underconsumption (undersatisfaction). In general it makes little sense to talk about underdeveloped and overdeveloped countries: to be precise the terms should be applied to that need for that person. If one person is overconsuming relative to one particular need, this will have a negative impact for the same person on that need dimension or on other needs; for other people today because of underconsumption; and for other people tomorrow because of the deterioration of nature; again for the same need or for different needs. Having put it this w a y , what is needed to reduce overconsumption is also obvious, in moral terms: a sense of restraint in individual consumption, a sense of synchronic solidarity with other people today, all over the globe, and a sense of diachronic solidarity with future generations. Unfortunately, however, these are only verbal formulae—the problem is, w h y is there so little restraint, so little solidarity with others, so little solidarity with future generations? For, strictly speaking, we know that our absorption capacity is limited, we know that there is such a thing as exploitation and we know that nature isfinitethrough psychosomatic and ecological research and socio-political analysis.

This is where the step from overconsumption to overdevelopment enters the picture. If it were only a question of overconsumption, the individual who indulges too much in something might pull himself or herself together and respect the maxima, the ceilings. But there is a pattern, a total social formation that drives people towards overconsumption in one way or the other so that only the very convinced and among them the very ego-strong can resist the pull and adopt a way of Ufe that is an alternative to the dominant way of life in high-income countries, characterized by m a n y forms of overconsumption side by side with underconsumption. This pattern, or social formation, is what could be referred to as overdevelopment, just as underdevelopment is a pattern that forces underconsumption on people. It is obvious from what has been said that these are two sides of the same coin, that they are dialectically related.

There is no limitation to needs satisfaction or, if one will, to true human growth. Thus, we know of no human limit to love or knowledge or feeling of physical well-being; these are not like a glass to befilledwith water or even with wine—the glass does not have a constant size but can expand through use. There is nevertheless a limit to how much information one can absorb, to how deeply one can become a part of other people and

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vice versa, to h o w m u c h food of a n y type one can absorb. This is even m o r e true if the linkages to other people living today a n d in the future are taken into consideration. T h u s , the true relation between increasing consumption of need satisfiers a n d need satisfaction m a y be productive in the beginning, then there is a n interval (which in fact m a y be negative) before it becomes counterproductive.

This leads to the question: w h a t is the cause of overdevelopment?

H o w is it produced, b y w h a t kind of causes—it looks so irrational, so antih u m a n , w h y should it h a p p e n at all? There s e e m to b e t w o types of answers to this question, both of t h e m valid: one cultural, a n d one structural.

In cultural terms, overdevelopment seems to stem from a very basic assumption in Western civilization that m o r e , fatter a n d bigger are better.

In other words, overdevelopment is the result of insatiability. Structurally speaking, overdevelopment can be seen as the product of ever-growing bureaucratic a n d capitalistic activities. P u t otherwise, overdevelopment is the result of giantism.

Insatiability a n d giantism have one thing in c o m m o n : they respect n o u p w a r d or outward limits. T h e y equate maximization of happiness with maximization of economic growth, a n d quality of Ufe with quantity of goods. In terms of alternative w a y s of life ( A W L ) , o n the other h a n d , 'pursuit of happiness' m e a n s seeking meaningful h u m a n relationships rather than ever-expanding control over material things for purely private enjoym e n t . A W L is antithetical to a society in which personal choices, desires and aspirations are subordinated to such abstract concepts as 'gross national product', 'economic growth' a n d 'material progress'. T h e cultural and structural traits of a development pattern consonant with A W L might thus be termed respectively moderation and smallness, and their philosophy could be epitomized in the slogan 'less, slower a n d smaller are better'. (See

Table 1.)

T A B L E 1. Characteristics of dominant and alternative development patterns in the rich world Development pattern Dominant

Alternative

Cultural characteristic

Insatiability

Moderation

Structural characteristic

Giantism

Smallness

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A L T E R N A T I V E W A Y S OF LIFE It is against the background of the particular phenomenon of overdevelopment that w e can best discern the full depth of the A W L problĂŠmatique.

In fact, it is the disquieting features in present Western societies such as alienation, breakdown of family and community life, pollution of environment, meaninglessness of work, decreasing participation in decision-making, negative aspects of consumerism, erosion of sustaining faiths, etc. that account for the search for n e w ways of Ufe geared to enhancing the quality of life of individuals and communities in the rich countries, for their o w n sake as m u c h as for the sake of the poor countries.

Thus, in the high-income countries, personal growth, solidarity with the poor and ecological concern, often adding up to a fear of an impending crisis, appear as some of the major motivations behind the search for alternatives. T h e y constitute the underlying c o m m o n themes of a wide range of movements for alternative ways of life that have sprung up over the last ten years in virtually all the countries of Western Europe. These movements comprise technology groups attempting to create an alternative to what they see as overdeveloped technology; movements to change eating habits for healthier and ecologically sensible food (ecological concern); simple living groups following such precepts as 'live simply so that others m a y simply live' (altruistic solidarity), self-sufficient movements stressing independence by building their o w n homes and growing their o w n food (fear of crisis), personal-growth movements which range from sensitivity training to efforts to focus on the world food problem as well as numerous experiments with self-management. It becomes evident, from the foregoing, that A W L is essentially a pluralistic concept pointing to a multitude of possible and/or desirable alternative ways of life within a given society, including movements operating at different levels of society, using different means and acting in different areas of the social system. The notion of free choice a m o n g various alternative life patterns is indeed a constitutive part of the A W L concept.

There is no doubt that A W L needs social imagination and courage at both the theoretical and the practical level, since it means bidding farewell to a number of old habits, safe attitudes and dependable decisions and laying oneself open to the new, the u n k n o w n , the experimental. O n the other hand, A W L can succeed only if there is sufficient r o o m for both constructive ideas and criticism, and lived experiences. F r o m this point of view, Western European societies with their basic openness to trials and errors are relatively ideal experimental grounds. T h e pertinent question, however, that arises in all cases is the following: h o w m u c h impact does A W L really have on the societal level? Should 'success' of an A W L

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movement be limited to the actual gain of a particular cause (e.g. the abolition of old, or the setting up of new legislation) or be extended to other than the strictly political level? Our argument is that an A W L movement should be considered equally 'successful' if it leads to the socialization of the participants by causing changes in attitudes, feelings of solidarity and the desire to co-operate (impact on the individual) and if it results in raising the level of awareness of the population with regard to a given problem (impact on public opinion). Conscientization and new need awareness can indeed be seen as thefirstand indispensable step on the individual and group level that will ultimately lead to A W L movements capable of challenging society on the political level. While A W L m a y cluster around different symbols in different periods and at different times, and use a large variety of means to gain support from the population at large, one unifying trait remains, however: a strong determination to realize their objectives through peaceful means.

If A W L movements make a radical break with the motto of our technological civilization, according to which 'more, faster and bigger' are better, if their aim is to improve life in terms of quality rather than quantity, it would be wrong, however, to equate them with an ideology of abstention or renunciation. Whereas it is true that qualitative improvements will require a reduction in quantity (e.g. curtailing consumer habits), 'abstentions' of this kind are not seen as values in themselves, but spring from the genuine belief that in Western society ever-increasing material wealth and possession of things are not a necessary condition for personal well-being but, on the contrary, a definite hindrance to that goal. People who search for A W L want to create their own ways and means of satisfying material and spiritual needs rather than rely on the artificial 'need satisfiers' forced on them by some anonymous industrial god.

Alternative ways of life for Europe: some specific proposals (Fromm, Schumacher, Leuenberger/Schilling and Robertson) Erich F r o m m argues that human society can avoid social and physical annihilation, provided m e n change from the 'having' to the 'being' mode of existence.14 The having mode—most prevalent in the rich societies—is characteristic of people 'devoted to acquiring property and making a profit' (p. 37). The modern consumers identify themselves by the formula 'I a m = w h a t I have and what I consume'. Or: if I have nothing, I a m nothing. In contrast, in the being mode of existence, 'development', 'self-

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realization', 'living', etc. do not depend on the having, e.g. possessing of things. Buddha and Jesus, to cite just these two, perfectly embody the philosophy of 'being'. A rather profound analysis of both the Old and N e w Testaments serves to corroborate further the thesis that 'being' rather than 'having' is the cornerstone of both Jewish and Christian thinking, sadly perverted by the materialistic societies in the West today. Europe's conversion to Christianity, F r o m m contends, was largely a sham: 'it did not mean a change of heart, i.e. of the character structure, except for numerous genuinely Christian movements' (p. 139). In contemporary Western societies, F r o m m illustrates his thesis by referring to the 'marketing character' not only of things, but also of persons, meaning that people experience themselves as a commodity and their value not as 'use value' but 'exchange value', expressed in monetary terms. The marketing character lies at the heart of people's alienation from themselves, from others, from their work, from nature. Against this background, F r o m m shows h o w the dehumanization of Western society has led to a protest movement rooted in Christian tradition and philosophical humanism from the late Middle Ages onwards. F r o m m ' s interpretation of Marx deserves special mention here, as he insists on the difference between Marxism on the one hand, and certain interpretations of it which pervert Marxian thinking into 'a materialism aimed at achieving wealth for everybody' (p. 153). In contrast, Marx wrote: 'the less you are and the less you express your life—the more you have and the greater is your alienated life. Everything the economist takes away from you in the way of life and humanity, he restores to you in the form of money and wealth' (p. 155). In other words, Having and Being are at the centre of Marx's ideas of the emergence of a new m a n . Despite important conceptual differences amongst them, F r o m m shows that the post-Marxian, ' n e w ' or 'radical' humanists share some crucial ideas that can be said to lie at the root of the concept of 'development centred on m a n ' : 1. Production must serve the real needs of the people, not the demands of the economic system.

2. A new relation must be established between people and nature, one of co-operation not of exploitation.

3. Mutual antagonism must be replaced by solidarity.

4. The aim of all social arrangements must be h u m a n well-being and the prevention of ill-being.

5. Not m a x i m u m consumption but sane consumption must be striven for.

6. The individual must be an active, not a passive, participant in social life.

W h a t does the N e w Society look like? F r o m m argues that the N e w Society can only come about if preceded by a deep change of h u m a n character.

W e find ourselves in the midst of the old debate of structure versus

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mentality. Recognizing the root-cause of his suffering and determined to overcome it, the N e w M a n will have to develop n e w qualities, the most basic being perhaps his 'willingness to give up all forms of having, in order to fully "be", and his determination to m a k e the full growth of himself and of his fellow-beings the supreme goal of living' (pp. 167-8). Changes at the societal level will imply political and industrial decentralization, selective rather than unlimited growth, psychologically satisfactory working conditions and increased possibilities for individual—rather than business/state initiative, to mention but a few. F r o m m does not underestimate the difficulties that changes at the personal and societal level imply, yet he insists on the necessity to defy them if w e want to avoid a global catastrophe: 'This time the goal is not control over nature, but control over technique and over irrational social forces and institutions that threaten the survival of western society, if not of the h u m a n race' (p. 172). F r o m m states unambiguously that any design, study or model for the future will need to have at its core the h u m a n being, the individual h u m a n life, if the present societal crisis is to be solved: 'If the economic and political spheres of society are to be subordinated to h u m a n development, the model of the n e w society must be determined b y the requirements of the unalienated, being-oriented individual' (p. 172). The n e w form of the economic system, F r o m m stresses, will be different from the present-day market- or statecapitalism, different also from the Swedish total-welfare bureaucracy.

People will not passively receive (have), but actively do (be): 'To achieve a society based on being, all people must actively participate in their economic function and as citizens.' Success in establishing the n e w society will also depend on a host of other measures such as atomic disarmament, 'effective' or 'transparent' information d o w n to the grass-roots, liberation of w o m e n from patriarchal domination and a guaranteed yearly income to both working and non-working persons. Though the chances for the N e w Society m a y appear to be small, F r o m m sees a sign of encouragement in the growing number of people w h o either realize the necessity of a n e w attitude on purely economic grounds or seek n e w ways of life out of a deep dissatisfaction with the present social system. Given even these hopeful factors, however, the chances for necessary h u m a n and social changes remain slim unless people are being propelled forward by a n e w and energizing vision of the future: 'If the City of G o d and the Earthly City were thesis and antithesis, a n e w synthesis is the only alternative to chaos: the synthesis between the spiritual core of the Late Medieval world and the development of rational thought and science since the Renaissance.

This synthesis is the City of Being' (p. 197).

E . F . Schumacher criticizes the fragmentary nature and methodological narrowness of modern economics, the w a y they put the accent on

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the short-term perspective, excluding all 'free goods', judging commodities solely from the point of view of their market value, ignoring man's dependence on the natural world.15 The anti-human character of economics is borne out by the fact that prices would never be lowered because someone is poor, neither would one pay more salary or a higher price for goods to somebody w h o is poor. B y putting a price-tag on everything and everybody, economic thinking takes the sacredness out of life. If economics has not contributed to solving the grave problems of the twentieth century, this is due to some elementary assumptions about 'human nature' and the predominance of quantitative analysis, as typified by G N P , as an analytical tool while the question 'who is benefiting from growth?' is never asked. As the unorthodox economist Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen has pointed out, this is due to a mechanistic view of epistemology.16 If humanity wants to get off the present colusión course, then the task of changing society has to be tackled now and by everybody. W e will need to design new life-styles, with new patterns of production and consumption that are biologically and ecologically sound and humanly beneficial. W h a t Schumacher calls the Economics of Permanence involves a fundamental reorientation of science and technology towards the organic, the gentle, the non-violent, the beautiful, proposing methods and equipment that are easily understandable and obtainable by everybody, adapted to small-scale applications, allowing for human creativity. N o doubt Schumacher is one of the contemporary pioneers of 'man-centred development thinking' when he stresses the need for a proper philosophy of 'good work', including the spiritual and not only the material side of productive activities.17 Work, in Schumacher's terms, is something that is good for man's body and soul. 'Humanization of work' is one of the urgent tasks to be tackled immediately.

W h a t does the N e w Economics look like? Schumacher draws on Buddhist thinking to discuss the threefold function of humanized work: 1. W o r k should give m a n a chance to develop his faculties and to become creative.

2. W o r k should allow m a n to come out of his isolation and collaborate in a given task with others.

3. Work should bring forth goods and services that are truly needed by human beings rather than by a profit-hungry system.

In other words, people would be given priority over goods, creativity over consumption. Rather than being interested in commodities, Buddhism—and also Judaism or Christianity for that matter—is interested in the liberation of the human being from material dependency. 'It is not wealth that stands in the w a y of liberation but the attachment to wealth, not the enjoyment of pleasurable things, but the craving for them' (p. 47).

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Henceforth our aim should be to maximize well-being with a minimum of consumption. This new-found simplicity will also be conducive to nonviolence: since no one has much, people are less likely to steal, iob or go to war against each other. Designing Economics of Permanence does not mean, however, going back to the Middle Ages. Rather 'it is a question of finding therightpath of development, the Middle W a y , between materialist heedlessness and traditionalist immobility' (p. 51).

Schumacher dwells at some length on the question of size. While agreeing that both big and small entities are necessary, depending on the task to be performed, Schumacher argues that the current accent on the 'big', as embodied for instance by the nation-state, has made people 'footloose, vulnerable and insecure'. 'There is no such thing as the viability of states or of nations, there is only a problem of viability of people: people, actual persons like you and m e , are viable when they can stand on their own feet and earn their keep. Y o u do not make non-viable people viable by putting large numbers of them into one huge community, and you do not make viable people non-viable by splitting a large community into a number of smaller, more intimate, more coherent and more manageable groups' (p. 59). Thus regionalism can never mean combining a lot of states into free-trade systems, but rather developing all the regions within a given country. People, Schumacher concludes, need to be at the centre of all development efforts because they are the primary and ultimate source of wealth. Moreover, he feels, we have a responsibility not only towards our fellow-men and towards nature, but also towards God. This is the time when our technologically developed societies have the (last?) opportunity to revise their values and change their political objectives. 'It is a matter of "moral choices" . . . no amount of calculation can alone provide the answers' (p. 248). Western m a n would do good to go back to a Christian tradition and rediscover the truth that enough is good and morethan-enough is evil.18 The concept of 'modernity' is at the centre of a recent analysis by Leuenberger and Schilling.19 Since its earliest appearance the term 'modern' has meant 'to be ahead of. As far back as the twelfth century, people have been found to look upon their own time as modern in the sense of being something unique, something that has never existed before (l贸gica nova).

However, the ideology of modernity was properly grounded towards the end of the eighteenth century, when 'modern' became equivalent with 'enlightened', 'at the peak', 'illuminated', and modernity the idol of centralism in revolutionary France. Ever since, 'modern' has referred to an evolutionary process by stages, each successive stage being superior to the stage preceding it. The contemporary critique of 'modernity', then, points to its inbuilt tendency to overshoot, to overgrow, to result in 'over-

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centralization', 'over-planning', 'overdevelopment'. Surrounded b y ever bigger political, social and economic institutions, people become alienated from the societal texture in which they live: they are 'administered h u m a n s ' (p. 112) w h o barely establish a link anymore between the anonym o u s 'city', 'economy' or 'democracy' and themselves. Politics are too removed from their daily lives, economics too abstract, cities too impersonal for people to relate meaningfully to them. Hence the current indifference and political apathy witnessed in the public life of our 'modern' societies.

Leuenberger and Schilling argue that what they call the 'crisis of centrocracy' started with the protest movements in the late 1960s. T h o u g h these protest movements did not succeed in changing the system, they had the merit of launching the discussion on the sense and non-sense of industrial society, which has since continued unabated. Both with their ideas and their experiments, pioneers of the 'post-modern' society are showing that what they are aiming at is not the exact antithesis of anything modern, but rather an integration of older, traditional elements into present-day life. Thus, the growing numbers of people w h o are active in citizen committees, production c o m m u n e s or self-help organizations struggle to win back their lost self-determination and to rebuild the fast appearing micro-social structures in the rich parts of the world.

At the ideological level, early socialist and anarchist thinking is revived, stressing the importance of group autonomy, of political, administrative and economic decentralization, of participative rather than plebiscitary democracy. Over the past ten years, this 'democratization w a v e ' has gained importance in practically all countries of Western Europe, testifying to the fact that modern m a n is reclaiming his central place in any 'modernizing', 'growth' or 'development' effort. Proof m a y be found in the autonomy movements of the Bretons, the Basques, the Alsatians, the Scots, etc., as well as the uncountable grass-root movements in the United States and Western Europe. Citizens' initiatives, to take just one example, are a perfect illustration of the idea that m a n should be the author, agent and beneficiary of development. T o begin with, they reflect in their o w n structure the alternative to current modern institutions (transitory existence, rather than permanent institution, spontaneous organization rather than long-planned action, adaptability to n e w circumstances rather than immobility, independence from, rather than reliance on personalities, minimal bureaucracy rather than efficient administration).

Second, they e m b o d y in their goals the central values of the 'post-modern' society, such as personal security, physical and spiritual health, well-being and protection of the environment, which can only be realized in the small.

Hence the fight of citizens' committees against the symbols of overdevelopment such as nuclear plants, motorways, super-markets, super-airports,

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bank centres and the like. Their action is based on the conviction that ' h u m a n needs must be the measure and the aim of all h u m a n enterprise' (p. 129). T h o u g h often defeated b y an overwhelming coalition of politico-economic interests, citizens' m o v e m e n t s nevertheless play a crucial role in stimulating and reorienting the thinking of the otherwise passive masses.

Likewise, experiments with industrial democracy have shown the possibilities—but also the limits—of participative enterprise, semi-artisanal production and humanization of w o r k in a fundamentally hostile environm e n t . Perhaps more than any other alternative m o v e m e n t , the spokesmen of industrial democracy underline the necessity of change both at the micro- and macro-level if one wants to avoid the crushing of budding experiments in co-operatives, or their being pushed into politically sterile isolation. That such simultaneous change will be difficult is evident w h e n taking into account the diametrically opposed work and efficiency concepts that the grass-roots and the establishment respectively hold. In 'postm o d e r n ' terminology, 'efficient is what furthers the satisfaction of h u m a n needs while at the same time minimizing all production costs, particularly the social costs' (p. 138). Thus, as in the political and socialfield,the future economic system will contain structures in which people matter more than anything else, to paraphrase Schumacher.

H o w do w e get to the post-modern society? T h e authors warn of the false belief that societal change can be brought about b y grass-root initiatives alone. Decentralization, they stress, does not m e a n autarky of dwarfs, but better co-operation, an equilibrium between national and local power structures. T h e y refer to the abolition of child work b y the state in the nineteenth century to show that political measures taken 'from above' can be beneficial too, even if taken to reproduce the labour force rather than to please people. It is important to control, to ' t a m e ' central power, not to abolish it. This would only open the door to worse abuses of h u m a n freedom than w e k n o w today. A m o n g others the authors quote the ecumenical m o v e m e n t as a first step in the direction of better control of monopoly institutions, be they political, economic or social. T h e best example given of the 'post-modern' strategy is perhaps the Italian C o m m u nist Party, which refuses to be monolithic. Its local units are groups of people experimenting with n e w authority and life-style patterns. T h e Italian Communists bebeve in reform rather than in revolution, in a d e m o cratic rather than a 'leftist', 'socialist' or 'communist' alternative to present government (p. 159). Enrico Berlinguer is quoted as saying that the Italian Communists want 'collaboration and understanding between the C o m m u nist and Socialist popular forces on the one hand, and the Catholic oriented forces and other democratically oriented groupings on the other hand'

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(p. 159). The Italian example is mentioned to show that the political strategy towards post-modern society will be essentially of a reformist, compromising nature. Its ultimate goal is not uniform and the same for all, but composed of numerous diverse elements that will replace the unwholesome centralism of our days.

A 'Sane Alternative' is what James Robertson attempts to define.20 H e discusses five scenarios for the future and prefers the vision of those who—like Schumacher or Fromm—plead for a Sane, H u m a n e and Ecological (SHE) future. 'The key to the future is not continuing expansion but balance—balance within ourselves, balance between ourselves and other people, balance between people and nature' (p. 18). W e need to create a 'learning', 'planning', 'trans-industrial' society that will be based on an equilibrium rather than a growth economy.

What does the Equilibrium Economy look like? The main features of the new economy will be the following: 1. Economic activity would be embedded within a cyclical ecological system leaving behind the open 'cowboy' economy of the past.

2. Manufactured products would display greater durability and allow for individual repair and maintenance, doing away with the system's dependence and throw-away mentality.

3. People will always comefirst,and things second. They will have ample opportunities to develop their skills and benefit from the right to a satisfying occupation.

4. Greater emphasis on self-sufficiency as a means to reduce excessive, dependence-creating specialization.

5. More accent on decentralization, embracing both economic decentralization and political devolution.

6. Self-sufficiency and self-reliance also in the Third World, 'including the transfer of know-how and experience from the Third World countries to the overdeveloped countries' (p. 49).

7. Creation of appropriate technology, which is easy to work with, sparing in the use of resources, yielding good and solid products, compatible with the environment, etc.

8. Reduce the gap between town and countryside between and within countries, checking on urbanization, encouraging rural resettlement, creating or recreating convivial city centres.

9. Greater economic equality between and within nations by means of a simpler life-style in the overdeveloped countries.

10. Reduce the split between work and leisure by providing increasing work opportunities in the informal sector, where money is not the main measure of value and where work contributes to social well-being, and self-realization of the individual doing it.

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H o w do w e get to the SHE-society? The central thesis of Robertson is that the historical shift out of the informal into the formal economic activities will be reversed, and this has indeed already begun in the United States and the United Kingdom. In fact, Robertson believes that the great world ideologies, both capitalist and socialist, are beginning to converge towards a new planetary ideology of the future based on Sanity, Humanity and Ecology (SHE) (p. 71). Robertson predicts the dismantling of the nation-state, as structural changes in politics and government will reflect the pull of greater internationalization on the one hand, and the contrary pull of devolution to regional and local levels on the other (p. 74). Economic democracy, defined as a new balance of functions and power, or a new social and political balance at all levels will be an important element of the equilibrium economy of the future. Besides analysing the changes required in the economic sphere, Robertson also discusses the 'shift of paradigms' that will accompany them, that is, the parallel change in our basic assumptions and beliefs. Thus, one aspect of the change of direction towards the S H E future, he contends, will be a change 'from a scientific and economic view of nature to an ecological and spiritual view' (p. 79).

In general, the changed assumptions will reflect a shift of emphasis away from the overdeveloped, structured, exterior aspects of Ufe towards the underdeveloped, unstructured, interior aspects, such as 'from institutionalized social services to caring personal relationships' or 'from the institutional economy based on money and jobs to the gift and barter economy of households and local communities' (p. 80). Familiar concepts such as 'wealth', 'power', 'growth' or 'work' will take on a new meaning consonant with the ethics of the S H E society. Thus, for example, the rich m a n will be the one who is autonomous, who has access to land, who is surrounded by things that last, and the poor m a n the one who is dependent on institutionalized services. Similarly, power will mean the interior capacity of persons to control their own life and to contribute creatively to the lives of others, rather than the capacity to exploit and oppress.

In the same vein, growth will referfirstand foremost to personal and social growth, to man's psychological and social capabilities of selfdevelopment, and understanding and supporting one another. Quoting Aurelio Peccei, Robertson stresses the need to reverse 'the present concept of development, bringing it to focus not on the demand side of the human being but on his capacity to contribute, hence on his quality and creativity' (p. 88). Finally, work will be created by people for themselves, putting the accent on purposeful, satisfying and enjoyable work such as entertaining each other, looking after children and the sick, educating oneself, playing music, writing or doing things oneself in the garden, house or workshop. ' A whole new concept of work is emerging which will dismiss as work

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m u c h which n o w passes for it and will embrace as work m u c h which is not n o w included in it... w e are going to need to rely increasingly on individuals and communities to define their o w n concepts of work' (p. 94). Referring to Schumacher, Robertson repeatedly stresses the 'man-centredness' of work: ' W o r k , whether paid or unpaid, will signify those activities which are undertaken to satisfy h u m a n needs—one's o w n and other people's' (p. 96).

The coming about of the S H E society rests on the assumption that the idea of personal and social growth will prove to be as powerful an energizing force as the idea of economic growth in the recent past has been. T h e author is positive that increasing numbers of people will rally around n e w possibilities of emancipation such as self-help, self-reliance, self-sufficiency and serving rather than dominating, social structures. T h o u g h recognizing the problem of those w h o will want to cling to their power (out of lust for domination) or to their dependency (out of fear of responsibility), Robertson believes that the cumulative weight of n e w developments and experiments on the behalf of 'SHE-committed' people will show that in practice this problem can be overcome or ignored. N o doubt, there is not just one road to the S H E future, neither is this future to be the same everywhere (p. 120): The sane, humane, ecological society will be a pluralist, polymorphous society.

Its members will not aim to develop a uniform approach to life, based on a single dominant perspective or point of view. . . . It will be a society in which learning to share the perspectives of other people, other cultures, other religions, is recognised as an important aspect of personal and social growth. It will be a society which reflects the dynamic equilibrium of ecological systems in nature.

The current revision of European thinking about world development Looking at present debates about development in general, it becomes more and more difficult to separate ideas on Europe's o w n development from that of the Third World. Similar ideas are promoted under different names in different parts of the world.

Development strategies applied at the international and national levels since 1945 can be very summarily divided into two types. T h e dominant strategy has marked thefirsttwo development decades and found its culmination in the Pearson Report of 1969. It has clearly influenced the United Nations Resolutions for a N e w International Economic Order (1974 and 1975). Proposed alternative strategies are at the core of more

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and more debates on development since the early 1970s. Self-reliance has been practised in China from 1949 to 1977 and continues to be a strong element in that country's policy despite the trend towards de-Maoization.

T h e United Republic of Tanzania is of course famous for its self-reliance policy; other countries, such as Madagascar, have officially announced their intention to m o v e in the same direction. T h e satisfaction of basic needs, at least the material ones, for all segments of a population, has been at the core of development strategies pursued in most of Europe (East and West), a n u m b e r of smaller Asian states and C u b a , but not in the United States, Latin America, Africa and most countries of Asia.

Schematically the dominant and the proposed development strategies can be characterized b y the criteria shown in Table 2 . This table is, of course, a highly simplified representation of a very complex combination of factors. S o m e of the elements indicated to characterize the dominant and the proposed strategies respectively are descriptive: they indicate what the protagonists of such strategies officially announce as being the basis of their reasoning and action. Others are evaluative: they refer to a critical examination of such strategies and bring out hidden assumptions or values that are implicit in definitions of them. For instance, advocates of dominant strategies will insist on describing their approach as growth- and production-oriented, but will not officially announce that such an approach has turned out to be anthropocentric, associative and compartmentalized.

It is left to the critical analysts to bring out these aspects.

T h e table should not be read to m e a n that the two types of strategies are in all respects mutually exclusive. It is very likely that concrete strategies applied b y individual countries or international organizations in the future will be a mix of the two. N o one argues, for instance, that economic growth and the satisfaction of basic needs are mutually exclusive.

But fewer people every day continue to agree with rapid growth while social inequalities are increasing and m i n i m u m standards of life are falling.21 Let us n o w look at some of the major concepts that have given n e w dimensions to thinking about alternative development. N o t all of these concepts are n e w , but their impact on thinking and action is.

W e should remember that whatever is said about development today is not exclusively relevant to the so-called developing countries.

T h e dualism of a developed North versus an underdeveloped South has blinded m a n y of those w h o were trying to explain social change in the world or suggest n e w ideas for change in the past few decades. Almost all of what is said in the following pages should be seen as topics for discussion in both Northern and Southern countries.

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Socio-cultural dimensions of development W h e n it dawned upon m a n y minds that the study of development could not be left to economists alone, the first reaction was to add the social dimension of development to the economic one. This meant that analysts, planners or politicians should pay more attention, in the allocation of resources, to social services, hospitals, better education for the poor or participation of w o m e n in development, to give but a few examples.

This view is still the expression of a type of analysis that fragments the development process into separate compartments and then needs to reconnect these in some artificial w a y in order to avoid political and social complications. A s such, it stands as a beautiful illustration of Western analytical thought, which fragments social reality to no end, then runs into 'obstacles', which call for 'problem-solving' instead of being understood as contradictions inherent in the original approach.

T o realize this means to define development, in whatever society, as a process of cultural change. Culture, here, encompasses the totality of values, institutions and forms of behaviour of a given group. Economic change or social institutions are thus but two links in the chain that represents the totality of the life of a society. Changing one link m a y affect all the others and should therefore not be examined in isolation.

T h e introduction of certain economic changes m a y m e a n the abolition of some gods; this in turn can affect family structures, have demographic consequences, call for political action and end up bringing about other economic changes. If scientific analysts satisfy themselves with describing only one link of the chain, they are probably working for an academic journal and professional advancement, but not for anything real.

W h a t has come to be called the socio-cultural dimension of developm e n t is in fact not just a dimension, but the totality of the context within which development processes take place. Economic, social, religious, legal and political processes are subcategories of culture. N o n e of them alone can describe or explain development.

T h e socio-cultural approach to the study of development cannot claim, at this stage, to have a proper epistemology and a methodology to study social change in its totality. In the field of development studies, its major merit is to have brought to the fore the idea of diversity. Contrary to earlier theories about development, it is n o w quite well accepted that development m a y m e a n m a n y different things, that no one 'model' has universal validity, that no single process of change will bring prosperity and happiness to all of humanity. T h e affirmation of cultural identity by a people has thus become a tool of liberation against the standardization of

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all societies through a single process of 'development'. A n y kind of culture is probably not acceptable in terms of the Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights, but at least it becomes necessary to recognize that people adhering to a particular culture have no right to consider themselves as the centre of the universe while those w h o do not tend to imitate them are supposedly backward. 2 2

T h e satisfaction of basic h u m a n needs In order for this concept to be of any use at all, a balance has to be struck between a specificity sufficient for it to be operational, and a diffuseness sufficient for it to be a source of inspiration.

B y 'basic needs' or just 'needs' is meant basic h u m a n needs. T h e y are h u m a n in the sense that they are experienced, consciously or subconsciously, b y the individual h u m a n being, at the somatic, mental and/or spiritual levels. Although the need-subjects are h u m a n beings, experiencing more or less consciously the pain of need-deprivation and the pleasure of need-satisfaction, the need-objects or satisfiers m a y be anything: food, clothes, shelter, medical care, schooling (the five bienes fundamentales of the Cuban revolution); closeness to oneself, one's work product, other h u m a n beings, to society, to nature, to the transcendental; protection from the hazards of the natural and social environment; patterns of choice in crucialfields,satisfying a need for some form of freedom.

Needs are basic in the sense that if they are left unsatisfied for a long time then some type of disintegration will occur. Non-satisfaction will show u p somatically (as mortality and morbidity, depriving h u m a n beings of health quantitativelyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;number of years livedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and qualitativelyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in terms of the level of well-being); it will show u p mentally (in terms of basic mental disorder) and it will show u p spiritually (in terms of a sense of feeling the meaningless of life); three aspects of the h u m a n being which, of course, are heavily interrelated. A t the social level it will show u p as patterns of violence, as misery, as alienation and withdrawal, apathy, as mutiny and revolt (e.g. as a response to deprivation of freedom, i.e. repression). Instead of the term 'disintegration' one m a y talk about h u m a n and social pathologies as the consequence of non-satisfaction of needs.

T h e latter is then seen as not only a sufficient but also a necessary condition of non-satisfaction: where there is h u m a n and social pathology at some point there is non-satisfaction of basic h u m a n needs.

Needs, therefore, constitute a rock-bottom basis, a floor for any development theory or practice. It can be compared to an engine's 'need' for lubricants: the engine m a y work for some time, but if the 'need' is

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left unattended for a long time, the engine will 'disintegrate'. Needs are necessary conditions for human development: any developmental practice that leaves them unattended will in the long run be doomed to failure at both the human and societal levels. Needs or their satisfaction are not, however, sufficient conditions. There is room for human development both of the body, the mind and the spirit far beyond that covered in the concept of needs. Even within the need-dimensions one m a y talk about a minimum and possibly a m a x i m u m level of satisfaction. Thus, human beings do not disintegrate when deprived of gourmet food; but they do disintegrate if the level of caloric, protein intake is below a certain minimum At the same time, signs of disintegration, but of another kind, m a y also show up if the intake is beyond a certain m a x i m u m . Hence, there is a need for these quantitative aspects of food, with minima and maxima of the satisfiersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;but not a need, or possibly one of a much more subtle kind, for the more qualitative aspects. Correspondingly human beings do not disintegrate if deprived of love (in the sense of somatic and spiritual intimacy) for a period of time, but it m a y be argued that they do if they have never experienced any kind of love, and they certainly do if they have never experienced closeness to any human beings (the homoferus debate).

There are m a n y ways of classifying needs, as, for instance; those by M a U m a n n and by Maslow. The classification implicitly used here consists of four classes: needs for survival (to avoid violence), needs for well-being or welfare (to avoid misery), needs for identity or closeness (to avoid alienation) and needs for freedom (to avoid repression). There will always be tremendous variations in the precise definition of needs, between cultures, civilizations, societies, classes and other social groups, individual human beingsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;not to mention that the needs of any individual change over time. But basic to any theory or concept of needs is the idea that in all these variations, there will always be necessary conditions for human beings to function at all and that these conditions can be classified in ways that are meaningful at least in a wide range of societies. Thus, there will always be a need for some kind of freedom, but the kind (choice of spouse, of occupation, of faith, of things to be consumed, of expressions/impressions), not to mention how these needs should be satisfied and to what extent, will always vary.

As a consequence of this, there will always be ambiguity about the needs concept. As a general warning against mistreating, even sacrificing, individual human beings for the sake of other interpretations of development, such as increased production or increased control over production or any other form of development at the social or state level as such, it has a universal ring, and indispensability. It should inform those in power that there are limits to how much human beings can be pushed around, mistreated or exploited in various ways. More positively, if a society opts,

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wholly or partially, for a pattern of development m o r e centred o n h u m a n beings, putting h u m a n development so to speak in the centre of the development problĂŠmatique, then the needs concept serves as a guide for the first steps. But only for the first steps; there are infinite reaches for h u m a n developmend beyond satisfaction of basic h u m a n needs.

A s a concrete guide for action, universalism would be highly counterproductive, like giving everybody shoes of the same size (there is a need for protection against the hazards of nature, one possible satisfier being opportunity in early life to walk barefoot). Specific needs should not be postulated as a basis for action; they should be defined b y the need-subjects themselves, possibly in dialogue with others as an approach that m a y serve to get at deeper, less conscious needs. Thus, the concept has the further advantage that, w h e n correctly understood, it should instil a high level of sensitivity to local conditions in general, and specific needs in particular.

T h e concept is complex, which m e a n s that it m a y be adequate to reflect some of the complexities of h u m a n and social organization. Efforts to simplify should be resisted. O n e such effort, universalism (a universal catalogue of specific needs), has been mentioned. Another would be materialism, reducing the concept to material needs (those pertaining particularly to the body and/or to material satisfiers). Still another is hierarchism, an effort to arrange the needs in a hierarchy, usually with material needs at the top. T h e latter is simply false: throughout history people have been willing to lay d o w n their lives for freedom, language, faith (identity needs). Hierarchism, w h e n translated into practice, will yield the same result as materialism: a society where material needs are metâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;as in a zoological gardenâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;but not such non-material needs as freedom and identity.

Needs theory is only a part, although an indispensable one, of development theory. It is individualizing, says nothing about culture, structure and process, nor should it pretend to. It only says that there are necessary conditions for h u m a n s to be h u m a n .

Self-reliance Self-reliance is also one of those concepts that should be neither too precise nor too vague. T h e concept carries a very definite message with strong political and emotive overtones; it should not be reduced to a technocratic recipe. Neither should it be permitted to remain a political slogan. Ideally it should serve both declaratory and operational purposes. T h e following is an effort to do some justice to both.

At the general level, self-reliance simply m e a n s to rely on oneself,

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including one's o w n economic factors (natural resources, including energy, capital, labour, research, organization) for one's o w n development. T h e 'self referred to can be individual or collective, at the regional, the national or the local levels. T h e concept stands for autonomy, self-rule, being master over oneself, but not for autarky, for isolating oneself. Historically, it is nothing but the w a y in which h u m a n beings used to live w h e n humankind w a s mostly organized in units independent of each other, because there were few of them. A s history proceeded, patterns of dependency, with their concomitant exploitation, became the dominant aspect of the world system. Hence, self-reliance today is a w a y of fighting dependency, or more generally, of counteracting the power of others over oneself. This means counteracting both normative power (remunerative power), and punitive power (force). Self-rebanee does m e a n not to turn power the other w a y , trying to convert others, to m a k e them economically dependent (counter-penetration) and/or to outstrip t h e m militarily. T h e approach is rather to build u p more power over oneself through more self-respect (in Latin America this would be referred to as dignidad), meaning faith in one's o w n values and ideas through a m i n i m u m of self-sufficiency to satisfy basic needs and to attain a level of fearlessness high enough not to be frightened b y the force of the other. Thus, self-reliance is self-respect together with self-sufficiency and fearlessness. It is a psycho-pobtical rather than an economic category. Its masters were nation-buĂźders like Gandhi (swadeshi, sarvodaya) and M a o Zedong (tzu li keng zheng) in this century, spanning in their theories and political practice the whole range of h u m a n and social affairs.

Another formula might describe self-reliance as autonomy together with equity and self-rule, or self-management combined with equitable relations with others so that they also can benefit from self-reliance. It is an effort to combat dependence and build a pattern of interdependence in a world where total independence is (almost) impossible.

At the more specific level it is the economics of self-reliance that has c o m m a n d e d most attention although the psychology or politics of selfreliance are at least equally important. B u t the logic m a y be about the same, so the economics of self-reliance m a y serve as an indication for the others.

T h e first and basic principle is to decide oneself what one wants to produce, rather than simply try to produce things because others do it. T h e second principle is to try to do this b y using one's o w n forces (autodĂŠpendance, auf seine eigene Krafte zĂĄhlen) imaginatively, as far as possible, rather than trying to get products in exchange for factors in excess (by selling resources, b y selling labour or simply b y selling capital, i.e. b y buying). T h e rationale is to develop productive capacity, for this is more

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satisfactory than to have the products. This is necessary not only in order to have the capacity if one should run out of commodities for exchange, but also to be non-manipulable in times of crisis and to benefit from all the positive effects (externalities) from the production process itself. Particularly important would be self-sufficiency in suchfieldsas food, health and energy, since withholding foodstuffs, health commodities (medicines, instruments) and energy would be arms of intimidation, and because most basic needs can be satisfied if there is self-sufficiency in these three fields.

