Connecting mobility policies to urban fabrics

I would like to express my gratitude to Callorda Fossati Ela and Sureau Solène. I thank them for having supervised, guided, and advised me.

I address my sincere thanks to all the interviewees that agreed to meet me and answer my questions during my research.

Diving into the field of Envionnemetal management was quite challenging and I hope that I could bring an addition to the works in this field. I am glad of being introduced to the GOSETE project and its concerns.

This paper examines the role of the urban form in the outcomes of urban mobility policies. In recent years, the Brussels Capital Region has introduced several policies that target the private automobile intending to attenuate its presence inside the region. The political and historical construction of the region created three linked urban fabrics (walking transit car city) that spread over the limits of its premises.

The analytical framework chosen tends to bring together two fields of study; urban planning and sustainability transition. Integrating the urban form in the analysis of mobility policies reveals the behaviour of each policy according to the urban fabric it affects. Incorporating findings from the analytical framework and interviews with local stakeholders, this study demonstrates the need for a shift in the stabilising way of perceiving the urban form in the sustainability transitions studies. Parallelly, it points out the emergence of a new urban form " bike city" that should be considered as a questioning of the current built landscape.

Keywords: Urban mobility, Mobility policies, Sustainability transition, Urban form, Urban fabric, Brussels Capital Region

RÉSUMÉ

Ce mémoire examine le rôle de la forme urbaine dans les résultats des politiques de mobilité urbaine. Au cours des dernières années, la Région de Bruxelles Capitale a introduit plusieurs politiques qui ciblent l'automobile privée dans le but d'atténuer sa présence dans la région. La construction politique et historique de la région a créé trois tissus urbains liés entre eux (ville piétonne transit voiture) qui s'étendent sur les limites de son territoire.

Le cadre analytique choisi tend à réunir deux champs d'étude : la planification urbaine et la transition vers la durabilité. L'intégration de la forme urbaine dans l'analyse des politiques de mobilité révèle le comportement de chaque politique en fonction du tissu urbain qu'elle affecte. En intégrant les résultats du cadre analytique et des entretiens avec des acteurs locaux, cette étude démontre la nécessité d'un changement dans la manière stabilisatrice de percevoir la forme urbaine dans les études sur les transitions durables. Parallèlement, elle souligne l'émergence d'une nouvelle forme urbaine, la "ville vélo", qui devrait être considérée comme une remise en question du paysage bâti actuel.

Mots clés : Mobilité urbaine, Politiques de mobilité, Transition durable, Forme urbaine, Tissu urbain, Région de Bruxelles Capitale.

ABBREVIATIONS

B CR : Brussels Capital Region

CoBat : Le Code Bruxellois de l'Aménagement du Territoire

CoBRaCE : Code Bruxellois de l’air, du climat et de la maîtrise de l’énergie

LEZ : Low Emission Zone

MLP: Multi level Perspective

PACE : Le Plan Air Climat Energie bruxellois

PAD : Plan d’Aménagement Directeur

PLAGE : Plan Local d’Action pour la Gestion Énergétique

PRAS : Plan Régional d’Affectation du Sol

PRDD : Plan Régional de Développement Durable

PRM: Plan Régional de Mobilité

PRPS : Plan Régional de Politique du Stationnement

RRU : Règlement Régional d’Urbanisme

STS : Sustainablity Transition Studies

SUMP : Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan

ZEZ : Zero Emission Zone

While the forever changing events of the Covid19 pandemic marked the year 2020, the B CR (Brussels Capital Region) has also witnessed a significant change to its vision concerning its mobility strategy The B CR introduced the Good Move plan (below Figure 1), bringing to the surface the ambition of the Region to attenuate the presence of the private automobile and favour other transportation modes to find a balance In fact, “The Region aims to develop the conditions that allow for a shift from private car use to active modes, public transport, and carpooling, depending on the potential of each mode for different distance classes and the socio demographic characteristics of the population. For the remaining car trips, small, non thermal powered vehicles are preferred” (Bruxelles Mobilité, 2021 a, p. 63). If the pandemic brought change to how people move (encouraging to use of different mobility modes, like bikes, e scooters, and promoting walking), it also gave a foretaste of the vision held by the Region to push away the automobile dominance. In the past years, many projects demonstrated this ambition, like the Zone à accès limité (ZAL) (Commune d'Ixelles, 2021), the pedestrianisation project of Anspach Avenue (Hubert, et al., 2020) , and the public space release from the automobile presence like in Place Jourdan (Beliris, 2019)

Figure 1: Timeline of the regional (urban and mobility) policies since the 1990s.

The attenuation of the presence of the private automobile falls under the process of exnovation

A concept that refers to processes taken to phase out a particular technology by removing its physical infrastructure (David, 2017, p. 138). While one of the most polemic novelties of the Good Move plan is the LEZ (Low Emission Zone), and its extension as ZEZ ( Zero Emission Zone), this new mobility plan includes many components tackling various aspects of mobility. Some of these components focus on creating a partnership to govern the mobility plan, promoting new transport modes, and promoting mobility as a service (Bruxelles Mobilité, 2021 a) The push for a new reorganisation of mobility in

Brussels brings with it many implications, making us wonder about the outcomes of the private automobile’s exnovation.

The car free days promoted in many European cities, Brussels among them, demonstrated the impact of traffic on pollution (Reibold, 2019) while from a more urbanistic viewpoint they demonstrated the opportunities to appropriate the space currently taken over by the automobile. Considering that the efforts to meet the environmental goals should not come at the expense of the quality of life of the inhabitants of Brussels, it is essential to consider how the spatial organisation of the city could benefit from and to the exnovation of the private automobile. Indeed, transportation and urban development are linked in the process of continuous feedback along with human activities and accessibility (Wegener & Fürst, 2004) The exnovation of the private automobile creates the ground to jettison the irrelevant space uses and create better new fitting uses of space.