Given the nature of economic geography this will not be sufficient in all cases. Hence there would be a third principle guiding the pattern of exchange: exchange with other units at the same level. This would be with other local communities, other countries, other regions, but not falling into the trap of highly asymmetric exchange of commodities for processed goods, highly labour-intensive for highly capital-intensive goods, and so on, except for shorter periods, while retaining control over the process. Thus, the economics of self-reliance would not deny the theory of comparative advantages, but would deny that these advantages can be compared meaningfully w h e n there are large differences in technological development.

In a world practising the economics of self-reliance the productive forces everywhere would be m u c h better developed. Exchange of the centre-periphery variety, of which w e have had m u c h too m u c h , would decrease; exchange of a more horizontal kind between former centres and between former peripheries (self-reliance would m a k e these concepts outmoded) would increaseâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;possibly with the result that total world exchange would not decrease but definitely be redirected and be differently composed.

W h e n practised at all three levels, this would then hold between regions, between nations within regions and between local communities within nationsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in other words, a major structural change.

Does Europe today have any contribution to m a k e to the question of development centred on the concept of the h u m a n being? It is a continent where maldevelopment is taking place and where there is an outcry for the humanization of development, the humanization of factory work, the humanization of science and, unbelievably enough, the humanization of war. These claims are m a d e regardless of the social system involved. T h e y transcend the leftist-rightist ideological opposition. T h e questions raised refer to the impact of structures which accompany industrial development, whatever the context in which such development is taking place.

It is consciously acknowledged b y most Europeans today that Europe should stop defining development models for application in the Third World. Europe's transnational corporations, and the superpowers that are n o w stronger than it, continue however with the usual arrogance associated

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with power to put forward such 'models'. Interestingly enough, large parts of Third World élites often believe strongly in these. Raul Prebitsch •denounced such an attitude in his address to the Nairobi U N C T A D Conference on 19 M a y 1976, w h e n referring to 'imitative development'. Others have termed it 'self-colonization'.23 S o m e recent trends in European thought about development m a y be of possible interest in other parts of the world. T h e negative side, not to be imitated, is the maldevelopment of industrial society, in h u m a n and •ecological terms. T h e positive side is the increasing value n o w attributed to the 'third system'. This has been defined in the following w a y : The international organizations (and here we would like to add: the state-centric international system) m a y be referred to as the 'first system', the transnational •corporations as the 'second system', and concerned individuals, research or people's organizations as the 'third system'.24 This is the equivalent of what Johan Galtung has termed the 'green sphere' {the local-communal-private sphere). M o v e m e n t s originating at this level will be, and are already, the most imaginative force in development, defined in a n e w w a y as man-centred development, even though a lot of obstruction to such a development resides in thefirstand second systems.

Notes

1. Peter Berger, Brigitte Berger and Hansfried Kellner, Dos Unbehagen in der Modernitât, Frankfurt-New York, Campus Verlag, 1975, pp. 12-13.

2. G . Kocher, 'Die Hilfe an die überentwickelten Lander', TagesAnzeiger Magazin, Zurich, 22 M a y 1976.

3. Unfortunately the English language has no word similar to the German expression Mensch (human being) and we therefore hope nobody will start an act on male chauvinism when the concept of man-centred development appears.

4. R o y Preiswerk and Dominique Perrot, Ethnocentrism and History. Africa, Asia and Indian America in Western Textbooks, N e w York-Lagos, N O K Publishers, 1978.

5. Jean Piaget, Épistémologie des sciences de Vhomme, Paris, Gallimard, 1970. Unesco publication.

6. Erich F r o m m , To Have or to Be, London, Sphere Books, 1979.

7. See the pioneering work against the state-centric approach in Denis de Rougemont, L'avenir est notre affaire, Paris, Stock, 1977; and Sur l'état de V union de VEurope 1979: Rapport au peuple européen, Paris, Stock, 1979. D e Rougement argues

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9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

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w h y and h o w the combination of the forces striving for European unity and of the movements for more local autono m y within states (in particular the 'trans-border regions' such as Euregio and Regio basiliensís) must and can beat the power of the nation-states.

Karl William K a p p , ' Z u m Problem der Enthumanisierung der "Reinen Théorie" und der gesellschaftlichen Realitàt', Kyklos, 1967, p . 329.

Alfred Sauvy, Lafindes riches, Paris, Calmann-Lévy, 1977, p. 19.

A little known fact is that chemical rearmament is rapidly 'progressing'. The N A T O and Warsaw Pact countries are estimated to hold reserves of nerve gas amounting to 400,000 tons each. Since two milligrams are deadly, it would be, purely theoretically, possible to kill 400,000,000,000,000 people, or each inhabitant of the planet 100,000 times. Even if this is purely theoretical, it is a peculiar w a y to plan man-centred development.

This and the next paragraph are reproduced from R o y Preiswerk, 'Could W e Study International Relations as if People Mattered?' in International Relations in a Changing World, The Hague, Sijthoff, 1977, pp. 44-5.

Joseph Needham, 'History and H u m a n Values: A Chinese Perspective for World Science and Technology', The Centennial Review, 1976, p. 27.

According to Johan Galtung's terminology, red stands for a corporate enterprise system, blue for a state enterprise system and green for the local-communal-private sphere.

Erich F r o m m , To Have or to Be. See also The Revolution of Hope: Toward a Humanized Technology, N e w York, Harper and R o w , 1968.

E . F . Schumacher, Small is Beautiful, A Study of Economics as if People Mattered, London, Sphere Books, 1975.

Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen, 'Economic Theory and Agrarian Economies', Oxford Economic Papers, Vol. XII, 1960, pp. 1-40.

E . F . Schumacher, Good Work, London, Jonathan Cape, 1979.

References in this text are to the book mentioned in note 15.

Peter Berger, Brigitte Berger and Hansfried Kellner, The Homeless Mind: Modernization and Consciousness, N e w York, R a n d o m House, 1973.

Theodor Leuenberger and Rudolf Schilling, Die Ohnmacht des Burgers, Pladoyer fiir eine nachmoderne Gesellschaft, Frankfurt, Fischer Verlag, 1977.

James Robertson, The Sane Alternative, Signposts to a SelfFulfilling Future, London, J. Robertson, 1978.

Quite a few economists deserve mention for having introduced research in this direction, e.g. at the Institute of Development Studies in Sussex. See Hollis Chenery et al., Redistribution with Growth, London, Oxford University Press, 1974. In our view, this approach still remains m u c h too economistic,

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giving a very limited view of social reality as a whole, and changing only some basic assumptions and indicators.

22. For further development, see La pluralité des mondes, théories et pratiques du développement, Genève, Cahiers de l'Institut universitaire d'études d u développement, 1975; Pierre Bungener, Le développement insensé, itinéraires pour un combat, Lausanne, L ' A g e d ' H o m m e , 1978; R o y Preiswerk, 'Relations interculturelles et développement', in Le savoir et le faire, Cahiers de l ' I U E D , N o . 2, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1975; Centre international pour le développement, The Cultural Dimension of Development, Paris, C I D , 1980 (mimeo).

23. R o y Preiswerk, 'Néo-colonialisme ou auto-colonisation', see note 22.

24. Definition quoted from Participation of the 'Third System* in its Elaboration and Implementation, N y o n (Switzerland), International Foundation for Development Alternatives, January 1978, p . 1. Important results of the research carried out b y the Foundation are found in Building Blocks for Alternative Development Strategies, A Progress Report from the Third System Project, I F D A Dossier N o . 17, April 1980.

4

Development centred on man: some relevant concepts from Canada

Jan J. Loubser

A s in most industrialized societies, generally considered 'developed', debates and policies focusing on the development of the society or economy as a whole have not been m u c h in evidence in Canada, at least not until recently.

There is, therefore, no easily identifiable literature on the development of Canadian society. W h a t might be seen as aspects of an overall development process in developing societies are treated as sectoral problems within relatively short time horizons: economic growth and expansion, housing, energy, industry, transportation and adjustments of the system to m a k e it work better, such as income redistribution, social security, welfare policies, and so on. It is only in the last decade that the conventional assumptions of Canadian industrialized society have been shaken, mainly b y the global economic crisis, exacerbated b y the escalation of oil prices since 1973, but also as a result of accumulating evidence that all is not well in industrialized society.

Analysts of industrial societies have begun to recognize, as they gained a global perspective on these societies, that they are characterized b y what might be called 'maldevelopment', as a result of overdevelopment or unbalanced development. 1 Such features as overconsumption, waste and depletion of resources, destruction of the environment, continuing social inequality and impoverishment of large sections of the population, widespread alienation, health problems resulting from the stress of the industrial system and dissatisfaction with the quality of life, measured in nonmaterial terms, are noted as s y m p t o m s of maldevelopment. There is, therefore, a crisis of development in the so-called developed world that is directly related to the development crisis in the Third World, and the

J A N J. L O U B S E R is a consultant and formerly the Executive Director of the Social Science Federation of Canada.

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North is as m u c h in need of an alternative paradigm, for development as the South.

This realization of the need for alternative development is not as yet widespread and has not given rise in Canada to new theories of development or systematic efforts to develop alternative concepts and policies. Since the mid-1970s there has been a growing search for alternatives and a number of initiatives to address specific development problems in Canada. W e will examine some of these for their relevance and significance for the emergence of new approaches to development centred on m a n . It would be wise not to have high expectations of the yield of such an exercise. For one thing, awareness of the flaws in the fabric of Western industrial societies, and in Canada in particular, and efforts to understand these in structural and developmental terms, are very recent phenomena. Second, much of this awareness has been translated into efforts to search for adjustments within the industrial paradigm, rather than radical departures and alternative developments. Finally, the searches for alternatives have been of an activist rather than an intellectual nature, incremental rather than systematic, and hence not productive of elaborate, comprehensive, well-articulated theories of alternative development. W e will have to look for elements of a concept of development centred on m a n emerging as Canadians search for alternatives and seek to address specific problems of development, mainly from within the dominant industrial paradigm, the ethos of which is not exactly centred on m a n . The pickings m a y be lean, therefore, but maybe there is intrinsic value in the process of searching for them.

The focus will be on three specific development concerns that have been addressed in Canada in recent years, namely, northern development, native development and eco-development, as well as an overview of other initiatives in alternative development. Other areas that could have been included, if space permitted, are regional development, rural and urban development, social development, cultural development. The areas selected should, however, provide an adequate basis on which to identify the emerging elements of a concept of development centred on m a n in the Canadian context.

The concept of development centred on m a n is not a very precise analytical tool, and any attempt to fashion it into such a tool for the sake of having one would be futile and counter-productive. The very concept itself, centred on m a n , seems to inhibit aggressive conceptualization and theorizing. The main purpose of the review here will, therefore, be to present the concepts of development employed in these Canadian initiatives as completely and accurately as possible, without m u c h effort to sort, categorize and analyze. This should result in an account that could be analyzed by others with different concepts of development centred on m a n or with

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entirely different orientations. Nonetheless, no one should be led to believe that this is an objective account; it had to be highly selective and the criteria of selection have not been clearly defined, except for potential relation and relevance to the concept of development centred on m a n .

This approach has obvious weaknesses: it inhibits critical analysis of the evidence presented and justification of the relevance of selected material. For example, elements of a concept of development centred on m a n m a y appear in the context of a statement that is otherwise typical of the dominant industrial paradigm or that can be interpreted as such.

Justification of inclusion and identification of the specific element relevant to the purpose of the paper would clearly not be advisable. Hence the reader will have to assume that the author is aware of the dissonance in some of the quoted statements.

Another note of caution is in order: the extent to which the concepts of development reviewed reflect official government policy has not been fully determined. In some cases government attitudes have been noted, but these could not be interpreted as official government policy. The impact of these concepts on development policy and the probability of their implementation in practice will have to remain unclear. Suffice it to say that, while there are encouraging signs, the inertia of the industrial system should not be underestimated.

In an interpretive section following the review, an attempt will be made to assess what possible significance the Canadian initiatives could have for the advancement of our understanding of development centred on m a n . The concept itself will be examined more closely and some of the parameters and elements of a theory of development centred on m a n will be considered in thefinalsection.

Northern development One of the main foci of development concerns within Canada is the northern part of the country. Only about one million of Canada's 24 million people live in the North, the largest population concentrations being on a relatively narrow band immediately north of the border with the United States of America. A complex combination of climatic, geographical and other factors, which makes much of the North an inhospitable environment for permanent settlement for most people, except for those indigenous to the area, accounts for this situation. Hence the North 'is characterized by small populations, large distances, relative inaccessibility, a large proportion of indigenous peoples, a short growing season, permafrost, and long, cold, dark winters'.2

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The North represents mainly two contradictory, potentially conflicting images to Canadians. For the industrial South the dominant image is that of a cornucopia of resources, rich in oil and gas and mineral resources, tempered only b y an increasing realization of the inaccessibility of the North and the physical obstacles to resource extraction. But for southern Canada, the North is still a frontier of industrialization and economic development on which the future growth of its industrial system m a y well

depend.

T o the indigenous people of the North it is their homeland and heritage, their livelihood and the basis of the survival of their culture and their w a y of life. The indigenous people of the North are mainly Dene, Inuit and Metis, but these broad classifications cover a diversity of languages and cultures. Their economic system is still largely based on self-sufficiency in hunting, fishing and trapping. They live largely in harmony with nature and depend on the survival of the wildlife systems of the North. Technological incursions, such as the snowmobile and the rifle, settlements and the penetration of the industrial market, have already altered their w a y of life and are having a pathological impact on their social fabric, so m u c h so that their w a y of life and culture are seen b y some observers as rapidly vanishing.

The development of the North is often approached from two corresponding, conflicting perspectives. O n the one hand, it is seen as the exploitation of the resources of the region, economic growth, the extension of the industrial system into the North, a process mainly determined by the South. O n the other hand, development is seen as a process determined by the people of the North and based on their economic, political, social and cultural interests and values, leading to greater self-determination in the region.

It is in the context of this second view of development, which has gained in public acceptance in recent years, that elements of a concept of development centred on m a n have come to the fore. There is a considerable literature on northern development, but for the purposes of this paper w e shall focus on two reports, one attempting to present a strategy for northern development from a science policy perspective3 and the other an inquiry into the construction of a pipeline to bring northern gas to the United States and southern Canada. 4 A SCIENCE POLICY C O N C E P T T h e Science Council report is the product of a three-and-a-half-year study process by a committee of the Council during a period that was marked by m a n y other developments, including the formulation of land claims by the

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indigenous people. T h e study notes that development in the North has recently been characterized b y two major and apparently conflicting trends.

T h efirst,which predominates, is a thrust towards large-scale exploitation of natural resources, involving projects that are characterized b y capital intensiveness, large-scale, long lead-time and non-renewable resource extraction, a n d requiring government approval a n d financial support. These projects have potentially severe environmental and social consequences, the costs of which are not quantified a n d are left out of decisions whether or not to proceed with the project. T h e y do p a y s o m e attention to improving working conditions in the North, as well as to transportation and c o m m u n i cations services a n d environmental protection.

T h e second trend is associated with a desire for economic self-sufficiency of northern peoples, a desire to use skills and materials available locally, a concern for long-term environmental protection a n d a desire for local control of education, cultural activities and municipal services associated with teaching of native languages and culture.

T h e report notes that these t w o trends have usually been in conflict and r e c o m m e n d s a strategy of mixed development in which both trends will be incorporated and subjected to policy control: Such a strategy would press for more economic and technological self-sufficiency for the North. Activities that can be locally defined and controlled would be favoured over those which tend to increase political and economic dependence, the need for welfare, or other undesirable social conditions. This means an emphasis on relatively low capital, decentralized, and small scale development.

The second thrust of the mixed strategy approach is that economically viable (including social and environmental costs), large scale projects can and should take place in the North; Canada will continue to depend on energy and mineral resources for its o w n use and as a basis for export earnings of further processed materials.5 T h e Science Council report enumerates the following objectives for northern development, which it sees as similar to those of the Canadian Government: 1. T o promote the welfare of northern people, especially the indigenous peoples, through the encouragement of appropriate developments designed to aid, where the people desire this, community development, the retention of traditional life styles and cultures, as well as opportunities for participation in wage activities which support this general objective. This objective encompasses the extension of appropriate health and dental care, housing, and municipal services.

2. T o maintain and enhance the regenerative capacity of the environment. This means that environmental considerations, including land use policies, should be important components in the decision-making process for northern projects.

3. Renewable resource development should have a higher priority than at

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present. The goal is the economic and social self-sufficiency of northern communities.

4. T o encourage economically viable non-renewable resource projects which are in the national interest and which will benefit or at least not harm, northern residents and the northern environment.6 T h e report notes that while the strategy of mixed development will not automatically resolve tensions and disagreements, it will contribute to the general aim of increasing the self-sufficiency of northern people and the choices available to t h e m . It also anticipates the following consequences of pursuing this strategy: 1. There will be a measurable improvement of the northern 'balance of payments' problem. (Inasmuch as the North is a hinterland to the rest of Canada, there is a natural tendency for imports to flow northward and exports to flow southward.)

2. Knowledge about the environment and resources of the North will increase.

N e w orientations in research on the development of technologies which are smaller scale, less capital intensive, better adapted to northern conditions and geared to long term renewable resources will emerge.

3. Large projects will be carefully assessed and the participation of all interested parties in such assessments will increase.

4. Government participation in large projects will become even more c o m m o n .

5. Although a few settlements m a y remain relatively self-sufficient and isolated, there m a y be a trend toward regional aggregations which are socially and economically independent. Where inadequate resource bases exist, governments m a y continue supportive measures. The enormous diversity within the North will be recognized and reflected in a diversity of approaches.

6. Increased social, political and environmental accountability on the part of industry, government and, in the event of a land claim settlement, native peoples themselves will be evident.7 T h e report points out that the strategy implies that the pace of northern development m u s t depend u p o n sufficient scientific and technical information for assessment of the feasibility a n d desirability of a project, including assessment of its long-term social and environmental impacts. It will require greater sensitivity to traditional patterns of land use, to the fact that the land has special significance for m a n y native northerners and meets a variety of needs which are not measurable in monetary terms.

Also, there m u s t be greater recognition of the value of public participation, of the right of people directly affected b y a project to have a say in it.8 Recognizing the central role that science and technology have to play in northern development, the report r e c o m m e n d s four principles that should guide the pursuit of science policies for northern development: First, technological sovereigntyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the abilities of Canadians to control,

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direct and benefit from technological enterprises deemed essential to the country. Noting that 'Canadians and Canadian industry tend to place undue emphasis on foreign expertise and foreign consultants', the report advocates the promotion of technological sovereignty as a cornerstone of science policy for northern development. It is necessary to improve Canada's capacity to control and to benefit from the technologies needed to extract, process and transport its resources, and to achieve this Canada will need to create an appropriate political environment, organizational structures, and managerial skills to control effectively relevant technologies. Technological sovereignty has regional implications within Canada and should therefore include a concern for regional and northern benefits, as well as overall national benefits.9 Second, life-styleflexibilityâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;theneed to allow opportunities for choices of style. Noting that federal policy already gives highest priority to the well-being of northern people, especially indigenous people, the report suggests that research and development can help to preserve life-style options in the North b y promoting appropriate 'intermediate technologies'. This will have implications for communications, education and technology transfer and should lead to the development of technologies in the North, which in turn will require local participation in research and in the choice of research projects in the North. 1 0 Third, maintenance of the regenerative capacity of the land. T h e low biological productivity of northern ecosystems has implications for both renewable and non-renewable resource development. Both types of resource utilization must take into account the low regenerative capacity of the land in the North, which m e a n s that the ecological balance is m o r e easily disturbed and less easily restored than in southern Canada. 1 1 Fourth, comprehensive and balanced assessment and monitoring of large and small projects. In an earlier review of six projects in the North the Council c a m e to the conclusion that the assessment process h a d been inadequate in several respects, including a tendency to exclude Northern residents from the assessment system. A m o n g the principles it suggests should apply for all assessments are the following: All affected parties must have the opportunity to participate fully in the assessment, that is, the process must be balanced. . . . Government is responsible for ensuring that affected parties have adequate opportunity to m a k e their needs known, that no projects are undertaken which do not meet basic economic and environmental standards and that, from a long term point of view, the most desirable rate of non-renewable resource depletion is determined. This requires a capacity for independent data gathering and the independent assessment and evaluation of data belonging to others. There must, as a genera] principle, be open access to information.12

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T h e report declares: ' A science policy for northern development should aim at acquiring adequate knowledge and experience so that informed decisions can be m a d e . Decisions should be m a d e b y those charged with formal decision making and b y those living in affected areas. Decisions should be taken with a view towards both long term benefits and total costs.'13 Turning to initiatives that will support a consistent science policy for northern development and the strategy of mixed development, the report recommends that (a) universities play a greater role in the solution of northern problems; (b) a university of the North be established; (c) c o m prehensive knowledge of northern conditions and resources be developed to aid choices a m o n g development options; (d) appropriate northern technological capabilities and the indigenous expertise necessary to utilize this capability be developed and nurtured; (e) appropriate communications technologies and facilities be m a d e available to northern peoples and institutions to utilize the fruits of scientific knowledge; (f) research capacities of legislative bodies and individual legislators be systematically improved. 14 A C O N C E P T F R O M A SPECIFIC INQUIRY T h e second report of interest is that of the commissioner for the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry. T h e Inquiry w a s held during roughly the same period as the Science Council study and the two reports were published in the same year. It was an inquiry into proposals for one of the large projects to which the Science Council study refers. Part of its terms of reference -was to inquire into 'the social, environmental and economic impact regionally' of the construction of the pipeline. T h e Science Council study c o m m e n t e d on the Inquiry as an example of a comprehensive technology assessment process of the kind it was recommending: Perhaps the most significant impact of the Inquiry was its emphasis on the social issues. Again, the Inquiry took place at a time when m a n y other events were shaping public concern for native peoples, but the thoroughness and patience with which the hearings were conducted established a high standard of investigation which was recognized and praised. Indeed, the Inquiry enabled an articulation of the views of some groups of northerners who otherwise might not have been heard.15 T h e Inquiry contributed to a m u c h wider public awareness of the issues and as a result of it 'the future uses of science and technology in the North will be m u c h more related to the aspirations and needs of northern people'.16 Justice T h o m a s R . Berger, the Commissioner, took the Inquiry to thirty-five communities, every city and town, village and settlement in the region, and heard evidence from almost a thousand northerners. In addition,

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he heard evidence from 300 experts on northern conditions, the northern environment and northern people. T h e report is significant for the concept of development centred on m a n in its serious attention to and eloquent presentation of the h u m a n side of a large development project in the North.

T h e Inquiry report, with the apt title Northern Frontier, Northern Homeland, documents the historical settlement patterns, the traditional relation to the land of the native people, the frontier extension of the industrial system with the fur trade and resource exploration and extraction, and the conflict of values, objectives, aspirationsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in brief, cultures and w a y s of lifeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that has resulted and is at the centre of the issues relating to the pipeline.

In separate chapters on the possible cultural, economic and social impact of the pipeline the report presents both expert evidence and the testimony of the people themselves in a graphic portrayal of the conflicts and choices involved.

T h e impact of culture contact between the indigenous people and the white settlers from earliest times through the fur trade, missions, governm e n t presence, the introduction of settlements, w a g e labour and formal education is reviewed and the persistence of native values and culture documented from the hearings. Such native values of the land as security, as the basis of their identity, pride and self-respect and of their survival as a people, and their view of oneness, of h a r m o n y and continuity with nature are documented in their o w n words. Their social and political values, the ethic of c o m m u n a l sharing of resources, the role of the elders and the bases of leadership are similarly presented. T h e spirit in which this is done is significant, as Justice Berger remarks: It m a y be asked w h y I have devoted so m u c h space to these statements of native values. It m a y be said that the task that is at hand is the development of the North. But I have given this space to the native people's o w n words because they felt it was essential to say these things. B y these statements the native people have affirmed their belief in themselves, their past and their future, and the ideals by which they seek to live. These are the values and principles that must underlie the development of the North.17 Having reviewed the traditional native e c o n o m y based o n trapping, hunting and fishing, conflicting evidence of the inroads that the w a g e e c o n o m y has already m a d e on it and the evidence from the people t h e m selves, Berger comes to the conclusion: This time native people say they want to decide their future for themselves. A n d they want to be allowed to choose a life that is still connected to the land and their o w n tradition. So m a n y hundreds of people came forward at the hearings and said these things that I must regard them as an expression of the people's

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deepest convictions. . . . The question is, ought w e to give them that right? A n d the next question must be, is it possible to give them that right? Here the moral, political and economic questions intersect. Here the industrial system impinges directly upon the native people, and the values of the two ways of life are in opposition. Here w e are faced with the fundamental problem of the future of the North: whose preferences should determine the future of the North? Those w h o think it is our last frontier? Or those w h o think of it as their homeland? 18 In the chapter o n economic impact Berger further elaborates on this conflict and h o w h e proposes to minimize it. H e describes h o w the native people are pushed and pulled into the industrial system, leading to the depreciation of their o w n w a y of life and eventually the demoralization of a whole people. Noting that m a n y native people have entered the w a g e e c o n o m y on a seasonal and limited basis to equip themselves better for their traditional pursuits, he states: But when the native people are m a d e to feel they have no choice other than the industrial system, when they have no control over entering it or leaving it, when wage labour becomes the strongest, the most compelling, andfinallythe only option, then the disruptive effects of large-scale, rapid development can only proliferate. Eventually the intrusion of the industrial system is complete, and the consequences for the native people disastrous.19 T h e failure of large-scale developments to provide stable w a g e employment for native people and their potential intrusive effects o n native society and the native e c o n o m y are noted, but Berger comes to the conclusion that: The real failure of the past lies in a persistent refusal to recognize, and therefore to strengthen, the native economy and native skills. This failure is evidenced by our tendency, perhaps our compulsion, to adopt solutions that are technologically complex. W e , as members of an industrial society, find it difficult, perhaps impossible, to resist technological challenge. Technology and development have become virtually synonymous to us.20 Having found that the interests of the native people are in conflict with those of large-scale industrial developers, he points out that priorities will have to be set while keeping in m i n d that the native people will have to Uve with the e c o n o m y that is developed in the North.

After reviewing experiences in Greenland, the Soviet Union and the United States in which native people have been encouraged and enabled to develop their traditional skills, Berger concludes: There are lessons to be learned from these experiences. O n the one hand, development must be under the control of the people whose lives and economies are being changed: the strengthening of the renewable resource sector of the native

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economy must go forward under the direction of the native people themselves.

If development proceeds in a manner and at a scale that is out of keeping with local needs and wishes, it will tend to be counterproductive at the local levelâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;whether it is renewable or non-renewable resources that are being developed.21 Noting that it is increasingly recognized that economic development in the Third World hinges on the modernization of agriculture, he argues that 'the economic development of the North hinges o n the modernization of the existing native economy, based as it is on the ability of the native people to use renewable resources to serve their o w n needs. Productivity must be improved and the native economy must be expanded so that more people can be gainfully employed in it'.22 H e therefore accepts and agrees with the wish of the native people to see their economic future based on renewable resource development: ' T h e y have argued that the renewable resource sector must take priority over the non-renewable resource sector. This w a s said in every native village, in every native settlement.'23 H e comes to the conclusion that: The real economic problems in the North will be solved only when w e accept the view that the Dene, Inuit and Metis themselves expressed so often to the Inquiry.

W e must look for forms of economic development that really do accord with native values and preferences. If the kind of things that native people n o w want are taken seriously, w e shall cease to regard large-scale frontier industrial development as a panacea for the economic ills of the North.24 In examining the social impact of the proposed pipeline, Berger notes that there is a strong tendency in assessing the impact of large-scale developments to underestimate the social impact and social costs and to believe that whatever problems there m a y be they will be overcome. H e contends that this tendency is dangerous and the assumption that the problems can be overcome demonstrably false. While he grants that life is not static and that each society and individual must accept change, he comes to the conclusion that, if the pipeline were built n o w , the social impact on the native people would be devastating and quite beyond the capacity of anybody to ameliorate it in any significant w a y . 2 5 H e examines the impact of the industrial system on native values, the cost of welfare, health and health services, crime and violence, alcohol misuse, as well as the social fabric: w o m e n , inequalities and native identity and self-respect, and concludes that the social impact will be immense. H e is highly sceptical of the degree to which this impact can be softened, or ameliorated at any cost: 'Although some ameliorative measures can be taken to lessen the social impact of pipeline construction and related activity on the northern people, n o one should think that the measures

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will prevent the further and serious deterioration of social and personal well-being in the native communities.' W i t h major industrial development he expects to see 'further erosion of native culture, further demoralization of the native people, and degradation and violence beyond anything previously seen in the Mackenzie Valley and the Western Arctic'.26 These assessments are central to his recommendation that the pipeline be postponed for ten years to give the native people a chance to absorb the present impact a n d to continue the process of rebuilding a strong, selfconfident society in the region.

In the final chapter Berger examines native claims in historical perspective and in their current articulation.27 H e stresses the comprehensiveness of the native claims a n d the preparedness of the Government of Canada to negotiate o n this basis: The native people of the North n o w insist that the settlement of native claims must be seen as a fundamental re-ordering of their relationship with the rest of us.

Their claims must be seen as the means to the establishment of a social contract based on a clear understanding that they are distinct people in history. They insist on the right to determine their o w n future, to ensure their place, but not assimilation, in Canadian life. . . . Their concerns begin with the land, but are not limited to it: they extend to renewable and non-renewable resources, education, health and social services, public order and, overarching all of these considerations, the future shape and composition of political institutions in the North. 28 All the native organizations a n d virtually all the people themselves were unanimous in demanding that no pipeline be built before native claims in the region had been settled. Berger presents evidence as to w h y he considers this to be a reasonable d e m a n d and r e c o m m e n d s that the pipeline b e postponed until claims have been settled. H e points out that a settlement will not just entail the signing of a document: 'Intrinsic to the settlement of native land claims is the establishment of n e w institutions and programs that will form the basis of native self-determination.'29 If these institutions for self-determination with respect to land and land use, renewable and non-renewable resources, education, health and social services and public order are not established before the impact of the pipeline construction, he expects that the present situation will be reinforced and entrenched with disastrous effects for all concerned: Because the native people of the North believe the pipeline and the developments that will follow it will undermine their use of the land and indelibly shape the future of their lives in a way that is not of their choosing, they insist that, before any such development takes place, their rights to their land and their right to self-determination as a people must be recognized.30

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Berger points out that in claiming self-determination the native people do not wish to renounce Canada or separate from it: Rather they are proclaiming that they are a distinct people, w h o share a c o m m o n historical experience, a c o m m o n set of values, and a c o m m o n world view. They want their children and their children's children to be secure in that same knowledge of w h o they are and where they come from. They want their o w n experience, traditions and values to occupy an honourable place in the contemporary life of our country.31

SUMMARY It is clear from the review of these two reports that the concept of development that is being applied to the North of Canada is moving away from the industrial paradigm with its emphasis on economic growth and expansion, but clearly more so in the Inquiry than in the Science Council report.

The recognition of social and cultural factors and of the right of the people to participate in development planning and decision-making subjects development to h u m a n criteria and gives priority to considerations that are clearly human-centred.

The following elements of the concept of development implicit in these two reports seem to relate to the concept of development centred on m a n : Respect for cultural identity and continuity.

Policy based on values and preferences of people.

Orientation towards needs and aspirations of people.

Recognition of the right to self-determination of people.

Provision for participation of people affected in decision-making.

Allowance for diversity of approaches, opportunities for choice and lifestyle flexibility.

Scale and pace of development determined b y people affected.

Building o n local indigenous economy to strengthen economic and social self-sufficiency.

Reliance o n indigenous skills and resources.

Emphasis o n decentralized, small-scale, low-capital, renewable resources.

Promotion of appropriate technologies.

Assessment of social impact and cost, taking total costs into account.

Maintenance of regenerative capacity of the environment.

Policy taking into account long-term effects and benefits.

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Native development

Concerns with native development have been part of northern development, as could be seen in the previous section. The principal concern has been northern development and native development mainly because a large proportion of the northern population is native. Northern development that takes into account h u m a n factors has to come to grips with the development of the native people of the North. One might well ask, what about the native people who live outside the North? Does the question of native development arise only in the context of the extension of the industrial system into the North? One would expect tofinda more general policy of native development. The question is whether there is indeed a consistent concern with the h u m a n factors in native development.

The history of the relationships between the indigenous people of Canada and the European settlers is a long and complex one that need not detain us here. Today there are estimated to be more than one million native people in Canada, including the Indian, Inuit and Metis peoples.32 The Indian people have a special status in Canada, and the majority of them (about two-thirds) Uve on reserves that were established by treaties, mostly in the nineteenth century. Their affairs are administered by a special federal department, the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs ( D I A N D ) . They are organized into bands, band councils, territorial and regional organizations and a national organization, the National Indian Brotherhood (NIB). The Inuit live in the North, with very few individual exceptions. They are not subject to treaties, but they also fall under the jurisdiction of the D I A N D . They have a national organization, the Inuit Tapirisat of Canada (ITC). The Metis people, w h o are of mixed European and Indian descent, have historically evolved cultural patterns very close to those of the Indian people, and they identify themselves as native through their organizations. They have no recognized special status, are not party to any treaties and do not fall under the jurisdiction of the D I A N D . They are organized into local, provincial and regional organizations and have a national organization, the Native Council of Canada (NCC), which also includes non-status Indians.

INUIT A N D METIS C O N C E P T S Since the Inuit people are concentrated in the North, w e can assume that the concept of development as applied in their case has been adequately exposed in the section on northern development. The Inuit Tapirisat of Canada does not have an overall development plan and strategy, but

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according to spokesmen of the I T C , Inuit views on development are well represented in the hearings of the Berger Inquiry.

T h e Inquiry report contains one lengthy quotation from the testimony of Robert Andre, which Berger considers typical and as representing the concepts and sentiments of the Inuit people as well as those of the other native people, as registered in his extensive hearings: W e are saying w e have the right to determine our o w n lives. Thisrightderives from the fact that w e were herefirst.W e are saying w e are a distinct people, a nation of people, and w e must have a special right within Canada. W e are distinct in that it will not be an easy matter for us to be brought into your system because w e are different. W e have our o w n system, our o w n w a y of life, our own cultures and traditions. W e have our own languages, our own laws, and a system of justice. . . .

Land claims. . . . [mean] our survival as a distinct people. W e are a people with a long history and a whole culture, a culture which has survived. . . . W e want to survive as a people [hence] our stand for m a x i m u m independence within your society. W e want to develop our o w n economy. W e want to acquire political independence for our people within the Canadian constitution. W e want to have our o w n system of government, by which w e can control and develop our land for our benefit. W e want to have the exclusiverightto hunt, tofishand to trap.

W e are saying that on the basis of our [aboriginal] land rights, w e have an ownership and therightto participate directly in resource development.

W e want, as the original owners of this land, to receive royalties from [past] developments and for future developments which w e are prepared to allow.

These royalties will be used to fund local economic development, which w e are sure will last long after the companies have exhausted the non-renewable resources of our land. The present system attempts to put us into a wage econo m y as employees of companies and governments over which w e have no control.

W e want to strengthen the economy at the community level, under the collective control of our people. In this w a y m a n y of our young people will be able to participate directly in the community and not have to m o v e elsewhere to find employment.

W e want to become involved in the education of our children in the coniT munities where w e are in the majority. W e want to be able to control the local schools. W e want to start our o w n schools in the larger centres in the North where w e are in the minority. . . , Where the governments have a continuing role after the land settlement, w e want to have a clear recognition as a distinct people, especially at the community level. Also at the community level, powers and control should lie with the chief and band council. T o achieve all this is not easy. M u c h work lies ahead of us. . . .

W e must again become a people making our o w n history. T o be able to make our own history is to be able to mould our own future, to build our society that preserves the best of our past and our traditions, while enabling us to grow and to develop as a whole people.

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W e want a society where all are equal, where people do not exploit others. W e are not against change, but it must be under our terms and under our control. . . .

W e ask that our rights as a people for self-determination be respected.33 T h e I T C has developed a proposal for political development in N u n a v u t (a territory of 1.5 million square miles that they claim as aboriginal land) leading to eventual provincial status within Canada. T h e basic needs for self-determination and preservation of cultural identity within Canada underlie the land claims. O n e of the major arguments for the creation of N u n a v u t is: Inuit have just as m u c h at stake in the development of the lands and waters upon which they depend for their livelihood as do Canadians as a whole. Inuit require institutions whereby their participation will ensure orderly use of these lands and waters so as to preserve Inuit livelihood and to benefit Canadians generally.34 T h e proposal calls for the establishment of a strong planning system that will reflect awareness of the specifics of the northern situation, the uniqueness of the Inuit culture and w a y of life and the need to plan for the future according to the needs of the people and the nature of their environment. 35 A similar position is taken b y the Native Council of Canada ( N C C ) , which presented ' A Declaration of Metis and Indian Rights' to the Joint Cabinet-NCC Committee in 1979. C o m m e n t a r y b y the president of the N C C on t w o articles reflects their views on development: . . . w e have the right to determine h o w and when the land and resources are to be developed for the benefit of our people and in partnership with other Canadians for the benefit of Canada as a whole.

Along with our right to the land comes a responsibility for its protection and proper use. W e must take care not to permit the development of the land to lead to its destruction. It is our responsibility to see to it that our children and our children's children enjoy the land and its benefits. W e w h o have lived and still live on the land and depend on the land to satisfy m a n y of our needs must have thefirstsay in how the land is to be developed.

At the same time w e are not against genuine economic development. W e know the needs of the modern world and have no wish to hoard vital resources.

All w e seek is the right to take part in the development of these resources as partners and not as victims.

As partners w e should share in the management and ownership of the corporations which take wealth out of our land. W e should have representation on all those boards and committees which decide how development is to take place. W e should be guaranteed a share of the profits of the companies which operate on our traditional lands. Only then can w e fulfil our obligation to the land and future generations. W e must build today for a better tomorrow.

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. . . w e have the right to preserve our identity and toflourishas a distinct people with a rich cultural heritage.

W e believe it is our right as a people with a rich history and culture to preserve our identity while w e participate as partners in the development of Canada. In the past w e were denied this right. If w e were to succeed in the eyes of the larger society w e were expected to give up our identity and beliefs. W e were expected to assimilate.

If we are to preserve and enrich our own Native identity and to contribute to the growth of a truly Canadian identity w e must have control of our destiny.

Culture and identity are not things which can be preserved in a jar. They must grow if they are to survive. However, our culture and identity can grow only if w e have control of those institutions which shape our lives and outlook. W e believe that our o w n people, by banding together into strong organizations, can best manage those institutions through which w e communicate with each other and to the rest of Canadian society, through which w e educate ourselves and our children, and through which w e express ourselves in art, beliefs and recreation.36

THE INDIAN STRATEGY CONCEPT T h e concept of development emerging a m o n g the native people of Canada is perhaps best represented b y The Strategy for the Socio-Economic Development of the Indian People.37 The Strategy is the result of the initiatives of the National Indian Brotherhood and the sustained efforts of its staff and m e m b e r organizations, with assistance from the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, to develop a comprehensive socio-economic development strategy for the Indian people for consideration b y the Joint N I B / D I A N D Cabinet Committee.

The Strategy is thefirstcomprehensive statement with national application b y Indians about their development. It provides a conceptual framework, proposes some broad goals of development, the m a i n c o m p o nents of the strategy, some socio-cultural and economic elements of the strategy and the principles that should guide the process of development.

It takes a holistic approach to development and insists that it has constitutional, political, social, cultural and economic dimensions and a c o m munity focus.

T h e central thrust of The Strategy is that Indian society should be strengthened through the development of Indian economies within Indian cultural frameworks under the control of Indian political institutions anchored in and drawing their legitimacy from local Indian communities.

It emphasizes the interconnectedness of all aspects of social reality and insists that the holistic principle that politics, economics, culture and other sectors not be treated as disconnected things but as parts of a whole, should guide all further development of the Indian people, as well as the

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reform of existing government agencies and p r o g r a m m e s relating to t h e m .

It should also be enshrined in the design and permeate the functioning of the n e w institutions that are created in the implementation of The Strategy.38 T h e report notes that there h a d not been earlier efforts b y government agencies to set goals for the development of the Indian people, but that in recent years the Indian people themselves have begun to do so. It sees as afirststep the articulation of a set of goals and draws these from an examination of recent statements b y Indian people. T h e following goals are defined as the major long-term aims of development: T o retain and strengthen Indian constitutional and cultural identity so as to promote full Indian contribution to Canadian society, culturally, socially, and economically.