During this research, two significant fields of studies intersect and provide elements enriching the answers to the questions previously announced: Urban planning studies and sustainable transition studies. If these two fields of studies overlap sometimes, they each take different but complementary approaches or angles to read out the attenuation of the presence of the private automobile in the cities.

Various scholars in the urban planning field (Pope, 2015) (Muller, 2004) (Jackson, 1987), have studied the importance of the private automobile as a space and urban form shaper as well as a social and spatial status marker. The approach consists of starting with the built environment, the urban form, and the historical evolution of the urban tissues and then studying their interaction with the different mobility systems. On the other hand, Sustainability Transitions Studies consider the private automobile under the prism of the socio technical system and tend to under problematise the urban and spatial dimensions. Indeed, as Hoffman et al. (2017, p. 391) and Kirvimaa et al. (2014) argue that the research on socio technical transitions has principally tackled the innovation policy that targets the vehicle technology and fuels as well as the innovation networks more willingly than the transport system as a whole.

To sum up, the impact of the attenuation (the total removal in some cases) of the private automobile represents a catalyser for urban transition and land use questioning. This transition calls for ameticulousstudyoftheurbanchallengesofattenuatingthespaceoftheprivateautomobile.Adynamic context (the pandemic of COVID 19 and the climate urgency) and a limited literature crossing between urban planning studies and sustainability transitions studies justify the need for this research. The main aim of this thesis is to answer the following main research question:

What is the influence of the urban form on the outcomes of urban mobility policies that aim to destabilise the automobility regime in the Brussels Capital Region and its outskirts?

PART 1: RESEARCH FRAMEWORK

I Problem definition

In 2020, the Brussels Region published a mobility plan called Good Move. This strategy plan comes to challenge the dominance of the private automobile, directly or indirectly The plan wants to “encourage the user to choose the mode most adapted to each of his trips, freeing himself as much as possible from the use of the individual car, in an urban environment” (Bruxelles Mobilité, 2021 a, p. 58) Some other plans or measures also challenge private automobile dominance. Yet, the urban continuity of the urban fabric beyond the Region's borders challenges the application of these measures. Our research aims to include the characteristics of the urban form in the analysis of these measures by studying how the urban form influences the measures’ outcomes. While the spatial parameter of the transitionisoftenoverlooked asarigidcomponent(Petzer,Wieczorek,& Verbong,2021)insustainable mobility transition studies, our approach reads the challenges and solutions provided by mobility policies through the prism of urban form

II- Research questions and research design

The following research aims to understand what effects the urban fabric of B CR and its outskirts has on the mobility policies recently introduced.

Several questions arise:

▪

Adress the non matching between the urban form and the political border of the Region:

o What are the extents of the urban fabric of the Region and its outskirt?

o How can we identify the different urban fabrics?

▪

Adress the relationship between the urban form and mobility policies:

o What are and how do the mobility policies aim to attenuate the presence of the private automobile in the Brussels Region and its outskirts?

o What are the limits of urban planning as a tool to attenuate the presence of the private automobile?

Research design

Firstly, we will set a state of the art to identify the theories and fields of study engaged in the subject of attenuating the presence of the private automobile in urban contexts. Expectedly, the urban environment is complex and is subject to many studies from different fields of research. We explore how Sustainability Transition Studies and Urban Planning Studies approach the urban environment.

The objective is to find a common ground where these two fields interact. Throughout this exploration, we will define many terms related to the field of urban mobility that get misused.

Secondly, we will draw from the previous step the matching combination to constitute our analytical framework. Afterwards, we will do a cartographical analysis to define the area of the application of the framework. Once the area is defined, we will define the criteria to select the policies that will go under the analytical framework, while reminding us how the political context in Belgium functions. Thanks to an in background literature review of the policies reports and reviews, we will present the findings of the analysis of the policies.

Thirdly, the research continues with actors from the Brussels Region. With semi structured interviews, we explore with the interviewee the best strategies in terms of sustainable transition to achieve the attenuating of the presence of the private automobile in the Brussels region. Using case studies suggested by the interviewees, we will explore urban and mobility strategies that some cities and regions used to attenuate the presence of the private automobile.

Finally, we will discuss the findings of both the policy analysis and the interviews. We aim to assess the validity of the analytical framework used in light of the findings.

I Literature review

1 The Sustainability Transitions Studies approach and (urban) mobility transitions

In this section, we will explore the terminologies used in the Sustainable Transitions studies to frame the process of exnovation. This exploration will help us choose the frameworks to establish our analytical framework as well as situate the role or place of the urban form within the STS.

1 1 Definition of the sustainability transitions studies

According to Grin et al. (2010), sustainability transitions are "the radical transformation towards a sustainable society as a response to several persistent problems confronting contemporary modern societies" (p.1) The scope of sustainability transitions research is broad and interlinked with many other disciplines leading thus to the creation of new perspectives, advances and knowledge that allow society to achieve a sustainable model (Köhler, Geels, Kern, & et al., 2019)

1 2 Definition(s) of Exnovation

Before diving into the literature surrounding the impact of the process of attenuating the private automobiledominanceoverthecities,it isimportanttocontextualise thisprocess withintheSustainable Transitions Studies research field If the STS have studied comprehensively the topic of innovation, the opposite of innovation; "exnovation" has not been yet widely discussed.

Several scholars proposed a definition for the exnovation concerning their respective fields of expertise In the managerial innovation field and macro organisational innovation studies, Kimberly and Evanisko (1981) define exnovation as "the process whereby an organisation decides to divest itself of an innovation that it had previously adopted" (p. 710) Others define exnovation as the purposive termination of existing (infra)structures, technologies, products, and practices. It can be driven by different actors (the innovator but also other actors), for different (economic, ecological, ideological, or other) reasons, and it may occur in the short term or over a longer term and step by step ("phase out") (Arne Heyen, Hermwille, & Wehnert, 2017)

While in the field of sustainability transitions studies and specifically in the literature on the socio technical transition, we find the definition of David (2017) The researcher sets the difference between discontinued use and exnovation, as he defines exnovation as "a process in which a given technology is currently no longer used because its physical infrastructure has been deliberately removed" (p. 138).