T o achieve security from want, shelter, and a decent standard of living; to obtain real access to the widest range of opportunity optious and freedom from exploitation.

T o live purposeful lives, including dignity and independence for individuals; to obtain real access to education, political equality and social amenity.

T o maintain possession of and contact with the land to the fullest degree possible, with optima] development of resources and maintenance of environmental quality.

Afifthgoal might be mentioned which is intended to underlie all four of the above goals and that is the opportunity to achieve goals without necessarily having to conform totally to the standard industrial w a y of life. O n e very important aspect of this is, of course, attitude toward land and its communal ownership rather than its alienation to private ownership, the latter being the cornerstone of non-Indian life and commerce. 39 The Strategy is sensitive to possible misinterpretation of its orientation as a return to the past and stresses its concern to look and m o v e forward toward the future: "What is perceived then is a course that will permit Indian people to marry all that they wish from their o w n history and culture with that part of the technology, institutions and culture of the Euro-Canadians they find necessary and desirable to achieve the stated goals, this at a speed and to the degree of achievement that they m a y individuallyfindrightfor them. 40 Goals need to be translated into action through a strategy. T h e report proposes that such a socio-economic development strategy to achieve the stated goals of the Indian people should consist of four elements: A sustained effort by Indian people, in partnership with government, to renew and strengthen their culture and unique identity through the vehicle of selfgovernment.

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A deliberate shift in emphasis for most programs from concern with the individual to concern for the community.

A deliberate effort through programming to establish for communities a socio-economic development base that brings opportunities to the people rather than using the people to serve outside interests.

A sustained joint effort b y the Indian people and the government, for not less than ten years and b y mutual agreement for twenty years, to achieve the objectives that will be identified b y communities within the broad goals.41 T h e report points out that these interrelated elements of the strategy constitute a unified theme: 'It is critically important to its success that all actions towards realization of the objectives as identified shall be coordinated, shall be integrated into a 'whole fabric', a n d shall reflect the needs and perceptions of the Indian people.' 42 In addressing the socio-cultural elements of the strategy, the report stresses the complexity of the development process, ' b o u n d u p in culture and practice developed over m a n y thousands of years', and r e c o m m e n d s a community-based socio-cultural development plan with the following elements: The Element of Cultural Identity Proposed actions or decisions should strengthen the cultural identity of the Indian people.

The Element of Control Proposed actions or decisions should lead to stronger self-government and to more complete control by the Indian people of their lives.

The Element of Community Strength Proposed actions or decisions should lead to strengthening the community and to developing the community's o w n unique w a y of achieving its objectives.

The Element of Quality of Life Proposed actions or decisions should improve or maintain the quality of life of the members of the community concerned over the long term.

The Element of Land Rights Proposed actions or decisions should respect the beliefs of Indian people and what they consider to be their rights concerning the natural environment (land).

The Element of Management Proposed actions or decisions should lead to a system of management that is community-oriented and Indian controlled, that develops balanced and integrated packages of programs, and that permits the development of cooperative programs and services for groups of communities where they conceive such to be essential to their interests.

It is proposed that such a set of basic elements or guidelines should be put together in a socio-economic development code, against which any proposal for

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development could be checked. Where a development seems consistent with the code, action might be instituted with some confidence. Where any proposal proves inconsistent, some rethinking might be done, the program might be altered or abandoned, or at least, if action proceeds, the trade-offs required could be considered.43 T h e report also addressed the economic elements of the socio-economic development strategy and advocates a fundamental change in the approach taken u p to n o w b y government agencies: It has been pointed out that the prime reason for the failure of most programmes is their insensitivity to the real economic, social, and cultural aspirations of the Indian people. The individualistic programming of assistance for disadvantaged people in Canada reflects the individualism of our competitive society. This conflicts with the sharing patterns and reciprocal life style of Indian people.

Thus, there need to be fundamental changes in the whole approach, changes that will support and strengthen the environment for growth based upon the selfgoverning community . . . Policies and programs must be developed and evaluated in the context of long-term social benefits and costs, not on the basis of early financial viability within the existing market and institutional structures. They should be directed to creating a viable economic base that is interlinked with and supportive of the socio-cultural base.4* Given the overall goal of self-determination b y the Indian people, the m a i n purpose of The Strategy is to create an environment within which this goal can be achieved. This approach implies that specific objectives for developm e n t cannot be set from the top d o w n in a paternalistic w a y but have to be developed b y the people themselves. The Strategy, therefore, identifies only general areas in which objectives have to be set to provide a sense of direction and to enable government agencies to begin supportive planning that could be readily responsive to c o m m u n i t y objectives as they emerge. 45 T h e same approach is taken to implementation, which The Strategy recognizes as the most critical stage in the entire process of socio-economic development. It stresses: 'Because the lives of individuals and communities are directly affected b y it, they must decide the priorities, the specific delivery processes and the speed of action, working within a support delivery system developed u p w a r d to the provincial/territorial level.'46 It also recognizes the difficulties and problems that people face at the c o m m u n i t y level in getting development projects off the ground: If one had to settle for the single most important need at the community level, it would undoubtedly be to seek out suitable people to be h u m a n catalysts in communities to help communities determine where they are at and help them to initiate action and carry it through to a successful conclusion.47

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SUMMARY This brief review of The Strategy and comparable though briefer statements of the Inuit and Metis peoples illustrate the centrality of the people and their values, interests and aspirations to the concept of development employed. 48 T h e following elements are salient in the concept of development proposed b y the native people of Canada for themselves: Respect for cultural identity and recognition as a distinct people.

Orientation towards needs and aspirations of the native people.

Recognition of their right to self-determination and control of their o w n destiny.

Control of institutions that shape the lives of the people.

Recognition of the right to participate in decision-making about development.

A policy based on holistic principle, recognition of the interconnectedness of all aspects of life as 'whole fabric'.

A n emphasis on community and strengthening community through selfgovernment and self-management.

Strengthening of economy at community level under collective control of the people.

Creation of socio-economic base in community and bring opportunities to people.

Recognition of right to land, to retain control of land and develop it for their o w n benefit.

Achievement of security from want, shelter and a decent standard of living.

Assurance of purposeful lives, dignity and independence.

Assurance of equal access to opportunities and services.

Improvement of the quality of life over the long term.

Emphasis on long-term benefits and costs.

Sustained long-term effort oriented to future security and well-being.

Scale and pace of development to be determined b y people at community level.

Activation of community initiatives b y suitable people from community.

Eco- development T h e concerns with northern development and native development could be considered on the periphery of Canadian society. T h e North is largely seen as an uninhabitable resource frontier to be exploited in the interest of the industrial society in the South, tempered only b y concern for the

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future well-being of the indigenous peoples of the North and the protection of the environment. T h e native people define themselves as essentially outside the mainstream of Canadian society, its culture and industrial system, so that concern with their development does not have central implications for the society as a whole, except the recognition, respect and protection of their distinctiveness and their right to determine their o w n future within the larger society.

But what about Canada as a modern, highly industrialized society with a small population and a large territory rich in natural resources?

Does the industrial paradigm, with its emphasis on economic growth, bigger and better and more and more, still apply? For a variety of reasons an increasing number of people realize that it can no longer apply and are searching for alternative models of development.

R a y Jackson of the Science Council of Canada in a recent paper49 documented and analysed the increasing approach of limits with respect to natural resources such as oil and gas, forests, lakes and waste disposal, and shows h o w the modern industrial system is also pushing towards ecological, economic, social institutional/governmental, political and h u m a n limits.50 In the rest of the paper he reviews the responses by government and other groups and institutions to the increasing realization that alternative initiatives are required. H e focuses on the idea of the 'Conserver Society' and initiatives to promote it, which will be dealt with later.

Under eco-development w e shall consider Canadian responses to the realization of the ecological limites on unrestrained economic growth and expansion, dealing with the environment, energy and other resources.

T h e concept of eco-development has been in use since Maurice Strong introduced it at the Stockholm conference in 1972 to express the special importance of the close interrelationships between development strategies and environmental problems. It is used here as a rubric to discuss the concept of eco-development itself as applied to Canadian society as a whole and the Conserver Society m o v e m e n t in Canada.

THE ECO-DEVELOPMENT CONCEPT T h e concept of eco-development w a s explored in the Canadian context in a co-operative project on 'Environment and Development' initiated by the Prospective Group of the Canadian International Development Agency and the Advanced Concepts Centre of the Department of the Environment. It consisted of a series of workshops, starting in 1975, organized with the purpose of exploring some of the n e w development strategies that seem to be required in Canada as well as in developing countries.51 T h e second of these workshops dealt with eco-development

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and international co-operation policies, and the concept w a s further explored in subsequent workshops.

Eco-development represents a n effort to rethink the underlying philosophy of development, m u c h as does the concept of development centred on m a n . T h e basic notion is that the h u m a n species, like any other, has to establish mutually sustaining relationships with its environm e n t for its continued development.

Eco-development emphasizes the harmonization of economic and social objectives with sound m a n a g e m e n t of relations with the environment. It seeks to define the ecological requirements and imperatives of sustained development over generations. Eco-development is seen as resting on three postulates: 1. T h e focus of all societal efforts must befirstand foremost on meeting basic needs of people, with priority o n the development of h u m a n potentials rather than economic growth as an end in itself.

2. 'Self-reliance' is an increasingly necessary collective responsibility to be sought, one that is based in large measure o n autonomous decisionmaking: the capability to identify one's problems and solutions is the only w a y to become part of a meaningful interdependence.

3. A 'true symbiosis' between m a n and environment must be sought, one based on knowledge as well as on respect for the environmental imperatives for maintaining viable life-support and resource systems: only this can secure present and future generations and help the m o v e towards sustainable h u m a n societies.52 T h e 1977 workshop report c o m m e n t e d on the implications of the concept of eco-development for the style of decision-making and the utilization of expert knowledge in decisions: The issues raised clearly do not lend themselves to topdown authoritative decisions. They imply instead a constant search: open, continual learning, seeking discussion and consultation among people and decision-makers, a process of creating by consensus the kind of society to be striven for. Self-reliance, with opportunity to give expression to wishes, hopes and goals at a number of subnational and community levels, is basic to this. These issues require attention to processes which will be unique to Canada, as expressed by its history, its cultures and its geography.53 In a paper contributed to the 1976 workshop Ignacy Sachs spelled out the policy implications of the concept of eco-development in relation to seven aspects of h u m a n activity. According to h i m , eco-development requires consideration and application in the following policies: Harmonization of consumption patterns, time use and life-styles.

Appropriate technologies, ecologically based designs.

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A low energy profile and promotion of the renewable energy base.

Identification of n e w resources within the eco-system.

Careful husbandry of resources and recycling.

Ecological principles to guide settlement patterns and land uses.

Participatory planning and grass-roots activation.54 In a later paper in the series Simon Miles pointed out the importance of seeing the developmental environment as a whole, rather than as discrete systems. 55 'At a m i n i m u m ' , he said, 'a developmental environment embraces anything that m a y otherwise be adversely affected b y a poorly conceived development strategy; at a m a x i m u m it embraces anything that has obvious potential to contribute to the development of the person, group, or whatever.' 56 T h e concept developmental environment focuses primarily on the resources and capacities that can be enhanced, depleted, or otherwise adversely affected b y development and vice versa.

Eco-development also stresses the global and future dimensions of development and the growing awareness of the interdependence of all humanity in space and time.

Miles emphasizes the importance of going beyond the rethinking of the philosophy of development embodied in the concept of ecodevelopment and spelling out its implications for strategies and policies:

T o make this philosophy operational it is necessary to develop a set of basic principles and, from these, a check list oĂ­fundamental policy considerations, which can be elaborated on more specifically for each individual situation. It should be stressed that these constitute the ground rules for a process of development rathe than end goals.67 In the last report in the series, H o w a r d Daugherty, Charles JeanneretGrosjean and B o b Fletcher provide w h a t is the most comprehensive statement o n the concept of eco-development to be produced b y the project: This approach is based on the concepts of self-reliance, self-management, sustained and ecologically sound development, with the objective of the satisfaction of the basic needs of the majority of the population. Such an approach redefines the very purpose of the evolution and development of contemporary h u m a n societies by placing into the very centre of the processes of development the improvement of the h u m a n being and the satisfaction of the real needs of the majority of people by their o w n resources, values and aspirations, and simultaneously promoting a self-sustained basis for security and development in solidarity with future generations.

Eco-development as such an approach has also been defined by insisting on an ecologically sound environment for development. It is based on these ethical postulates: real need satisfaction and the ecological soundness of every develop-

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ment and undertaking, by stressing the resourcefulness and inventiveness of the affected h u m a n society, which implies a fundamental participatory involvement of the population.

These three elements—real need satisfaction, harmony with the natural environment, and self-reliance—are inextricably linked when making ecodevelopment the basis for development planning. The degree to which such an eco-development approach to development planning is different from traditional development thinking is demonstrated by: (1) the implicit acceptance of the scope for diversity of concrete solutions, varying from case to case, thereby rejecting the imitative development pattern imported; (2) the emphasis given to rethinking of the very goals of development; (3) the emphasis given to the local people concerned by a given development project and using their o w n resourcefulness within their o w n ecosystems, thus lessening the North-South dependency syndrome; and (4) the need for exploring the developing alternative approaches to almost every aspect of h u m a n societies, including resource use, energy production, h u m a n settlements, lifestyles, institutional patterns, appropriate science and technology and research priorities.

Other essential aspects of an eco-development approach to development planning are the necessary harmonisation of the variables involved, and the need for comprehensive, diachronic development planning, as opposed to partial and sectoral approaches which tend to dominate current planning activities.68 T h e authors also examine the implications of eco-development for international co-operation and point out that the concept presumes the s a m e problématique for all countries, namely, the search for an environmentally sound development. Eco-development, therefore, will encourage parallel perception of problems, challenges and potential solutions c o m m o n to the partners: International cooperation will then become truly a mutual learning process, a two-way effort—in the very sense of the word 'cooperation'. It is in this context that the notion of 'mutual interests' must be placed. This c o m m o n perception of c o m m o n problems and challenges opens a very wide range of possible avenues for a mutually benefiting cooperation scheme.59 T h e affinity between the concept of eco-development and that of developm e n t centred on m a n is particularly evident in the following statement: Eco-development hence appears in this point in time as an approach, the first step of a path leading ultimately to the envisaged goal of an alternative, ecologically m u c h sounder mode of development, centering around the h u m a n being and the satisfaction, on a self-sustaining basis, of real needs, in accordance and in harmony with the natural environment, based essentially on the people taking over their own development.60

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T H E C O N S E R V E R SOCIETY C O N C E P T A second Canadian initiative based on a concept of development that bears close relation to eco-development is the promotion b y the Science Council of Canada and other instances of the concept of a Conserver Society.61 T h e concept emerged gradually in several policy reports of the Science Council until in 1973 the Council decided to conduct a specific study o n ' T h e Implications of a Conserver Society'. A committee with this m a n d a t e c o m m e n c e d its w o r k in 1975 a n d published its report o n Canada as a Conserver Society in 1977. A t the outset it defined the concept as follows: The concept of a Conserver Society arises from a deep concern for the future, and the realization that decisions taken today, in such areas as energy and resources, m a y have irreversible and possibly destructive impacts in the m e d i u m to long term.

The necessity for a Conserver Society follows from our perception of the world as afinitehost to humanity, and from our recognition of increasing global interdependence.

A Conserver Society is on principle against waste and pollution. Therefore it is a society which: — promotes economy of design of all systems, i.e. 'doing more with less'; — favours re-use or recycling and, wherever possible, reduction at source; — questions the ever-growing per capita demand for consumer goods, artificially encouraged by modern marketing techniques; and — recognizes that a diversity of solutions in m a n y systems, such as energy and transportation, might in effect increase their overall economy, stability and resiliency.

In a Conserver Society, the pricing mechanism should reflect, not just the private cost, but as m u c h as possible the total cost to society, including energy and materials used, ecological impact and social considerations. This will permit the market system to allocate resources in a manner that more closely reflects societal needs, both immediate and long term. 62 T h e report elaborates o n this definition in a section dealing with the principal policy thrusts of a Conserver Society, then examines s o m e areas of application and concludes with a long list of specific r e c o m m e n dations for the realization of such a society. O f interest here is primarily the extent to which the elaboration of the policy thrusts sheds light on the underlying philosophy and its relations to eco-development a n d developm e n t centred o n m a n .

T h e 'policy thrusts' identified are derived from the definition but are m o r e appropriately seen as elaborations on the definition than policy

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thrusts. T h e areas covered are: concern for the future; e c o n o m y of design; diversity, flexibility a n d responsibility; recognition of total costs; a n d respect for the regenerative capacity of the biosphere.63 It is mainly with respect to its emphasis o n diversity,flexibilitya n d responsibility that the concept of the Conserver Society adds something to the concept of eco-development. B u t it appears to be primarily a formulation of the postulate of self-reliance seen from a different angle.

Referring to the diversity resulting from the free-enterprise system, which is the basis of the consumerism from which the Conserver Society has to turn a w a y , the report notes: W e must take care not to jeopardize that diversity, either through misguided efforts to bring everything under government control, or through allowing business and institutional concentrations to grow indefinitely large in scale. Consequently, w e draw attention to the positive value of diversity. Just as it does in natural ecological systems, diversity in h u m a n society increasesflexibility,adaptability, and resiliency. It allows decentralization of responsibility, and optimal performance from local resources.64 T h e importance of encouraging and relying u p o n personal responsibility on the part of an aware and informed population rather than o n impersonal and remote, central controls, is emphasized: Action from socially responsible free choice is to be preferred wherever the circumstances can m a k e it effective. Diversity, in the sense of decentralization, can conserve when it encourages responsible participation. The latter, and the sense of independence and freedom that comes from self-reliance, can be additional positive values in themselves that should be weighed in cost benefit calculations.68 T h e report notes that the notions of diversity, decentralization a n d c o m munity responsibility are reviving in C a n a d a , as in other parts of the world, and that people are interested in greater control over their lives in all respects and at all levels. T h e Conserver Society is seen as one that encourages this trend and capitalizes o n it to achieve its conservation objectives: A conserver society is not something that can be legislated into existence. T h e m a n y aspects that w e have reviewed in this Report will require actions at m a n y levels. Legislation can only confirm and formalize ethical rules and principles that are generally believed in. Individual citizens, educators, business people, engineers, if they agree with the principles set out here, will change their perceptions of our society and its problems, and will do things differently. There are m a n y things governments can do to facilitate changing perceptions, but widespread sharing of perceptions and attitudes is fundamental. This gives great importance to the informational, educational, and communication processes of society.66

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O f particular interest is a study of the Conserver Society concept carried out b y G a m m a , a university-based consulting firm, under contract with the Canadian Government. T h e result w a s fifteen academic papers e x a m ining the concept from a variety of disciplinary perspectives within the c o m m o n framework of a t a x o n o m y of possible conserver societies, which formed the basis for an integrated report, published as V o l u m e 1, The Selective Conserver Society, along with three m o r e volumes containing the essays.67 Philosophical, cultural, social, psychological, institutional, political and economic aspects of a Conserver Society were explored.

Values and the quality of life were treated in separate essays. T h e study is significant also for its serious attempt to develop different models of the Conserver Society based on different assumptions about the m e a n s b y which the goals are achieved. T h e G a m m a group opted for the Selective Conserver Society characterized b y selective conservation, efficiency improvements and diversity of approaches based on participatory m o d e s of achieving objectives. In discussing the relevance of values, the report maintains that the Conserver Society involves a choice between anthropocentric (man-centred) and bio-centric (nature-centred) values.

C o m m e n t i n g on the problems of the waste of h u m a n resources to which industrialization tends to lead in its advanced stages, Jackson observes: Social problems, alienation, loss in total efficiency and probably coincident unemployment and inflation, are outcomes of this incomplete and unbalanced use of h u m a n abilities. Thus the Conserver Society concept joins other current movements in seeking to redress the balance toward 'person' and 'community' as against solely the material efficiency of the system itself. The use of appropriate technologies can support diversity, improve people's participation in the social process and can promote a greater self-reliance and feeling of self-worth. The result of better distribution of personal and community contribution and responsibility m a y well be a higher total efficiency. This should not be the primary aim, however, unless at least it is understood that the outputs in terms of which social efficiency is measured are not only materia] but include m a n y intangiblesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;such as, for example, satisfying h u m a n relationships, true leisure and the feeling of self-worth mentioned above.68 While the concept of a Conserver Society is obviously less well elaborated than the concept of eco-development, the fundamental orientations are very similar. H o w e v e r , in terms of impact and public acceptance the idea of a Conserver Society has been m u c h m o r e successful than the concept of eco-development. A s Starrs notes: The concept of a Conserver Society has become, in the space of only a few years, broadly rooted in the consciousness of Canadians. From its genesis in govern-

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mental concerns tor resource use, the environment and policies related to science and technology, the concept has n o w come to embrace as well implications for values and lifestyles, and for the institutional forces at work that reinforce a focus on growth for growth's sake. Despite some concerns about the limitations inherent in the label, the Conserver Society theme continues to serve as focal point around which the adverse consecraences of the dominant mode of development can be debated and alternative modes of development envisioned and acted upon. 69 SUMMARY T h e elements of the concept of eco-development that appear of particular importance for the concept of development centred on m a n are: Placing in very centre improvement of the h u m a n being.

Satisfaction of real needs of the majority of people.

Self-reliance as collective responsibility based o n autonomous decisionmaking.

Sustained and ecologically sound development.

Fundamental participatory involvement of affected people.

Acceptance and encouragement of diversity, flexibility, and personal responsibility.

Harmonization of economic and social objectives with environment.

Priority on h u m a n potentials rather than economic growth.

Expression of needs, values and aspirations at all levels.

Appropriate technology and ecologically and economically sound designs.

Decentralization, self-management, participatory planning and grass-roots activation.

Exploring alternative approaches to every aspects of society.

Harmonization of all variables involved and seeing the developmental environment as a whole.

Respect for regenerative capacity of the biosphere.

N e e d for comprehensive, diachronic development planning.

Recognition of global interdependence.

Solidarity with future generations.

Mutual interests as a basis for international co-operation in development.

Other development alternatives While eco-development, as expressed in the Conserver Society and related concerns about energy, resources and the environment, represents perhaps the most widely shared awareness of a need for a n e w approach to developm e n t in Canada, there are m a n y other aspects of m o d e r n industrial society that are being questioned b y Canadians and to which they seek alternatives.

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A report on a project undertaken b y Cathy Starrs for Environment Canada and the International Foundation for Development Alternatives with the title Exploring Development Alternatives: Canada 1979, provides abundant evidence of the breadth and diversity of the search b y Canadians for alternatives.70 There is hardly an aspect of life that is not the subject of some initiative exploring different w a y s of doing things. T h e y range from formal, official government initiatives on a fairly large scale to purely personal initiatives b y concerned individuals. T h e existence of this report makes it possible to include a section on the concept of development that informs these searches for alternatives. Also included is a brief review of work of the Vanier Institute of the Family on the Familial Society.

THE ALTERNATIVES INVENTORY CONCEPT T h e inventory itself was compiled in an innovative w a y with as little as possible advance conceptualization, categorization and structure imposed on the processes of building it. Starting with a small group of knowledgeable people, Starrs followed a cumulative technique to solicit views and perceptions on the concept of alternative development and to identify initiatives. Only afterwards did she group the initiatives into roughly coherent categories and interpret the significance of the findings for alternative developments in Canada.

In addition to the initiatives already described under eco-development, Starrs's inventory lists alternative initiatives in economic development, co-operatives, life-styles, consultative processes, institutional arrangements, relationships with the Third World and societal reconstructionâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;over a hundred different initiatives.71 W h e r e available, the inventory contains information on the purpose, history, perceptions, activities, structure and financial base of the initiative. T h e listing is interlaced with very brief introductory and concluding observations on each category of initiatives.

T h e inventory itself does not contain m u c h information o n the concept of development that inspires each initiative, but the parts o n purpose and perceptions often do, and something can also be inferred from the reported activities and structure. Fortunately Starrs has provided an interpretation of her findings that directly addresses the question of the concept of development implicitly or explicitly guiding these initiatives. Rather than attempting to paraphrase w h a t is already a succinct s u m m a r y , the alternative concept of development Starrs finds in her study will be presented in direct quotes from the report. She observes: M a n y themes were repeated time and again by those pointing to illustrations of development alternatives and by those describing the understandings motivating their activities. One heard repeated reference to the conservation of h u m a n and

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natural resources, to reducing excess consumption, waste and damage to the lifesupporting systems of nature, to decentralization and diversity, and to bringing into balance the material and the non-material aspects of h u m a n well-being. Also repeated were references to self-reliance, to co-operative ways of living in the world, to the need to enhance community and institutional responsibility and response-ability, and to the design of technologies—tools and institutions—in ways that are more human-scaled, holistic and ecological.'2 After summarizing the elements of the conventional concept of developm e n t and its consequences, she formulates the alternative concept of development she detects in her data: The alternative concept of development has as its central focus per6ons-incommunity. It places h u m a n well-being at the centre, and sees humans and nature as interdependent. "Within this frame of reference, economic growth and development is an important but not dominant component.

The alternative concept of development does not take as its central focus the economic system and its welfare. Rather it is intrinsically rooted in a h u m a n , often personalized view of what constitutes successful development. It neither ignores the material component of h u m a n satisfaction, nor is it careless of the impact of h u m a n activity on the natural environment. Rather it strives to balance the material and the non-material requirements of h u m a n well-being, and sees the natural environment neither as a commodity to be exploited nor as separable from the social environment, but as sustaining h u m a n life, and requiring h u m a n attention to its sustenance. In striving for balance, it appreciates diversity—diversity within and a m o n g all living organisms, diversity of cultures, regions and peoples, diversity of systems for meeting h u m a n needs. In contrast with the linear/hierarchial/dichotomies of 'conventional development', the alternative m o d e of making sense of reality is m u c h more organic, ecological, relational.

A m o n g the chief characteristics of this alternative concept of development are: — respect for h u m a n qualities and capacities and for all life-supporting systems on the planet; — acceptance of diversity—the diversity of the h u m a n species, of cultures, of different ways of perceiving reality, and of the variety necessary to sustain a healthy society and a healthy environment; — a recognition of and respect for limits, the limits of nature, of social institutions, and of social structures; — a recognition that material prosperity, without attention to these limits, can lead to impoverishment; — a concern for the non-material needs required to support h u m a n wellbeing; — an unwillingness, at thefirstinstance, to accept without question the notion of trade-offs so ingrained in the 'economic development' concept (inflation/employment, economic growth/environmental degradation, producer interests/consumer concerns. . . .);

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â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a concern to liberate time spent in the production-consumption cycle so as to live lifestyles that are more freeing of persons-in-community; â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a preference for non-hierarchial relationships, allowing the replacement of competition for position b y cooperation for achievement in seeking excellence; and above all, â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the fostering of personal and institutional responsibility and response-ability, of self-reliance and interdependence rather than rugged individualism and independence ,73 Starrs goes o n to point out that the alternative concept reflects a concern for the preservation of the best of the past heritage a n d recognizes the responsibility for stewarding for future generations. In spatial terms, it recognizes global interdependence and the finiteness of the planet and its biosphere. T h e alternative concept does not imply the rejection of technology, but its utilization for the achievement of h u m a n goals, while avoiding its negative impacts. C o m m u n i t y processes and informal arrangements are preferred, where appropriate, to institutional means: 7 4 Institutions, including that of the economic system, are understood as being socially constructed and therefore capable of being changed. In this change, what is at issue is a shift in focus, from one that attends to objective, institutionalized ends to one that has as its centre focus a focus on personsin-community, rather than on the growth of output. Hence, it places under continuous scrutiny the 'what and w h y ' rather than merely the 'how' focus of 'conventional development'. Small-scale is given preference over large so as to enhance responsibility and decrease dependence of persons-in-community.76 The h u m a n concept of development is more discernible in family and community gatherings, formally or informally convened.... It admits of the diversity with which persons in the community each construct their o w n view of reality, while seeking from each the wisdom drawn from life experience, rather than the objective knowledge drawn from institutions and disciplines. Credentials of expertise give w a y to a predominant focus on the experiential. It seeks the c o m m o n ground of community and welcomes a m u c h richer range of expertise in that context.78 Starrs notes that the conventional concept of development is still predominant, especially a m o n g those in power positions, but that the alternative concept is not without its power base. It has a growing constituency in C a n a d a , and m a n y of its elements, such as respect for the environment, community-based growth and development, are rooted in the Canadian heritage of both Europeans and indigenous people. Starrs concludes that The alternative development model would see Canada as a h u m a n community with humanly-oriented institutions, and there is mounting evidence that Canadians are seeking this expression of themselves. It would embrace diversity,

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and hence Canadian regionalism and multiculturalism are not foreign to this view. . . . The role of 'moral exemplar' which Canada has played from time to time on the world stage in the past would more deeply infuse all Canadians, re-awakening the innate Canadian sense of responsible stewardship, and of social justice for all members of the Global Village."

T H E FAMILIAL SOCIETY C O N C E P T Over the last five years the Vanier Institute of the Family has been conducting studies exploring what it calls ' T h e Familial Society' as a social goal for Canada, defined as follows: A Familial Society would be based on our potential capacities, diverse yet complementary, to act as responsible, self-reliant and inter-reliant persons and citizens, families and communities.78 T h e concept is further developed and the trends towards such a society reviewed in a recent contribution of the Institute to the public debate o n Canada's future.79 T h e Institute sees a crisis of h u m a n values as underlying the contemporary economic and constitutional crisis and reviews the evidence for such a crisis in the search of m a n y Canadians for alternatives to the dominant paradigm in the economy and m a n y other aspects of society.

It insists on the importance of the household and community sectors in the economy as the foundation of the economic system as well as the primary bases for participation in every aspect of life.

Noting the small scale and limited nature of the alternative activities that m a n y Canadians undertake, it observes that 'each of these initiatives expresses an underlying dynamic of change in values and attitudes which, taken together, eventually could transform our w a y of life'.80 These people have become disillusioned with the dominant industrial paradigm, have realized that 'the predominant patterns of industrial organization and work seem no longer able to meet our h u m a n needs, psychological and social as well as material'81 and have set out to create n e w m o d e s of living.

In doing so, the report observes, they are 'moving towards more democratic m o d e s of governing ourselves, more equitable w a y s of earning our daily bread, more h u m a n w a y s of living together as families, friends, and citizens'.82 T h e Institute suggests a n u m b e r of objectives for those in search of alternatives that reflect the concept of the Familial Society and the processes of development leading to it: O p e n processes that encompass free expression, honest debate, shared decision-making.

Flexible structures, such as informal groupings, interest networks and temporary coalitions around issues.

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Policies and programs that are more oriented to the small-scale and the local, so that person-to-person and family-to-family participation is readily possible.

Economic arrangements in which the 'Net H u m a n Benefit' of persons, families and neighbourhoods takes priority over gross national production, and unrestrained and excessive profit-making.

Net human benefit in terms of more co-operative self-help in the wise management of households-domestic neighbourhood, communal, regional, national, global.

Net h u m a n benefit in the form of a more careful stewardship of resources and the environment generally.

Net human benefit in terms of social justice, so that all have access to the basic needs of human living, beginning with the weakest among us.

N e w political-economic partnership in Canada that is more equitable for all its members andflexiblein all its parts.

Living patterns that put the quality of people's relationships before the quantity of material possessions.

A n expanding awareness of how self-interest and mutual interest converge.

A deepening sense of interdependence of local and global affairs and all that come between.83 The similarity between these ideas and those that emerged from the alternative development inventory is obvious.

Interpretation This review of various examples of work on development in Canada shows considerable similarities and some differences in concepts of and approaches to development. Some of the elements identified are used within the context of the dominant industrial system and its growth and expansion. They thus represent proposed adjustments or accommodations to specific conditions without changing the main thrust of the system.

The Science Council's concept of northern development and the Conserver Society concept are examples of such accommodations to environmental concerns and concern for the indigenous people of the North. Other elements relate more clearly to an alternative development concept stemming from a realization that there has to be a fundamental shift in values and directions. The native people's concept of development, ecodevelopment and much of the concept of alternative development are characterized by these elements. But they raise the same question in a somewhat different way: While not trying to work out accommodations within the system, what impact can they have on the system? D o they

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present viable alternatives that can be sustained in the face of systemic forces and pressures? Or are they just surface phenomena reflecting the strains and stresses marginal people experience at different points in the system? To what extent do even genuine but limited searches for alternatives reinforce the main thrust and logic of the system if they do not become widespread? If some of the elements of alternative development are so painfully obvious, w h y have they never been implemented on any large scale? It is not possible to answer these questions on the basis of this brief review. The general impression is, however, that it is too early to say whether we are witnessing a paradigm shift in development thinking in Canada.

A n attempt will be made to combine the diverse elements identified in the review into a coherent concept of development by introducing some categories and groupings. The similarities and differences between this concept and the Unesco concept should then be apparent enough.

The concept of development emerging from the Canadian material is a normative concept rather than a descriptive one. It represents efforts to stipulate what development should be rather than to define what it is.

From where do these normative notions come? What are the value orientations and assumptions underlying them? Without going into these questions in any depth or detail, it can be suggested that these concepts, taken together, assume a commitment to human dignity, human rights, cultural identity, human well-being, respect for nature and recognition of the wholeness of life on earth and in time. These value orientations are not often explicitly articulated, but they do constitute parts of the normative framework within which the concept of desirable or sound development is formulated.

In the effort to fashion a coherent concept of sound development by combining the diverse elements that emerge in the review, it will be necessary to group together elements on the basis of their most apparent affinities. This unavoidable result of any effort at categorizing should not be allowed to obscure the fundamental interrelatedness of all the elements in the one concept. The Canadian material suggests that sound development is characterized by the following elements.

A HOLISTIC A P P R O A C H Development recognizes and is consistent with the wholeness of the human person, community, society, culture, humanity and the earth. The holistic approach avoids the fragmentation and segmentation of life with the resulting alienation and other pathologies. Where priority needs to be given to some aspects, a balance with other elements is sought. The

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thrust is integrative, recognizing interdependencias and synergy. T h e specifics of the situation in which development is planned are taken into account, total costs are calculated and social justice in the distribution of benefits is ensured. Development relies on experiential knowledge supplemented and augmented b y appropriate specialized expertise where necessary, to arrive at an integrated understanding of the reality to be transformed.

H U M A N N E E D ORIENTATION Development is oriented to meet the needs and aspirations in the first instance of the people w h o will be affected b y it. Material as well as nonmaterial needs, ranging from basic needs to spiritual needs, are recognized and respected if not fulfilled by development. People have the opportunity to express and define their o w n needs and aspirations. Development respects the rights of people to social justice and equity in the distribution of benefits and is oriented to the elimination of poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy. T h e emphasis in development is on net h u m a n benefit rather than gross national product.

ENDOGENEITY Development has to grow from within a culture and is pursued within the context of that particular culture even w h e n the stimulus comes from outside. It builds on the strengths of the heritage and tradition of the people and seeks to secure cultural continuity. Cultural identity and values are respected and protected. Development is never alien, but w h e n it comes from outside is grafted onto the cultural roots of the people. The cultural rights of people are respected. The indigenous capacities of people to solve their o w n problems are developed through appropriate education and training.

PARTICIPATION T h e need orientation and endogeneity of development cannot be realized without the participation of the people affected or involved. They have to articulate the specifics of the situation, the needs to be m e t and the priorities a m o n g them. They alone can identify the path and style of development that is consistent with their cultural heritage and identity, thenvalues, aspirations and world view. Participation has to be spontaneous, autonomous and informal, animated but not manipulated. The right to participation is recognized.

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SELF-MANAGEMENT Participation can result in little more than co-optation and manipulation unless development is a self-managed process. People have an effective say in development through autonomous participation that is translated into choices and decisions b y themselves. This has to apply to all dimensions and aspects of development if endogeneity and need orientation are to be realized within a holistic approach to the specific situation.

Self-management requires decentralization and effective delegation of decision-making powers within sovereign jurisdictions. T h e right of selfdetermination is recognized in development.

SELF-RELIANCE Self-management will be meaningless in a situation where people are dependent on others for the skills and resources needed in development and where development reinforces such dependency. Development relies on indigenous skills and resources in the first place and seeks to supplement and develop these in inter-reliant w a y s on the basis of mutual interests a m o n g equals. Self-reliance implies choices with respect to the appropriate scale of development and the appropriate skills and technology that will be compatible with indigenous skills and resources and their development.

People's rights to their land and their economic and political rights are recognized. Development contributes to the technological sovereignty of the developing community or country.

A C O M M U N I T Y FOCUS N o n e of the foregoing aspects of development can be realized without a local community focus. T h e local community represents the node through which people relate to larger communities and to their environment. It is the most immediate expression of needs and values, cultural identity and continuity and of the right to self-determination through self-reliance and self-management. Development builds on community initiatives, and seeks to strengthen the socio-economic base of the community through c o m munity control of the institutions shaping its life and development. T h e community focus, as well as endogeneity, implies that development strategies areflexibleand allow for diversity of initiatives a m o n g communities, but also within communities b y persons-in-community.

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ECOLOGICAL S O U N D N E S S Development is ecologically sound with respect to both the local and the planetary environment in the use of resources, impact on ecosystems, waste disposal and energy consumption. T h e maintenance and enhancement of the regenerative capacity of the biosphere at all levels is a basic principle of development. T h e limits to this capacity as well as other environmental limits are recognized and respected, including the potential depletion of non-renewable resources and long-term and worldwide effects of pollution.

Emphasis is placed on harmony with the environment and the symbiosis between humanity and the rest of the biosphere. T h e environmental rights of people are respected.

RESPONSIBILITY FOR F U T U R E G E N E R A T I O N S T h e holistic approach, endogeneity and ecologically sound development imply the recognition of and assumption of responsibility for the interests and security of future generations. Development takes into account longterm costs and benefits and recognizes stewardship of resources in the interests of future generations. These future concerns include continuity and survival of a distinct cultural identity and protection of the natural environment that sustains a unique w a y of hie. Development leads to activities and patterns of resource use that are sustainable across generations. It also involves a commitment to the survival of humanity on earth and the elimination of such threats as nuclear war and the destruction of the life-sustaining environment. Images and visions of the future towards which development can be oriented are essential components of development planning. T h e rights of children as links with future generations are recognized.

G L O B A L RESPONSIBILITY The holistic approach, the h u m a n need orientation and the concern for the protection of the environment imply inescapable global responsibilities in development. Global interdependencies and interactions do not derive solely from the limits of the planetary environment, but also from economic and political orders and alliances. T h e recognition of the global h u m a n community has become possible and necessary with modern c o m m u n i cations technology. The ultimacy of the threat of nuclear war to humanity as a whole has m a d e the quest for peace and disarmament a global concern.

Global responsibility also implies a search for universal h u m a n values and

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for a new international societal order characterized by inter-reliance based on common interests and mutual benefits among equal partners.

These ten constituent characteristics of the concept of sound development, detected in the Canadian material, are obviously interrelated yet not reducible to one another. Development without any one of them will be less sound or even unsound development. These characteristics are formulated at about the same level as those in the concept of Unesco—namely, integrated, endogenous and global.84

S o m e theoretical considerations Both the Canadian concept and that of Unesco prompt certain observations on aspects of a theory of development centred on m a n and its application in concrete situations.

There is a lack of clarity and precision in the Unesco concept of development centred on m a n . From an ecological perspective, it could be argued that we are in the current crisis because development has been too much centred on m a n without enough attention to nature. In another contemporary context, it is difficult to dissociate the word ' m a n ' from its gender-specific meaning and sexist connotations. These problems m a y be peculiar to the English version of the concept, but it would be helpful to render its true meaning less ambiguously.

One possibility would be to define development in such a way that the human concerns are built into the definition of the concept itself. The intractable problems of standardizing the meanings of concepts are all too familiar, and no one can presume to prescribe a definition. But the proposals for the addition of various qualifiers to the word 'development'—centred on m a n , eco-, integrated, balanced—are efforts to differentiate meanings and to arrive at a more satisfactory definition, mostly without much success. Á basic problem to be faced is that development as a concept is applied in a wide variety of contexts, referring to virtually all aspects of human existence and to people as well as things. Nevertheless it should not be impossible to develop a widely acceptable definition for the concept within the context of Unesco's concerns, given its role within the United Nations system and the world. The following definition would, for example, incorporate the concerns reflected in 'centred on m a n ' : 'Development refers to the development of human capacity to meet human needs and to realize full human potentials within a framework of universal human values, the context of the specific situation and environmental limits.'