Graaf et al.(2021) argue that exnovationisnot a well spread subject whenit comes to transition processes. They define the exnovation measures as procedures aiming at destabilising non sustainable regimes by reconfiguring critical system elements (p. 2)

Different definitions frame change at different scales and adopt different research foci. In our research, we will retain the definition given by Martin David (2017) , as it is a definition that fits into thesustainabletransitionsstudiesandurbanplanningstudies(seeTheurbanplanningstudiesapproach).

1 3 The multi level perspective (MLP)

The multi level perspective represents the suitable theoretical approach to study a transitionphenomenonlikeexnovation.TheMLP isacrucialheuristicframework(Geels2012) used in STS. It profiles a transition process on three distinct levels:

• Socio-technicalregimesrefertowell establishednetworkslinkingsocialgroupsandeconomic actors inside coordinated systems. The concept of a socio technical regime introduced by Geels et al (2004) is the combination of the works of both Nelson and Winter's (1982) and Rip and Kemp's (1998) understandings of the concept of the technological regime. Thus, according to Geels (2004), the socio technical regimes are the semi coherent set of rules carried by different social groups. Plainly said, it is a collective orientation from different groups of actors at a given period about which path to go by and which socio technical system to support in the future (Hoffmann, Weyer, & Longen, 2017, p. 392)

Thesocio-technicalsystems are defined (Geels, 2004) as a combination of elements, involving regulations and policies, user practices and markets, cultural and symbolic meanings, built infrastructure, maintenance and distribution networks, and supply networks.

• Socio-technicallandscapereferstotheglobalcontextcomprisingacollectionofdiverse,slow shifting factors like cultural principles, macro political forces, and large scale economic changes in addition to environmental shifts. These structural trends represent steadiness that carries the spatial and social configuration where the society evolves. However, the actors in the socio technical regimes have little power to change these landscape factors (Elzen, Geels, Hofman, & Green, 2004, pp. 34 35)

• Technological niches carry radical innovations. They are incubators for novel technologies providing sufficient protection for them to evolve and the necessary social network and economic associations to be adopted on larger scales so they can potentially change the established socio technical regimes (Elzen, Geels, & Green, 2004, p. 35).

Brussels-Capital

We will use the term "automobility regime" to address the established socio technical regime studied in this paper (Hoffmann, Weyer, & Longen, 2017) It will refer to the configurations of different "elements, including technologies and products, infrastructures, social norms and values, behavioural patterns, markets, knowledge, production, regulation, and political institutions" ( (Geels F. W., 2014) as cited in (Hoffmann, Weyer, & Longen, 2017, p. 393)) in the Brussels Region Additionally, we situate the urban form into the socio technical landscape where the built environment represents the spatial context where the mobility policiesare applied.

Figure 3: Multi level perspective on transitions. Source: (Geels & Schot, 2007, p. 401)

1 4 Path dependence, path creation and path destabilisation

The MLP overlaps or resonates well with other transition concepts such as path dependency, path creation, and path destabilisation. These three paths are concepts used to analyse transition processes

Theconceptofpathdependenceisbasedonthenotionthat"historymatters"(Mahoney,2000). Path dependence is the result of the easiness to keep using a less efficient system or product instead of a newer alternative. The persistence in the use of the current system or a product can be explained by the easiness to keep the same path along with the knowledge accumulated throughout its usage. Thus, path dependence could be linked to current socio technical regimes as both are defined around continuity and stability.

The second concept is path destabilisation It can be defined as "the process through which an existing regime loses its grip on firms in an industry" (Turnheim & Geels, 2012, p. 35). This process is part of a "bi directional causality" with path creation. Indeed, by helping to weaken the established socio technical regime elements, path destabilisation creates "windows of opportunity" for technological niches forming the path creation. (Turnheim & Geels, 2012, p. 46). The destabilisation of existing regimes plays an essential role in transition studies, like Graaf et al. (2021) explain, it is important to challenge the lock in effects of the existing socio technical system since they hamper the diffusion of innovative solutions.

Path creation means embracingthe establishment of technological niches and supporting them inside "protected spaces" (Geels, 2012, p. 472) where they could evolve to reconfigure the socio technical regime.

In our research, we will adress the new types of transport modes and revival of walking and biking as elements of path creation, while path destabilisation will contain elements that reduce the support for the automobility regime, and finally path dependence will be element that support the automobility regime.

1 5 Transport vs mobility vs accessibility?

The following section comes from a struggle to define the right wording for the policies studied.

On one side the terms “transport policies” and “mobility policies” are often used interchangeably. The difference between these two words is that transportation is the movement of goods or people from one location to another location. (Black, 2003, p. 3) whereas mobility is the ease of movement (people, goods, capital and information) and the ability to get from one place to another using one or more modes of transport to carry out activities [1].In other words, mobility aims to satisfy the needs of movement, while transport (including vehicles, infrastructure, and traffic rules) is the instrument through which we concretely realise mobility, by creating a link between two locations. (Bergmann, Hoff, & Sager, 2014) The creation of transport allows for mobility [2].

On the other side, the term accessibility is confused with the term mobility. Accessibility is definedasthepotentialofopportunitiesforinteractionandisameasureoftheintensityofthepossibility

The case of Brussels-Capital region and its outskirts

of interaction (Hansen, 1959). In other words, it refers to the ability to access or reach needed services or activities. Good mobility does not automatically provide good accessibility [3]. A well linked (=connectivity) and short time (=proximity) access are the parameters for good accessibility. Hence the need for a good mobility policy , through a political process, that selects one or various types of transport services to meet this need for mobility. Eventually we retain the term mobility policy to designate the policies studied as it summe

2 The urban planning studies approach:

2-1 Definition of urban planning studies:

Urban planning (city planning, town planning, urban design) is a field of study that focuses on the design and regulation of the uses of space. It concentrates on the physical form,economic functions, and social impacts of the urban environment and the location of different activities within it (Fainstein, 2021)

2-2 Situating the urban planning in urban studies:

a. Definition of urban studies

Urban studies are the umbrella for several linked disciplines concentrating on the studies of the city, including sociology, geography, economics, political science, anthropology, urban planning, architecture, and urban design.