This clearly refers to human development, as distinguished from other uses of the term, but it would seem redundant to call it human development.

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The various aspects of development could then be defined b y introducing the appropriate qualifiers into this definition, for example, the development of a region, as in the Canadian North: '(Northern) development is the development of h u m a n capacity (in the North) to meet (the) h u m a n needs and to realize (the) full h u m a n potentials (of the northern people) within a framework of universal h u m a n values, the context of the specific situation and environmental limits.'

T h e definition could in similar ways be m a d e more specific to the development of certain aspects of society, such as economic, cultural, social, political, and so on. Different qualifiers m a y be required for different specific situations and areas of concern. But the central meaning of the concept and the intrinsic h u m a n concerns it conveys would not vary, not even w h e n applied to that historical culprit, economic development.

Definitions do not solve problems. However, it helps if people can have some degree of assurance that they talk about the same thing w h e n they use the same word. Further conceptual analysis could bring out the implicit meanings of the key words in the definition, but this will not be attempted here. T h e acceptability and usefulness of such a definition can be fully established only w h e n it can be shown that all salient aspects of what is meant by development centred on m a n are implicit in the key elements of the definition. Characteristics such as endogeneity, self-reliance, integratedness, ecological soundness, global responsibility and future concern are clearly implicit and can be readily derived from it.

Such a definition, with its focus on h u m a n capacity to meet h u m a n needs and to realize h u m a n potentials, makes it clear that development is a continuous learning process without which humanity cannot prosper or even survive. It bears resemblance to the concept of innovative learning, which emphasizes anticipation and participation, recently advanced b y the Club of R o m e ' s Learning Project report.85 It is a process as essential to developed as to developing countries because the reproduction of h u m a n capacity to meet h u m a n needs and to realize full h u m a n potentials is a constant requirement in any h u m a n society. A principal difference between the two types of society lies in the conditions for optimizing these h u m a n capacities, which are less favourable in developing countries with resulting lower capacities. Improving these conditions through inter-reliance in a n e w world order should be a central aim of global development policy.

H u m a n capacities are m a n y and varied. It is necessary to identify those that are critical for the realization of h u m a n potentials and meeting h u m a n needs in important areas such as the economic, political, social and cultural aspects of life. T h e corresponding capacities for these areas could be defined, respectively, as adaptive capacity, self-realization capacity, integrative capacity and meaning-creation capacity.86 A n y unbalanced or

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distorted relationship among these capacitiesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;for example, adaptive capacity (through science and technology) without corresponding meaningcreation capacity (cultural identity and values)â&#x20AC;&#x201D;would not optimize h u m a n capacity to meet human needs and realize human potentials. Hence the need for development to be oriented to all human capacities to ensure their balanced development and integration in the whole person, community, society or culture.

Another aspect of development theory that requires attention is the role of human values. The universal human values that are c o m m o n to all civilizations, that express notions of desirable states of the human condition, provide the normative framework for development. Such values as spiritual freedom, human dignity, cultural identity, human rights and peace, selfdetermination and fulfilment, social justice and biological well-being, come to mind. Much research is required to identify such values, to clarify how they relate to the dynamics of development and how their realization and institutionalization on a global basis could be encouraged. Unesco's efforts to articulate and promote the concept of development centred on m a n is an indication of its awareness of the need for a global normative framework within which development could be pursued. Elements of such a framework already exist, albeit precariously, in the Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights and in other covenants, conventions and declarations, but the desirable states of humanity towards which development can be oriented need further clarification and global acceptance. Unesco obviously has a unique role to play in this regard.

It is clear from the Canadian material as well as that of the Unesco that development is a process that proceeds most effectively from the bottom up rather than from the top down. Top and bottom as used here can refer to any stratification in human society at all levels of organization from the global human community to the local community. In pursuing development as human goal at the international level it is essential to recognize the various levels of organization that constitute critical points in the promotion and advancement of development. The following levels seem to be the minimum: global, regional, subregional, national, subnational, local, personal. International programmes, especially intergovernmental ones, tend to operate in the upper half of the scale, treating the national level as the end of their mandate or jurisdiction, leaving the lower half as the internal affairs of their national members. In addition there is a tendency for both international and national institutions and organizations to follow the top-down bureaucratic logic that pervades them.

There is a need to study the most appropriate role of organizations and institutions at each level of organization in achieving effective development. A two-way flow is obviously needed; development is unlikely to

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succeed as a process only from the bottom up. Which factors of development have to come from the top down and which from the bottom up?

W h a t are the mechanisms by which their reciprocity and complementarity can be optimized and conflict and reversal can be avoided? H o w can effective self-management strategies in development be established, maintained and allowed to function effectively from the top down? 87 Related to questions regarding the achievement of self-management from the bottom up through all levels of organization are questions relating to effective participation in development. These are broader problems than self-management. There are m a n y forms of participation from token to autonomous, expressed in modes that range from docile to violent. H o w can effective participation be encouraged, facilitated, supported and channelled into constructive development initiatives from the personal level up by all levels above? What are the different contributions that each higher level has to make to optimize the effectiveness of participation? Participation is to people what bureaucracy is to organizations. It is important to recognize the opposite forces and potentially conflicting approaches that can result from strategies that do not seek the appropriate balance between these forces. It is equally important to study and develop the mechanisms required for their accommodation and complementary role in development.

One interesting strategy suggested in the Canadian material, which complements self-management policies very well, is that of management by interests.88 This strategy is promising in that it allows for the recognition and accommodation of a wide diversity of interests as they become articulated, expressed and pursued by groups and institutions in both formal and informal participation modes in most societies. But it needs to be extended beyond public administration and applied to informal networking and participation animation strategies.

Development almost invariably requires structural change in society, the transformation of institutions or the creation of new ones to meet new needs. Development as defined here will probably encounter more resistance in developed than in developing countries. The dynamics of social transformation and change at all levels of human organization are central problems to development theory. H o w can a genuine paradigm shift be achieved in a highly industrialized society with a market economy? And how can such a shift in the relations of such societies with developing societies, that is, a new international societal order, be achieved? In this context a better understanding of the development crisis in the North seems essential for the realization that the mutual interests of both the North and the South, not just the development problems of the South, require a new world order.

Finally, the concept of development centred on m a n has implications

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for the relations between knowledge and action, particularly social science knowledge and development. There can be no question that the understanding of development dynamics and particularly those relating to the development of human capacities will require m u c h research in both integrative and specialist modes. The transfer of this kind of knowledge to the people involved in development requires different modes of operation from those characteristic of conventional social science. If it is necessary that people need to be informed and educated in order to participate effectively in development, they will have to learn by doing. H o w can social science knowledge of development dynamics be communicated to people involved in development? Social scientists in the Third World have firsthand experience in this formidable challenge and they can provide leadership in more integrative, interdisciplinary modes of studying development and assisting the people involved through participatory modes of knowing and acting.

These then are some of the parameters and elements of a theory of development oriented towards optimizing human capacities to meet human needs and realize human potentials, within a framework of universal human values, the context of the specific situation and environmental limits.89

Notes

1.

See Charles A . Jeanneret-Grosjean, ' W h a t Development in the North? Some Introductory Remarks', IFDA Dossier 13, November 1979, p p . 105-8. See also IFDA Dossier 14, December 1979, pp. 127-8 for a report on a collection of essays edited by Richard Falk on America as a Developing Country: Fears and Hopes for the Future.

2. Science Council of Canada, Northward Looking: A Strategy and a Science Policy for Northern Development, report N o . 26, Science Council of Canada, Ottawa, 1977, p . 23. For a general background to this section, see Louis-Edmond Hamelin, Canadian Nordicity, trans, by William Barr, Montreal, Harvest House, 1979.

3. Ibid.

4. Berger, Thomas R . , Northern Frontier, Northern Homeland: The Report of the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry (2 vols.), Volume 1, Supply and Services Canada, Ottawa, 1977.

5. Science Council, op. cit., p. 45.

6. Ibid., pp. 45-6.

7. Ibid., p. 47.

8. Ibid., p. 48.

Jan J. Loubser

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

Ibid., pp. 50-1.

Ibid., p . 52.

Loc. cit.

Ibid., pp. 52-4, emphasis deleted.

Ibid., p . 56.

Ibid., pp. 56-68.

Ibid., p . 77.

Loc. cit.

Berger, op. cit., p . 100.

Ibid., p. 112.

Ibid., p . 116.

Loc. cit.

Ibid., p. 190.

Ibid., p . 191.

Loc. cit.

Ibid., p . 116.

Ibid., pp. 143-61.

Ibid., p. 160.

Ibid., p p . 163-96.

Ibid., p . 163. In a similar inquiry in Ontario of The Royal Commission on Northern Environment, the Commission reports the differences in development philosophies between native people and whites and records native demands for selfdetermination, participation, improvement of the quality of life, local benefits and control over their o w n destiny. The report quotes the evidence of Chief Saul Fiddler of Sandy Lake, w h o it says 'seemed to speak for all northerners', when he called for: '. . . equality of opportunity... the opportunity to use the skills and knowledge that w e have in order to m a k e our living, the opportunity to learn skills that w e do not have in order to become self-sufficient. . . the opportunity to teach our children what w e think is important, the opportunity to retain our culture, our language and the things that are important to us, the opportunity to live the w a y w e want to live, choosing wisely which additions from the south will benefit our lives' (p. 149).

Ibid., p . 196.

Ibid., p . 170.

Ibid., p . 172.

N o accurate statistics are available. T h e registered Indian population was estimated at about 290,000 in 1976, which means that, given an annual growth rate of about 2 per cent, there might be about 315,000 today. There are about 25,000 Inuit, and the Metis population is usually estimated at about three times the registered Indian population, since no official statistics are available on this group of mixed descent.

Berger, op. cit., pp. 171-2. See also Inuit Tapirisat of Canada, Speaking for the First Citizens of the Canadian Arctic, ITC, Ottawa, 1977, in which the same position is taken but less directly stated.

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34. Inuit Tapirisat of Canada, 'Political Development in Nunavut', a report prepared for the Board of Directors of Inuit Tapirisat of Canada, Igloolik (mimeo), p. 4.

35. Ibid., pp. 27-8.

36. Native Council of Canada, A Declaration of Metis and Indian Rights, with commentary by Harry W . Daniels, Ottawa, 1979, See also the special issue of Forgotten People, Vol. 7, N o . 5 on 'Metis and Non-Status Indian Claims North of 60°', and Vol. 7, N o . 7 on 'Native Nationhood Within Canada'. Neither the Inuit Tapirisat of Canada nor the Native Council of Canada has a national socio-economic development strategy like the National Indian Brotherhood.

37. The Strategy was developed by a joint task force set up by the National Indian Brotherhood (NIB) and the DĂŠpartement of Indian and Northern Affairs at the instigation of the former.

The N I B has published the reports, both called The Strategy for the Socio-Economic Development of the Indian People, one in 1976, which is a s u m m a r y report and the other in 1977 under the subtitle 'National Report', which contains studies and reports from regional organizations. Several other background reports were also published.

38. For an analysis of The Strategy and responses to it, see Victor O'Connell, ' A Review and Analysis of A Strategy for the SocioEconomic Development of the Indian People (1976 and 1977)''. prepared for the National Indian Socio-Economic Development Committee, July 1979.

39. The Strategy (1976), pp. 9-10.

40. Ibid., p. 11.

41. Ibid., p . 12.

42. Loc. cit.

43. Ibid., p p . 13-14.

44. Ibid., p. 14.

45. Ibid., p p . 18-20.

46. Ibid., p . 20, pp. 29-31.

47. Ibid., p. 31.

48. Responses to The Strategy and the likelihood of its implementation b y the Government of Canada are not clear yet.

Subsequent to the publication of The Strategy, the Minister of Indian Affairs and the President of the National Indian Brotherhood jointly agreed on the appointment of a Special Adviser to review The Strategy and on the creation of a National Indian Socio-Economic Development Committee with the mandate to advise on the implementation of The Strategy.

The Committee was, however, dissolved in M a y 1979 and the President or Special Adviser, J. W . Beaver, subsequently published a report, which on the whole endorses the essential elements of The Strategy, but disagrees on the necessary institutional arrangements for its implementation. See J. W . Beaver, To Have What is One's Own, report from the President of N I S E D C , October 1979.

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Loubser

49. R a y Jackson, 'The Conserver Society: A Canadian Discussion about Development Alternatives', report transmitted by the Government of Canada to a seminar jointly sponsored by the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe and the United Nations Environment Programme, Ljubljana, December 1979.

50. Ibid., p p . 2-7.

51. T h e set of seminars and workshops produced the following reports: Charles Jeanneret and R . W . Durie, Prospective on Environment and Development: Asia: Pacific Rim, report of a workshop, 5-7 November 1975, Environment Canada, Ottawa, 1976; George Francis, Eco-Development, National Development and International Co-operation Policies, report of a workshop, 13-15 October 1976, Environment Canada, Ottawa, 1976; Tibor M e n d e , The Socio-Political Scene in the Coming Yearsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;with Special Reference to East Asia, Joint project on Environment and Development 1, Environment Canada, Ottawa, 1976; Ignacy Sachs, Environment and Development: A New Rationale for Domestic Policy Formulation and International Cooperation Strategies, Joint Project on Environment and Development 2, Environment Canada, Ottawa, 1977; Johan Galtung, Towards Self Reliance and Global Interdependence, Joint Project on Environment and Development 3, Environment Canada, Ottawa, 1978; George Francis, Environment and Developmentâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Phase III Prospective on EcoDevelopment: Strategies for Action, report of a workshop held 1-3 December 1977, Environment Canada, Ottawa, 1978; Michel Chevalier and T . Burns, A Public Management Strategy for Development and Environment, Joint Project on Environment and Development 4, Environment Canada, Ottawa, 1978; Simon Miles, Eco-Development and Third World Urban Regions: A Prospective for International Development Cooperative Policy, Joint Project on Environment and Development 5, Environment Canada, Ottawa, 1979; H o w a r d E . Daugherty, Charles A . Jeanneret-Grosjean, H . F . Fletcher, Eco-development and International Cooperation: Potential Applications in El Salvador, Joint Project on Environment and Development 6, Environment Canada, Ottawa, 1980.

52. Francis, op. cit. (1978), pp. 2-3 and also Francis, op. cit. (1976), pp. 5-10.

53. Francis, op. cit. (1978), p. 3.

54. Sachs, op. cit., pp. 11-16.

55. Miles, op. cit., pp. 10-11.

56. Ibid., p. 10.

57. Ibid., p. 12.

58. Daugherty et al., op. cit., pp. 2-3.

59. Ibid., p p . 4-5.

60. Ibid., p. 7.

61. For a full review of the various initiatives and the impact of the concept in Canada, see Jackson, op. cit. and Cathy Starrs,

Development centred on man: some relevant concepts from Canada

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Exploring Development Alternatives: Canada 1979, Environment Canada, 1979, pp. 21-30 (unpublished version). I shall rely here almost exclusively on Canada as a Conserver Society: Resource Uncertainties and the Need for New Technologies; Science Council of Canada, Report N o . 27, Ottawa, 1977.

62. Canada as a Conserver Society, pp. 13-14.

63. Ibid., pp. 18-37.

64. Ibid., p. 30.

65. Ibid., p. 32.

66. Ibid., p. 72.

67. The G a m m a Conserver Society Project: K i m o n Valaskakis, Peter S. Sindell and J. G r a h a m Smith et al., The Selective Conserver Society (Vol. 1), The Physical and Technological Constraints (Vol. 2), The Institutional Dimension (Vol. 3), Values and the Conserver Society (Vol. 4), G A M M A , Montreal, 1976.

68. Jackson, op. cit., p. 12.

69. Starrs, op. cit., p . 30. See also pp. 30-56, 73-6, for other initiatives dealing with conservation, recycling, appropriate technology, energy, which while not directly deriving from the conserver society are obviously related. The Friends of the Earth, a coalition of Canada's major environment-oriented groups, has adopted as a fundamental objective to encourage and promote Canada's movement towards a Conserver Society.

70. Starrs, op. cit.

71. It should be noted that Starrs presents these only as illustrations of a m u c h larger number. She makes no pretence of having defined the universe of initiatives and having sampled it in any reliable w a y . There are obvious omissions, such as the International Development Research Centre, which is widely acclaimed for its pioneering of a n e w approach to development research. See, for example, David Spurgeon (ĂŠd.), Give Us the Tools: Science and Technology for Development, International Development Research Centre, Ottawa, 1979.

72. Starrs, op. cit., p. 124.

73. Ibid., pp. 126-7.

74. Ibid., p. 127.

75. Ibid., p. 128.

76. Ibid., p. 129.

77. Ibid., pp. 133-4.

78. Vanier Institute of the Family, Some Reflections on the Evolution of Canada's Political Economy and its Implications for Families and Communities, Ottawa, 1978, p. 8. A list of the relevant publications of the Institute is given on pp. 7-8.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., p. 27.

81. Ibid., p. 34.

82. Ibid., p. 38.

83. Ibid., pp. 38-9.

Jan J. Loubser

84. 'Concept of Development Centred on M a n ' , Unesco staff document, pp. 7-8. For a concept that includes five characteristics see Marc Nerfin(ed.), Another Development: Approaches and Strategies, D a g Hammarskjold Foundation, Uppsala, 1977, pp. 10-11.

85. James W . Botkin, Mahdi Elmandjra and Mircea Malitza, No Limits to Learning: Bridging the Human Gap, A report to the Club of R o m e , Pergamon Press, 1979.

86. Jan J. Loubser, 'The Values Problem in Social Science in Developmental Perspective': Chapter 4, in Jan J. Loubser et al., Explorations in General Theory in Social Science, N e w York, The Free Press, 1976, p p . 75-89. See also Michael Fullan and Jan J. Loubser, 'Adaptive Capacity and Education', Sociology of Education, 45 (1972), p p . 271-87.

87. For a review of self-management policies in Yugoslavia, see Balsa Spadijer, 'The Influence of Political Science on Polities', paper prepared for the Unesco expert meeting on 'The Utilization of the Social Sciences b y Policy Makers', Paramaribo, Suriname, December 1979.

88. Chevalier and Burns, op. cit.

89. I should like to thank H . F . (Bob) Fletcher, B a y Jackson, Charles Jeanneret-Grosjean and Cathy Starrs for their helpful comments on an earlier draft.

5

Developed socialism as a real society centred on h u m a n welfare

Nikolai Lapin and R a d o v a n Richta

T o analyse the state of research in socialist countries such as the U S S R and Czechoslovakia o n the problems of development centred on m a n and basic trends therein is b y no means a simple task. Its complexity is due in the first place to the fact that so m u c h as been written on the subject: hundreds of titles of books (to say nothing of articles in periodicals) are published annually in the U S S R . A further difficulty lies in the fact that, since under socialism m a n is really at the centre of the development of society, works on the most varied subjects and themes deal with h u m a n problems.

In carrying out this analysis, therefore, the authors were obliged to limit theirfieldof study. First, w e have used only literature published in the 1970s. Secondly, w e have concentrated on major monographs in which development centred on m a n is the subject of special investigation and is treated at the conceptual level. Thirdly, in accordance with the terms of reference of the Unesco Expert Meeting, it was important to bring to light and analyse ideas that are clearly of social significance and that exert a direct or indirect influence on social development processes in the socialist countries.

Besides this, in carrying out their analysis the authors clearly perceived that there were a n u m b e r of considerations that helped to overcome the difficulties that arose and to develop the structure and the general logic of the exposition. T h efirstconsideration is the uniformity of the world outlook and of the philosophical and methodological approaches and positions of most research workers in socialist countries, w h o adhere to Marxist theory and apply the methodology of dialectical materialism. It

NIKOLAI LAPIN is a Professor at the Institute of Systems Research, Moscow.

R A D O V A N R I C H T A is a Member of the Academy of Sciences and Director of the Institute of Philosophy and Sociology, Prague.

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would be quite wrong, however, to say that the ideas they put forward are marked by dogmatic uniformity. O n the contrary, there are considerable differences of opinion on m a n y questions. T h e second consideration is the fact that, even in the 1960s and especially in the 1970s, m a n y characteristic features of advanced socialism as a real society centered on h u m a n welfare could be observed in the U S S R and in some other socialist countries, and theories relating to such a society were defined.

T h e results of our analysis suggest that the most significant ideas are: T h e idea of advanced socialism as the highest stage of real social progress.

T h e idea of the complex economic and social development of socialist society.

T h e idea of the socialist w a y of life and its profoundly humanist content.

T h e further evolution of the idea of the all-round development of the personality as the supreme aim of socialism and c o m m u n i s m .

T h e following account of our findings is based on these ideas.

T h e Marxist conception of social progress and its implementation in the practice of real socialism T h e main goal and the supreme value of the development of socialist society is the all-round, harmonious development of m a n ; and the principal value of socialist m a n lies in the fact that his needs are constantly increasing in scopeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and so are the resources required for their satisfaction and his ability to discover them and acquire them.

T h e Marxist conception of social progress emphasizes the organic unity of the conditions governing the development of the h u m a n individual and the development of society as a whole; at the same time it opens u p the w a y to the establishment and deepening of such unity. The starting-point for achieving this unity is the elimination of the capitalist m o d e of production.

Under capitalism society is only an abstraction, since the activities of individuals are determined b y antagonistic relations between classes. The socio-economic basis of such a class-based society is the private ownership of the means of production, that is of the material conditions required for social reproduction. In such circumstances, social labour has no directly social character, since the h u m a n individual has no direct social relations with the community as a whole nor can he or she express such relations.

Labour draws its social significance from the process whereby capital grows of itself. T h e individual as an active producer is subordinated to the process of 'self-development' of capital. A s a result, the value of m a n as an

Developed socialism as a real society centred on human welfare

individual, as the person w h o performs 'live labour', is worth only what his working capacity is worth, and exists only in relation to the material conditions of production. T h e latter, however, are fixed capital, and are not the possession of the worker.

Capital as a condition of h u m a n life, a condition created b y m a n himself, acts against m a n as a subject. Capitalism m a y be said to be a historical fact the main characteristics of which are the inversion of the subject-object relation, the dominance of 'dead labour'â&#x20AC;&#x201D;material, objectivized labourâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;over 'live labour' and over m a n , the conversion of real h u m a n beings as subjects into creatures whose existence is derivative, dependent, not authentic.

That is w h y it is so important to put an end to this system of social relations, to abolish private ownership of the means of production and to establish a system of social relations in which m a n ' s work is not accompanied b y the alienation of his social being or of his creative powers.

It follows that the basic measure to be taken, a measure that logically and historically is the very foundation of socialism, is to eliminate the private ownership of the means of production. T h e introduction of the socialist ownership of the m e a n s of production is thefirstcondition to be m e t if w e are to overcome the alienation of the labour of direct producers at the level of society as a whole. If that condition is met, different types of work will n o longer reflect the relations applicable to capital. W o r k will be the fundamental, basic sphere of activity b y which the individual and society are united.

T h e only owner of the means of production will then be the people, socialist society as a whole. A s a result, the social division of labour will gradually acquire the character of a centrally controlled association of producers.

The socialization of the means of production is an act of the utmost importance in the process of the socialization of h u m a n labour, though it is only thefirststep. W i t h this step, the products of h u m a n labour lose their uncontrollable power over m a n , although the production of goods continues. Socialist ownership is an absolutely essential condition for the establishment of n e w interpersonal relations. These relations become deeper as the subjective factor increases in importance because of the development of the various aspects of the material conditions of production, that is, as the working masses become more active, their k n o w ledge increases, and effective methods of centralized control are developed.

T h e socialization of the means of production, therefore, is not something that is done once and for all; it is a continuing process. It spans an entire historical period characterized not only b y a relentless struggle against the forces of the old system of exploitation. E v e n in the first

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stages of the socialist revolution strenuous efforts are m a d e to mobilize all the resources necessary for the construction of the material and technological basis of socialism. T h e struggle against the forces of reaction becomes a struggle to establish and develop the material and technological basis of the potential of socialism.

The actual duration of each stage depends on historical conditions.

T h e experience of the U S S R and other truly socialist countries has shown that it is essential in all cases to advance along this path. Only the attainment of a certain level in the development of the material and technological basis and the consolidation of the socialist m o d e of production, together with greater initiative o n the part of the masses of workers, will deepen the various aspects of socialist democracy and provide all the material and spiritual conditions required for the all-round development of the working m a n .

While the basic prerequisite for the full development of socialist social relations is the all-round development of the productive forces and the abrogation of the past division of labour that accompanies their development, an equally important role in this process is played b y people's outlook on the world, their ideological and political education, their general cultural and ethical education and, last but not least, their vocational education and training.

The importance of these factors in a truly socialist society and the role they play in it are clearly reflected in all the documents of the Communist and workers' parties of the socialist countries; and they constitute a prominent part of the basic legislation of the Soviet Union and the n e w constitution of the U S S R .

The historical achievement of socialism in the second half of the twentieth century is the fact that the U S S R and a n u m b e r of other socialist countries have entered the stage of advanced socialism., the highest stage not of all the social progress of mankind that is theoretically possible, but of what has been actually achieved. A s L . I. Brezhnev remarked in his article 'The Historic Turning-point in the Path to C o m m u n i s m ' [3] advanced socialism is a stage, a level of maturity attained b y the n e w community, at which the reconstruction of all relations is achieved according to the principles inherent in socialism. It is an extremely complex social organism in which everything, from economy to ideology, serves the working m a n and helps to create conditions that will satisfy his material and spiritual needs and facilitate the all-round improvement and development of his personality and his participation in the control of the affairs of society.

In the economic field it is typical of advanced socialism that production develops dynamically, in accordance with a unified plan, and is based on the absolute predominance of the socialist property system. T h e

Developed socialism as a real society centred on human welfare

level of socialization of the economy is rising significantly, and collective farms and co-operative forms of socialist property are steadily drawing closer to the state (public) form. Powerful industries, incorporating the latest achievements of science and technology, and highly mechanized agriculture, which are run on collective lines, cater for the material side of the production of goods and services.

Socialist production relations were successfully established in the towns and villages of the U S S R in the middle of the 1930s. Forty years later, the volume of the gross national product was eighteen times as great, the power available for industry nearly eight times as great, and that available for agriculture more thanfifteentimes as great. A s to the h u m a n aspect of production, the work is done b y highly skilled workers, collective farmers, specialists and scientists; the work done b y industrial and agricultural workers and b y Soviet people in general is n o w more meaningful and more creative than it was in the past.

In the socialfield,under advanced socialism there are no exploiting classes or groups whatsoever, which means that n o one can exploit others or appropriate the work of others. T h e working class is the leading force in socialist society; it n o w accounts for two-thirds of the gainfully employed population of the U S S R (as compared with one third in the m i d 1930s); more than 70 per cent of workers have had a secondary (complete or incomplete) or higher education.

The social status of the peasants is approximating more closely to that of the working class, and their educational standards and w a y of life are sometimes little different from those of city dwellers. Under socialism, the numbers of the intelligentsia are growing rapidly: today there are thirty-four times as m a n y specialists with a secondary and higher specialist education in industry and forty-seven times as m a n y in agriculture as there were forty years ago. T h e social structure of advanced socialism is constantly progressing, the principal change being that class differentiation is giving w a y to social homogeneity.

In the politicalfield,the distinctive feature of advanced socialism is the fact that the dictatorship of the proletariat is superseded b y the c o m m o n ownership of the state; the working class, in conjunction with the peasants and the people's intellegentsia, under the guidance of the C o m m u nist Party, which is the country's vanguard, directs the affairs of state and society. The solidarity of all social groups and of the different generations and nationalities in socialist society is being further strengthened and developed; in the U S S R a social and international community that is a n e w phenomenon in history has taken shape, in the form of the Soviet people.

Advanced socialism typically produces a n e w kind of personality; the

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moral, ideological and political qualities of the individual are of a high standard, his attitude to his work is good, and his aims and interests are in line with those of his fellow-workers and of society and mankind as a whole. Material, social and spiritual conditions are provided which will ensure that all sections of the population achieve the full harmonious development of their personality.

T h e advantages of the socialist w a y of life are becoming more apparent.

Its value structure is reflected in the various spheres of h u m a n relations and activities. For instance, people's activity in the working community is marked b y a greater degree of unity between the interests of the society and those of the individual; citizens play an ever-increasing part in the political and social life of the country; the vocational and ideological training of the working people is reaching a higher level; and artistic creativity and other forms of cultural activity are being widely developed.

T h u s an advanced socialist society is a mature society, one in which the laws and principles of a socialist society and the benefits it confers are clearly to be seen. It is an integrated social system, complex and extremely dynamic. A s it is perfected and developed, the characteristics and qualities that are specific to c o m m u n i s m bear their fruit. T h e transition to c o m m u nism is the most important feature of mankind's evolution today [13, 19].

T h e scientific control of the development of society in the interests of m a n Advanced socialism throws n e w light on questions of the scientific control of society; there is a greater d e m a n d for control and for the effective application of the principles of socialism in the interests of m a n . Questions of this kind have recently been given m u c h attention b y party and state bodies and b y scientists in socialist countries [10, 14].

Every society deliberately exercises control over production and over the social and cultural life of its m e m b e r s . B u t what this means will differ according to the specific historical conditions of each society; in a classbased society it will be class control and will have a political character.

T o d a y w e are experiencing a scientific and technological revolution; all the productive forces of society, all the basic material conditions of h u m a n life are in a state of flux, and the material prerequisites for controlling the development of society in accordance with a specific goal are available. B u t at the same time the possibility of the spontaneous m o v e m e n t of immense forces is n o w greater than in the past, and these might to some extent become uncontrollable [44].

Developed socialism as a real society centred on human welfare

For that reason, the scientific control of social processes is n o w a built-in, essential factor in h u m a n history, a life-and-death issue for future generations. O u r prime aim must be to gain control of the social processes that favour peaceful coexistence and the elimination of the danger of war; next, w e must create the conditions that are required if all the peoples of the world are to be able to lead a life worthy of mankind and if the ecological balance is to be maintained despite the changes wrought in nature.

In Marxism, the term 'scientific control' m e a n s action consciously taken by people or social institutions in order to influence the social system as a whole or its various subsystems and components b y applying the principles that are embodied in the system and using progressive forces in order to ensure that it functions and develops efficiently. Scientific control is not feasible unless the object and the subject of control possess certain qualities.

Capitalism is capable of controlling individual factories and even very large companies; but scientific control of the entire national economy and of society as a whole is impossible under capitalism, for private ownership inevitably means that the owners are opposed to each other; it brings about a market anarchy which has been in the past and still is the m a i n regulating force of capitalist production and of bourgeois society.

In a socialist society and on the basis of social ownership, the scientific control of production and of society as a whole has, for the first time, become possibleâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and indeed necessary. T h e working class under the leadership of the Communist Party is the m a i n social and political force capable of controlling all social processes in accordance with its goal and of giving all the working m e m b e r s of the community a chance to take part in such control. W i t h the victory of socialism, the role of the subjective factor in control is increasing, i.e. the role of the conscious, deliberately planned activity of the people and of the state and social bodies and organizations. Market anarchy is replaced b y scientific and planned control.

T h e aim of scientific control is to ensure that the subjective activity of the people meets the requirements of objective laws and principles and of progressive ideas as fully as possible. A s socialism develops, these principles must be applied more widely and more thoroughly, and progressive ideas must be put into practice. N e w principles and mechanisms for applying them are constantly being thought out, and they become part of the sphere of scientific control.

T h e development of social production is based o n the fundamental economic law of socialism according to which material production is subordinated to the m a x i m u m satisfaction of the growing requirements of society as a whole and of its individual m e m b e r s . T h e economic potential

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attained by the society in question determines how far these requirements are met at each stage.

In an advanced socialist society the scale of the national economy is such that its economic potential increases constantly. There is a corresponding growth in the demands made by society on the economy, and all the component parts of the economy become increasingly interdependent.

Their interdependence is due to the law of planned, proportionate development. The main points covered by this law in the sphere of the economy can be summed up as follows: the structure of social labour expenditure must conform to the structure of social needs, and there must be a definite correspondence between the production of the means of production and the production of consumer goods, between the rate of development in the different branches of the national economy and so on.

At the same time, under advanced socialism, it becomes increasingly clear that not only the economy but also all the other spheres of life in society must be equally developed. There must be correspondence between the structure of social labour and the social structure of society, between the jobs required and the level of the general and vocational education of the workers, between the way in which material needs are met and the level of the cultural needs of the different strata of the population, between the conditions in which people work, live and pass their leisure-time and the aspirations of a personality of which all sides are being developed.

Consequently, the law of planned proportionate development is being increasingly extended beyond thefieldof the economy to otherfieldsof social life; it governs the development of socialist society as a whole. The implementation of this law means that, when planning is being undertaken, all economic and social factors must be taken into consideration. In accordance with the fundamental economic law of socialism, social factors are receiving increasing attention and are being given priority; they are regarded as both the goal and the criterion of the development of production.

In socialist countries, therefore, in more and more cases the approach to planning is a complex one; the technical, economic, social, political and cultural aspects of the tasks to be solved are all taken into account. This means that plans for the solution of all the fundamental aspects of problems must be made at all the levels of organization and managementâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;from society as a whole to its elements. Here we have the second way in which the law of planned, proportionate development of society operates: its requirements must be taken into account in an increasingly specific and practical way not only in national planning, but also in the plans drawn up for the various industries, regions and enterprises.

One result of this is that much greater attention has been given to the social aspects of planning since the mid-1960s. The movement towards

Developed socialism as a real society centred on human welfare

social planning began at the level of individual enterprises, but it subsequently reached that of cities, regions and the various branches of the national economy [21, 22, 23, 24].

W h a t social planning covers can be seen from the structure of a social development plan in an enterprise in the U S S R . T h efirstpart of the plan deals with changes in the social structure and the collective changes in the social, demographic and vocational composition of the workers; arrangements to improve the general and specialized educational standards of manual and office workers; and measures regulating the movements of personnel working in the enterprise. T h e second part deals with the improvement of the working conditions and health protection of the workers. It covers the improvement of sanitation and hygiene; psychophysiological factors in work rationalization; the provision of safe working conditions; measures to reduce the n u m b e r of industrial injuries; and measures to prevent sickness, including occupational diseases, and to reduce their incidence. T h e third section contains measures to improve workers' pay; measures to increase the amount of the funds from which incentives are paid and encourage people to m a k e better use of them; measures to improve the living conditions of the- workers and provide them with greater social, cultural and recreational facilities; and measures to improve the catering system and welfare services in each enterprise. T h e fourth andfinalsection of the social plan deals with measures to m a k e the workers more active in regard to both their work and the life of society and to encourage socialist emulation and a communist attitude to work; to give the workers a greater role in the management of production, to improve their use of their spare time, to strengthen the role of ideological, educational and sports activities and provide better amenities for the masses and to improve socio-psychological relations in collectives [22].

In Czechoslovak enterprises there are comprehensive programmes for the welfare of the workers. These programmes have sixty-seven different targets, which m a y be grouped as follows: improved quality of the social structure of the workers' collective; provision of better care for certain groups of workers, members of their family and pensioners; improvement in living and working conditions; development of the workers' initiative, both in their work and in their social activity; and the estimate of expenditures for social purposes [48].

T h e development of social planning does m u c h to increase the part played by social and socio-psychological methods in day-to-day m a n a g e ment and to emphasize the social aspect of the solutions of m a n a g e m e n t problems. A s a rule, such solutions affect people, either as individuals or as groups, with their interests and needs. For that reason, w h e n taking a decision any person (or body) responsible for management in a socialist

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society is expected to 'extrapolate' his decision to the individual and the collective and to do whatever is necessary to ensure that the decision is taken and supported b y the people, implemented at the proper time, and in ways that are understood b y those w h o are to carry it out.

In the view of Soviet specialists [10], it is of the utmost importance in a socialist society that managerial decisions should be directed towards the solution of social problems and the all-round development of m a n . A t the same time, the development of socialist democracy is one of the basic prerequisites of scientific control over the development of the society in the interests of m a n ; indeed, it is an essential part of such development.

The development of socialist democracy Socialism has produced n e w and higher forms of democracy and is successfully developing them. Socialist democracy means the power of the people for the people. It has become a basic principle of the functioning not only of the various parts of the body politic, but also of industry and of the social and cultural life of society. Lenin was right w h e n he said that under socialism, for the first time in the history of civilized society, the mass of the population will participate independently not only in voting and in elections but also in day-to-day management. ﾃ《 socialist construction advances, the political organization of society changes. In the U S S R there is a network of councils of people's deputies, w h o are the political basis of the state and decide on all fundamental matters of state, economic and socio-cultural development; they are guided by the experience of the masses and faithfully reflect the ideas of the workers. Members of the councils are chosen b y democratic elections, in which nearly 100 per cent of citizens take part.

The development of democracy does not imply that management should not be undertaken in a professional manner. The aim of a socialist society is to m a k e professional management more truly democratic.

Under socialism, the state and social forms of democracy approximate more closely, for they have a c o m m o n aim: to see that all citizens take an active part in management, and to develop the power of the people and the political independence of the workers.

Soviet trade unions are the largest associations of workers in the U S S R ; they have nearly 123 million members. The unions represented b y the C C S T U (Central Council of Soviet Trade Unions) are empowered to take legislative action in the government bodies in the U S S R . They participate in the elaboration of laws and regulations concerning wages and

Developed socialism as a real society centred on human welfare

working conditions, see that legal measures on such matters are complied with and that the standards of labour protection and safety techniques are maintained, and they administer the social insurance system. They are responsible for improving living and working conditions, making arrangements concerning the workers' recreation and spare time, and organizing cultural faculties for them. The workers participate in production management in various ways, on the initiative of the trade unions or in co-operation with them. In the U S S R , the German D e m o cratic Republic and the Mongolian People's Republic, these tasks are accomplished by permanent production conferences consisting of elected representatives of the workers, managerial staff and representatives of workers' organizations. In the U S S R , there are over 130,000 of these conferences, with more than 5 million members. In the Mongolian People's Republic, one worker in nine is a member of these bodies. In Bulgaria, there are industrial committees as well as union committees. They co-operate with the trade unions and the management. In Poland there are workers' self-administration conferences and councils. In Romania there are workers' councils, and in Hungary there are conferences of the heads of socialist labour brigades. In Czechoslovakia, 40 million people attend production meetings every year; nearly 70 per cent of the proposals made at these meetings are put into effect.

One important way in which workers participate in production m a n agement is through the collective agreements contracted between the employees, including the industrial workers, and the administration. Their aim is to develop all aspects of production, increase productivity and industrial efficiency and so improve the workers' material, working, cultural and living conditions.

Another important element is the collective farm democracy of the U S S R . Co-operative democracy is the form it takes in Czechoslovakia.

Collective farms, unified agriculture co-operatives (in Czechoslovakia) and other production groups have industrial, economic, social, ideological and educational functions. The model statutes of collective farms and of Czechoslovak uniform agricultural co-operatives are of great use in production management in co-operatives.

The work done in social organizations is also important. From the point of view of content, we must of course distinguish between the work done by social organizations which enable workers to participate in the management of social processes, on the one hand, and amateur activity, on the other. Youth organizations as well as trade unions play a most important part. In Czechoslovakia, 38.3 per cent of all young people are members of the Union of Socialist Youth. Physical training, sports and tourist organizations also play an important role. They cater for more than

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10 per cent of Czechoslovaks in the over-15 age-group. T h e Union of Socialist Y o u t h , for instance, has taken the initiative in pointing out shortages in production resources and failure to protect wildlife and the environment, etc.

Active participation in the control of social processes in both the productive and the non-productive sphere is an important factor in political and cultural development; it is an effective w a y of ensuring that people are not shut off from the world outside their personal lives. Research has shown that the extent to which people participate depends on the level of their educational attainments and qualifications, on the use they m a k e of their abilities and on their work prospects. At the same time it is becoming apparent that active participation in the control of social processes can also be increased through the effect that education can have on young people in thefirstplace. Consequently, training in social and political activity is an integral part of communist education in schools and socio-political organizations.

The discussions in which the whole nation takes part are another important w a y in which workers participate in the control of society. For instance, the discussion about the draft of the n e w U S S R Constitution in 1977 lasted nearly four months; 140 million people participated in itâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;more than four-fifths of the adult population of the U S S R . A s L . I. Brezhnev pointed out in his speech about the draft of the U S S R Constitution and the results of the people's discussion, the Fundamental L a w of the Soviet State was the work of all the Soviet people. In both the productive and the non-productive sphere, therefore, socialist social relations presuppose the active participation of the workers in the m a n agement of social processes. Their participation is becoming increasingly effective, and is a powerful stimulus for the development of m a n ' s creative forces in general. A s social relations further develop, the workers will take a more active part not only in making decisions concerning everyday tasks, but also in deciding what the nature of society should be in the future.

This is one of the most important ways in which the construction of c o m m u n i s m will develop [30, 31, 39].

Developed socialism as a real society centred on human welfare

The overall economic and social development of society for the benefit of all its members T H E ELIMINATION OF T H E E X P L O I T I N G CLASSES : A PREREQUISITE F O R T H E C O N C E N T R A T I O N OF SOCIETY O N T H E W E L L - B E I N G OF A L L ITS M E M B E R S T h e interest of Marxists [19, 28, 35, 38] in eliminating social antagonisms in society is a fundamental part of attempts tofindboth a theoretical and a practical solution, to the age-old problem of h u m a n equality. This problem cannot be really solved while universal poverty is allowed to persist, or while the h u m a n personality is standardized and h u m a n abilities and talents are levelled out. Lenin said that ' w h e n socialists speak about equality they always understand it as social equality, equality of social position, not equality of the physical and spiritual abilities of individual personalities'.

T h e basic condition for the equality of the social position of people is the elimination of the classes whose most outstanding features are: (a) thenplace in the system of social production, which is historically determined; (b) their relation to the means of production; (c) their role in the social organization of work; (d) the ways in which they acquire the nation's wealth and the amount they acquire, as a result of the foregoing.

T h e Soviet state w h e n it wasfirstconstituted solved the problem of eliminating those classes that were antagonistic to the workers, i.e. those w h o owned the means of production as their o w n private property, exploited the labour of others and constituted the social basis of the system of domination and subordination. This led to radical changes in the social structure: the exploiting classes, which m a d e u p 16.3 per cent of Russian society before the revolution, disappeared, since they lost all their economic and social privileges.

Social ownership in the variousfieldsof the economy meant that there was only one type of relationship to the means of productionâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a social, collective relationshipâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;throughout the country. Under socialism nobody is a private owner, nor can he become one. T h e workers, organized in associations, whether a co-operative or the socialist state, have entire control over the means of production. T h e only difference between the workers and m e m b e r s of collective farms regarding their relation to the means of production lies in the nature of the production process itself. T h e y have the same relation to public ownership: in this sense their positions are identical.

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N o r is there any significant difference between the workers and m e m bers of collective farms regarding the social organization of work. T h e organizational and executive functions are entirely in the hands of the direct producers w h o are also the owners.

A s for differences in distribution, it is clear that neither the working class nor the peasants working on collective farms as a social group are likely to go outside the framework of the plans for w o r k relations laid d o w n b y the system of social division of labour so as to appropriate the products of others' labour.

Thus the social structure in the U S S R is quite different from the 'classical' structure of a class societyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a point emphasized b y Soviet research workers. Advanced socialism is a social order in which there are no antagonisms; social boundaries are extremely flexible, and citizens in one social category of workers can m o v e quite freely into another. This is a most important point if society is really to give its attention to the welfare of all its m e m b e r s .

In an advanced socialist society, changing the social structure is essentially a matter of overcoming social and class differences, making the working class, the peasants working on collective farms and the people's intelligentsia a more united whole, and speeding up the attainment of a .socially homogeneous structure of communist society.

T h e gradual closing of the gap between the different classes and categories in a socialist society is not a simple matter; dialectically speaking, it is a many-sided process, which can be seen in operation in the economic, political, spiritual and cultural spheres. A t the present stage of the develo p m e n t of our society, considerable differences are still to be found in the working and living conditions and in the level of cultural and educational attainment of the various categories of the population; there are still differences between intellectual and physical work, between towns and villages and so on. It should be emphasized in this regard that advanced socialism is governed by principles and laws that belong to thefirststage of communist social and economic formation, for instance, the principle of the division of labour.

Sociologists say that Soviet society today is characterized on the one hand by the simplification of its 'macrostructure' (class structure) and the complete disappearance of the most marked social differences, and on the other b y the complication of its 'microstructure', that is b y a relative increase in the role of differences not related to class, which in the past were not of thefirstimportance. In the development of the social and occupational structure of Soviet society t w o tendencies are constantly interactingâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a tendency to the occupational differentiation of the social organism and a tendency to its further social integration.

Developed socialism as a real society centred on human welfare

In this connection research workers make the important point that, although all the members of society have the same objective and although society is homogeneous as it never was in the past, the different groups of the population retain their various interests. As science and technology progress, the range of these interests and needs will become more socially homogeneous and at the same time broader, and will exert a real influence on the productive forces and the social relations of the whole community, its way of life and its culture, and on the satisfaction of the increasing requirements of all its members.

THE HIGH STANDARD OF THE FORCES OF PRODUCTION, THEIR CONFORMITY TO PLANS AND THE CONTINUITY OF THEIR DEVELOPMENT The socialist economy is a planned economic system. Its historical advantages over a capitalist economy can be seen especially in the consistently high growth rates. This is true not only of the pre-war period but also of the post-war years. The Soviet contribution to world industrial production rose from 1 per cent in 1922 to approximately 20 per cent at the present time.

In thefirststages of socialist construction, economic growth was mainly due to extensive factors, but since then intensive factors have been increasing in importance. Because of the overall mechanization and automation of production, the productivity of social labour has been steadily increasing; it was ten times greater in 1978 than in 1940 and 1.4 times greater in 1978 than in 1970. The situation in other socialist countries is much the same; in Czechoslovakia, for instance, the productivity of labour was 1.35 times greater in 1976 than in 1970.

A socialist economy possesses modern production plant and skilled manpower; its production structure is versatile and dynamic, and is fully capable of meeting the growing demands of a rapidly developing socialist society, which are becoming more and more complex.

W e have now reached a stage at which the level of development is such that the task w e must undertake is the further improvement of advanced socialism. With regard to economic development, this means that many of the factors that in the past prevented the potential of a socialist economy from being used to the full have disappeared, that society is now equipped with more powerful and larger resources than before, and that it has acquired greater knowledge by means of which the economy can be raised to a higher level of efficiency.

The scale of production is expanding rapidly, and it is becoming more complex, extending to new branches of industry and new areas. N e w

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regions and production resources, n e w materials, n e w fuels and energy sources are playing a part in economic development.

Soviet research workers believe that one of the most important problems of the long-term social and economic development of the Soviet Union, with its immense territory and the diversity of living conditions to be found in the different regions, is h o w to implement the policy of a socialist societyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;to level out differences in the standards of living of the population in the various economic regions of the country and to ensure that the inhabitants of all economic regions have equal access to material, cultural and social welfare. T h e main prerequisites for solving this problem are that the level of economic growth should be the same in all areas and that economic conditions should be such that productive and labour resources can be used in the most effective w a y and that all can enjoy the benefits of economic development.

T h e principal w a y in which social and economic development is m a d e to meet the growing and increasingly complex needs of the members of a socialist society more fully is b y adopting a reproduction approach to the planning of the rates and the structure of economic growth. T h e basic principle is that of the priority of production, which means that production is the only means for satisfying the growing social needs that determine the type and character of the entire processes of social reproduction.

In a socialist society, however, there can be no question of subordinating economic growth to the principle of 'production for the sake of production'. O n the contrary, in the planning process greater importance is attached to the identification of the actual requirements of m a n and to methods of determining their relative importance and deciding which should be given priority and h o w they can be satisfied. T h e aim is to ensure that the socio-economic policy produces the greatest possible degree of social welfare and that the best ways of meeting the needs of each m e m b e r of a socialist society are found.

A t the same time it has to be taken into account that the needs of m a n change as social production develops, as information flows become greater and as the members of society become more capable of social c o m m u n i cation. There is no limit to the growth and complexity of m a n ' s needs.

Lenin called this the law of increasing needs. It operates with exceptional force in a period of accelerating scientific and technological revolution and social progress. Soviet research workers pay a great deal of attention to one of the most difficult problems of the socio-economic policy of socialist society concerning the welfare of workersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the problem of the rational regulation of the emergence and transformation of people's needs and h o w they can be changed in accordance with criteria that give priority in social development to the all-round, harmonious development of m a n [36, 40].

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E m p l o y m e n t and working conditions, job satisfaction, social mobility, opportunities for the development of one's creative powers and to c o m municate with the other m e m b e r s of the society, the availability of adequate information, ecological hiving conditionsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;these and m a n y other components of the people's w a y of life are playing an increasingly important part in action to ensure the welfare of the m e m b e r s of socialist society. This is a matter of paramount importance in connection with the elaboration of national economic plans, which are becoming plans for general socioeconomic development rather than mere plans for production. It follows that only a balanced rise in the standard of the people's welfare, in the light of the fact that all these factors in their Living standard are interdependent, will be really effective. It alone can be a sound base for the achievement of social equality and the genuinely harmonious development of all the aspects of m a n ' s many-sided personality.

THE RISE IN THE LEVEL OF WELFARE OF ALL THE PEOPLE Social justice, which is essentially the equality of all in relation to the means of production, implies justice in thefieldof distribution.

T h e socialist system of distribution comprises: Distribution according to work, as the predominant law of socialist distribution.

Systematic increases in the income of the less highly paid categories of workers as the economic potential of society increases, with the object of solving the problem of inadequate pay, while maintaining the differentiation of incomes according to work, which is socially acceptable.

Provision from public funds for the support of persons w h o are over working age, at a standard of living consistent with the economic resources of society, and also for the support of invalids, and the raising of the living standards of people in these groups as the resources of society increase; and greater public expenditure on child maintenance.

A n increase in public expenditure on health, education and cultural development.

T h e socialist system of distribution m a k e s it possible to solve two interrelated problems: (a) h o w to increase the standard of living of all categories of the population, giving priority to the less highly paid groups, with the object of putting an end to a state of affairs where one sector of the population lives in relatively poor material conditions, and ensuring that the various social groups have the same standard of living; and (b) h o w to m a k e distribution and consumption stimulate economic growth more effectively.

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T o increase the standard of people's welfare is one of the fundamental aims of economic and social development in a socialist society. As socialist construction progresses, w e understand more fully what is meant by improving people's living standards; w e gain greater control over this aspect of development, and the plans prepared for it cover more aspects of life and a longer period of time. T o increase the welfare of all the people is the highest aim of the economic policy of the party and of the socialist state; at the same time, it is a means of achieving the further development of society and of m a n himself.

In the period of the post-war economic reconstruction based on the substantial reorganization of the national economy and the construction of the foundations of heavy industry, the standard of welfare of the population gradually rose as a result of wage increases, price cuts and increased public consumption. As early as the 1960s, the satisfaction of certain needs reached a very high level, and the standard of living rose more rapidly, principally because consumption played a greater part in the distribution of the national income. In that period the proportion of long-term consumption goods increased, households were equipped with standard domestic appliances, more people owned cars, and their demands in the sphere of recreation increased. Intense urbanization brought about profound changes in the workers' w a y of life, and more importance was given to leisure and to requirements connected with the development of the h u m a n personality.

Family budgets were not so hard to balance as previously, and people had more leisure time; they spent proportionately less on food and the satisfaction of their elementary needs, and they spent more on cultural pursuits and recreation, and had more time for such things. T h e situation was basically the same in the 1970s, although it became a matter of urgency to solve the problem of bringing about a more substantial change in the structure of needs so as to reflect the qualitative difference of needs under socialism [8, 33].

It is clear, therefore, that advanced socialism is based on a high level of satisfaction of h u m a n needs. N e w aspects of the nature of h u m a n needs are constantly detected. A s a result, there is a d e m a n d for better quality and more variety in the goods provided, and the people are drawing attention to n e w areas of need in the matter of dwellings, seen as places where people live and develop, and of recreation, travelling, education and other ways in which leisure time can be used to advantage.

Socio-economic policy is centred on the elaboration and implementation of methods of raising living standards and making it possible both to stimulate economic growth b y ensuring that every worker takes an interest in ways of expanding production and improving its economic indices and also in solving social problems, improving the social structure

Developed socialism as a real society centred on human welfare

of the distribution of the social consumption fund and promoting the social homogeneity of society.

Research carried out by Soviet scientists has revealed the following trends in the development of the distribution system which conform with the laws of society. First there is the trend towards equality of incomes.

The real income of workers and employees was nearly four times greater per worker in 1978 than in 1940; in the case of collective farm members it was 6.5 times greater. The real income of collective farm members in relation to the real income of workers and employees (for each member of a family) rose from 75 per cent in 1965 to 88 per cent in 1978. The real income of the working peasant today is more than fourteen times greater than at the beginning of the Soviet era, and the value of services provided for peasants working on collective farms is overfiftytimes greater, the costs being met from public funds. A guaranteed wage has been introduced on collective farms, and also a uniform pension and a social security scheme.

The educational standards of the peasants have risen tremendously. They have become much more active in social and political affairs, and their outlook on the world has changed radically.

Secondly, there is a trend towards the maintenance of the necessary differentiation in work remuneration within each social, professional and qualification category, according to the quantity and the quality of the work done by the individual workers in each social and occupational group, their conscientiousness in their work, and so on. There are a number of indices for the range and scale of differentiation in work remuneration. For instance, the index for the difference between the average wage of 10 per cent of the lowest paid workers and the average wage of 10 per cent of the highest paid workers is widely used. In the C O M E C O N countries the relation between them is at present between 1:3 and 1:5. There is a tendency to bridge the gap between the wages of these two groups. In the U S S R , the ratio between these two groups of workers was 1:5 in 1968 and 1:4 in 1975.

Finally, socialist society tends to reduce the differentiation of the per capita income of the population (both as between the different social groups and within each social group) in so far as it is due not to a difference in labour contributed but to a difference in the composition of the family (whether it includes children or pensioners, for instance). This is achieved mainly by arrangements financed by the social consumption fund. The people receive from public funds the free or semi-free services of institutions and establishments in thefieldsof education, health services and culture, various supplies, either free of charge or on a preferential basis (e.g. school textbooks, medicines, industrial clothing, etc.), and also housing subsidies (e.g. state payments for the maintenance and repair of residential units for

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which rents are not reimbursed and state allowances (pensions, scholarships, children's allowances). Services offered free of charge account for between 10 per cent and 15 per cent of the national income in the C O M E C O N m e m b e r countries. The amounts received from social consumption funds are increasing more rapidly than remuneration in the form of wages. For instance, in the U S S R wages doubled in the period 1960-75, whereas per capita expenditure from the social consumption fund became 2.8 times greater in the same period. The corresponding figures were 1.7 and 3 times, respectively, in Hungary (1960-74) and in Czechoslovakia 1.7 and 2 times respectively (1965-73).

In studying the w a y in which the social consumption fund is likely to develop, research workers are trying to find h o w the growth rates of the social consumption fund should be related to distribution funds that are work-related, so as to stimulate the motivation of workers to produce and to increase the social homogeneity of society [24, 36].

INCREASING T H E SOCIAL H O M O G E N E I T Y OF SOCIETY The social homogeneity of society is increasing steadily as a result of the deliberate social policy applied and the planned, effective development of the forces of production. Relations between the workers and the peasants in co-operatives are based on equality and co-operation in production and in the distribution of the goods produced b y society. For this reason, classes in a socialist society are not classes in the traditional sense of the term. The gap between social classes, categories and groups is closing [6,47].

Basically, this is because of changes in the nature and conditions of work: there are no longer any real differences between the different kinds of workâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;intellectual and physical, creative and routine, organizational and executive, industrial and agricultural. Investigation has shown that this is especially the case a m o n g workers and collective farm members, owing to the improvement in the intellectual nature and standard of their work and to their relations with the intelligentsia. A t the same time, social characteristics that are c o m m o n to the different classes and social categories can n o w be noted (e.g. the working class is becoming more intellectual, and the gap between workers and peasants in co-operatives, the socialist intelligentsia and office employees is closing).

Another important aspect of the problem is the question of nationalities. W e study the development of the social structure of the various peoples and nationalities and examine ways of unifying the social structure of socialist peoples, overcoming the social heterogeneity inherited from the past, and creating an entirely new, homogeneous social structure. T h e homogeneity of the social structure of peoples and nationalities is of prime

Developed socialism as a real society centred on human welfare

importance for bringing together not only classes and social categories, but also peoples and nationalities, and for deepening their unity and making the Soviet nation a new historical community.

The working class is the conscious subject and at the same time the object of these deep historical transformations in the class structure of advanced socialism. In the thirty years after the war the average number of workers increased by 50 million, i.e. it was 3.5 times as large as in 1945.

In 1939, industrial workers in the U S S R represented 33.5 per cent of all categories of working people, but in 1977 the corresponding percentage was 61.6 per cent.

This is just as true of other parts of the USSRâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;for instance the Central Asian republics. In 1913, there were about 20,000 workers in the territory now occupied by the Uzbek, Tadzhik, Turkmen and Kirghiz Soviet Socialist Republics. In 1976, there were about 4 million. The proportion of the working class to the whole of the active population rose, between 1959 and 1970, as follows: in the Uzbek S S R from 39.2 to 45.7 per cent, in the Kazakh S S R from 58.4 to 66.3 per cent, in the Kirghiz S S R from 39.7 to 53.6 per cent, in the Turkmen S S R from 37.3 to 41.2 per cent, and in the Tadzhik S S R from 29.1 to 42.0 per cent. The proportion of skilled workers is growing steadily as the scientific and technological revolution advances. N e w trades are coming into being, and some types of hard manual work are declining in importance or disappearing altogether.

At the present time, three quarters of the industrial working class in the U S S R have high or medium-level qualifications.

There were ten times as m a n y highly qualified and highly educated workers engaged in scientific and experimental production in 1976 as in 1940, and 1.5 times as many as in 1965. Nowadays the workers themselves take part in the solution of important problems that arise in the course of the scientific and technological revolution and are doing innovative work in technology. In 1976 the All-Union Association of Inventors and Innovators had 8,945,700 members, more than half of w h o m were industrial workers. In the period of the ninthfive-yearplan (1971-75) the members of the Association introduced more than 195,000 inventions and 18.5 million proposals for rationalization [19, 24].

Important changes are also taking place in the social structure of the peasantry. As agricultural work becomes more like industrial work (as far as technical equipment is concerned) peasants on collective farms grow more like members of the working class. T w o trends must be noted.

First, the total number of peasants is falling, partly because of the drift to the towns and partly because some collective farms are becoming state farms. Secondly, more and more farmers and livestock breeders have a knowledge of up-to-date technology and are highly skilled specialists. The

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same is true of the number of workers engaged in highly specialized physical or intellectual work. At present, one in seven members of collective farms is a machine operator. In 1965, twelve per thousand collective farm workers were specialists with a higher or secondary vocational education, and in 1975 thirty-six per thousand.

The changes in the structure of the agricultural working class reflect changes in the structure of agriculture as a whole. In the villages there are more people working in industry, transport and the services than in the past. At the same time, the number of collective farm workers is declining steadily, both in absolutefiguresand in comparison with the active population as a whole. During the period 1940-76, the number of collective farm workers in the national economy fell by 14 million, while the number of state farm workers rose rapidly. As a result, the working class in the U S S R is now the largest social group not only in the towns, but also in the villages.

The growth in the numbers of the working class, in the proportion it forms of the active population, and in the economic and social role it plays is of great importance in relation to the improvement of the social structure under socialism and is evidence of success in overcoming the differences between the town and the village. It is proving possible to combine the advantages of country life with urban life and its amenities, its industrial labour and its highly organized facilitiesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a type of life that is becoming increasingly c o m m o n in the U S S R .

The gap between the intelligentsia and the two above-mentioned classes is becoming less marked, which is a step forward in the integration process. For one thing, m a n y members of this large category of workers work in production alongside industrial workers and collective farm workers. For another, intellectual work is no longer the prerogative of intellectuals. As science and technology progress, work in production of necessity becomes more intellectual in nature. This means that the number of intellectual workers is increasing, both in absolutefiguresand in proportion to the total number of workers, and also that intelligence is playing a larger part in physical workâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a fact of the utmost importance. Advances in science and technology are bringing about changes in the nature of the work done by direct producers. Modern technology requires of the industrial worker a much wider range of general and specialized knowledge than in the past. The working class is acquiring new membersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;workers in new occupational groups who have a knowledge of extremely complex techniques. In some cases the work they do, although it is mainly physical work, includes a good deal of intellectual work; in others, their work is predominantly intellectual in nature, for the ability to use highly complex machinery and to install, adjust and repair modern equipment requires

Developed socialism as a real society centred on human welfare

technical and scientific knowledge, which in turn demands a high level of practical skill. Their work calls for a high standard of intellectual ability, combined with highly skilled physical work. Of course there are still differences between industrial workers and the technical intelligentsia, but a new category, on the borderline between the two, is emerging.

People in this category share the characteristics of industrial workers and of specialists, but they are principally industrial workers. They form an increasingly large proportion of the working class in the Soviet Union.

In an advanced socialist society and under the conditions of the scientific and technological revolution the social role of education becomes increasingly important.

General education is an integrating factor that helps to bring the various social groups closer together and promotes social homogeneity, especially n o w that secondary education is being made available to all.

In 1926, 88 per cent of town dwellers were literate, and 67.3 per cent of country people. In 1959 thefigureswere 93.8 per cent and 84 per cent respectively. In 1939 the literacy rate of town dwellers and country people was practically identical (98.7 per cent and 96.2 per cent). Nor were there any significant differences in the literacy rates of the various Union republics.

The elimination of illiteracy was only the first stage. Once it was achieved, new tasks were tackledâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;improving the standard of education and the eradication of the last vestiges of inequality. O n the average, the number of people in the U S S R with a higher and secondary education was more thanfivetimes greater in 1976 than in 1939. In some Union republics the corresponding rates of increase were substantially higher: in the Uzbek S S R 9.7 times, in the Kirghiz S S R 12.2 times, in the Turkmen S S R 8.3 times, in the Tadzhik S S R 12.4 times. In some formerly backward republics they were even higher, compared with the all-Union average [28].

All these changes in social categories and the increase in its homogeneity are part of a general increase in the well-being and culture of the people.

The people's w a y of life is changing rapidly; it is becoming more industrialized, and the urban pattern prevails. The level of social homogeneity that has been achieved is reflected in the uniformly socialist w a y of life of workers, peasants and intellectuals.

The humanism of the socialist way of life The way of life of any society is the sum total of all the forms of human activity in that society. It is made up of labour, its social significance and

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the way in which it is organized in the society; the way in which people participate in political and social life and in the control of the affairs of the society; and the organization of day-to-day life, the use of leisure time and the satisfaction of material and cultural needs. In other words, a society's way of life is a matter both of its social mode of life and of its social consciousness, which is embodied in the way in which people behave [34].

W e have described certain components of the socialist way of life—the «itizens' participation in management, the level of needs and ways of satisfying them, the development of the structure of society, and so on.

The following deals with some aspects of the humanism of the socialist w a y of life.

C H A N G E S IN T H E C H A R A C T E R A N D C O N T E N T OF L A B O U R , A P R E C O N D I T I O N FOR M A K I N G L A B O U R T H E FOCAL POINT IN M A N ' S SELF-REALIZATION A N D D E V E L O P M E N T Private ownership of the means of production as a form of social relation, which is the outcome of the increased productivity of man's labour, has become a powerful dehumanizing factor, a tool enabling the owner of the means of production to use the fruit of other men's labour for his own ben•efit. While some people do most of the work, particularly physical labour, others enjoy most of the products of their labour—material wealth, cultural development and all the good things of life. The extreme form of this exploitation of human labour is the capitalist mode of production, in which workers are thought of as nothing but manpower. Thefinalproduct •of labour ceases to be the meaning and the object of the process of work; it becomes the instrument of the expanded reproduction of capital.

As a result of the separation of labour from the material conditions •of production and the worker's alienation from the product of his labour and from labour itself, and hence from his own essential nature, the contradiction between work and leisure—i.e. between production and the sphere of man's development—has grown deeper.

From the standpoint of classical bourgeois political economy, which is based on this contradiction, the only link between labour and man's development is the product of labour, which is quite inequitably transformed into the living conditions of individual men. Alienated labour is the sphere of 'necessity', while the time spent on 'non-labour' is the sphere of 'freedom' and man's development. In other words, the labour of the majority is the precondition for the development of the minority.

The restrictive nature of labour so conceived and of the socio-economic .system that goes with is was pointed out by Marx in his theory of alienation.

Although capitalist society, which is based on the contradiction between

Developed socialism as a real society centred on human welfare

labour and m a n ' s self-realization and development, tends to lead to the unlimited development of productive forces, at the same time it produces one-sidedness, and limits the development of the principal productive force, which is m a n [1], T h efirstprerequisite for bringing about a radical change in the character of labour is the abolition of private ownership of the means of production, the combination of the material and h u m a n preconditions of production at a higher level, i.e. at the level of society as a whole. B y changing ownership and power relations, the socialist revolution eliminated this initial cause of the alienation of labour, which is the fundamental source of all social inequalities. T h e second prerequisite is the development of the forces of production, which enables the subject of labour (the worker) to 'step out' of the production process in which he has hitherto been the prime agent, his place being taken b y objectivized h u m a n knowledgeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;science and technology. T h e third prerequisite is that the subject of labour and the subject w h o controls the social and economic processes should be the same person. Here, socialist society makes radical changes: control, under capitalism an 'aloof power' dominating the worker, becomes an intrinsic attribute of labour, and hence an instrument of m a n ' s development in the sphere of labour.

In a socialist society, therefore, the development of m a n is at once the aim of development, a prerequisite of it and an intermediate stage in it.

A s a result of the transfer of all the conditions and means of production to public ownership, relations in the production process are transformed.

Labour becomes the source from which all derive the means of subsistence.

T h e labour of some is no longer the means whereby others avoid labour.

This has deepened the social and individual significance of m a n ' s labour, making it something of importance to society. T h e n e w system of distribution, which is based on the socialization of the means of production and can draw on the social consumption fund, creates the preconditions for freeing h u m a n labour from the constraints of economic necessity. In an advanced socialist society the preconditions are created for making labour a recognized social necessity, so that instead of being a mere means of subsistence it is an activity possessing real value in itself and affording personal satisfaction.

If labour is to become a primary need and to enter the sphere of m a n ' s self-realization and the development of his personality, the nature of labour must be changedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;it must become more creative. This change is closely bound u p with scientific and technological development, although it is not the immediate result of such development, being dependent on the social conditions of labour. If efforts to step up production are m a d e merely with a view to increasing profits, the result will be that work is divided up

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into extremely simple, monotonous, recurrent operations. This will have an adverse effect on the nature of labour, and will produce frustration rather than satisfaction.

The material structure of labour activity is determined by the level of development of the forces of production; it bears the marks of the social division of labour that it has inherited from the pastâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;above all, the split between physical and mental work. Of course, socialism cannot overcome these historical constraints by any single measure, but only by gradually developing the forces of production, increasing the pace of scientific and technological progress and introducing its results into social production. A n advanced socialist society possesses all the prerequisites to ensure that the introduction of the achievements of scientific and technological progress does not only serve economic purposes, but also humanizes labour, so that labour becomes a creative activity and enriches m a n .

In the socialist countries, changes in the nature of labour, i.e. in the technical, technological aspects of production, and in regard to qualifications, constitute one of the basic elements in socio-economic development plans.

In Czechoslovakia, for instance, the proportion of unskilled workers to the active population in the national economy fell from 47 per cent to 23 per cent in the period 1959-73, while the proportion of specialists rose from 12 per cent to 21 per cent. Research into the structure of labour motivation undertaken in socialist countries reveals that the more complex and more creative their work is and the higher the qualifications required, the more satisfied workers are.

The transformation of labour into an integral part of man's development is closely bound up with the participation of workers in the control of production and of economic and social processes and also with the largescale expansion of initiative in work and socialist emulation. In their sense of duty, the workers go beyond the limits of the duties incumbent upon them as direct participants in the labour process; using their experience, they help to improve the management of production processes.

Social relations are such as to provide scope for the use of the creative abilities of m a n ; people n o w have a new attitude to work, a real incentive to show initiativeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a quality that acquires a profoundly human sense. The aim, therefore, is to put an end to the old system of the division of labour, eradicate the differences between physical and mental work, and make work one of man's vital requirements. In this way, new conditions are created for the development of society's productive forces, scientific and technological progress and a better everyday life for the people. The combination of the scientific and technological revolution with socialism thus opens up the best possible humanist prospects for the development of society and

man.

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T H E ACCESSIBILITY OF SOCIALIST C U L T U R E , ITS E N D O G E N O U S C H A R A C T E R A N D ITS DIVERSITY Culture is the s u m total of the material and intellectual values that have been created or are being created b y mankind in the course of its social and historical evolution. It is indicative of the level of development of a society.

It concerns not only material values, but also creative activityâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;conceiving n e w ideas and putting them into practice. This means that the concept of culture is based on the analysis of the activities of h u m a n beings, a category to which special attention is given b y socio-scientific research workers in the U S S R and other socialist countries. According to M a r x , all forms of h u m a n activity have their specific cultural aspect. Such activity is not only an essential factor in the production b y m a n of all kinds of goods, which taken together constitute the material form of culture, it is also a factor in the formation of m a n ' s personality. T h e development of m a n as the subject of needs and the subject of activities is the personality aspect of culture.

The function of culture is twofold:first,as m a n assimilates the various forms of existing culture he becomes a social being; second, he builds u p the rich and varied universe of things, relations and ideas that form the context of his life.

The dualism of 'high' and 'popular' forms of culture, which survives in a variety of forms, has socio-historical causes, as has the opposition between the broad, anthropological conception of culture and its narrow, aesthetic conception. T h e increased productivity of labour and the accentuated division of labour have led to specialization not only in production but also in culture. As productive forces were released for cultural activities, culture itself grew further apart from everyday activities, from the values of ordinary life and objects used in it, andâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;most important of allâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;from social material production. A s a result, culture became the exclusive concern of the privileged classes of society and the people w h o served them.

The different areas of culture (education, science, art, language) also became the instruments and the distinguishing marks of class differentiation and power, as were birth, social status and property.

Traditional folk culture, of course, did not die out a m o n g the people.

It was more or less tolerated, although often kept within limits; in some cases, indeed, it was encouraged b y the ruling class, since the assimilation and transmission of social attitudes, patterns, habits and conventions helped to promote a sense of togetherness and continuity in each ethnic group and the transmission of labour skills and craftsmanship helped to maintain the forces of production at the required level or to bring them to a higher level.

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T h e scientific and technological revolution, which has affected the different spheres of social life in various ways, has brought a number of n e w elements into the realm of culture. N e w tasks are emerging in connection with culture, owing to the changes in the nature of work, the rise in the standard of living, increased leisure time, n e w needs and requirements, and the changing pattern of family relations and of relations between friends and workmates and in society at large. F r o m the point of view of culture special importance attaches to urbanization, the encroachment of the artificial environment upon the natural environment and the development of the mass communication media, which has a marked effect not only on the creation and perception of works of art, but also on m a n ' s entire w a y of life.

All these changes have a powerful impact on the m o d e of existence and psychology of the different social groups, on m a n ' s intelligence, feelings and activities, and on the development of his various faculties—cognitive, emotional, moral and volitional. They also enhance the force of those functions of culture that contribute to m a n ' s development, but this in no w a y implies a diminution of its compensatory, recreative functions—on the contrary, in some cases they m a y even gain in importance.

This being so, there are a n u m b e r of major problems to be solved concerning the theory and practice of cultural development. It can hardly be maintained—and experience confirms this—that the best strategy for cultural development is to encourage freedom and spontaneity, though it is a strategy which some people advocate, basing their arguments on catch-phrases about the sancity of principles which they regard as absolutes—principles such as the need for unrestrained creative freedom, selfexpression that is free of social constraints, and originality at all costs.

Catch-phrases such as these can still be found in art manifestos and elsewhere. T h e results of a liberal cultural policy of this kind are being increasingly criticized, for it enables the commercial entertainment industry to justify the large-scale production of pseudo-culture and inferior art by making demagogic statements about the need to satisfy more fully the growing ' d e m a n d ' for cheap entertainment, 'sensational' effects and debased values.

The socialist countries have deliberately chosen a different kind of cultural policy. T h e y are guided b y the principle of directed and planned cultural development. They are evolving a socialist culture that is compatible with the historical development of society and the requirements of our time, and also with the socialist construction of industry and agriculture, and which allows for the assimilation of 'all that is of value in the development of h u m a n thought and h u m a n culture' (Lenin).

A socialist society regards culture and art as a real part of social

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practice, an essential aspect of the life of all the m e m b e r s of society.

F r o m the point of view of advanced socialism to democratize culture is not simply to take steps to m a k e it accessible to all workers; it m e a n s doing everything possible to promote the creation, dissemination and preservation of cultural values. Socialism has not only given the workers access to cultural riches—it has also m a d e t h e m creative artists [11].

Making culture accessible to everybody is the key to the all-round development of the personality of all m e m b e r s of the society, which in turn is a prerequisite for the further development of the material and spiritual potentialities of society. This is the direct opposite of the idea that the worker is merely a 'consumer of culture'. It is in line with the principle of general education formulated b y John Comenius—that every m a n is capable of learning, and thus of transforming himself. But the all-round development of all m e m b e r s of society that is needed and the improvement of their cultural standards depend on the improvement of their living standards, which determine the extent to which their material and cultural needs can be satisfied.

Access to education for all the children of workers, without material, social or moral barriers, is one of the most important demands and achievements of the working class. In the socialist countries, active participation in culture is not the prerogative of m e m b e r s of the artistic, scientific or pedagogical intelligentsia, w h o spend their whole time on intellectual and cultural activities. Owing to the increasing richness of cultural life and the people's growing d e m a n d for culture, talents and abilities are constantly being discovered. T h e increase in the n u m b e r of workers w h o are interested in culture and art—some of w h o m are themselves performers or artists—helps considerably to provide the cultural and material conditions in which individual talent can be discovered and encouraged and professional workers in culture and art can produce original works.

This broadly conceived cultural programme can be implemented only through the joint endeavour of educational authorities, cultural and artistic institutions and the various departments of a socialist state, as well as voluntary or semi-voluntary organizations at both national and local levels.

In this w a y , better use can be m a d e of the abilities of professional and voluntary cultural workers, and the various material and technical facilities that are essential for the development of culture can be provided. Because of this an article w a s included in the Constitution of the U S S R that stipulates that cultural and educational establishments shall be developed and distributed evenly throughout the country, so that all m a y be able to share in cultural riches.

Bringing culture within the reach of all the workers does not only result in the quantitative growth of culture—it also enriches cultural life itself

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and gives it greater variety, which meets the multiple needs and requirements of an advanced socialist society. W h e n people have access to a varied cultural life they can participate in a variety of activities, their interests are aroused, their physical and intellectual powers are enhanced, their individual talents and abilities are cultivated, they enjoy their leisuretime to the full, their lives are enriched, their horizons broadened, and they acquire a personal outlook o n the world.

At the present stage of development, in the cultural policies of the socialist countries the emphasis is placed on science and on those forms and levels of lifelong education that give people information about the latest findings of the natural, technical and social sciences, which are applicable to the control of production and the social processes and which encourage m a n ' s self-expression.

Under true socialism, culture has certain specific characteristics, including respect for the nature of national culture, national cultural traditions and the world cultural heritage. Socialist countries believe that the primary source of cultural development is national culture, or all ethnic cultures in a given country, which they regard as autonomous and endogenous constituents of that country's culture. B u t this approach to national culture has nothing in c o m m o n with a nostalgia for the past or with withdrawal from important problems of the present, or with a refusal to acknowledge the worth of the cultures of other nations. T h e culture of the socialist countries is based on an optimistic view of the future. A s society becomes more homogeneous, the socialist countries are creating a culture that is diversified in its national forms and unified in its socialist content. It is not merely the s u m total of national cultures. It comprises all the n e w features that socialism brings into the relations between the cultures of free nations that enjoy equal rights.

T h e cultural heritage, whether that of a nation or that of mankind as a whole, constitutes the essence of cultural education and self-education, because of its breadth and lasting significance and its value, which have stood the test of history. Its transmission, however, is no easy matter. For the cultural heritage covers not only h u m a n experience and knowledge that is objectivized in modern production, science and technology, but also social and scientific knowledge that is an integral part of a particular view of the world, knowledge that is based on the laws of social development and is expressed in the class struggle. It also covers the abilities and skills required for the cultural transformation of nature, the craftsman's methods, and the cultural m o n u m e n t s that have been created throughout the history of mankind.

Learning to appreciate the cultural heritage, like other cultural processes, is part of the active role of a h u m a n being as a m e m b e r of various

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social groupsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;his role in the family, at school, at work, in sports and recreation. The various processes b y which cultural continuity is preserved are b y no means free of conflict; they are accompanied b y a constant struggle against hidebound cultural traditions and customs that have outlived their day and are no longer relevant to the conception of life, or the ethnic or aesthetic standards of a socialist society.

The humanist ideals of socialist culture are accessible to everybody in a wide variety of forms.

SOCIAL JUSTICE, E Q U A L I T Y A N D H U M A N

RIGHTS

Social justice, equality and h u m a n rights are important factors contributing to social progress, and they are also m a n ' s response to the state of social relationships. Their development in the course of history has been extremely complex. E v e n today, controversy about what their implementation implies continues unabated. This is because their practical application depends entirely on the kind of society concerned and the level it has reached in the development of the forces of production [31, 54].

Bourgeois and Marxist ideas about social justice, equality and h u m a n rights differ not only because they reflect differences between two distinct historical socio-economic systems, but also because their application is closely related to the goals that society pursues and which are mutually exclusive. The bourgeois and Marxist views are based on two historically different forms of social cognition.

Genuine equality between h u m a n beings can exist only in a society in which the social order is such that there is no exploitation of m a n b y m a n and the benefits of equality and freedom are available to all. True equality and justice d e m a n d that all m e m b e r s of society should have the opportunity for free, all-round development.

Having freed the workers from the yoke of social oppression, socialism eliminated inequality in relations to the means of production and created the basic pre-conditions for the all-round harmonious development of all and the achievement of social justice and equality between h u m a n beings.

Herein lies the profound h u m a n i s m of the socialist system. B y eliminating private ownership and the exploitation of m a n b y m a n , socialism laid the foundations of a system of genuinely humanist relations between h u m a n beings.

E v e n in the context of advanced socialism, therefore, freedom and equality must not be seen as having been achieved once and for all. There are limits to freedom and justice. There is no such thing as absolute freedom or absolute equalityâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;there is only the freedom and equality of people w h o have reached a certain stage in their development.

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Socialism abolishes class-based inequality in relation to the means of production, but it cannot as yet bring complete social equality. T h e vestiges of social inequality that remain under socialism are due to the fact that the standard of material production is not yet entirely satisfactory; there are differences between physical and mental work and between urban and rural areas. Socialist society is still, of necessity, based on the principle of remuneration not according to a m a n ' s needs but according to the amount and quality of work he does.

T h e elimination of the last traces of social inequaĂźty in the period of full-scale socialist construction is one of the priority tasks being tackled b y social-policy planners in socialist countries [37, 53].

T h e social policy pursued is not merely a matter of using economic laws in the interests of m a n . It applies to all the relations between classes and social groups and between the community and the individual. It is based upon the desire to attain the goal of socialism and communismâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the achievement of complete social equality as regards the all-round developm e n t of each individual.

Moreover, this social system ensures that the programme is implemented, b y codifying the workers' legitimate rights and freedoms in the Constitution and in the entire legal system and b y making society entirely responsible for their observance. T h e n e w Constitution of the U S S R adopted to m a r k the sixtieth anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution is the logical outcome of the profound changes that have taken place in all spheres of life. T h e guiding principles of the Constitution are the sovereignty of the working people, socialist democracy, democratic centralism, observance of the Constitution and the laws, socialist internationalism, socialist humanism and the leading role of the working class and the communist party. T h e Constitution guarantees all citizens the right to work and to choose an occupation, and the right to social security and living quarters, education, health services, free medical care and so on.

T h e conception of h u m a n rights in the form specific to advanced socialism is based upon the possibility of introducing a superior kind of social system, one that not only safeguards the rights that have been w o n in the course of history but also brings the rights and duties of m a n , including his right to further development, to a higher level. Whether m a n ' s demands for freedom, social justice, equality and h u m a n rights are met in the coming years nor not will depend on the development of the potentialities of the m e m b e r s of society and their ability to control their o w n progress in self-knowledge and in the procedures and activities b y which practical problems can be solved.