Each of these disciplines is interested in urbanisation and metropolitan dynamics. With each a distinctive interpretation of the city, they study the links between cities and their governance, their spatial structure, and the larger economy (Urban Studies, 2022)

Figure 5: Various disciplines that are linked around the urban studies theme. Made by the author.

b. The urban planning situated in the urban studies

Urban studies comprise many perspectives, approaches, and disciplines that suggest various policies to deal with the challenges of the city.

There are two main approaches to treating each facet of the city (Padisson, 2001):

• Locational analyses and studies of the systems approach

• Socio cultural and institutional approach

These two approaches study the city and subjects related to the urban planning field. The first approach is concerned with spatial relationships and network studies which coincide with the study of urban planning on mobility, and accessibility. While the second approach is among other things interested in social areas and ethnographic studies which can find its terrain in the different urban land uses and city spaces defined by urban planning analysis and studies. The following graphic demonstrates the link between these approaches and urban planning studies.

Figure 6 : Scheme summarising different approaches to the study of cities. The graphic was made by the author based on the work of Padisson (2001)

2 3 The urban planning studies approach to the impact of the private automobile and transport on the city

With concern on the organisation and composition of cities, several scholars and researchers have investigated the impact of transport on the urban form, particularly the subject of the space dedicated to the private automobile in the city. If some like Gabriel Dupuy (2000) and Pope (2015) describedtherise oftheautomobile aslinked to suburbanisation,many scholars nowadayssuchas Peter Newman(1999)inquireabout theimpactsofthistechnologyonthecitiesandtheurbanfabric.Newman (1999) tackles in his book "Sustainability and cities: overcoming automobile" the domination of the

private automobile. He sets the ground for the understanding of the process of growth of the city from awalkingcitytoatransitcitytofinallybecomingacitydesignedaroundtheautomobile.Asheexplains, the beginning of the 20th century knew a sort of coexistence of the three typologies of movement methods(walking, transit, automobile), the secondpart of it saw a dominance oftheprivate automobile, not only physically but also socially. A phenomenon is also well described in Pope's book Ladders (2015) where he exposes the urban paradigm surrounding the ownership of private automobiles. If Pope's work and theories take as a context American urbanism, it reveals nevertheless the disruptive power of the automobile by modifying the urban fabric of the core of cities as well as creating suburban enclaves disconnected from the cities.

In their book, Peter Newman, and Jeffrey Kenworthy (2015) define primarily the features of the theory of urban fabrics in terms of areas, elements, functions, and qualities. This first step provides a study grid with which they constructed their methodology to address automobile dependency. A theoretical beacon that is completed with various examples of cities with best practices in regenerating urban fabric to overcome the dominance of the automobile. All in all, this body of literature is taking inking in the urban studies field. They describe and analyse the urban dynamics and indicate possible responses. They reveal the importance of understanding the nature of the contemporary city and the process of its formation. This first step would serve as the contextual anchor for the following work depicting the multiple studies surrounding the challenges of "an after car city" or "an after car urbanism".

Figure 7 The Automobile City, Transit City and Walking City, based on an original diagram from Newman and Kenworthy (1999).

3- A combined approach for the study of the attenuating of the private automobile presence

The work of other different practitioners from the urbanstudiesfield (Bertolini,2017; Levinson & Krizek, 2008; Wegener & Fürst, 1999) is interlinking with the Sustainable transitions studies. As a good example, the scheme of the feedback cycle (Wegener & Fürst, 2004) illustrating the link between transport and land use demonstrates the contribution of technological innovations and transportation policies to the development of the transport system. The interaction between a transport system and land use passes through two essential and linked parameters, activities, and accessibility.

Figure 8 Scheme of the "transport land use feedback cycle" (Wegener &Fürst, 1999: adapted by Bertolini, 2012)

To better explain this interaction process, we note that the enhancement or weakening(a) of a transport system has a direct impact [4] on accessibility (b) since it reduces the economic and the time cost of reaching specific locations As a result, the accessibility (b) created when combined with land use policies and regional demand (c) has a slow and steady effect [1] on the distribution of land use (making land more valuable for additional development) and locations of activities (e.g., housing, facilities,businesses).Thetravelbehaviours(d)arethenquicklyinfluenced[2]bythisdistribution,these activities are also attached to other socio demographic, economic and cultural factors (e), for example,

racial and economic segregation, access to capital allowing ease of relocation… The transformation of land use patterns requires changes in activity patterns (e.g., living, working), which take place at and between locations Meanwhile, the loop continues with a slow impact of the activities [3] on the transport system through adaptive mobility strategies by eventually demanding new or improved transport infrastructure (Giuliano, 2004)

In their workabout the‘scarcity perspective’ framework, Petzeret al. (2021) integratethe urban space as a major component in their framework unlike the transition scholars that consider urban space as any other transition component, leaving thus the “unique constraints and forms of contestation that [urban space] is subject to” (Petzer, Wieczorek, & Verbong, 2021, p. 4)

Graaf et al. (2021) established an assessment framework based on transition studies and linked it to urban planning and mobility studies. Their framework targets “the strategic assessment of urban mobility transition policies by adding and detailing the exnovation perspective to the discussion, both for researchers and decision makers.” (p. 4)

Finally, the work of Mäkinen (2015) on the Helsinki region represents an excellent example of combining urban planning studies with sustainable transition frameworks. The study aimed to understand how the urban form influences the outcomes of mobility policies by combining the three concepts of "path dependence", "path creation", and path destabilisation" to three urban fabrics

Figure 9 : Application of Path creation and Path destabilisation on the three urban fabrics (Mäkinen, Kivimaa, & Helminen, 2015, p. 490)

(walking, transit, and car cities) ( See Figure 9 : Application of Path creation and Path destabilisation on the three urban fabrics . This innovative analytical framework will be borrowed in the following work and applied to the Brussels region.

The complementarity of these different concepts tends to explain the importance of studying urbanisation and mobility through the sustainability transitions lenses and vice versa. The following figures summarise the intertwines of urban planning (through land use) and transport systems and the transition concepts. In Figure 11 : Scheme demonstrating the link between Scheme of the "Transport land use feedback cycle and the MLP in the case of Walking city and Transit city. Made by the author.we see that through path creation we target the walking and transit city, this involves the path creation in the technological niches, which could translate into the creation of new types of transport modes, new infrastructure, and the revival of walking and biking guided by mobility policies. Followingly, in the walking and transit city, path creation increases the area attractiveness and makes new urban structures through new spatial policies.

In Figure 11 : Scheme demonstrating the link between Scheme of the "Transport land use feedback cycle and the MLP in the case of Walking city and Transit city. Made by the author.we see that through path destabilisation we target the car city, this involves the path destabilisation of the automobility regime, which could translate the ambition of mobility policies that exnovate the automobile through disinvestment from the automobile infrastructure. Followingly, in the car city, path destabilisation shakes the existing urban structures through new spatial policies that limit the space dedicated to the car and reshape the urban fabric.

Figure 11 : Scheme demonstrating the link between Scheme of the "Transport land use feedback cycle and the MLP in the case of Walking city and Transit city. Made by the author.

Figure 10 : Scheme demonstrates the link between the Scheme of the "Transport land use feedback cycle and the MLP in the case of the Car city. Made by the author

Framework

1 Analytical Framework

The following framework is borrowed from the work of Mäkinen (2015) whose work has focused on the analysis of various transport policies in Finland and the Helsinki region. The paper's purpose was to study the impacts of spatial structure (i.e., car city fabric, transit city fabric, walking city fabric) on the outcomes of the transport policies.

Thisframeworkwill beused toanalyse how the different mobilitypoliciesrelatedto the GOOD MOVE Plan are impacted by the different "fabrics" cited in the previous section (site analysis).

Later,wewillalsodiscusshowurbanplanningpoliciesareimpactingtheurbanform.Andthen, how do these planning policies' outcomes conjugate with the outcomes and challenges of the mobility policies?

The first phase would be an overview of the mobility context in B CR and its outskirt as well as an overview of the Good Move Plan, and COBRACE (COde BRuxellois de l'Air, du Climat et de la maîtrise de l'Energie), as well as other policies produced by the Flemish Region. A necessary process to understand the basket of policies that the Brussels Region introduced recently. The second phase would be the selection of a couple of policies like LEZ to then evaluate the transition capability in the various urban fabrics.

By using the following indicators developed by Mäkinen (2015)

• The vision behind policy instrument: what are the new visions provided to the transport system?

• Deviationvsconformity ofchangesimpliedbyimplementationofpolicyvis à visurbanform: what changes do these policies provoke or not into the urban fabric

• Applicability of self reinforcing processes: Are these transport policies embedded into a self reinforcing process?

• Predictability of policy outcomes: Does it match a path dependence track?

• Presence of learning: What kind of approach to knowledge does it bring or re use?

• Type of networking: What typology of networks are used or created?

These 6 points were derived from various literature sources used by Mäkinen (2015, p. 491). The implication of path dependence, path creation, and path destabilisation, translate to each of the 6 points. The following triangle shaped indicators demonstrate how each point conjugates with each path intervention.

new types of transport modes or urban structures and the revival of walking and transit city fabrics

support the structure of the automobile dependent car city

reducing support/ shaking the structure of the automobile dependent car city

Indicator Path creation Path Dependence Path Destabilisation

The vision behind the policy instrument

1: No visions;

: Vision limited;

: Support for innovative low carbon technologies, practices, and structures

: No visions;

: Vision limited;

: Support for established structures, technologies, and rules

Deviation vs conformity

: No changes to urban fabrics;

: Changes limited;

3: Changes to urban fabrics in terms of the low carbon transition, supporting walking and transit city fabrics

: Total rethinking of the components of the car city urban fabric

: Status quo lowly challenged.

: Conformity and continuance of main components of the car city urban fabric

Applicability of selfreinforcing processes

1: Not supporting the creation of self reinforcing processes for new paths

3: Support the creation of self reinforcing processes for new paths

: Predictable

Predictability of policy outcomes

Presence of learning

: Unpredictable

No new learning

Limited Learning

Attempts to learn, experimentation

Type of networking

Table

No new networks

: Creation of new networks

Analytical Framework

: No support;

: Support for the existing private automobile system and infrastructure, knowledge, coordination, etc.

Unpredictable

: Predictable

New learning

Limited Learning

Dependence on previous knowledge

Independence from existing

Reliance on existing networks of

implementers, and users

: No visions;

: Vision limited;

: Undermine established structures, technologies, and rules

: No visions;

: Vision limited;

: Deviation from car city urban fabric

: Status quo

: Does not support existing system and infrastructure, knowledge, coordination, etc.

: Predictable

: Unpredictable

: Status quo

: Limited Learning

: Reassessment of previous knowledge

: Status quo

Restructuring of networks of policymakers, implementers, and users

from Makinen's work (Mäkinen, Kivimaa, & Helminen, 2015)

2- Definition of the perimeter of the analysis

2-1 Area definition

The Brussels Capital Region represents the administrative territory of 162.4 square kilometres comprising nineteen municipalities. The history of the creation region remains relatively recent which explains the discrepancy between the administrative boundaries and the urban continuity. While the early structure is easily identifiable through the remaining medieval enclosures, the current limits of the Brussels urban area remain undistinguished. This current situation brings to the surface one of the governance challenges facing the Region's ambitions. Indeed, the actions taken within the Region's borders since its creation in 1989 are applicable only inside that perimeter, their success and impacts are linked to a more extensive reality.