T h e real implementation of h u m a n rights is bound up with the principle of peaceful coexistence. O n e of the main factors in the worldwide

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battle for democracy and h u m a n rights today is the struggle for peace. T h e policy of peaceful coexistence pursued b y the U S S R and other socialist countries is the struggle to secure the foundations of m a n ' s real liberation and development, his dignity and rights. T h e right to peace is one of the primary rights of free m e n .

COLLECTIVISM A N D I N T E R N A T I O N A L I S M AS V A L U E S Collectivism m e a n s giving preference to the general interests of society over narrow, personal interests. T h e founders of scientific socialism regarded collectivism as one of the central values of socialist and communist society.

Collectivism, which is one of the central values of the organization of socialist society, differs from the various forms of 'enforced collectivity' in that it is based on the voluntary and active association of participants. It is a prerequisite and an essential feature of this n e w type of collectivism that social relations should have no place for the exploitation of m a n b y m a n , for only thus can the necessary conditions be created for people to think of the needs and requirements of society as their o w n concern and hence develop their functions as m e m b e r s of society on a broad basisâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;or, to put it briefly, to act as genuine m e m b e r s of society. Socialist collectivism therefore makes it possible to settle social questions effectively and at the same time to develop the h u m a n personality and its individuality. Socialist collectivism is a dynamic principle that is deepened and enriched as the construction of socialism and c o m m u n i s m progresses and as production is taken into public ownership and the masses become m o r e conscious of their situation.

Socialist collectivism is a powerful force in all areas of societyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in the relations between major and minor social groups, in the mechanism of political decision-making and socio-economic m a n a g e m e n t , in labour relations, education and so on. It is true that the basic social content is the subordination of the goals and interests of individuals and groups to the goals and interests of society, but this does not m e a n that their goals and interests must be identified with those of society. T h e goals and interests of society and those of the individual or group are always differentiated and in dialectical opposition to each other. T h e unity between t h e m which is desirable is achieved b y a continuous process of overcoming contradictions and attaining h a r m o n y at a n e w and higher level. Socialist collectivism does not imply depersonalization, but rather unity of the goals and interests of society, groups and individuals, a unity that allows of an adequate measure of diversity and difference and constitutes a precondition for the true development of m a n ' s personality.

O f primary importance in the system of socialist collectives is the

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workers' collective. T h e reason for this is the key role that is played b y w o r k in the life of society. A group of workers can be said to be a socialist working collective if its m e m b e r s identify themselves with the tasks carried out b y the group and if this inner identification is reflected in their actions.

In a typical socialist workers' collective the relations between the m e m b e r s are good, and the group is marked b y a high degree of solidarity a n d comradeship. T h e existence of such collectives and their development are largely due to the fact that in m a n y w a y s their activities go beyond the mere execution of their tasks and acquire the character of socialist activities containing an element of conscious political commitment. Socialist workers' collectives presuppose the involvement of their m e m b e r s in public affairs and their active participation in the control of the economic processes and of state administration [20].

Another important w a y in which the principle of collectivism is applied under socialism is b y the creation of collectives as constituent elements of the political organization of society. These collectives include associations of citizens w h o , in the context of the political system, which is based on the principle of democratic centralism, play an active part in decision-making and in the m a n a g e m e n t of political, economic and cultural affairs in the various areas of the socialist state. T h e systematic expansion of socio-political collectives in each area and efforts to m a k e t h e m function m o r e efficiently are characteristic of the development of socialist democracy.

T h e principle of socialist collectivism is applied not only in the organization of social relations within the different socialist countries, but also in relations between the different sections of the working class and between other classes and groups with which the social revolution of our age is concerned. Seen thus, socialist collectivism extends beyond the confines of nations; it is, in fact, proletarian internationalism. It is the outcome of the position of the working class and indeed of all workers under capitalism, and is part of the world revolutionary m o v e m e n t today. Proletarian internationalism reflects the interests of the vast majority of workers throughout the world. It demands that the working class and all the workers of the different nations and ethnic groups co-operate in the struggle for social progress, democracy, socialism and c o m m u n i s m . T h e nature of efficient co-operation b y progressive forces and the forms it takes at an international level are determined b y analysing the specific needs in the stage in historical development that has been reached. O n e of the principal tasks today is the struggle for a lasting peace throughout the world and against the aspirations to hegemony and world domination entertained b y any state.

Giving priority to international interests over national interests does not m e a n neglecting the latter. Under socialism, internationalism is indis-

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solubly bound u p with socialist patriotism, which is an expression of the ability of the socialist countries to contribute to the development of the revolutionary process in their o w n specific w a y , and their desire to do so, while at the same time meeting legitimate national interests. Socialist internationalism, in dialectical unity with socialist patriotism, calls for the best possible use of all that is progressive in the past and in the present of a socialist nation in order to meet the general interests of the working class of all nations and of all workers, as well as national interests, the principles of socialist equality and justice being taken into account.

W i t h the rise of the world socialist system after the Second World W a r , n e w possibilities emerged for the further development of international co-operation on the basis of the principles of proletarian internationalism.

Proletarian internationalism., w h e n applied to the mutual relations between socialist countries, becomes socialist internationalism. It reflects the need for the further extension and deepening of co-operation a m o n g these countries in all the branches of socialist construction, and it calls for greater cohesion and integration, together with strict respect for the sovereignty of each country.

T h e progress of international socialist integration results in higher standards of technological and economic socialization. Greater political internationalization strengthens the political bonds between the nations of the socialist community, promotes the exchange of cultural values, and in general strengthens the socialist w a y of life in all the socialist countries.

T h e goal of proletarian and socialist internationalism, both in the inner life of individual socialist countries and at the international level, is real h u m a n i s m , i.e. the creation of optimal living conditions for the allround development of the personality of as m a n y people as possible.

Development of the personality as an aim of socialism and communism T H E H U M A N I S T A T T R I B U T E S OF SOCIALISM T h e idea that the development of h u m a n potential is a fundamental indicator of social development is gaining ground today. Unesco, which in the description of one of its projects declared m a n to be 'the centre of development' has reinforced this idea.

It is becoming clear that the development of h u m a n capacities is not only a precondition nor a result of social development, but its very essence.

T h e scientific foundation of this idea w a s laid b y Marxism, which elaborated

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a conception of society in which history is seen as the continuous transformation of h u m a n nature. T h e development of all the riches of h u m a n nature, the realization of the need for m a n to be whole, and for his personality to be harmonious and many-sided, an all-round personalityâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;this, ultimately, is the goal of history.

Realization of the importance of the development of m a n ' s possibilities is inevitably followed b y understanding of its autonomy. Marxist research workers have pointed out that neither development itself nor the direction w e wish it to take is automatically the consequence of other factors, such as economic growth, scientific and technological achievements or cultural programmes. Development and its direction can only be the result of the conscious, deliberate action of m a n himself. History brings about the continuous transformation of h u m a n nature through m a n and his objectives. Engels said that 'history itself does not do anything; it is nothing else than the activity of m a n pursuing his goal'.

Mankind today interprets anew the social and natural constraints and the resources of development in the modern world, which has such farreaching consequences and makes such a powerful impact. N o w that w e k n o w that nature, which but recently was regarded as an inexhaustible resource, has its limitations, the profound h u m a n and social significance of development is abundantly clear. Putting an end to alienation and getting rid of narrow utilitarianism, inequality and exploitation can solve the problems of m a n more certainly and more effectively than the mere economic, demographical or technological tactics of society, even if they are well thought out.

For that reason, Soviet social scientists consider it important to analyse different development alternatives and to assess their value from the point of view of the interests and objectives of m a n . They hold that the humanist and man-centred attributes of socialism lie in its historic mission to ensure that people have satisfactory and uplifting living conditions. The development of m a n is the aim of socialism and c o m m u nism; their true riches are the 'perfect manifestation of the creative talents of m a n ' , 'the development of all the capacities of m a n as such' [1, 52].

H u m a n i s m is real humanism only in so far as society is able to deliver everybody from social inequality, from exploitation in its various forms and from the horrors of war, and to m a k e a real contribution to the cause of peace, labour, freedom, equality, brotherhood and happiness.

The humanist nature of socialism is not merely a matter of providing the best possible material conditions, although they are extremely important. Socialism must also provide conditions that favour the development of the personality of every individual and of society as a whole.

The humanism inherent in socialism is reflected in the w a y in which people

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n o w approach social phenomena, in their mutual relations, in their n e w understanding of their social duties, which is the result of their conscious identification with the workers, in their n e w attitude to work and their n e w hierarchy of the values from which the meaning of life is derived.

Socialism therefore has introduced a n e w criterion into the evaluation of social behaviour. Instead of 'economic rationality' the principal criterion is humanistic in natureâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the provision of the best possible conditions for the development of m a n and the satisfaction of his needs. A s well as economic planning and in reciprocal relationship with it, society carries out social planning, the aim of which is to m a k e provision for the h u m a n consequences of the development of social production. Careful attention is given to the m a n n e r in which economic and social planning affect each other in the practice of advanced socialism.

T h e theoretical basis of humanist research is historical materialism, the belief that social development is the process of m a n ' s self-development throughout the history of society.

Humanist research does not start with an abstract personality, m a n 'in general', but with real people living in a real world. Marxism sees m a n as a social person w h o evolves in specific material and social conditions and whose material and spiritual needs are satisfied in accordance with those conditions. In the words of M a r x , ' m a n is not an abstract being w h o is not part of the world. M a n signifies m a n ' s world, the state, society'; 'the essence of m a n is not something abstract which is inherent in a particular individual. It is the totality of all social relations'.

The specific feature of m a n ' s life is its self-awareness amid the practical activities of society.

Humanist research workers stress the importance of the social bonds between m e n and their social characteristics, but they do not level out the specific qualities of individual persons, and they pay great attention to the analysis of properties inherent in the h u m a n personality, its character, abilities and needs.

THE IDEA OF THE W H O L E M A N T h e ideal representative of socialist society is a fully and harmoniously developed person capable of taking initiatives and affirming himself in accordance with social conditions in all forms of activity that m a n has evolvedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;labour, socio-political, physical, intellectual. This person is also a m e m b e r of society w h o complies with the demands of collective and social living and w h o co-operates with other people, in a spirit of friendship.

The idea of the all-round development of the personality does not imply that education should produce universal geniuses, as if it were true

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that 'everybody can do everything and knows everything'. In the view of research workers, it means that, in the context of the historical conditions of socialist society: (a) in thinking, emotions and conduct the individual aligns himself or herself increasingly with society as a whole; (b) in fraternal co-operation with other people, the individual develops the ability to assimilate information and to take action in a variety of spheres (productive activity and participation in planning and management, participation in the work of the authorities of a socialist democracy, executive work, control and management); (c) the structure of the active personality evolves (unity of physical and mental development, of rational and emotional capacities, of the ability to work and to relax, of knowledge and social experience).

A whole person, therefore, is one w h o has genuinely attained the fullness of his or her o w n nature as a m e m b e r of society and has assimilated the riches of the cultural and historical content of his social life and its significance [16].

T h e emergence of the whole person is a complex historical process. It does not take place automatically, as a consequence of existing external 'conditions', but has deep-rooted historical preconditions. Yet it depends to a large extent on the subjective factor, on our goals and values and on free choice. Only the unity of objective social conditions and the subjective aspirations of people can lead to the harmonious development of the whole person.

Sociologists and philosophers w h o study these problems pay a great deal of attention to the history and social context of the subject, rightly believing that there is no other w a y of really understanding what wholeness means. They point out that the notion of wholeness was a reaction against the various ways in which h u m a n nature was fractured b y social forces, b y the social obstacles to free development. That is w h y , in studies of the all-round development of the person, w e find so m u c h criticism of the various historical and cultural forms of alienation, of the lack of wholenessâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;exploitation, the socially determined division of labour, consumer attitudes, conformism, what used to be called 'mass culture', and so on.

T h e dialectics of the process whereby a person becomes whole consists in the fact that it is still possible that n e w forms of h u m a n particularism m a y emerge, side b y side with the constant, progressive m o v e m e n t towards the whole person. That is w h y progress towards wholeness can only be m a d e as a result of a social policy deliberately adopted b y society. Basically, it depends on the increasing social homogeneity of socialist society and the introduction of the socialist w a y of life.

There are several dimensions of h u m a n progress towards wholeness and the development of all sides of individual life.

Developed socialism as a real society centred on human welfare

First of all, individuals are at once biological and social beings, although the social side is the determining factor in our development. The socio-biological nature of m a n necessitates that our physical and social development should be balanced and harmonious, and this means that it should be the development of the whole person.

The 'social' aspect of the individual is no less many-sided and complex.

In the creation of the whole person, the individual is constantly in the making. In this regard w e are beings w h o transcend our o w n limits, surmounting obstacles and opening up n e w possibilities which are not part of the existing material and biological conditions of life.

The basic prerequisite for our constantly overcoming our limits, the main w a y in which w e m o v e towards wholeness, is an active and transforming interrelationship with the world and an ability to act in a given context, in a manner that is not partial, incoherent or alienated. F r o m the point of view of the Soviet philosophers, sociologists and psychologists, the whole person is one w h o is engaged in a whole activity [10, 12].

Because Soviet researchers see individuals as a precondition, product and result of their o w n activity, they can study the problem of our relationship with our social environment constructively. They start from the assumption that not only the h u m a n personality but all material and spiritual riches and society as a whole are the result of activity, which is therefore the distinguishing m a r k of humanity. It can be seen, therefore, that circumstances ' m a k e ' people what they are only in so far as people themselves reproduce them and produce them afresh, i.e. in so far as they ' m a k e ' their o w n circumstances.

The principal field of activity in which the individual can achieve wholeness is the sphere of work, the sphere of creative activity. W o r k has m a d e us what w e are. Our specifically h u m a n properties are developed in work. W o r k is not only a means of survival, it is also the principal w a y in which w e affirm ourselves [27, 29].

Certain present-day thinkers try to m o v e the sphere of self-realization from labour to consumption and leisure (Herman K a h n ) . These attitudes are totally wrong and indicate a lack of understanding of the essence of humanity, which is bound up with work.

Freedom is a positive attribute of a particular type of activity. It is not the denial of any activity, nor is it freedom from activity in general.

H u m a n labour cannot be free in its relation to itself. A free person cannot be free from the need to work, for the development of that need is a fundamental condition and supreme expression of freedom. The perfect embodiment of freedom is to be found in work conceived as a need although all other needs can in fact be satisfied.

Marxism rejects both the neo-hedonistic conception of work as a

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function of spare time, a price to be paid for rest and entertainment, and the technocratic view that spare time is a function of work, a w a y of renewing the energies of m a n p o w e r [15].

Socialism does not see the development of the h u m a n personality only in relation to the possibilities opened b y the reduction of working hours, but equally in relation to the values of working time itself. This means that work is the main content of h u m a n life, the basis for the all-round development of the h u m a n personality.

However, if certain social conditions have to be fulfilled, the sphere of labour is the one in which our wholeness is achieved.

T h e partial nature of h u m a n social activity in society today is reflected especially in the existence of 'partial' kinds of work which do not possess the properties which w e need (for instance, creativity, prestige, comfortable conditions and fair remuneration). Seen from this angle, the value of our social activity can be assessed b y the nature of work in society and h o w meaningful it is, whether it is free from exploitation, gives scope for creativity and is carried out in conditions that are consistent with h u m a n dignity, whether it is suited to the individual's abilities and gifts and is fairly remunerated, and h o w fast the proportion of 'partial' types of labourâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;i.e. of unskilled, poorly paid, inferior types of workâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;is diminishing (or increasing).

In an advanced socialist society, the all-round development of the personality is of the utmost importance for the future progress of society; people must be capable of playing their part fully. T h e peculiar difficulty of this task lies in the complex relationship between the development of such a personality and those social h u m a n characteristics that are produced b y the kinds of work available at a particular time.

T h e advantage of socialism lies in the fact that, as its social relations are free from the antagonisms inherent in private ownership, even purely functional w o r k has its social significance which is easily perceptible; the worker's interest is stimulated, and he or she realizes its importance.

A n individual cannot be completely free unless fully developed. The worker, however, will not become a fully developed person because he or she can do all sorts of work, but rather because he or she has mastered all the important aspects of a particular job.

This m e a n s that, because of advances in technology, everybody can w o r k successfully in various spheres: in both physical and mental work, or rather in work that combines elements of both; in both executive and managerial work; in carrying out both routine work and work that calls for initiative; and in the production of both material and cultural goods.

These basic characteristics of work will cease to apply to the work of particular social or professional groups and as a result, the social division

Developed socialism as a real society centred on human welfare

of labour will disappear. They will be present in the work carried out b y any worker.

In the view of Marxists, our emancipation is not merely a matter of the emancipation of labour. M a r x repeatedly emphasized that the freeing of labour should lead to the development of h u m a n sensitivity; it should arouse our potential creativity and aesthetic sense, so that the canons of beauty are observed in whatever w e produce. People must have an opportunity to engage in creative activities if their lives apart from work are to be humanized, if they are to be able to take a real part in the various forms of cultural life and if the relations between the sexes are to be those of genuine love and mutual respect and not distorted by popular ideas.

RAISING THE LEVEL OF OUR NEEDS In an advanced socialist society social and mental stimuli play an increasing part in the people's activity as m e m b e r s of society and as individuals.

Socialism brings about a radical change in the aims of material production; for thefirsttime in history production is subordinated to the needs of the workers. This means that the domination of commodity relations in all spheres of h u m a n activity, which is inherent in capitalism, is ended. A n d the consequence is that those spheres of social life in which spiritual needs are satisfiedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;culture, education and enlightenmentâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;are vitally important in themselves. Spare time is no longer dominated b y work time; the former ceases to be the 'mirror' of the latter.

T h e outstanding characteristic of this stage in the development of socialist society is the fact that our productive activity is approximating more closely to the various kinds of non-productive activity; the distinction between the two spheres of activity is disappearing, as far as the individual's role in them is concerned.

The study of work should be backed u p by research into the dialectics of the individual's needs and abilities. Since there is always an element of need behind work, it necessarily has meaning; but this is an advantage rather than a disadvantage.

T h e wholeness of the h u m a n being is not an abstraction, nor is it outside time; it embraces real aims and aspirations and is embodied in our needs, in all their complexity and diversity.

The problems of needs cannot be considered or solved in the same w a y everywhere. O u r needs are complex, and their development and nature are determined b y the social conditions in which w e live. For that reason, the problem must be formulated differently in countries and regions which have different social systems, cultures and levels of economic development.

Obviously, the satisfaction of primary, m i n i m u m needs (which are

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often loosely termed 'basic' needs) is always the most urgent problem for developing countries. Soviet research workers pay special attention to the study of the cultural mechanisms that determine the social standards of these needs and also the social conditions most favourable to their satisfaction [42].

It should be noted, however, that in reality human needs are more than minimum needs; we also have needs of a higher and more complex order, and they, too, play their part. H u m a n needs constitute a dynamic, constantly changing system. It is a distinctive feature of human needs that new needs, with a different social content and new objects, are constantly arising, and that the borderline between the 'minimum' and the 'above minimum' level of their satisfaction is not fixed. This is true not only of social but also of 'vital' needs.

That is w h y the problem of satisfying both material and spiritual needs is so important. Soviet research workers reject the view that intellectual needs come into being, are developed or can be stimulated only after elementary material needs have been met. The truth is that these two kinds of needs exist and develop simultaneously. W e must try to ensure that the ways of satisfying people's minimum material needs contribute to the all-round development of the human being.

A most important problem in this connection is that of the relationship between human development and the level of satisfaction of needs, together with the means taken by society to satisfy them.

Soviet research workers believe that thefirstof these dimensions (the level) is not universally applicable; it reflects the problem accurately only in the case of minimum needs. W h e n one gets beyond minimum needs this dimension is inaccurate; sometimes it reflects only the growth of pseudoneeds which, under capitalism, are a serious obstacle to the development of man's potentialities. The second dimension—the means taken by society to satisfy man's needs—is more generally applicable and more significant. It reflects the degree of social inequality and alienation which is the 'price' society is obliged or prepared to pay for the satisfaction of the needs of its members. This 'price' is a social indicator whose importance is increasing.

Moreover, it m a y properly be regarded as a means by which we can understand the most complex aspect of the problem—the question of the genuine needs of human being; those needs whose satisfaction makes people better human beings—more responsible, kinder and wiser. It can be said that the genuineness and harmony of the development of human potentialities can be gauged by the extent to which needs are shaped and met in a socially equitable manner in which alienation has no part. That is why we must constantly search for ways in which society can meet human needs so as to contribute to the development of our intellectual world and intellectual

Developed socialism as a real society centred on human welfare

aspirations. Hence the importance of the sphere of socially useful activity, for in this sphere not only are consumer goods produced, but the individual as an active and responsible person comes into being.

T h e best w a y of expressing the needs of social existence is the need for work itself; the criteria being the extent to which it mobilizes the strengths and capacities of the personality and is socially significant, and whether its aims are accepted b y a particular group or b y the community as a whole.

T h e extent to which the need for work is felt has a profound effect on all the personality's needs. If it is not deeply felt, because the personality has little opportunity to realize its potentialities and develop its abilities in an activity that has a definite purpose and is socially significant, other needs will be hypertrophied, for they will take the place that is vacant as a result of psychological deficiency. O n the other hand, if the need for work develops freely and is satisfied, other needs will not be stifled; they will be manifested in forms that are more consistent with the real diversity and importance of the various relationships of which the social life of the personality consists.

Under socialism, the satisfaction of the individual's need for creative work and for freedom to create the conditions in which w e live is a necessary prerequisite for the satisfaction of m a n y other needs (the need for social recognition, for instance), for the harmonious combination of material and intellectual needs, and for getting rid of 'pseudo-needs' and excessive consumer demands. Under socialism, the dialectics of social and personal interests can be seen with especial clarity in this sphere—that of the development and satisfaction of needs.

Advanced socialism is gradually harmonizing the development of the personality of the individual with the development of society. In the economicfield,this is achieved through the co-operation of the direct producers on the basis of collectivism, and in the intellectual and social spheres b y enabling individuals to exert an active and responsible influence on the life of society. It is most important that individual m e m b e r s of society should exercise control over all aspects of Ufe in society, thus preventing a situation from arising in which social affairs get beyond h u m a n control.

T h e only correct criterion b y which w e can assess the difference between the 'personal' and the 'social' is the degree of influence of the personal o n the social—a point which Soviet research workers have stressed.

T h e problems that are the substance of the party's social policy—how to satisfy the increasing material and intellectual needs of the people more fully and h o w to develop the socialist w a y of life—can be solved b y controlling social relations between society as a whole and its m e m b e r s (both directly and through intermediaries, the most important of which are workers' collectives). T h e social policy defines the objectives of such control

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of relationsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;or at least of the most important of themâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in accordance with the interests and needs of the society as a whole and also with the immediate vital needs of each of its members. Relations between society and the individual are controlled b y improving the living conditions of the members of society. Their various needs as regards living conditions can be met with increasing success thanks to the growing potential of society. At the same time, in improving these conditions care is taken to ensure that individual needs are consistent with the interests of socialist society and that the social qualities of the people are in line with communist ideals. In other words, in a socialist society, the social policy, while satisfying the needs of the members of society and giving them the best possible living conditions, also aims to improve the w a y in which people live and satisfy their needs.

They m a y , however, have various requirements. Their requirements m a y be reasonable, corresponding to thÂŤ real, normal needs of any healthy and educated person (there must be a limit to such requirements as regards the provision of material goods) or they m a y be unjustified mere whims that are the result of a perverted taste or a bad upbringing.

If people's requirements are mainly material goods or prestige, the result will be inner dissatisfaction, and in the end, they will turn their attention to totally n e w objects, such as efforts to change social conditions, or they will manifest socio-psychological and behavioural anomalies.

In Western culture the aim is to increase requirements. This has played an important part in economic growth and development. Today, however, w h e n mankind is confronted with fearful problems on a world scale, such a state of affairs cannot remain unchanged. T h e values and standards of culture must be redirected so as to improve the structure of h u m a n needs. T h e control of needs will become one of the most important imperatives of culture. T h e structure of h u m a n needs must be improved primarily by reducing the intensity of material needs and strengthening the role of intellectual needs.

In the process of communist construction, therefore, society is faced with at least two problems: in thefieldof economics, the calculation of the needs of society acquires primary importance (particularly in regard to planning bodies); in thefieldof culture, people must be encouraged to take a reasonable attitude to the satisfaction of their needs; they must learn to be moderate about them.

H o w to m a k e personal needs correspond to scientifically based standards is a problem that must be faced by a socialist society, which is moving towards c o m m u n i s m . All the other prerequisites being fulfilled, the freedom of the personality under c o m m u n i s m will depend mainly on the attitude of the individual to the satisfaction of his or her needs.

Socialism means raising the level of h u m a n demands. This presupposes

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207

that the spiritual and moral potential of the individual and society is constantly enriched and developed, while at the s a m e time material wellbeing is increased. T h e spiritual life becomes a real inner factor that leads a h u m a n being to develop reasonable needs. T h u s the personality is shaped in such a w a y that material wealth is only a m e a n s of revealing and developing its creative capacities to the full [11].

Soviet research workers believe that the relation between material and spiritual values is a key problem of moral education.

Social policy should influence the m e m b e r s of society in such a w a y that the characteristics of the socialist type and, later on, the communist type of person, are increasingly apparent in their activity and behaviour, and their aims correspond as fully as possible to the needs and interests of socialist society. This implies the application of a genuinely humanist principle, for, while increasing the worker's well-being as m u c h as possible, socialism requires that he or she should, in his turn, devote all his capacities to the cause of society

Conclusion W e have s h o w n h o w theories that correspond to the stage of advanced socialism and exert a practical influence o n the inauguration and developm e n t of that stage have been worked out in the socialist countries.

A d v a n c e d socialism is the socialism of a d y n a m i c society with a high level of social and humanist potential, which in the immediate future will be incorporated in the various aspects of the socialist w a y of bife. T h e theories elaborated b y specialists in socialist countries are distinctly humanist in nature; they are increasingly influencing the w a y in which socialism is developing a n d the growth of n e w elements within socialism; a n d they ensure that the personality of all m e m b e r s of society is developed to the

full.

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6

G.

Non-capitalist development and the Mongolian experience Gombo-Yn-Miyegombo

T h e century is one of rapid progress in political, economic and political affairs, and one in which the supreme yardstick of social progress is that various countries have m a d e the transition to socialism. Experience has demonstrated that b y waging an active struggle, and relying on the support and aid extended b y the proletariat of those countries where it has triumphed and b y the leading forces of the world revolutionary process, formerly backward peoples m a y gain national independence, throw off the shackles of national and social oppression, and accede to social progress.

T h e modern revolution in science and technology, as it develops within this historical progress, is helping to accelerate it. This is s h o w n b y the considerable advances that have been m a d e in the ancient land of Mongolia.

Before the revolution, Mongolia w a s one of the world's backward countries, governed b y a harsh feudal and colonial regime and economically dependent on extensive nomadic pastoralism. Industry, banks and modern transport and communications were non-existent. N o r were there any foreign investments; o n the other hand, the market w a s dominated b y foreign merchants' and usurers' capital,1 which produced nothing but drained the life from an already backward e c o n o m y . In order to construct a n e w society, the People's State was obliged to lay the foundations of an economy where literally none existed L a m a i s m w a s the predominant element in the feudal superstructure, and shaped the spiritual attitudes of the Mongolian people. Despite their age-old history and culture, Mongolians were several centuries behind other countries; they k n e w nothing of m o d e r n scienceâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;particularly the natural sciencesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;or of scientific medicine and national education. H o w e v e r ,

G. G O M B O - Y N - M I Y E G O M B O is First Vice-Rector of the University of Ulan Bator, Mongolian People's Republic.

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they fought for freedom and national independence, and in the course of that struggle the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party was forged from the foremost revolutionary and patriotic section of the nation. Its successful leadership lent purpose to the Mongolian people's protracted struggle and guided it to the resounding victory of 1921.

It was with the support and assistance of the triumphant proletariat and its allies that the arats (herdsmen and farmers) of Mongolia, a colonial and subjugated people, were able to achieve the purpose of their just struggle. In this sense, the triumph of the Great October Socialist Revolution and its example as an instrument of change, together with the help and support extended by the peoples of the land of the Soviets, were not simply an external influence but an essential factor in the victory of the Mongolian People's Revolution, which ushered in a new era of revival and comprehensive development for Mongolia, as it advanced towards democracy and socialism The Mongolian People's Revolution was a logical development in that its objective cause lay in the extreme exacerbation of the contradictions within the feudal mode of production. Feudal production relationships coupled with the colonial regime were a major obstacle to the current of renewal and development of the country's productive forces. Thus the chief aims of the People's Revolution and the People's State that emerged from it were to reorganize the existing socio-political, economic and spiritual order on democratic and socialist principles, thereby eliminating feudalism and the colonial regime, and to establish the subjective conditions needed for a transition to socialism, the system of social justice, humanism and optimism.

Because of the complexity of the problems arising from the country's extreme economic backwardness, Mongolia had to make this transition in two phasesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the democratic phase and the socialist phase.

During the democratic phase, an end was put to the rule of the feudal class and to serfdom. The privileges of the feudal lords were abolished, equality of the various national and ethnic groups and of the sexes was established, and a genuine democracy was instituted for the working population of the country. In the economy, the following radical changes were made: the private ownership of the means of production by the feudal clergy and laity was abolished; foreign merchants' and usurers' capital was driven out; and considerable changes were brought about in the situation and working conditions of the private farms of the arats, seen as the motive force of social progress during that phase of Mongolia's revolution, most of them being converted into medium-sized farms; restrictions were imposed on the country's own capitalist elements; the foundations for state and co-operative ownership were laid; and economic relations began to develop

Non-capitalist development and the Mongolian experience

between Mongolia and the U S S R on a basis of equality and mutual assistance. Other important achievements during this phase were the establishment and development of Mongolia's industry, banks, credit system, commerce and modern transport and communications. Noticeable changes also occurred in production relationships, under the influence of the new state and co-operative forms of ownership and the development of productive forces. During the democratic phase of the People's Revolution, which lasted until the end of the 1930s, elements of the new socialist mode of production appeared and developed. State and co-operative sectors were established in the economy, and played a leading part in the implementation of the radical socio-economic changes that were to follow.

A n important objective during the democratic phase was to remove foreign merchants' and usurers' capital from the economy. To that end a large number of political and economic measures were taken, including the repudiation of debts to foreign merchants and usurers; the organization of a domestic system offinanceand credit; the introduction of a national currency and the withdrawal of foreign currency from circulation; the imposition of taxes on foreignfirms;the creation of basic state and co-operative trading networks; the introduction of a state monopoly of foreign trade; and the establishment and development of close economic relations with the Soviet Union.

The result of this consistent action wasfirstto restrict, and subsequently to exclude completely, the foreign merchants' and usurers' capital, which had hindered the growth of productive forces. Mongolia's experience serves to show that genuine national independence can only be won by eliminating domination by foreign capital and creating an independent economy (which does not, of course, imply a completely isolated economy or autarky).

As the democratic phase of the revolution took deeper root, an offensive was launched against the economic positions of feudalism. As a result feudal tenure was abolished, as were feudal productive relationships.

At the same time, the party and the government pursued a policy of restricting and excluding capitalist elements. The effect was to forestall the development of a capitalist type of economy or a Mongolian bourgeois class.

The successes of the revolution were accompanied by progress in the development of the new economy. At the start of the 1930s the foundations were laid for the development of domestic industry. Modern bus and rail transport began to develop. B y the end of the 1930s, industry had already grown into an independent branch of the economy, and provided some 20 per cent of the gross product. A socialist sector grew up in agriculture in the shape of state farms, horse-breeding and haymaking centres and

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elementary forms of co-operative production. The incentives given to private initiative resulted in a large number oĂŽarats abandoning subsistence farming in favour of commodity production.

The abolition of feudal production relationships, the exclusion of foreign merchants' and usurers' capital and the birth and development of the socialist sector in the economy established the right conditions for the democratic phase of the revolution to pass into the socialist phase. The socio-political consequences of the radical changes in the economy had a significant impact on the class structure of society. During the democratic phase of the People's Revolution, the feudal lords disappeared as a class, while the formerly oppressed arats became a class of free workers, the masters of the country. A Mongolian working class took shape as the leading force in the construction of a new society free of oppression and discrimination.

It was at this time that the foundations of the cultural revolution were laid. The spiritual revival and development of the Mongolian people were accompanied by the elimination of cultural backwardness and outworn patriarchal and religious practices and superstitions, the regeneration and development of the national culture and the association of the working people in national and world culture. But of all the results of the cultural revolution during the democratic phase of the People's Revolution, the most momentous was the formation of a national intelligentsia dedicated to the cause of the people and social progress.

Thus the outstanding feature of the Mongolian People's Revolution during its democratic phase was that Mongolia had optedfirmlyfor noncapitalist development.

The historic victories w o n by the Mongolian people during this phase were consolidated by the N e w Constitution of the Mongolian People's Republic, which was adopted in 1940. In the same year, the Tenth Congress of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party ( M P R P ) defined the party's basic programme for laying the foundations of socialism in the Mongolian People's Republic ( M P R ) .

During the socialist phase of the revolution, the Mongolian people made further progress in strengthening the state and co-operative sectors of the new national structure and developing domestic industry, transport and other branches of the economy, and in re-organizing agriculture on a socialist basis. Industrial development was carried further: many branches of light manufacturing and the food industry were established, while mining for ores and coal, the building industry, power generation and other forms of heavy industry grew up. B y the end of the 1950s, because of this policy of industrialization, Mongolia was no longer a rural backwater, but had become an agrarian-industrial country.

In 1941, economic planning on a national scale was introduced in the

Non-capitalist development and the Mongolian experience

M P R , followed in 1948 b y five-year plans for the development of the country's economy and culture.

A s these radical socio-economic changes took effect and the country's productive forces gained strength, more and more attention was paid to the re-organization of agriculture on a socialist footing. Here the M P R P undertook a lengthy, systematic and far-reaching campaign of political and organizational work to prepare the ĂŽequisite conditions for socialist change.

Extensive action was taken to strengthen the socialist trend in agriculture.

A sustained struggle by the party against the influence and customs of the petty-bourgeois element brought, in the late 1950s, a successful end to the task of transferring the private farms of the arats to the socialist m o d e of co-operationâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;of all the tasks of the socialist revolution, one of the most difficult. A s the co-operative m o v e m e n t gained m o m e n t u m , a solution w a s found to another important problem of agricultural developmentâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the cultivation of virgin lands. A s a result, Mongolia achieved complete selfsufficiency in grain production, while crop farming evolved into a separate branch of agriculture.

In 1959, the victory of the co-operative system in Mongolia put a final end to the multistructural economy and established a single socialist system throughout the national economy. Socialist ownership of the m e a n s of production became the only form of ownership, and was the foundation for the socialist relationships in production which were to prevail throughout the economy.

These revolutionary transformations led to quahtative changes in the class structure of society and the forms of ownership. T h e 1960 Constitution of the M P R proclaims that the M P R is a socialist state of the workers, the co-operative arat group (both stockbreeders and arable farmers) and the working intelligentsia based on an alliance between the working class and the co-operative arat group. T h e Constitution proclaimed the economic basis of the country to be the socialist economic system and socialist o w n ership of the means of production.

T h e objective of the M P R ' s programme, to lay the foundations of socialism in Mongolia, had been achieved. T h e Mongolian had accomplished the historic changeover from feudalism to a socialist society. The working class had grown in size and strength, and played a leading role in all spheres of social activity. In this same phase, the arat class had changed from one of small private producers into a socialist class of collective socialist farm owners. T h e ranks of the people's intelligentsia had gained in strength and number. During the socialist phase, the socialist cultural revolution had acquired depth and maturity: a culture that w a s socialist in content and drew on national styles was flourishing, as were the social, natural, fundamental and applied sciences.

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T h e Mongolian people, having successfully completed the transition to socialism, started a n e w period in the social progress of the M P R . In its programme documents, the M P R P has defined the basic objective of social progress in the n e w phase as being to complete the building of socialism by establishing the necessary material and technical basis, optimizing social relationships and fostering a spirit of socialist morality, proletarian internationalism and patriotism a m o n g the working people. This policy is being carried through with success thanks to the labour of the Mongolian people.

In its transition from feudalism to socialism, Mongolia followed those development laws which are c o m m o n to all countries that have embarked upon the socialist path, but which differ in their operation and application according to the specific features of each country's national and historical development.

T h e M P R embarked upon the n e w period of its developmentâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that of completion of the building of socialismâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;at the start of the 1960s. T h e objectives for that period were defined in the party's n e w programme, adopted at itsfifteenthcongress in 1966. In pursuing those objectives, the Mongolian people have achieved considerable successes in the economy and in culture. In comparison with 1940, the basic assets of the national economy had multiplied b y 14 in 1979, the gross social product b y 11 and national income b y 8.6. Over the past 10 to 15 years, the national economy has undergone considerable structural change. Today industrialization is playing an ever-increasing part in the development of the economy, while the relative significance of socialist industry and other industrial sectors in the economy as a whole is constantly growing. The growth of industry is illustrated b y the fact that it accounts for 41.4 per cent of the gross social product, over 70 per cent of the total output of industry and agriculture, and 27.8 per cent of the national income produced. In 1979, the volume of industrial output had risen more than six-fold in comparison with 1960, and it n o w takes less than ten days to produce as m u c h as in the whole of 1940.

Agriculture too has changed radically over these years. In 1979, agricultural output had risen to 2.4 times the total of 1940, and basic assets 3.6. The lands which once supported scattered subsistence stockfarming n o w contain large agricultural associations, state farms, fodder units and jointly-operated enterprises with efficient, modern machinery run by trained Mongolian staff, mostly from the younger generation.

In the development of its economy Mongolia receives comprehensive aid from the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries. Enterprises built with Soviet assistance produce over 40 per cent of the gross industrial product, including 90 per cent of all electricity, 80 per cent of coal and 100 per cent of wool and woollen cloth production.

A major feature in the M P R ' s development since the early 1960s

Non-capitalist development and the Mongolian experience

has been that it has taken place within the framework of a progress of international socialist economic integration. Mongolia enjoys close and expanding relations with the other members of the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance ( C M E A ) , and a new step towards greater integration among these countries was taken with the adoption of long-term programmes of co-operation to meet their needs for energy, fuel, raw materials, agricultural produce, manufactured foodstuffs, machinery and equipment until 1990. The trends towards the development of inter-state economic relations and the internationalization of economic activity in the socialist countries are an objective process, and have given Mongolia an opportunity to develop the country more quickly by drawing on the advantages of the international socialist division of labour.

Thus, in little more than half a century, the Mongolian people have advanced from the Middle Ages to the socialist reabty of today. This is shown by the fast growth of socialist industry. Development has been particularly rapid in the ore-mining industry, facilitating systematic and rational use of the country's natural wealth, increasing its export potential, and enabling nationals to be trained as highly-skilled industrial workers.

A n example is the open-cast coal workings at Baga Nuur, which are a keystone of Mongolia's fuel industry. There are m a n y large industrial centres of this kind. The most important is Erdenet, a copper and molybdenum combine jointly operated by Mongolia and the Soviet Union.

The greatest changes are those which have happened to the people. A change of social nature has occurred in the arats, who have joined forces with the working class and the working intelligentsia to build the agrarianindustrial country that is the new Mongolia. Under the leadership of a Marxist-Leninist party, the children and grandchildren of the powerless arats of pre-revolutionary Mongolia, a feudal and colonial country, have grown into a generation of conscious and active builders of the new world, armed with afine-turnedideology devoted to socialism and international brotherhood. A new and socialist life-style is taking shape.

The country has now established a powerful material and technical basis for national education, the health service and the organization of leisure. In 1979, there were 2,743 pupils/students per 10,000 of the population, an increase of 28 over 1978. At the beginning of the 1979-80 academic year, enrolments in all educational estabUshments totalled 443,800, or 3.9 per cent more than in the previous year. Several new schools were opened, as well as a new institute of education in the province of Hovd aymag and a Russian Language Institute at the Mongohan State University.

The health service is improving: there are n o w 105 hospital beds per 10,000 of the population, and one doctor per 464 patients. The system of general, secondary specialized, vocational and technical, and higher

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education which has been established in Mongolia is a system which has m a d e it possible to raise the educational and cultural standards of the population in a short period of time. A pre-eminent place in the system of training highly qualified staff is held by the Mongolian State University.

T h e training of Mongolians in technical colleges and higher educational establishments both at h o m e and in the Soviet Union and other socialist countries has led to the establishment and steady growth of a people's intelligentsia, which plays an important part in the building of socialism.