2 2 Area redefinition

The previous definition lacked however a better understanding of the local geographical context. The work of Newman and Kenworthy (1999) demonstrates the importance of retracing the evolutionoftheurbanformtotackletheurbanplanningissueaswell assustainabletransitionprocesses. They advance the force of transportation as one of the critical factors that shape cities. Through this argument, we can define the development of the city considering the dominating transportation system used in each era (see figure 0.1). Newman and Kenworthy untangle three types of cities overlaying on each other.

Table II : The characteristics of each type of city adapted from Newman and Kenworthy (1999) and applied by the author to Brussels urban region

In the same perspective, the B CR has already underpinned three simultaneous boundaries representing three realities (Dessouroux & Puissant, 2008) of the current situation as seen in the figure.

The administrative borders (in dark red): the ones mentioned earlier corresponding to the sum of the 19 municipalities

The morphological agglomeration (in red): is characterised by very irregular boundaries, englobing the neighbouring municipalities with a density higher than 650 people /km². It includes various industrial sites and ample green spaces.

The functional urban area (in green): It includes municipalities whose populations have economic links to the B CR. It somehow matches the last province of Brabant.

The face of these three realities raises the decision to limit the study area. In this research, we will focus mainly on the administrative borders and the morphological agglomeration cited before. This

The case of Brussels-Capital region and its outskirts

couldbeexplainedbecausethefirst onerepresentsthesourceoftheexnovationinitiativeandthesecond one represents the most direct shockwave of this exnovation outside the B CR boundaries.

2 3 Area examination

This section serves as a demonstration of the validity of the choice to include the morphological agglomeration into the analysis of the challenges of exnovation of the private automobile in B CR. It is also the first key to solutions for those challenges. The following exercise is based on the previous table of Newman and Kenworthy's division of the urban fabric of the city. The exercise consists of locating the three urban fabrics (Walking/Transit/Car City) for Brussels and identifying the specificities of the urban development of Brussels. The data used will be derived from a map atlas synthesis that describes the 20th century urbanisation in and around Brussels (Cavalieri, et al., 2021).

In this atlas, the historical development of the city is shown here in six phases (before 1858, 1858 1880, 1880 1930, 1930 1955, 1955 1997, 1997 2020) of urbanisation beginning from 1858. The evolution is based on IGEAT data up to 1997 and LABOXX+I data processing

Figure 14 : Map of the historical development of and around Brussels (Cavalieri, et al., 2021, pp. 52 53)

The Walking city:

As in many other middle aged cities, Brussels had an urban centre quite dense and with a small footprint. The main mean of transportation was walking until the arrival of mechanical transportation hence 1869 which kept the travel time under half an hour (Newman & Kenworthy, 1999, p. 27)

• ComprisedinsidetheSecondenclosure(14th Century),theurbanfabriciscomposedofdifferent periods till today.

• Urbanisation before 1858,

• It contains a network of streets with various widths and public places. A large pedestrian zone allows access to cyclists and hourly restricted access is set for loading and unloading of people and goods.

• A general road speed limit of 30km/hour and in some places 20km/hour for residential areas.

• As a central core, it concentrates the buses, tramways and metro lines forming a star like web.

• Easy access to the three main train stations of the Region.

• The area includes the old fabric of former villages. These narrow ribbons of urbanisation along the main access roads often connect the historic village centres, such as Boitsfort, Vleurgat, Ixelles, Berchem, etc.

The Transit city:

The transit system in Brussels begins in the late 1860s, as the pressure of demographic growth started to rise, the cities needed to grow. Industries, and housing for newcomers, required more space.

Figure 15 : Sattelite image of Walking City in B CR (left) and outskirt ( right)

Figure 16 : Sattelite image of Transit City in B CR (left) and outskirt ( right)

The tramways helped to shape a new form of urban development. The urban fabrics were less dense. The tramways reduced the distance time between the central city and the villages surrounding it. Quickly the latter were incorporated into Brussels city. The transit city can be encompassed in the administrative boundaries of B CR

• The previous map shows that from 1858 to 1955, the city expanded in a radial pattern with broad ribbons of urbanisation and follows a somewhat concentric pattern and creates a dense urban environment.

• Medium density activities cluster along the tram corridors and nodes withremarkable buildings marking the passage/arrival of trams.

• Transit Orientedurban development.Manytram stations were designedas evolutive to become metros (example of tram 3, now in works to become metro3).

• A system of the vicinal tramway that travelled long distances, this network has been gradually replaced by a bus network.

• Today a reduced tramway system than the historical one.

• Combined tramways, metro and bus system linking different municipalities (former villages)

The car city:

The hegemony of the automobile in Brussels started at the end of the 50s, with Expo 58 the ambition was clear and sound. The car shall be the future, it represented modernity, the revival of the city after a destructive war. As the capital of Europe, Brussels was to be ready to welcome the traffic coming from Belgium as well as the neighbouring countries. Many projects were launched to increase thecapacityoftheradial arteriesand tofacilitatethetrafficbetweentheradial highwayswithconcentric roads (inner belt, outer belt, the ring) (Hubert, 2008). The transit spread over the RER zone, somewhere between the morphological agglomeration and the functional area. The maps show that after 1955, the ribbons of urbanisation created during the transit city era expanded in length and width. The residual open spaces within the ring have been mainly filled.

Figure 17 : Sattelite image of Walking City in B CR (left) and outskirt ( right)

• Separation of the traffic flows to ease automobile traffic and consider pedestrians, cyclists, public transport, parked cars, etc as all the obstacles that reduce the speed of the automobile.