There are n o w , for every 1,000 employees in the various branches of the M P R ' s economy and culture, 145 specialists with higher or secondary specialist education. T h e A c a d e m y of Sciences of the M P R , which w a s formed in 1961 on the basis of the former Committee for Science, has become a centre of scientific thought for Mongolia.

Although an integral part of the building of socialism, the cultural revolution had its o w n distinctive features. Firstly, it started long before the socialist phase of the Mongolian Revolution, at the time w h e n the country was pursuing the goals of the revolution and w h e n private ownership of the means of production still held sway. Secondly, it took place at a time w h e n the vast majority of the Mongolian people were illiterate, long before qualified staff or a people's intelligentsia had been established, w h e n L a m a i s m largely held the allegiance of the people, and w h e n the country was economically extremely backward. T h e scattered and nomadic rural population was a serious obstacle to the elimination of illiteracy.

Thirdly, education in schools w a s not widely available in the early years of the Revolution. T h e country had no school buildings, educational equipment or teachers, nor any of the other conditions essential for education. Instead, the origin of national education was in the humble yurts of n o m a d s and in monasteries. Everyone was both a student and a teacher: the more literate taught the less literate, and the less literate taught the illiterate. A considerable educational function was performed by amateur groups and activities such as song, dance, poetry and short stage shows on revolutionary topics, which were then of greater immediacy to the general

public.

Fourthly, because some of the arats were reluctant to send their children to the n e w schools, a campaign of explanation was needed in order to enrol pupils. Lastly, the creation of the people's intelligentsia began before the socialist transformations in Mongolia assumed their full scale. It accompanied the democratic transformation of the country, and coincided with the establishment of the working class and the growth of the n e w consciousness a m o n g the arats, the main current in which was the active assimilation of the ideology of the world proletariat and the espousal of their cause.

Non-capitalist development and the Mongolian experience

Mongolia's experience of non-capitalist development is of more than historical importance. It is accepted that the value of the past lies in the arsenal of experience and the wider social horizons it provides, enabling us to analyse the present more perceptively and to identify more fully future trends. In order to identify the essential features and tendencies of the non-capitalist w a y to development, which offers as it were a bridge to progress for the economically underdeveloped countries, w e must first determine the general and the particular elements in the experience of each country. F r o m the scientific and practical viewpoint, it would be wrong to exaggerate the general aspect and the similarities between these processes in different countries. O n the other hand, an attempt to see the specific alone impedes recognition of the general value of the proven historical experience of the peoples which have followed the non-capitalist way.

Non-capitalist development today takes place against the background of a world divided into two opposing systems, in which a decisive influence on world events is wielded by the socialist system, and with the socialist countries lending their active support and assistance to countries embarking on such development.

T h e peoples w h o adopted or w h o have recently adopted non-capitalist development have m a n y c o m m o n factors in their history. They are united by the nature of their historical and socio-ethnic origins and there is a similarity in the level and type of development of their socio-economic relationships. A t the same time, they are also united b y the tasks and purposes of non-capitalist development and the struggle for social and national progress. T h e historical experience and modern practice of the formerly colonial peoples w h o have opted for socialism shows that all forms of non-capitalist development have c o m m o n foundations which determine the general laws that apply. These include: 1. T h e close alliance, solidarity and co-operation of countries that have non-capitalism and solidarity with the international working class and the world socialist community; 2. T h e presence of a social force and of a revolutionary party which draw on Marxist-Leninist teaching in their theoretical and practical activity; 3. The establishment and development of a revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of working people in the shape of a revolutionary-democratic state, and its gradual evolution to one of the forms of socialist state on the basis of the internal development of people's power and democracy, which reinforce the political positions of the working class and of all working people; 4. T h e solution of agrarian problems and the implementation of other socio-economic changes for the purpose of destroying all pre-capitalist

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social structures, eliminating the exploiting class andfirstrestricting, and then excluding completely, the emerging capitalist elements; 5. T h e enhancement of the role of the state and co-operative sectors, the establishment and development of a domestic industry, and the gradual industrialization of the country; 6. T h e establishment of a national working class and a people's intelligentsia, and a close alliance between t h e m and the peasantry against domestic and international reaction; 7. T h e implementation of a cultural revolution, the establishment of a socialist educational system and the institution of a socialist ideology.

T h e historical experience of the M P R is an example and a model for the peoples w h o have chosen progressive development. Comrade P h o u m i Vongvichit, a M e m b e r of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Lao People's Revolutionary Party, has said that 'the fact that Mongolia, formerly a backward, feudal and semi-colonial country, has successfully accomplished a rapid transition to the building of socialism, bypassing the phase of capitalism, is a cause of admiration a m o n g all peoples of the world and a fine example for the Lao people, w h o have triumphantly completed the national democratic revolution and are also pursuing socialism'!2 All existing forms of non-capitalism are shaped b y both general and specific laws determined b y different factors. Each country goes its o w n historically rooted and eventful w a y , which inevitably influences the kind of methods and instruments b y which the purposes of non-capitalist development are pursued. The individual social structures and economic forms also vary within the framework of the general role imposed on countries b y capitalism. In this connection another variable to be taken into account is the relative place of the liberated countries in a modern world divided into two systems during a period of scientific and technological revolution. T h e socio-economic structures of the formerly backward agrarian countries are also specific to each country. There are prospects for arousing wide sections of the working people and associating t h e m in positive social action.

Mongolia's transition from feudal relationships to socialism is a unique experience which combines the general and the specific in dialectical unity.

Mongolia's experience of non-capitalist development includes both general and specific and both recurrent and unique features. T h e last include the specific circumstances which characterized the period of Mongolia's transition to non-capitalist development, its particular economic structure which reflected its unique combination of natural, geographical and historical factors, its distinctive culture and its traditional w a y of life and also the specific historical circumstances and state of world affairs w h e n the country undertook its transition to socialism. A t the same time, prerevolutionary Mongolia had m u c h in c o m m o n with the other backward

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and dependent countries. It w a s essentially a land w h e r e the productive forces were far less developed than in the leading countries, a land characterized b y pre-capitalist relationships a n d the corresponding social structure, particularly as regards the lack of a working class or national bourgeoisie. T h e similarity of certain socio-economic factors has m a d e it possible for s o m e important aspects of the Mongolian people's experience to b e repeated in the development of other countries w h i c h e m b a r k e d o n non-capitalist development at a later date.

T h e experience of Mongolia a n d the great social progress it has m a d e through non-capitalist development are n o w arousing m u c h interest a m o n g the progressive states of Asia a n d Africa. This is primarily because all countries which h a v e chosen this alternative will h a v e to o v e r c o m e all the various social contradictions that Mongolia h a d to o v e r c o m e after the victory of the People's Revolutionâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;i.e. contradictions b e t w e e n national interests a n d international imperialism, b e t w e e n peasants a n d feudal lords.

History shows that there are n o inherently a d v a n c e d or b a c k w a r d peoples. In certain circumstances, peoples that are b a c k w a r d in developm e n t can m a k e u p the leeway b y a short cut, bypassing this or that class system. Non-capitalist development is one kind of short cut to development for the b a c k w a r d countries. Mongolia's non-capitalist route is that of the emancipation a n d revival of the Mongolian people, w h o s e experience has served to confirm a n d test the truth of the Marxist-Leninist theory of non-capitalist development.

Notes

1.

2.

K . Marx points out that usury 'does not alter the mode of production, but attaches itselffirmlyto it like a parasite and makes it wretched. It sucks out its blood, enervates it and compels reproduction to proceed under even more pitiable conditions'. Capital, Vol. Ill, International Publishers, N e w York, 1967, p. 596.

Pravda, 18 June 1976.

7

Theory and practice of development in Mongolia

T h e National Commission of the Mongolian People's Republic for Unesco and the Mongolian State University

T h e concept of a non-capitalist path of development is a contemporary theory of social progress of which the viability has been proved in practice.

T h e people of Mongolia were amongst thefirstto put into effect the teachings of scientific socialism on the non-capitalist development of backward countries, and to m a k e the direct transition from feudal to socialist society. T h e national revolution which brought about this change can be divided into two stages: a democratic stage (1921-40) and a socialist stage (1940-60).

During thefirststage of the revolution, feudal relationships were abolished, foreign capital was phased out and the socialist sector of the economy emerged and grew into an independent force. T h e democratic stage of Mongolia's revolution represented, therefore, a transitional stage in the country's march towards socialism, which was designed to abolish feudal and colonial domination, bypass the capitalist stage of development and create the conditions for the future transition to socialism. A s for the socialist stage of the revolution, it represented the culmination of the efforts of the Mongolian People's Republic ( M P R ) to attain socialism while bypassing capitalism.

T h e complete abolition of private property by 1960 and the irrevocable establishment of socialist production relationships led to the emergence of a unified socialist system of the economy. W i t h socialist production relationships in all branches of the national economy, the M P R entered into a n e w period of development, that of building a socialist society.

A s the P r o g r a m m e of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party ( M P R P ) points out: The M P R ' s experience in non-capitalist development, characterized by . . . the transition from the democratic to the socialist stage of the revolution, showed that the genera] laws governing the socialist revolution and socialist construction

Theory and practice of development in Mongolia

also operate in hitherto backward countries. But in every country moving towards socialism from pre-bourgeois social and economic systems, these laws manifest themselves in different ways in accordance with the specific conditions of a country's development.1 A correct understanding of the relationship between the general and specific factors involved in a country's development while bypassing the stage of capitalism has more than theoretical and academic significance. Scientific analysis of the general and specific aspects of the noncapitalist development of the M P R enables some concrete conclusions to be drawn from the M P R ' s experience that have broader and more general implications.

This chapter is an attempt to provide the reader with a more or less clear picture of the specific conditions under which Mongolia tackled the problems of non-capitalist development, the ways and means it employed and the difficulties it encountered. It also takes into account the fact that m a n y new states in Asia and Africa have overtly declared their intention to build socialism while 'bypassing capitalism' and the likelihood that the experience of the Mongolian People's Republic will be of interest to them.

In this regard, it should be noted that the study and dissemination of the M P R ' s o w n experience in non-capitalist development have, in our view, definite implications for the development of m a n y young states today that have embarked on the road to n e w social progress and democracy.

T h e essence of the theory and its place in history Karl M a r x and Friedrich Engels were thefirstto advance the theory of the transition of backward countries to a higher stage of social progress while bypassing an obsolete social and economic type of development. They linked this theory, in thefirstplace, with the triumph of socialism in the most highly developed states. Only w h e n capitalism has been overcome in those countries where it has reached its apogee, Engels wrote in his afterword to his work On the Social Question in Russia, and 'the other countries have seen " h o w it's done" and h o w the productive forces of modern industry can be transformed into social property for the welfare of society as a whole, only then will those backward countries be able to embark on the path of such a shortened process of development. A n d that applies not only to Russia,2 but to all countries at the pre-capitalist stage of development' . 3 Secondly, M a r x and Engels pointed out the need for interaction

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between the proletarian revolution in the advanced countries, on the one hand, and the peasant, popular and democratic revolution in the backward countries, on the other. In the preface to the second Russian edition of the Manifesto of the Communist Party, in reply to a question about the fate of the Russian c o m m u n e , they wrote that the Russian revolution would herald the proletarian revolution in the West since they both c o m p lemented each other, Russian c o m m u n a l ownership of the land serving as the starting-point of socialist development. 4 Thirdly, in order to bypass the capitabst stage of development, the backward countries required the generous assistance and full support of those countries where the socialist revolution had triumphed. M a r x stressed the fact that n o single nation could, o n its o w n , 'either skip over the natural phases of development or abolish them b y decrees'.5 T h e objective reality of that period, however, did not allow the classics of scientific socialism to elaborate into a theory their brilliant idea about the possibility of a backward country's direct transition to socialism, bypassing the capitalist stage. Engels noted in that regard: ' A s to the social and political phases such countries will pass through before they, too, attain a socialist form of organization, this, I think, can be no more than a matter of rather idle speculation.'6 A s is k n o w n , the leaders of the Second International consigned to oblivion the idea advanced b y M a r x and Engels and propagated the notion that the backward countries could not avoid passing through the capitalist stage of development.

Under n e w historical conditions, V . I. Lenin defended the theses of M a r x and Engels about the direct transition to socialism, viewing the problem of non-capitalist development in its application to practice. In his speech at the Second Congress of the Comintern, Lenin said: 'Can w e accept the claim that the capitabst stage of the development of the national economy is inevitable for those backward peoples w h o are n o w liberating themselves and w h o n o w , after the war, show themselves to be moving along the road of progress. T o that question our answer was no.' 7 Taking this idea one step further, Lenin noted that the backward countries would attain socialism with the help of the proletariat of the advanced states and would do so passing through certain concrete stages of development. The need for a slower, more cautious and more methodical transition to socialism in countries where pre-capitalist relationships predominated is one of Lenin's most important methodological precepts. In this regard, Lenin also expressed another important idea w h e n he said that a special approach w a s necessary w h e n the theory of scientific socialism was applied in a country where 'the peasantry constituted the bulk of the population' and that it was essential 'to translate true Communist doctrine, which is

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intended for Communists of the more advanced countries, into the language of every nation'.8 At the same time, Lenin emphasized that it was impossible to predict the means that were required for the transition from pre-capitalist to socialist relationships: 'That we'll learn from practical experience', he noted.9 After Lenin's death, the Comintern devoted a great deal of attention to the further elaboration of the theory of the direct transition to socialism.

In his speech at the Sixth Congress of the Comintern, O . V . Kuusinen, one of the outstanding leaders of the international workers' and Communist movement, said to the delegates: 'As you will recall, V . I. Lenin, for example, in the theses of the Second Congress, left us with a very important theoretical task: to provide a theoretical grounding to the possibility of the non-capitalist development of backward countries.'10 The term 'noncapitalist path' had appeared for thefirsttime in the documents of the Comintern.

Numerous questions involving the theory and practice of non-capitalist development were resolved in the course of the transformations that took place in Mongolia, as the country advanced along the road to socialism.

Mongolia'sfirstmoves towards non-capitalist development: democratic transformations At the beginning of the twentieth century, Mongolia was one of the most backward, colonial countries in all Asia, frozen in the mould of medieval feudalism. Industry was non-existent; the economy was based on extensive nomadic livestock breeding. Trade andfinancewere poorly developed; the economy of the arats (herdsmen and farmers), exploited by feudal lords, was a natural economy.

As Comrade Tsedenbal put it, 'a whole series of objective indices showed that Mongolia . . . was at the level of Europe of the early Middle Ages. It had known neither the Reformation nor the Renaissance. It had not been touched either by the industrial revolution or the Enlightenment'.11 The social and economic backwardness of pre-revolutionary Mongolia was due primarily to the following factors: (a) the stranglehold of foreign financial interests on trade and credit and foreign imperialism; (b) the feudal-patriarchal economic order based on a nomadic way of life and nomadic livestock breeding; (c) the Lamaist church, which loyally supported the feudal lords and foreign imperialists.

At the turn of the century, Mongolian society was faced with the historical necessity of replacing the old feudal and colonial relationships by

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new relationships that would give scope to the development of the forces of production and foster social progress. O f course this is not to say that the Mongolian economy was the same on the eve of the national revolution as it was in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. During that latter period there had been some development of trade andfinancethrough the influx of foreign commercial capital and credit. Mongolian agriculture was, to a certain extent, drawn into the market economy.

The development of trade and finance under the influence of foreign capital in the country contributed to some class differentiation a m o n g the arats. At the same time, feudal relationships impeded the development of capitalist elements and the growth of the forces of production. Feudal dispersion, extremely primitive transportation, the absence of roads and modern means of communication were all obstacles to the creation of a unified domestic market, which, in turn, retarded the development of trade and finance.

During the second half of the nineteenth century and, in particular, at the beginning of the twentieth century, Mongolia's livestock-breeding economy was exploited to turn the country into a colonial source of raw materials. T h e economic basis of MongoKa's revolution and its transition to a non-capitalist path of development were, therefore, determined not only by the level of the country's productive forces but also by the contradictory relationship it had to the system of world imperialism as a whole.

It should be noted, however, that Mongolia's transition to a noncapitalist form of development was really m a d e possible by the Great October Socialist Revolution. T h e influence of the October Revolution convinced progressive representatives of the Mongolian herdsmen and farmers of the need for a political organization. In 1919, two revolutionary circles came into being, one of which, in 1921, formed the nucleus of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party ( M P R P ) .

The creation of the M P R P â&#x20AC;&#x201D; t h e militant vanguard of the arat classâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;was the turning point in the age-old liberation struggle of the Mongolian people. It was the decisive factor in the success of the national revolution in Mongolia.

The Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party embarked on the revolution of 1921 with a clearly formulated programme of state organization with power vested in the herdsmen and farmers. T h e First Programme of the M P R P declared that 'the party, establishing the power and the rights of the people, seeks to bring an end to the bitter suffering of the inhabitants of Mongolia and foster the peaceful development of their economy and culture, their equality and happiness on an equal footing with other peoples'.12 In March 1921, the M P R P took the initiative in forming the Pro-

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visional People's Government, which assumed command of the armed uprising and played a decisive role in the triumph of the people's revolution over the forces of imperialism and feudalism.

O n 10 July 1921, the Central Committee of the M P R P officially announced the formation of a Permanent People's Government and proclaimed the Bogdo-Gegen13 as a limited monarch. The limited monarchy represented no more than the external trappings of state organization in the country; the power of the feudal lords was eliminated and passed into the hands of the working people led by their vanguardâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the People's Revolutionary Party. The triumph of the people's revolution marked a turning point in the development of Mongolia and the emergence of a new social order.14 The Mongolian people could now envisage the possibility of developing socialism without passing through the stage of capitalism.

To begin with, the country was faced with the difficult and complex task of carrying out far-reaching reforms, since the People's Government had inherited from the old Mongolia a backward and impoverished economy.

The most important revolutionary reform, aimed at emancipating the working people and increasing their revolutionary militancy, was the dismantling of the state apparatus of the exploiting class, its replacement by organs of popular control based on the establishment and consolidation of the revolutionary and democratic power of the working herdsmen and farmers. Steps were taken to abolish the legal privileges of the exploiting class. In 1921-22, all degrees, ranks, titles, awards, honorary insignia and ceremonial vestments were abolished; seals and charters assuring the feudal lords of their privileges were withdrawn. B y virtue of the Statute on the Rights of the Landed and Landless Khans, adopted by the People's Government in January 1923, the inherited office of khoshunnyi zasag (ruler of a khoshun)w was replaced by the elective office of zasag dargi (chairman).

Changes and reforms in law and legal procedure were also important factors in abolishing the feudal order. Various barbaric forms of torture were outlawed; work was begun on the drafting of a new code of criminal law. As a result of all these measures, the feudal-case system of justice was abolished and the foundations of a democratic legal system, defending the interests of the working herdsmen and farmers, were laid.

The next serious blow against feudalism was the removal of the feudal lords from the local organs of power and their replacement by representatives of the herdsmen and farmers.16 In October 1924, elections were held to appoint delegates to the Great People's Khural.17 At itsfirstsession, which opened in November 1924, the first Constitution was adopted and the Mongolian People's Republic

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officially proclaimed. Article 1 declared: 'All Mongolia is henceforth proclaimed a sovereign People's Republic, in which supreme State authority is vested in the working people and all affairs of State are decided b y the Great People's Khural and its elected Government.' 1 8 T h e Constitution sanctioned the social and economic changes that had taken place after the triumph of the people's revolution. T h e working masses were accorded broad democratic freedoms and rights. T h e Constitution also set forth the fundamental principles governing the structure of the central and local organs of state power and their functions.

A s a result of the demolition of the old state machinery and the consolidation of the people's power throughout the entire system of state organization, the people's khurals were established, the embodiment of the Leninist idea of peasant Soviets, the Soviets of the working masses. A s Lenin wrote: It is perfectly clear that peasants, in a state of semi-feudal dependency, can very well master the idea of Soviet organization and implement it in practice. It is likewise clear that the oppressed masses, exploited not only by mercantile capital but by feudal lords and a feudalistic State, can make use of that weapon, that type of organization and under their own conditions. The idea of Soviet organization is a simple one and can be applied not only to proletarian but also to feudal and semi-feudal peasants and to semi-feudal relationships.19 T h u s , the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party established the revolutionary and democratic regime of the herdsmen and farmers, whose political power w a s based in the people's khurals. T h e latter became the instrument for carrying out revolutionary-democratic reforms in the country.

T h e people's khurals were involved in the following major activities: combating the political aggrandizement and economic pressure of imperialism and safeguarding the national independence of the country; breaking d o w n the feudal attitudes that were impeding the development of the productive forces of society; putting d o w n counter-revolutionary attempts m a d e b y the former exploiting class; building a n e w economy and a n e w culture and paving the w a y for the country's gradual transition to socialism, bypassing the capitalist stage of development.

A m o n g s t the most noteworthy social and economic reforms carried out during the first, democratic stage of the people's revolution w a s the agrarian reform. T h e economic power of the feudal lords was broken; the arat households were delivered from the exploitation of foreign tradesmen and usurers; limitations were placed on the growth of capitalist-type activities and the latter were gradually phased out; support w a s given to the private initiative of arat households in the matter of livestock breeding

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and gradual efforts were undertaken to convert arat households from subsistence farming to small-scale commodity production.

One of thefirstand important steps taken towards the solution of the country's agrarian problem that affected all strata of the population was the decision concerning arable lands and pastures. In April 1921, the Provisional People's Government banned the private ownership of agricultural and grazing lands.20 In 1923-24, following the suppression of the feudal estates (khoshuns), feudal land ownership was abolished. Land was declared to be state property. The public ownership of land was officially inscribed in thefirstConstitution of the M P R : 'All land and its mineral resources, the forests, the waters and their wealth within the territorial limits of the Mongolian People's Republic . . . are the property of the whole people and are at the full disposal of the nation; private ownership of such is not permitted.'21 The abolition of feudal land ownership had enormous social and economic consequences. Feudal households were deprived of one of the mainstays of feudal livestock breeding, which in turn led to the undermining of the economic position of the feudal class and impeded its development. The abolition of private land ownership paved the way for public control of the country's economy.

The abolition of feudal-serf relationships was a crucial element of the agrarian policy of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party; it was to have important social and economic consequences. B y September 1921, the Central Committee of the M P R P turned its attention to the domestic affairs of the country and decided 'immediately to draw up a statute on the emancipation of the khamzhilga (serfs) of all khoshuns and proclaim them free citizens of the State'.22 In January 1922, the People's Government adopted a decision abolishing serfdom.23 The abolition of serfdom dealt a severe blow not only to the political domination of the feudal class but also to its economic power. The feudal lords lost their source of free labour. The emancipation of the arats from servitude provided a powerful stimulus to the expansion of individual livestock breeding and opened up new horizons for the further development of the country's forces of production.

A major political and economic measure that delivered a serious blow to foreign commercial capital and usury and alleviated the situation of the working herdsmen and farmers was the cancellation of the debts of the latter vis-Ă -vis their foreign creditors. The average indebtedness of every arat household amounted to 540 lans.24 A government ruling of July 1921 declared null and void all debts owed by the arats to foreign middlemen and usurers.25 A few years later, in September 1924, in accordance with directives of the Central Committee of the M P R P , 2 6 the government

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cancelled all debts owed to foreign merchants and usurers. State debts of the former Autonomous Mongolia were also cancelled.27 A n important element of M P R P agrarian policy was the confiscation of livestock owned by feudal lords. Despite the fact that their grazing lands had become the property of all the people and feudal-serf relationships had been abolished, the feudal class still retained possession of its cattle, and, thereby, continued to be a powerful force in the livestockbreeding sector of the economy. The only w a y that the economic power of the feudal lords could be broken d o w n effectively was to confiscate their cattle and property. O n 16 September 1929, the People's Government approved a decision in this sense. Confiscation of the feudal households was carried out with the active participation of the masses; at meetings of the herdsmen and farmers, decisions were taken as to the manner in which the confiscated herds and property of the feudal lords would be disposed of. B y the middle of 1930, the confiscation was by and large completed.

This development had important social and economic consequences.

It marked the end of the economic power of the secular feudal lords and their exploitation of the arat masses. B y breaking their stranglehold on the economy and redistributing their wealth a m o n g the masses, the People's Government brought substantial economic benefits to the arats. S o m e confiscated livestock was distributed a m o n g the arat households, considerably bolstering their economies and improving their living standards. T h e number of poor herdsmen and farmers decreased significantly while that of the arats of average means grew. Over a three-year period, the number of arat households in the latter category grew b y 43 per cent and the number of heads of cattle they possessed by 57.9 per cent. This meant that the herdsmen of average means were on the w a y to becoming a central factor in the country's economy.

The expropriation of the feudal lords represented a decisive step forward on the road to their elimination as a class and the democratic solution of the agrarian problem in the M P R . However, m u c h still remained to be done to eradicate the influence of the feudal system on the country's economy. T h e monasteries continued to exercise considerable economic power; they were, in fact, part and parcel of the feudal system of exploitation in another guise and the last stronghold of the economic supremacy of the feudal class. The interests of the country's economy as a whole and of the poor and middle strata of the population in particular required the urgent adoption of measures to restrict and eliminate the economic power of the monasteries. Conscious of this fact, the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party set about the task of eliminating the economic power of the clerical feudal lords by gradually transferring the livestock from the m o n asteries to the arat households.

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The measures resulting in the confiscation of the cattle and property of the secular feudal lords and the transfer of the monastery herds to the grazing grounds of the arats and thence into the possession of the latter broke the stranglehold of the feudal lords on the economy and its productive forces. This still did not mean the triumph of socialist productive relationships in the 1930s. The socialist transformation of private arat households required the long and persistent efforts of the party and the whole nation to lay the material and cultural foundations of the new society. At the same time, the revolutionary-democratic agrarian reforms that led to the complete eradication of feudal productive relationships became the prerequisite for the implementation of future socialist agrarian reforms and the establishment of co-operative agricultural associations in the agrarian sector.

During the democratic stage of development a great deal of attention was devoted to the growth of domestic industry. The industrial enterprises that were built in People's Mongolia in the early 1920s started literally from scratch and were specialized in the processing of the products of animal husbandry, providing the population with goods of thefirstnecessity, and coal mining. In the early 1930s, with the help of the Soviet Union, Mongolia embarked on the construction of larger-scale industrial units, such as the Khatkhylsk Mechanized Wool Scouring Factory, which wasfittedout with what was then the most up-to-date equipment, and the Ulan Bator Industrial Combine, which amalgamated units of light and food industries and employed, during thefirstyear of operations, about 1,200 workers and engineers.

Naturally, Mongolian, industry could not develop without a reliable source of raw materials. In this connection the nation was faced with the task of giving priority to the all-round development of livestock breeding as the main branch of the economy and, to this end, supporting the private initiative of the arat herdsman while curbing the development of capitalist elements.

Apart from the importance accorded to the development of industry, attention was also focused on the promotion of domestic trade, favoured by the fact that it was now in public hands. In 1940, the gross output of state industry and co-operatives was 22 times greater than it was in 1932; the output of state industry, taken alone for the same period, showed an increase of 48 times.28 State and co-operative industry accounted for 20 per cent of the G N P and had, therefore, become an independent branch of the national economy. Whereas in 1934 industrial enterprises employed only 3,000 manual and office workers, by 1939 industry and the building trades employed a working force of about 13,000, including 10,000 who formed the core of the national working class.29

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The development of industry accordingly gave rise to a national working class, the leading force in the building of the new society. The Mongolian working class developed and mastered vocational skills with the help of Soviet workers w h o came to the M P R at the government's request.

The Tenth Congress of the M P R P (1940) noted that establishment of a national industry 'is a powerful lever for mustering the productive forces... of the country on the path of non-capitalist development' and recommended that every effort be made to accelerate the development of that branch and ensure the rational implantation of industries on the basis of a unified state plan.

A survey of the accomplishments made during the democratic stage of development would not be complete without mentioning that a number of socialist transformations also occurred as well as major changes in the country's economy. Thus, by 1940, feudalistic structures had been completely dismantled, the bartering system had been eliminated from the Mongolian economy and socialist forms of economic relationships had made considerable headway and become consolidated. T w o sectors emerged in the economy: a socialist sector, in the form of state and co-operative enterprises for industry, transportation, communications and trade, and a small-scale commodity-producing sector, represented by the private arat households. In agriculture, the basic branch of the economy, the state and public sector became increasingly important. In 1940, Mongolia had nineteen large-scale agricultural and livestock-breeding state farms, equipped with modern machinery, and ninety arat production associations based on voluntary principles.30 These economic units provided the basis for the qualitatively new economic and social relationships that subsequently developed in the Mongolian villages.

It is also to be noted that during the democratic stage of the people's revolution great changes took place in the class structure of society.

Towards the end of the 1930s, the feudal class had been completely eliminated and the social and economic situation of the herdsmen and farmers had markedly improved, with the result that they were n o w the dominant class. Liberated from feudal servitude and thanks to the help and support of the state, the herdsmen and farmers became free commodity producers and enjoyed a modest income.

As the national economy and, especially, industry developed, a working class emerged which, in co-operation with the herdsmen and farmers, formed the political basis of Mongolia's people's democracy. As a result of the creation of a proletariat, a new class for Mongolia, and its alliance with the arat class, the revolutionary-democratic state gradually evolved into a socialist state.

Thus, in the period 1921-40, a period of social and economic and pol-

Theory and practice of development in Mongolia

itical reforms, Mongolia completed thefirststage of the people's revolution and 'the stage was set for the gradual transformation of the democratic revolution into the socialist revolution'.31

Laying the foundations of a socialist economy: development of a national industry At the start of the 1940s, the Mongolian people set about the task of laying the foundations of socialism. The guidelines for the building of socialism in the M P R were laid down by the Tenth Congress of the M P R P , which met in March 1940.

Apart from the development of light industry and foodstuffs, it was of the utmost importance, during the initial stage of socialist construction, to lay the foundations of heavy industry, that is, create electric power and fuel plants, start up the production of building materials, develop mineral prospecting and the training of skilled workers for industry and re-equip already existing factories.

Although the initial stage of socialist construction in the M P R coincided with the Second World W a r , the rebuilding of the national economy on socialist principles went forward during wartime. Beginning in 1948, the M P R ' s national economy was governed byfive-yearplans. The successful fulfilment of thefirst(1948-52) and second (1953-57) Five-Year Plans and the Three-Year Plan (1958-60) encouraged the development of all branches of the country's economy, including industry. The fulfilment of the goals of the Three-Year Plan marked the completion of the stage of the building of the foundations of socialism in the M P R . A s a result of the establishment of a national industry, mechanized transport, means of communication and the introduction of certain features of mechanization into agriculture, the M P R , once an exclusively agrarian country, n o w became an agrarian and industrial nation.

The achievements made during the socialist stage of the people's revolution provided afirmfoundation for the future development of socialism. In the 1960s, the country entered into a new period of development, a period that culminated in the full edification of socialism. The basic directions of the country's future economic development were set forth in the new Party Programme (1966).

In the final stage of socialist construction, industry assumes everincreasing scope and importance. The establishment of industrial complexes was, therefore, of vital importance, and they were to dominate the scene;

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integrated construction permitted major economies and was carried out in regions where industries had been all but non-existent. Thus, in the north, a complex of interrelated enterprises was set up in the region of Darchan and Erdene-obo, and in the east in Choybalsan.

The growth of productive forces was accompanied by the steady growth of the material factors of social production and a qualitative change in their technical characteristics. Thus, the total amount of machinery and equipment increased thirty-five times over the amount available in 1940, including a forty-six-fold increase in power machinery and a thirty-four-fold increase in manually-operated machinery. At present, modern machinery and equipment account for 25 per cent of all machinery and equipment in the country as compared with 0.5 per cent in 1940.32 It is c o m m o n knowledge that one of the basic indicators of the degree of technological progress is the coefficient of mechanization (automation) of industrial production operations. In the 1970s, it stood at over 90 per cent in the power industry, over 70 per cent in the mining industry and between 50 and 80 per cent in the country's light and food industries.33 The personal or subjective factor of production also changed substantially in the course of industrialization. With the growth of manpower resources, the number of people actively employed and the proportion of the labour force in relation to the total population also increased. At present, the active industrial labour force constitutes 44 per cent of the population,34 the able-bodied population constitutes 78 per cent of the total population,35 afigurewhich shows the favourable demographic structure of the country's main productive force.

The qualitative improvement in the factors of social production was accompanied by the growth of the country's economic potential and an increase in its national wealth. A s compared with 1940, when socialist industrial progress was getting under way, total national income in 1976 had increased seven-fold and the basic capital orfixedassets of the national economy had increased ten-fold.36 Over the period 1961-78, the basic capital of the national economy increased 4.9 times and the productivity of labour doubled. During the same period, the gross social product increased 2.7 times and national income 2.1 times.37 At the present time, the country generates in six weeks as much national income as it produced for the whole year of 1940, and its industry produces as much in two weeks as it did for the whole year of 1950.38 W h a t were the fundamental features of industrialization in the M P R ?

First, industrialization was posited on the establishment of certain specific material and manpower conditions and a great deal of preparatory work.

In the preparatory period of thefirststage of industrialization, which consisted in getting a native industry off the ground, it was necessary to

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overcome enormous difficulties connected with the complete absence of anyindustrial infrastructure.

Secondly, industrialization in the M P R , which was undertaken in accordance with the scientific concept elaborated by the party, based on the theory that the country could develop without passing through the capitalist stage, bore from the outset a socialist character. In other words, the fundamental task of Mongolian industrialization was to create and develop the material and technological foundations of socialism in the country. This was not, however, an aim in itself; it was inextricably linked with the fundamental interests of the working m a n . It can be said that in the country the question never aroseâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;nor could it have arisenâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;of pursuing a capitalist-type of industrialization; it was out of the question both historically and by the very nature of things.

Thirdly, the socialist character of industrialization in the M P R was shaped, to a very large extent, by the assistance given by the Soviet Union and later by other socialist countries.

Arat household co-operatives The unification of the arats (herdsmen and farmers) into co-operatives in the M P R was a difficult problem. The co-operative movement was started during the democratic stage with the development of consumers' cooperatives, which served as a stopping stone to the transition of arat households into producer's co-operatives. Although, immediately following the triumph of the people's revolution, the M P R P carried out a policy of all-round support to the co-operative movement, it recognized that it was impossible to create producer's co-operatives at once, that is, co-operatives of a higher, socialist type, not only because of the country's extreme backwardness, but for a number of other reasons as well.

The arat households, by and large, carried out simple reproduction; for centuries they had been in a state of stagnation that provided no impetus to the future development of the economy. T o begin with, it was therefore essential to transform individual arat households into small-scale commodity-producing units and to interest the arats in the better management of their households, in strengthening them and increasing their productivity. Only then would it be possible to transform individual arat households into collective forms.

Moreover, it was not possible to transform feudal structures into co-operative structures directly; following the elimination of feudal exploitation and serfdom, it wasfirstnecessary to provide the arats with livestock, help them to get back on their feet and then convince them of the advantages

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of collective farms over individual farms, encouraging them to enter collectives of their o w n free will. It was Engels w h o wrote: 'Our task with respect to small-scale farmers consists, above all, in persuading them to transfer their private production, their private property into c o m m u n a l property, not by using coercion, but by setting an example, providing them with public assistance to attain that end.' 39 T h e general state of Mongolian agriculture meant that a long-term programme of large-scale capital investment was necessary. A t that time, the state had virtually no capital. Not only the arat economy but the feudal economy as well were bogged d o w n in routine. There was no primitive accumulation of capital, the secular and clerical feudal lords amassed wealth in the form of treasures and squandered it unproductively. Manpower resources were also wasted: at the beginning of the revolution, in a country with an acute shortage of labour, 45 per cent or nearly half of the male population were m o n k s and lamas w h o were not engaged in productive labour. Consequently, mass-producers' co-operatives could not be instituted without laying the preliminary groundwork for them and, it m a y be added, not without of making the arats receptive to the idea of socialist co-operation. H u g e amounts of m o n e y , material resources and qualified m a n p o w e r were necessary. Thus, the M P R P and the people's regime were faced with the crucial problem of establishing the indispensable objective and subjective pre-conditions for the voluntary association of the herdsmen and farmers in producer's co-operatives. This problem was especially acute in the M P R because agriculture was traditionally the basic branch of the country's economy and the arats the numerically largest class of the population.

In his day, Karl M a r x described the basic conditions for the socialist transformation of agriculture. H e wrote: ' T w o things are necessary if collective labour is to replace parcel labour in land cultivation, the source of private appropriation: the economic necessity of such a transformation and the material conditions for its implementation.'40 T h e economic necessity of such a radical social and economic transformation of Mongolian agriculture existed, and the latter came about in the course of the country's development, bypassing the capitalist stage.

T h e socialist reorganization of agriculture in the M P R was dictated b y the need to raise the productivity of agricultural labour, to close the wide gap between livestock breeding and the requirements of the national economy and to transform the former from a backward extensive branch into an advanced intensive branch of the economy, based on the most up-to-date techniques of science and technology; to eradicate all sources of m a n ' s exploitation b y m a n , improve the living conditions of the arat masses and m a k e available to them the achievements of modern culture; to eliminate

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the mixed economy and establish a unified, socialist economic system giving broad scope to the development of the country's productive forces.

In short, 'peasant associationsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;therein lies the safeguard against the disadvantages of small-scale farming, therein the means for raising and improving the economy, for economizing power and struggling against . . . exploitation' . 4 1 Towards the mid-1950s, the economic necessity for the socialist reorganization of agriculture made itself felt with increasing sharpness. B y that time, the objective and subjective pre-conditions existed for its radical transformation. The basic branches of state and co-operative industry were in place, a national working class, taking the leading role in the building of socialism, had been formed, the political and cultural level of the people had enormously improved, and socialism had triumphed in all branches of the economy with the exception of agriculture. The superiority of collective management of the economy became clear to the arat masses.

The end of the 1950s witnessed the mass entrance of the arats into co-operative agricultural associations (CAA). A s the number of such associations grew, there was a gradual change-over from semi-socialist to wholly socialist forms. In 1959, there were 389 C A A s with 360,100 members.

From the very outset, the agrarian policy of the M P R P was based on the premise that there should be a combination of state and co-operative farms. Today the socialist sector of agriculture is represented by state farms and agricultural associations. In 1978, there were 48 state farms in the M P R , each having an average of 10,300 hectares of arable land, 27,800 head of cattle and 237 tractors, while the C A A s possessed over 72 per cent of all livestock.42 Members of both the state farms and agricultural associations have the right to o w n a certain number of livestock. According to 1978 data, C A A members possessed on the average 15.9 head of cattle per capita.

Livestock owned by C A A members provides a supplementary source of income and well-being to agricultural workers.

The existence of two sectorsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;state and co-operativeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;is objectively determined by the general state of the national economy and allows the moreflexiblemanagement of agricultural production, expeditious methods for tackling urgent problems (for example, the opening up of virgin lands and rapid increases in the production of grain) and, at the same time, makes it possible to achieve a regular and purposeful increase in livestock.

The success of the co-operative system led to a number of important social and economic results. The alliance between the workers and farmers has been strengthened by the unified form of socialist ownership; the forms of economic collaboration between two classes have been substantially reinforced and improved; industrialization has had a deeper impact,

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stimulating the introduction, of the achievements of scientific and technological progress and reinforcing thereby the stock of industrial machinery and equipment. Whereas in 1955 each state farm possessed 22 tractors (in 15-h.p. equivalents), in 1970 the n u m b e r had risen to 168 and in 1978 to 237. In 1960, one C A A possessed 0.2 of a tractor (in 15-h.p. equivalents), in 1970 18 and in 1978 32 tractors.43 The introduction of the achievements of scientific and technological progress into agricultural production proceeds along two lines. First, there is a steady increase in the equipment level and mechanization of agricultural labour; second, there are qualitative changes in the structure of machinery and equipment supplies and the intensive character of agriculture is reinforced.

Although transhumance farming objectively holds back the concentration of production, new productive relationships create more favourable conditions for such concentration. Thus, for example, publicly owned livestock is mainly concentrated in large-scale farms, almost 99 per cent of which are constituted by the C A A s . 4 4 Whereas in 1955, one C A A possessed 8,000 head of cattle, in 1960 the number had risen to 47,900 and in 1978 to 70,40o. 45 As a result of the growth of social production and the steady increase in procurement prices of agricultural produce, over the past twenty years the labour-remuneration fund of C A A s has grown by 4.4 times, and the average annual remuneration per worker 7.7 times. A s from 1979, C A A m e m bers receive old-age pensions financed b y funds from the state social security system; the size of the pension, moreover, has increased on the average by 50 per cent46 under the new system.