• High rise buildings, brusselization era; building ignoring their urban context and bringing mobility pressure.

• Urban sprawl as real estate developers were in the quest for cheaper land to attract low income families to purchase a home. The migration of well to do households to the affluent suburbs as in the B CR was seen as unsafe and polluted. These two trends have the common feature of being low density urbanism.

• High dependence on the automobile to move around because of the lack of public transit connecting Brussels to the suburbs, and the suburbs to the suburbs.

The reading of the urban form provided by LABOXX+I and Newman and Kenworthy (1999) brings a complementary understanding strategy of the urban development of Brussels. However, the reading of the walking city, transit city, and car city fabric should not be translated to an exclusive area that evolves into concentric circles. Instead, we should read the space in terms of the presence of one or more transport modes inside a transport mode dominated space. In other words, the evolution of transport in Brussels and its outskirts created an intertwined system where different transport modes

Figure 18 : Density and typology of land use in Brussels and its outskirts. Data from Urban Atlas 2018.

The case of Brussels-Capital region and its outskirts

share the space. And whereyou can findfor examplepartsofthecharacteristics of aWalking cityinside an Automobile city because the latter developed around it, and you can find in the same area various density related to each type of city (see Figures below).

Figure 20 : Age of the urban form in section of a map including B CR and the Flemish Region (Cavalieri, et al., 2021, p. 55)

Figure 19 : Density of the urban form in section of a map including B CR and the Flemish Region. (Cavalieri, et al., 2021, p. 68)

III- The analysis of the mobility policies in B-CR and its outskirt

1 Political context

Due to the complexity of the Belgium political system, it is hard to grasp the effective powers of the B CR to pursue exnovation through policy making In terms of mobility, according to Art. 6, § 1, X, 8° of the Special Law on Institutional Reforms (Loi spéciale de réformes institutionnelles) the "urban and vicinal public transit, including regular specialised services(, taxi services and car rental services with drivers)" is the competenceof the Regions, as well as the adoption of additional trafficregulations, such asLEZ Evenifeach RegioninBelgiumhasitsautonomyto dictateregulationsonitsregional premises, it occurs those specific policies from a region could have an impact on the other regions due to the physical and spatial continuity of the urban fabrics Especially since the Brussels Region is enclaved into the Flemish Region, hence, we will focus on the transport policies that these two regions have launched recently

Figure 21 : The institutional structure of federal Belgium (practice). Source: Albrechts & Meuris (2000, p. 42).

Mandatory

2- Criteria for selection of the mobility policies

The choice of the policies that will go under the analytical framework followed these criteria:

Criteria Explanation

• Excluding the broad strategic plans

• Must exclusively be a mobility policy

• Must have been introduced recently or with no foreseeable update

• Affect the Region directly even if they were not introduced by the Region itself

Optional

• Should preferably be covered by an environmental assessment report

o the aim is to choose policies or projects that address concrete objectives

o The aim is to expose the consequence of urban fabrics on mobility policy planning and implementation

o The policy should still be applicable and preferably holds novel elements

o This criterion opens the door to mobility policies introduced by the Flemish Region

o The presence of an environmental impact report provides a reliable source to build an analysis

Table III: The criteria framing the selection of the policy measures

3- Selection of the recently introduced policy measures

3-1 An overview of the Good Move plan and other recent mobility policies

In recent years, many mobility policies, implicating directly or indirectly the RB C, have been introduced Many of them, have been to various extents driving the transition to low carbon mobility.

The Brussels government introduced 2020, a Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan (SUMP) (Plan Régional de Mobilité: PRM) called Good Move. This strategic plan defines the main policy guidelines in the field of mobility in the whole Region The GM is intended as a strategic and operational document, but also with a regulatory scope. Hence, Municipal Mobility plans (PCM) must comply with and respect the measures and actions defined in the Good Move when implemented in their respective territory (Bruxelles Mobilité, 2021 a, p. 16) We read in the introduction of the Good Move (2020) the following:

"The PRM is also partofthe strategic plans withan indicative value,which arebinding on all the administrative entities dependent on the Region, such as the Regional Sustainable Development Plan (PRDD), the Noise Plan, the Air Climate Energy Plan[PACE], the Innovation Plan, the Go4Brussels 2030 Strategy and the Global Safety and Prevention Plan (PGSP)" (p. 14)

The case of Brussels-Capital region and its outskirts

Thus, it integrates the orientations from the Regional Plan for Sustainable Development (PRDD). The PRDD through its fourth significant axis features the interlocking of mobility issues in the regional development of RB C (Plan Régional de Développement Durable (PRDD 2018), 2018)

Moreover, several regulatory tools provide a framework for certain aspects of mobility policy or actions arising from it.

TheCoBATregulatestheplansand instruments fortheimplementationoftheregional planning policy, such as:

• TheRegionalLandUsePlan(PRAS). ThePRMmust respectthePRAS(Caelen,2021).

• The Master Development Plans (PAD),

• and the Regional Planning Regulations (RRU)

The CoBrACE regulates the plans and tools for the implementation of air quality, climate, and energy protection policies (2 MAI 2013. Ordonnance portant le Code bruxellois de l’Air (1), 2013) COBRACE stands as the legal basis for several regional measures including travel plans, off street parking, PLAGE, PEB, LEZ, and PACE (environnement.brussels, 2021) This code provides the juridical framework for the Regional Parking Policy Plan (Plan régional de politique du stationnement: PRPS) This plan gives concrete expression to the ambitions of CoBrACE, and one of them consists of therational management ofparking spaces byreducingthe number of off street parking spaces in office buildings

In parallel, there are also inter regional plans that involve the Brussels region like the Brabantnet Back in 2013, the Flemish Government introduced a directive to better link the Flemish Brabant to the RB C (Vlaamse Regering, 2013). From another perspective, the Flemish region initiated the study of the Ring R0 through an integrated program called "Werken aan de Ring". It is an infrastructure that sometimes crosses, sometimes links, and even separates the two regions (De Werkvennootschap, 2019)