The development of farming as such has promoted the intensification of agricultural production, and farming has become an independent branch of the economy as a result of the opening up of the virgin lands. In 1960 the sown area of the country amounted to 265,500 hectares, in 1970 to 454,600 hectares and in 1978 to 681,400 hectares.47 Today the M P R produces enough grain to meet all domestic requirements. T h e expansion of land cultivation has been accompanied by an increase in fodder production, which in turn has contributed to the intensification of livestock breeding and thereby to the country's industrialization.

Arat co-operation has accelerated the transition from a nomadic to a settled w a y of life and fostered an improvement in the cultural level and education of rural workers. A t the present time, the largest rural localities are centred around the main areas of the state farms and C A A s . All C A A s and state farms have secondary boarding shcools, medical sections, clubs, libraries, dispensaries, stores and other social facilities.

Thus, since the establishment of the people's regime, production

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relations in the Mongolian khudon (rural locality) have radically changed.

The complete transition of arat households into public and socialist economic units is regarded in the M P R as a historic change of as m u c h significance as the people's revolution of 1921. As a result of the complete transformation of the arat households (1960), the undivided domination of socialist production relations became a reality, resulting in a unified socialist economic system.

The triumph of socialist production relations in all sectors of the country's economy led to a radical change in the class structure of society and the situation of the classes. First of all, the herdsmen and farmers, formerly a class of small-scale property owners, were n o w organized in cooperatives, based on collective labour and the collective ownership of the means of production. B y virtue of this fact, the arat class drew close to the working class, and the alliance of the two classes became further consolidated and was infused with a new quality. This led to the strengthening of the foundations of the people's democratic state.

The general line of the M P R P , steering the country from feudalism to socialism while bypassing the capitalist stage of development, w o n a decisive victory. Thus, with the triumph of the people's revolution and the establishment of the new people's regime in 1921, Mongolia embarked upon the path of non-capitalist development; in 1940, as the democratic stage of the revolution came to a close, it began moving further along this path until the victory of socialist production relations was w o n during the stage of socialist transformations.48

Features of the cultural revolution PUBLIC E D U C A T I O N In the years since the Mongolian People's Republic was established, a socialist cultural revolution has taken place. The yardstick by which cultural progress is measured is the extent to which the masses and the various social strata of a population are involved in spiritual creativity and intellectual activity.

V . I. Lenin maintained that one of the major prerequisites for the building of socialism was a socialist cultural revolution.49 H e emphasized that for a new culture to take hold and develop, it had to be permeated with a spirit devoid of all exploitation of m a n by m a n , encouraging respect for m a n and his development.

The cultural revolution in Mongolia meant, among other things, the eradication of illiteracy, the establishment and development of public

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education, science, culture and art. In pre-revolutionary Mongolia, less than 1 per cent of the population was literate.50 Secular education was nonexistent. Accordingly, following the revolution, one of the most complex and urgent tasks of the cultural revolution in Mongolia was the creation of a system of public education and the stamping out of illiteracy.

The organization of the educational system proceeded along two main lines: providing schooling to the rising generation, on the one hand, and developing non-formal education and eliminating illiteracy and semiliteracy among the adult population, on the other. Both of these aspects were equally urgent.

In August 1921, one month to the day after the triumph of the revolution, the People's Government adopted a decision concerning the organization of primary schools. At the start, literate persons were recruited as teachers from amongst former feudal officials w h o were reasonably loyal to the new regime, and from amongst other strata of the population.

In September 1921, thefirstprimary school with 100 pupils was opened in Urga (as the capital of Mongolia was called until 1924). The introduction of such subjects as the Mongolian language, arithmetic, natural science, hygiene, geography and history represented a radical departure from the programme of the pre-revolutionary school. In the same year, the People's Government assumed all expenses connected with the support of schools and other educational establishments.

In 1922, more than ten new schools were set up in various population centres of the country, and in 1924, thirteen new schools were organized, providing education to over 500 children. Starting in 1922, khoshun (village) schools also began to be organized and were supported by the local populations. There were twenty-three such schools in existence by 1924, attended by 419 persons. Subsequently, when the country was in a position to do so, the khoshun schools received state support. In 1922, three-month teacher-training courses were organized; a year later, they were transformed into two-year courses, the forerunner of the teacher-training institute: established in 1924, that prepared teachers for primary schools.

In 1926, a unified study programme was introduced for thefirsttime in all elementary schools; the curriculum included the Mongolian language, arithmetic, natural science, geography and history. With the new study programmes adopted in 1933, the range of subjects was broadened; the curriculum n o w covered Mongolian language and literature, arithmetic, algebra, geometry, trigonometry, astronomy, chemistry, zoology, botany, the history and Constitution of the M P R , geography, physics, Russian and a second foreign language, work and practical exercises, drawing, mechanical drawing and singing.

In 1940, over 300 primary and secondary schools of general education

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were operating, with a student body of around 25,000, and seven vocational secondary schools (over 1,300 students) were also functioning. Around 1,000 teachers were working in the network of general education schools.

At the same time, a movement got under way for the establishment of voluntary public schools supported by the arats themselves. At the beginning of the 1940s, there were twenty such schools, attended by around 4,000 children of herdsmen and farmers. These schools were transferred to state support in 1941.

Thus, by the time the democratic stage of the revolution had come to a close, significant achievements had been made in the development and consolidation of public education, paving the w a y for the building of socialism.

In addition to the development of a system of primary and secondary schools of general education for the children of the workers, the elimination of adult illiteracy was indispensable to ensure the social progress of People's Mongolia. Therefore, in 1922, the M P R P and the People's Government developed a project calling for the opening up of schools for the eradication of adult illiteracy (likbez) in all aymags (regions). Circles for the eradication of adult illiteracy were organized at primary schools; clubs and other cultural and educational facilities were also made available for adult activities.

A n important role in developing literacy among young people was played by the Mongolian People's Revolutionary A r m y ; likbez schools were organized in all army units.

However, despite all the efforts exerted by the people's regime, progress in the elimination of illiteracy was slow. There was a shortage of literate people, there were no textbooks or manuals for teaching adult literacy. Explanatory work about the usefulness of study and literacy had to be carried on among the arats. Thanks to the efforts of the party and the state, a literacy movement was launched throughout the country. The party summoned 'every literate person to teach at least three others', a watchword that became the slogan of the campaign. As a result of such efforts, the proportion of the literate population steadily increased. In 1940, 20 per cent of the population was literate; in 1947 42.3 per cent; in 1956 72.2 per cent and in 1963 90 per cent. At the Tehran meeting in 1970 of the International Jury awarding Unesco prizes for meritorious work in adult literacy, the Nadezhda K . Krupskaya Prize for 1970 was awarded to the Language and Literature Institute of the Academy of Sciences, People's Republic of Mongolia, for the decisive part it had taken in the elimination of illiteracy in the M P P . 6 1 In subsequent years, efforts to overcome the semi-literacy of the workers continued. The 1966 Decree of the Central Committee of the

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M P R P and Council of Ministers of the M P R ' O n Measures for Improving the General Educational Level of Workers' provided for a n e w system of adult training through a broad network of seasonal courses and evening and shift general educational schools. Special attention n o w began to be accorded to improving the literacy and general educational level of state farm workers and C A A m e m b e r s . In 1968, in cities and densely inhabited localities, evening shift-schools began operating as well as consultation centres for correspondences courses. In these schools students receive a secondary education while continuing their normal work. T h e system is continually being improved.

In 1955, the M P R introduced universal compulsory primary education for children of school age, and in 1958, universal seven-year education in cities and aymag centres.

W i t h a view to strengthening the links between school and practical work and productive labour, in the school year 1956/57, manual training was introduced in schools and the n u m b e r of hours devoted to practical exercises in physics, chemistry, biology and other subjects was increased.

In the higher classes of secondary schools n e w subjects were introducedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;mechanical engineering, electrical engineering, fundamentals of agricultural engineering and veterinary scienceâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;making it possible for schoolchildren to acquire a speciality in the course of their general educational training.

Students in the higher classes at the same time started becoming broadly involved in socially useful activities at school work sites, at building sites, in agriculture and elsewhere. Thus the groundwork was laid for the application of the principles of polytechnic training in schools.

At the present m o m e n t , plans call for the introduction of universal eight-year secondary education for all children of school age and improving the structure of secondary schools and the quality of teaching so as to meet the growing demands of socialist construction and create the conditions for the transition to universal complete secondary education. In the school year 1978/79, 133 primary schools, 354 incomplete and 83 complete secondary schools were in operation with a total student body of 427,300. 52 In connection with the rapid development of the country's national economy, a system of professional and vocational training was introduced in 1964 for the purpose of training qualified m a n p o w e r . In 1978, there were thirty-seven professional and vocational schools training skilled senior personnel for industry and agriculture; and every aymag had a school for young livestock specialists. All students of professional and vocational schools are issued clothing free of charge, are housed in dormitories and receive stipends.

In 1968, the largest educational complex in all Mongolia was opened

Theory and practice of development in Mongolia

in the city of Darchan. It is engaged in the training of skilled construction workers, carpenters, joiners, concrete workers, spider-men, sanitary engineers and others. Other educational complexes are n o w operating in Erdenet and in a number of other localities. Professional and vocational schools and educational complexes are up-and-coming branches of public education in

the MPR. Occupying an important place in the country's overall system of public education are the specialized secondary educational institutions, which turn out specialists for the various branches of the national economy and culture.

Thefirstsuch secondary schools were opened in 1924 and by 1940 seven were operating. They trained specialists with average skillsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;teachers for general educational schools, medical and veterinary assistants and finance workers. In 1950, these schools graduated 530 specialists, in 1960 1,240, in 1970 2,600 and in 1978 4,20o.53 The country attaches considerable importance to the strengthening and development of specialized secondary schools for the training of mediumlevel specialists for the basic branches of the national economy and culture.

Graduates of these schools having at least two years' work experience are eligible for admission to an institution of higher education.

The achievements made in the development of public education and culture made it possible for the state to undertake the organization of higher education. The Mongolian State University, Mongolia'sfirstinstitution of higher education, which was inaugurated in October 1942, has played an important role in the training of a national intelligentsia. The Soviet Union provided the necessary equipment, textbooks and qualified teachers. Soviet scientists helped the university in equipping laboratories and providing them with modern apparatus and in building the library.

The university started off with three faculties: a faculty of medicine, a faculty of veterinary science and a teacher-training faculty, with a total enrolment of ninety-five. Recent years have witnessed the expansion of the network of higher educational institutions and of evening and correspondence courses. B y a decision of the government, a polytechnic institute was established within the university in 1969 for training specialists for the power industry, for light and food industries and for mining, civil engineers, transport engineers, economists and other specialists (the institute offers training in roughly thirtyfieldsof specialization). In response to a request of the Government of the M P R , Unesco provided considerable assistance in setting up and strengthening the institute. It dispatched experienced advisers and experts to the M P R , awarded fellowships to Mongolian teachers for advanced training, helped to organize a number of teaching laboratories and assisted in other ways.

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T h e Mongolian State University continues to grow, n e w educational facilities are being built and n e w dormitories are going u p . It n o w has fourteen faculties, a rich library, numerous lecture halls and auditoriums, and over fifty academic and scientific departments. In 1979, a Russian Language Institute was established within the framework of the university.

T h e Mongolian State University graduates about a thousand students annually with training in one or another of thefiftyspecialities offered b y that institution. Students from several foreign countries are enrolled in the university, which maintains close scholarly ties with a n u m b e r of universities abroad.

Apart from the Mongolian State University, other institutions of higher education are in operation, a m o n g t h e m a pedagogical institute, an agricultural college, a medical school. T h e curricula of these institutions of higher education are being constantly improved to meet the growing requirements of a socialist society and to keep pace with the advances in modern science and technology; educational facilities are also being strengthened. T h e number of scientific research studies being done in institutions of higher education is increasing; they are becoming an integral part of their work, which, as a result, is becoming more effective.

Institutions of higher education are playing an important role in the development of science and culture in the country and in introducing the achievements of scientific and technological progress into the national economy. Just as the development of general educational schools w a s the key to the establishment and development of the system of education as a whole, so too the development of higher education is the key to the qualitative improvement of teaching in schools of general education.

Thus, during the democratic and socialist stages of the people's revolution in the M P R , a unified state system of public education took shape and continues to develop successfully, a system that embraces preschool education, general educational schools, professional and vocational schools, specialized secondary schools and institutions of higher education.

It should not be forgotten, however, that as they forged ahead the Mongolian people had to overcome a great m a n y difficulties connected with both objective and subjective factors and a n u m b e r of wholly indigenous factors. In thefirstplace, as a result of the country's backwardness and the illiteracy of the bulk of the population, there w a s an acute shortage of national personnel capable of setting u p a system of public education. A s mentioned earlier, this problem w a s m e t b y the prompt creation of primary schools and courses for eliminating illiteracy b y enlisting the services of patriotically inclined elements from amongst officials of the old regime. Later, the pupils w h o had completed primary school or the most capable students in the upper grades became teachers.

Theory and practice of development in Mongolia

This did, of course, affect the quality of teaching, but at the time there was no alternative. Secondly, the transition from a predominantly private and partially clerical-group form of instruction to a mass and collective form revealed with striking clarity the complete lack of any material foundation for the new form of instruction. The country lacked the most indispensable materials: paper, ink and pens, to say nothing of textbooks and teaching aids. In the face of this situation, the state and the nation as a whole exerted enormous efforts to overcome these difficulties.

To the extent of its possibilities, the state turned over to public education all available premises that were suited to its needs; the arat herdsmen collected private funds to purchase yurts which, at the beginning, served as facilities for most rural schools. But the main role in all this was played by the co-operation between Mongolia and the Soviet Union, a mutual relationship based on the principle of equality, a new and original type of intergovernmental relations within the world community.

Thirdly, the fight for literacy and education came up against the opposition of the reactionary forces of society, which nurtured hopes for the restoration of the privileged situation they had lost and sought to divert the country from the path of non-capitalist development. These reactionary forces did not limit themselves to spreading propaganda against education; they claimed that formal education for children would undermine the foundations of the people's traditions and customs and destroy the specificity of national culture. Fourthly, geographic and demographic particularities and the economic structure (extensive nomadic livestock breeding) were, to some extent, a natural obstacle to the establishment of a modern system of public education. The low density of population in vast expanses of the country, the nomadic life of the arats, dictated by the conditions of transhumance farming, and the understandable shortage of modern means of transportation created a number of problems of a practical and humanitarian character. H o w , for example, could one organize the stable education of large groups of children, youth and adults without subjecting them to the hardships occasioned by daily journeys over long distances on horseback from the nomad camp to school and back, made even more rigorous by the severe climatic conditions of the country? Or how could one arrange for the continuous education of children without separating them from their families and without depriving households of the indispensable contribution made by the youngsters to their work?

There is no getting around the fact that these were, are and will probably continue to be delicate problems for other countries whose populations are engaged primarily in livestock breeding, as was the case for Mongolia at an earlier time, or whose populations are made up of a large percentage of nomads. The situation in Mongolia required the most

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sympathetic understanding on the part of both the state administration and the citizens and their close co-operation, and it was precisely this policy of mutual understanding and co-operation that was followed. A mutually acceptable solution to the problem was found not only in the creation of schools but also in the creation of dormitories for children. Large sums of money were appropriated for the building of school dormitories; the state fully provided for the support of the students with the result that our rising generation, the children of nomads, were able to receive a good education without suffering either hardship or deprivation.

SCIENTIFIC D E V E L O P M E N T The establishment and development of a system of public education constituted one of the prerequisites for developing science as an integral part of the cultural revolution in Mongolia.54 Only two months after the triumph of the revolution, the People's Government adopted a decision to set up in Ulan Bator Mongolia'sfirstscientific organization, known by the name of Sudar bichgiin khureelen (Book Chamber); it was attached to the Ministry of Education. Thefirstefforts of the new organization were directed towards the collecting of historical and literary manuscripts, the registration of archaeological monuments, the recording of ethnographic and geographic data and the preparation of popular scientific publications.

In 1924, the Book Chamber was detached from the Ministry of Education and became an independent scientific organization under the Council of Ministers of the M P R (1930-57); it was subsequently reorganized as the Committee for Science and Higher Education.

As further progress was made in the development of national m a n power resources with secondary or higher education, the Committee broadened its scientific research programme for the study of various questions concerning the history of the country, its native language and literature, geography, botany, geology and livestock breeding. Whereas during thefirstdecade of its existence the Book Chamber published only a limited number of popular and popular scientific works on the grammar of the native language and prepared collections of historical documents and translations of some classics of Marxism and Leninism, in the 1940s and 1950s it began publishing books by Mongolian authors.

Along with the growth in the number of qualified national personnel, trainedfirstabroad and then at Mongolian State University and in other higher educational institutions of the country, there was a significant increase in the number of specialists in different disciplines, including, for thefirsttime, candidates and doctors of science. A s a result of these developments, the Central Committee of the M P R P and the Council of

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Ministers of the M P R passed a resolution transforming the Committee for Science and Higher Education into the A c a d e m y of Sciences of the M P R (AS M P R ) . This action was important from a foreign standpoint and also gave strong impetus to the further development of scientific thought and the growth of the n u m b e r of scientific research personnel inside the country.

This w a s , in fact, the m o m e n t w h e n there began to appearâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;first within the framework of the A S M P R and then under the ministries and departmentsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;scientific research institutes dealing with the country's most forward-looking branches of the social and natural sciences, branchoriented institutes and think tanks on applied, perspective and exploratory themes. The growth of scientific personnel w a s accompanied b y an increase in the number of specialists having university degrees. T h e country n o w has thirteen academic and twenty-seven branch-oriented scientific research institutes and organizations Because of the improved facilities enjoyed b y the institutes in terms of equipment and apparatus and the increase in qualified scientific workers, considerable progress has been m a d e in research in the field of natural and mineral resources, in the development of the country's productive forces and in spreading the experience of socialist construction.

However, the realities of life and practical activities compounded b y the steadily growing needs of our socialist society require that scientific research be more closely linked with the solution of urgent economic and other problems and its results more widely introduced into the production process.

The staffs of scientific institutions and organizations in the M P R are engaged in fundamental and applied research in such disciplines as astronomy, botany, biology, geology, geography, physics, mathematics, chemistry, history, language, literature, philosophy, sociology and others.

In thefieldof the social sciences, major emphasis is placed on the study of the following questions: the theoretical generalization of the laws governing the transition from feudalism to socialism in the M P R ; application of the mechanisms of the economic laws of socialism, improving systems of planning and economic management; elaboration of a long-term general plan for the development and location of productive forces; improving socialist social relationships; culture; education and others. In thefieldof the natural sciences: theoretical and applied study of geological, water, biological and plant resources and of the soil and climatic conditions of the country; matters relating to the introduction of the achievements of scientific and technological progress into various branches of the national economy, and others. T h e appropriations for scientific institutions increase from one Five-Year Plan to the next. Thus, in 1976-80, for example, overall expenditure on science was 2.8 times greater than that disbursed

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in the period of the preceding Five-Year Plan; moreover, four-fifths of the funds are channelled into applied research.55 Our contacts with scientists of the socialist countries are expanding.

Our scientists are also in contact with scientists in a number of other countries, in particular, with Mongol specialists in Finland, France, India, Italy, Japan and the United Kingdom among others. The scientific institutions and scientists of Mongolia are members of m a n y international scientific organizations; they participate in the work of international congresses, symposia and seminars and in programmes of bilateral and multilateral co-operation.

Mongolia has now become the site of international meetings of scholars, such as the Congress of Mongol Specialists, the Conference on the Civilizations of Asia and other gatherings, especially those convened within the framework of the Programme for Scientific and Technological Co-operation of Member States of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance.

DEVELOPMENT OF A N E W CULTURE The people's revolution opened up a new era in the development of Mongolian art and literature. From the veryfirstday of the victory of the revolution, the M P R P and the People's Government, taking advantage of whatever opportunities existed and banking on the revolutionary ardour of the people, began taking concrete steps towards the development of art and literature.

From time immemorial Mongolians have had the highest regard for books. 'The bookworm is rich like the ocean, the ignoramus is poor', in the words of an old proverb. The Book Chamber, which was created in 1921, laid the groundwork for the establishment of not only the present-day A S M P R but also the State Public Library. Since then, the library has steadily developed and its collections of books have grown.

The Republic now has over 612 libraries and 638 reading rooms containing 9,400,000 books,56 which amounts to 5.4 books per capita. Today, Mongolian workers have access to the masterpieces of world literature in their native languageâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the works of Shakespeare, Balzac, Hugo, Goethe, Dickens, Pushkin, Tolstoy, Gorky, Sholokhov, and m a n y others.

Printing facilities are constantly growing in the country. The press, radio and television are moving forward. Nowadays, every Mongolian family subscribes to an average of three tofivenewspapers, magazines and other periodicals.

In 1922, thefirstamateur theatrical circles were organized, putting on performances based largely on works of folklore. The country today has fifteen theatres, including state theatres: opera and ballet, drama, chil-

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dren's and puppet theatres. T h e repertoire includes the works of both Mongolian and foreign playwrights. Practically every aymag centre has its o w n music and drama theatre or professional troupe. A large network of Palaces of Culture has grown u p , serving all major population centres and industrial sites, and all co-operative agricultural associations have

clubs.

Starting in 1925, motion pictures were m a d e available to the population. In 1934, the first cinema w a s opened in the capital; in 1935, Mongolian film productions got under w a y . Today, all aymag centres and large villages have cinemas, while state farms, the C A A s , rural schools and institutions have either a permanent cinema facility or the services of a mobile motion-picture unit.

The Mongolian people have a rich and varied artistic heritage, especially in thefieldof the fine arts, a heritage that is very m u c h alive in the n e w Mongolia. Blending the traditional 'Mongol zurag style of painting with the techniques of world classical art, our artists have achieved notable successes.

Mongolia's Central M u s e u m dates back to 1924. T h e country n o w boasts ten national museumsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;history m u s e u m s , a m u s e u m of the revolutionary m o v e m e n t , a natural history m u s e u m â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a n d over 20 regional m u s e u m s devoted to history, natural history and ethnography. In addition, the cities, C A A s and state farms have over 200 special-purpose rooms providing information on the achievements, history and the natural resources of these localities. T h e m u s e u m s contain m o n u m e n t s of antiquity, objets d'arts and rare natural objects that are of enormous importance for studying not only the history of our country but that of the civilizations of the peoples of Central Asia.

Amateur artistic activity has developed on an exceedingly broad scale: there are n o w over 200,000 amateur artists. Moreover, m a n y gifted professional artists started in amateur groups.

Thus, in the years since the revolution, making judicious use of the values of their age-old cultural heritage and of the achievements of foreign literature and art and creatively assimilating the experience of Soviet and world socialist culture, the Mongolian people have succeeded in creating an indigenous art and culture, socialist in content and national in form, and guided by the principles of socialist realism.

PUBLIC H E A L T H In the light of Mongolian conditions, it is quite appropriate to situate the development of the public health system and the emancipation of w o m e n within the context of the cultural revolution. T h e development of a

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national system of public health is one of the most important achievements of the n e w Mongolia.

T h e M P R received precious little from the legacy left b y the old Mongolia in the matter of public health. Medical science w a s non-existent; qualified national medical personnel were lacking, too. F r o m the earliest days of the revolution, the people's regime w a g e d a vigorous struggle to safeguard the health of the workers. O n 15 August 1921, the government adopted a decision instituting free medical care for the population. In 1925, the first state hospital, with fifteen beds, w a s opened in Ulan Bator.

H o w e v e r , the lack of qualified medical personnel and the shortage of clinics m a d e it difficult to administer proper treatment. A great deal of help w a s provided b y medical workers coming from the Soviet Union in getting the public health system under w a y . W i t h the aid of Soviet doctors a large network of medical institutions w a s set u p and national medical personnel were trained.

In 1929, training courses for nurses were started and in 1930 the Ministry of Public Health w a s established. Since that time, there has been a steady improvement in the health care of the population and the network of medical institutions has expanded. A t the present time, every aymag has a hospital a n d operating r o o m , every somon (region) has a medical centre.

In addition, industrial plants, rail heads and all C A A s have hospitals and polyclinics, medical or care stations.

Table 1 shows the increase in the n u m b e r of doctors in the M P R from 1940 to 1978. 57 T A B L E 1. Doctors in the Mongolian People's Republic

Doctors per 10,000 people TOTAL

1940

1950

1960

1978

1.5 108

1.8 139

9.7 873

20.9 3 334

T h e M P R possesses a few sanatoriums situated in the vicinity of mineral springs; they enjoy a solid reputation not only in Mongolia but abroad as well.

Basic statistics show that the Mongolian system of public health is o n a par with systems in effect in advanced countries of the world. Notable achievements have been m a d e in wiping out social diseases. Mortality from tuberculosis has been reduced b y four or five times; the n u m b e r of contagious diseases has been sharply curtailed. Highly contagious diseases like smallpox, the plague and typhus have been completely eliminated.

Children have been a central concern of the state ever since the rev-

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olution. Nurseries, kindergartens, schools, playgrounds, stadiums, Pioneer Palacesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;all of these have been created by the people for children, to ensure their normal physical development and character building.

Thefirstkindergarten was organized in Ulan Bator in 1930, and subsequent years have seen the expansion of the network of children's preschool institutions. (See Table 2.)

T A B L E 2. Number of kindergartens and day nurseries58 ,, Year

ir. , Kindergartens

1940 1950 1960 1970 1978

6 49 160 546 583

N o . of children (in thousands)

0.14

1.3 9.7 31.8 43.7

T, .

D a y nursenes

5 22 99 320 375

No.of children (in thousands)

0.1 0.7 4.7 14.8 17.6

Thanks to the development of the public health service and a sharp improvement in the material and social welfare of the workers, over the past three decades the population of the M P R has doubled in relation to the size of the pre-revolutionary population. Average longevity has considerably increased and the health of the population has markedly improved.

The status of Mongolian w o m e n today is a far cry from what it was before the revolution; they play an active role in the working and public life of the country. A t the present time, w o m e n constitute 62 per cent of all teachers in the country, 71.7 per cent of puMic-health personnel, including approximately one half of all doctors; half of the students in higher and specialized secondary educational establishments and 28 per cent of scientific workers are w o m e n . M a n y w o m e n are M P R Heroines of Labour and serve as heads of socialist labour brigades; within their ranks one finds Honoured Artists and People's Artists, teachers, doctors, architects, athletes, scientists and engineers. It is especially noteworthy that at the present time 21.9 per cent of the deputies to the Great People's Khural, the supreme legislative body, and 28.9 per cent of the deputies to local khurals are w o m e n .

Mongolian women's organizations have taken an active part in the work of the W o m e n ' s International Democratic Federation ( W I D F ) since the time it was founded and support its action in promoting the preservation and strengthening of peace and the happiness of w o m e n and children. The Committee of Mongolian W o m e n is now a member of the W I D F

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Bureau. T h e former has established and is developing close relations with progressive and democratic w o m e n ' s organizations.

B y w a y of conclusion, the following m a y be noted: T h e radical transformation of the spiritual life of society and the creation of a qualitatively n e w culture accessible to all the working people and linked with the achievements of science and technology are major attainments of the socialist cultural revolution. M a n , too, has undergone change. T h e cultural revolution was and continues to be the prerequisite for the formation of a socially active and conscious citizenry that is building a n e w patriotic and an internationalist society, alien to the exploitation of m a n b y m a n . T h e cultural revolution is responsible for the active involvement of all citizens in the m a n a g e m e n t of the state and the direction of economic and cultural progress.

Aspects of the M R P ' s experience in the international field: development and foreign economic relations

Notwithstanding the fact that the non-capitalist development of Mongolia has been characterized b y certain specific and, perhaps, unique features, a n u m b e r of elements of its experience have, in our view, international significance. This assumption is based o n the indisputable fact that Mongolia, thefirstsovereign state in the world to have m a d e the transition from a pre-capitalist society to socialism, achieved its proclaimed objectives while 'bypassing capitalism'. This is consequently the general and, therefore, decisive aspect that links Mongolia's non-capitalist social path of development to the social development of present-day socialist-oriented African and Asian countries regardless of historical, geographical, national or other differences.

In view of the fact that m a n y features of the Mongolian experience have already been described and given the limited parameters of this study, w e shall touch only briefly on this problem.

Mongolia's experience shows that the successful transition to socialism while bypassing the capitalist stage of development depends on the realization of the following essential transformations: In the ideological and political sphere: (a) the liquidation of the old state apparatus and its replacement b y a n e w social-class entity consistent with the country's socialist orientation, that is, a people's regime; (b) the creation of a militant revolutionary party capable of managing society

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and the gradual transformation of that party—as the revolutionary process acquires more and more m o m e n t u m and the social-class structure undergoes transformation—into a scientific socialist party; and (c) the carrying out of a cultural revolution in the broadest meaning of that term.

In the social and economic sphere: (a) the gradual elimination of all forms of exploitation both in towns and the countryside; (b) socialist industrialization in harmony with concrete national conditions and the creation of a national working class on this foundation; and (c) a resolution of the agrarian-peasant question in the interests of the peasantry, the final objective being the organization of peasant co-operatives based on socialist principles and the establishment of state farms (in accordance with concrete conditions).

It is evident that the implementation of such measures presupposes farreaching changes of a democratic nature.

The Mongolian experience fully bears out the thesis of the classics of scientific socialism, which maintained that socially and economically backward countries could not 'leap over' any particular stage of their natural historical development on their o w n , that is, without the support of a country where socialism had already become a reality. T h e Mongolian People's Republic was able to solve m a n y of the problems confronting it thanks to the extensive ties it had established with the Soviet Union and the latter's co-operation.

Mongolia's experience also confirms the correctness of Lenin's statement that profound social transformations in peasant countries can only be brought about m u c h more slowly and cautiously than in more economically advanced countries, passing through a n u m b e r of intermediate phases and steps. It has been shown in practice that wide-scale socialist transformations cannot be introduced until reforms of a general democratic character have been implemented. T h e stage of general democratic reforms in the M P R lasted about twenty years and the stage of socialist construction another twenty. The imposition of social, economic and other radical reforms, in the absence of the requisite objective and subjective conditions, is an action fraught with dangerous consequences. A t the same time, however, the artificial curbing of urgent, radical social and economic reforms can have undesirable consequences and, in particular, lead to the growth of n e w exploiters—bureaucrats and middle m e n in the towns and kulaks in the countryside. Hence under certain conditions, as present-day experience shows, such action can become a threat to the non-capitalist m o d e of development.

It is our feeling that Mongolia's experience in implementing agrarian reforms—in particular, w a y s and methods of transforming patriarchal and feudal structures into socialist structures and of developing a peasant's

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readiness to accept the most advanced forms of co-operative associationâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;has more than just local significance.

Of equal validity, especially for countries practising nomadic or seminomadic forms of livestock breeding, is the experience in bringing k n o w ledge and modern culture to the n o m a d s .

In speaking of the relations that grew up between Mongolia and the U S S R and later between Mongolia and the other socialist states that emerged after the Second World W a r , one must emphasize the special importance foreign economic relations had on the non-capitalist stage of development and on the subsequent stage of development as well. Mongolia is n o w a m e m b e r of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance ( C M E A ) ; this undoubtedly provides further impetus to the country's social and economic and cultural development and to improving the welfare of Mongolian workers.

In co-ordinating their economic development plans, C M E A M e m b e r States are doing their utmost to ensure the more rapid industrial growth of Mongolia with a view to raising its economic level to that of the countries of the socialist commonwealth. They are providing Mongolia with credit, they are building, expanding and modernizing m a n y industrial enterprises; they have built and fully assumed the cost of a n u m b e r of major industrial plants. Specialists from other C M E A countries not only help to install equipment and initiate production but also are involved in the on-the-spot training of national, industrial personnel. M a n y of our students are studying in institutions of higher education and in specialized secondary schools of C M E A countries and Mongolian specialists and skilled workers are taking advanced training courses there as well; for the intensive training of specialists in specificfields,the C M E A countries offer short-term courses.

The M P R is engaged in extensive scientific and technological co-operation with C M E A countries, including co-ordination and co-operation in thefieldsof scientific research and information. Such efforts m a k e it possible to accelerate the introduction of the achievements of modern science and technology into the economy.

Of considerable importance in speeding u p the rates of industrial growth are bilateral economic accords between the M P R and the socialist countries, particularly the U S S R . Mention has already been m a d e of the extensive aid provided in the past and still m a d e available to the various branches of the economy and culture. It is of interest to note that Soviet assistance during the current Five-Year Plan is twice as m u c h as it was in the precedingfive-yearperiod. A n d the Soviet contribution to solving the housing problem during the currentfive-yearplan period will undoubtedly result in improved living conditions for Mongolian workers.

The

other socialist countries are likewise providing various types of

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international economic and scientific assistance and help in other sectors.

T h e problem of foreign economic relations is today the crucial problem confronting the developing countries, including those that have embarked on a non-capitalist path of development, for they are still rather closely linked with the world capitalist economy and market. A t the same time, the battle is n o w engaged for the establishment of a N e w International Economic Order, an initiative that has Mongolia's undivided support in view of the fact that the restructuring of foreign economic relations would be in the interest of all countries; it would, in particular, foster and accelerate the social and economic progress of the socialist-oriented countries, which, like other young states, are the object of exploitation b y the transnational corporations and are in a position of inferiority vis-Ă -vis world capitalism.

W e believe that the crux of the problem lies in carrying out fundamental reforms in thefieldof international economic relations and placing them on a true democratic footing. Furthermore, the reorganization of international economic relations presupposes the transformation of world trade and economic relationships and the elimination of all types and forms of discrimination and artificial barriers, on whatever grounds they are based.

W e likewise consider that there is a direct relationship between the efforts for establishing a N e w International Economic Order and the need for progressive internal reforms. A t the core of the struggle for the n e w economic order, there lie, in effect, the interests of mankind and the need to ensure h u m a n beings with a better quality of life.

Despite the obvious importance of the reorganization of foreign economic relations, it can in no w a y be a substitute for the implementation of urgent domestic internal reforms. A s borne out b y the experience of Mongolia and that of the developing countries, merely increasing the flow of goods from abroad is no solution to the basic problems of development, that is, overcoming centuries of backwardness, eliminating mass poverty, unemployment and underemployment and illiteracy, nor does it ensure the establishment of a system of modern forces of production. In the absence of far-reaching and progressive social reforms, the increased flow of goods from abroad can lead only to the further intensification of social inequality and the enrichment of a privileged few.

It is in this sense that the path of social progress, the path of noncapitalist development, opens u p far greater opportunities than the capitalist path.

B y w a y of conclusion w e would note that the comparatively limited framework of the present study has not allowed us to elucidate all aspects of the M P R ' s experience in making the transition from a backward, feudal,

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serf-based society to a n agrarian a n d industrialized state, e n d o w e d with advanced science and culture and offering a steadily improving standard of living to its workers. W e have outlined only the basic trends, the key factors in the extremely complex process of the change-over from precapitalist to socialist relationships. A n d all this, it should be noted, took place in Mongolia following the People's Revolution of 1921, and it w a s all done—and continues to be done—in the interests of h u m a n beings and in their n a m e .

Notes

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

Programme of the MPRP, XVth Congress of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party, Ulan Bator, 1966, pp. 175-6.

The Russian Narodniks (Populists) raised the question of the possibility of using the Russian agricultural c o m m u n e as the starting point of non-capitalist social development, and the classics of scientific socialism answered their question.

K . Marx and F . Engels, Works, 2nd éd., Vol. 22, p . 446 (in Russian).

Ibid., Vol. 19, p . 305.

Ibid., Vol. 23, p . 10.

Ibid., Vol. 35, p . 298.

V . I. Lenin, Complete Works (in Russian), Vol. 41, pp. 245-6.

Ibid., Vol. 39, p p . 329-30.

V . I. Lenin, Second Congress of the Comintern, 19 July— 7 August 1920 (in Russian), p . 246.

Proceedings of the Sixth Conggress of the Comintern (in Russian), Moscow, 1929, Part 4 , p . 6.

Y u . Tsedenbal, The Historical Path of Development of Socialist Mongolia, Ulan Bator, 1976, p . 279.

The MPRP in Decisions and Resolutions . . . (in Mongolian), Part 1, Ulan Bator, 1956, p . 18.

The highest spiritual leader, w h o in old Mongolia was also vested with supreme administrative authority.

See Y u . Tsedenbal, op. cit., p . 228.

Khoshun—a feudal principality in pre-revolutionary Mongolia and, until 1931, an administrative unit (uszd) in the M P R .

B . Shirendyb, Selected Works (in Russian), Moscow, 1973, pp. 108-16.

T h e supreme legislative body (parliament) of the Republic.

Constitution of the MPR. See Revolutionary Measures of the People's Government of Mongolia in 1921—1924 (in Russian), Moscow, 1960, p . 192.

V . I. Lenin, Complete Works (in Russian), Vol. 41, pp. 244-5.

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20. Documents on the History of the People's Revolution of 1921 (in Mongolian), Ulan Bator, 1957, p . 112.

21. Constitution of the M P R , op. cit., p. 192.

22. Uria (Directive), N o . 6, 14 September 1921.

23. Revolutionary Measures of the People's Government of Mongolia in 1921-1924. Documents (in Russian), Moscow, 1960, p . 101.

24. In 1918, 1 Ian was equivalent to 12 rubles 60 kopecks. See Agrarian Transformations in the People's Democracies of Asia (in Russian), Moscow, 1960, p . 154.

25. Revolutionary Measures . . ., op. cit., p. 154.

26. Ibid., p. 160.

27. T h e country became an 'Autonomous Republic' in 1911.

28. Essays on the History of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (in Russian), Moscow, 1971, p . 167.

29. Ibid.

30. B . Shirendyb, Bypassing Capitalism, Ulan Bator, 1967, p . 128, 31. Y u . Tsedenbal, Selected Articles and Speeches (in Russian).

Vol. 2, Moscow, 1962, p . 286.

32. D . Zagasbaldan, The Growth of Productive Forces in the MPR (in Russian), Moscow, Statistika, 1977, p . 10.

33. Ibid., p . 23.

34. Edijn zasgijn asuudal (a monthly journal on economic questions). N o . 2, 1979, p . 50.

35. D . Zagasbaldan, op. cit., p. 27.

36. Y u . Tsedenbal, 'Speech at the Pre-election Meeting of Workers of the 50th Electoral District in Ulan Bator'. See the Information Bulletin of the Central Committee of the MPRP, Ulan Bator, N o . 4(75), 1977, p . 26.

37. M . Pélzhéé, 'The Socialist Commonwealth in the Vanguard of Progress and Development', Êdijn zasgijn asuudal, N o . 3, 1979, p . 39.

38. Y u . Tsedenbal, 'Speech at the Pre-election Meeting . . . ', op. cit., p. 26.

39. K . Marx and F . Engels, Works (in Russian), 2nd éd., Vol. 22, p. 518.

40. Ibid., Vol. 19, p . 407.

41. V . I. Lenin, Complete Works (in Russian), Vol. 37, p p . 179-80.

42. The National Economy of the MPR in 1978. Statistical Handbook, 1979, pp. 63, 106.

43. Ibid., pp. 106-7.

44. Ibid., p. 108. C A A s possessing 30,000-40,000 and more head of cattle are regarded as large-scale farms.

45. Ibid., p. 107.

46. N . Zhagvaral, 'The Co-operative System—Our Great Historic Achievement', Unen (Truth), 5 December 1979.

47. The National Economy of the MPR in 1978. Statistical Handbook, 1979, p. 100.

48. S. Norovsambuu, Philosophical and Sociological Problems of the Non-Capitalist Path of Development (in Russian), Moscow, 1973, p. 44.

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49. V . I. Lenin, Complete Works, Vol. 45, pp. 376-7.

50. The History of Mongolia (in Mongolian), Ulan Bator, Vol. Ill, 1969, p. 400.

51. The Unesco Courier (Russian edition), October 1970, p. 33.

52. The National Economy of the MPR in 1978. Statistical Handbook, Ulan Bator, 1979, pp. 222-3.

53. Ibid., p . 227.

54. See B . Shirendyb, Selected Works (in Russian), Moscow, 1973, pp. 196-204.

55. Third International Congress of Mongol Specialists, Ulan Bator, Vol. I, 1979, p. 32.

56. The National Economy of the MPR in 1978. Statistical Handbook, Ulan Bator, 1979, p . 231.

57. Ibid., p . 237.

58. Ibid., p . 230.

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