3-2 The selected policy measures

Several policy measures were overviewed, many of which were mentioned in the Good Move plan or launched by the Flemish government. The following table gives an overview of the consistency of these different measures with the chosen criteria.

types ofmobilitypolicies appearin

analysis.Thefirst onesare conventional measures that intrinsically lack creative input. These policies

to use an already existing instrument like taxation or fiscal corrections or speed limit by decree. On the other side, there are innovative measures that hold a certain degree of seizure with the status quo. These policies experiment with new modes of transport and aim to find

c. Ville30 Stad30

On the 1st of January 2021, the Brussels government introduced a policy aiming to have a by default speed of 30km/h unless otherwise stated. It has been included in the Belgian traffic law (art. 11.1). However, on some major roads, the speed limit is 50 or 70 km/h. In encounter zones, the speed limit is 20 km/h. The objective put forward by the Brussels government is to allow a better coexistence of different users leading to fewer fatal accidents. The aim is also to decrease noise and pollution due to the high speed of internal combustion engine vehicles.

The roads concerned by the decrease of the speed by 30km/h or less matches the GoodMove network for automobiles, Auto QUARTIER, representing most of the network. Their car traffic is limited to only local access and at reduced speed (Bruxelles Mobilité, 2021 a, p. 96).

Even if the global trend shows a decrease in the speed on the roads (Bruxelles Mobilité, 2021 b) and the progressive installation of the Lidars, respect for the speed limits are not guaranteed, as many controls have revealed (bx1, 2020) (RTBF, 2021).

Paemen Inge (personal communication, June 10, 2022) explains that there was no Environmental assessment report (EAR) for Ville 30, only for the regional mobility plan Good Move The reason why there was no MER for "Ville 30" is that it was not possible to isolate the environmental effects of Ville 30 from the environmental effects of the other measures from Good Move.

d. LEZ

The Low Emission Zone is the term used to designate a zone where the most polluting vehicles are banned from driving. Many Belgian (Antwerp, Ghent) and European cities introduced similar measures to improve air quality and therefore public health, throughout a gradual process of banishing the most polluting vehicles. Many exceptions have been made, for example, the section of the ring in the Region is not concerned by this law as well as some roads leading to certain transit car parks. This law aims to decrease local pollution and improve the air quality in the Region (Mobile LEZ, s.d.). The Region installs gradually ANPR cameras to ensure respect for the new regulation.

Although the Region's mission extends to the common good, this new law is being resisted by a segment of the population that face struggles to change its mode of transport (De Merten, 2020). Meanwhile, the Region promotes the usage of the "park and ride" transit car parks for commuters outside the Region.

e. PRPS CH. 3 § 5 Stationnement hors voirie

The Regional parking policy plan (Plan Régional de Politique du Stationnement= PRPS) is a policy and normative framework document and aims to harmonise the rules between the 19 municipalities of the Region.

The novelty resides in its ambition to set aside space on the road to benefit other modes of transport and encourage alternatives to the private car. It is an integral part of the other regional plans i.e., Communal parking plans (Plan d'action communal de Stationnement =PACS) and is the basis of the parking section of the Good Move. The PRPS comprises many units as it targets all types of vehicles(such as shared or non shared cars, taxis, bicycles, motorcycles, coaches, trucks, and vans..) and encompasses the issue of delivery areas

The section of the planning policy ([C − 2013/31743], 2013)that primarily stands out is CHAPITRE 5. Stationnement hors voirie. Art. 47 supports the development of off street parking and encourages the transfer of parking from the street to off street parking facilities, mainly long term parking. It also encourages off street residential parking. The vision considers the redirection of this freed space on street towards facilities (exclusive lanes for the STIB and cycling) in the public space It also obliges the tenant of public and private parking the creation of secure parking facilities and a minimum of 1 bicycle space for every 10 car spaces.

f. SmartMove

The Government of the Brussels Capital Region announced through a government decision the 16 July 2020 its ambition to introduce a smart kilometric rate. Three parameters define the operating of the intelligent kilometre rate, time of travel the rate is higher during rush hour than in quiet ones, the distance of the route, and the type of vehicle engine size The SmartMove will apply to all the vehicles entering the perimeters of RB C, which attempt to dissuade many commuters from taking their vehicles and using the P+R.

Unsurprisingly, this measure created a lot of discontent from the two other regions who see it as unfair to their citizens (Leclercq,2021) Indeed,if Brusselers will no longer haveto pay a registration tax and annually the circulation tax, it won't be the same for the other Belgian.

The implementation of the system will proceed using the same system in the LEZ; ANPR cameras, which are capable of reading number plates and have already been partially installed in the low emission zone and using an application that will be used to monitor the number of vehicles on the roads (Delaunois & Van Gyzegem, 2020)

The switch from taxing the usage rather than the possession of the vehicle expects to reduce unnecessary travel as well as a decrease by 30% the time loss from the traffic jam (De Ceuster, et al., 2020). However, the kilometre rate will not apply on weekdays between 7 p.m. and 7 a.m., at weekends and on public holidays. In other words, drivers travelling during these times will be exempt from any tax payment. The day pass presents itself as an option for occasional travellers to Brussels, or those resistant to the available system proposed by the Region The suggested price for this daily pass corresponds to 25km, i.e., an amount of between €4 (from 0 to 7 hp) and €16 (over 20 hp).

g. Cairgo Bike

Cairgo Bike is a project launched by the Brussels Region in mid 2020 (Bruxelles Mobilité, s.d.) The project fits in the objectives and actions (on cycle paths and traffic calming) of the regional mobility plan "Good Move" (Cairgo bike, s.d.) It aims to make the cargo bike an alternative to cars and vans to improve air quality and quality of life in Brussels. According to studies presented by the Region 50% of deliveries can be made with a cargo bike and this transport mode is also suitable for 75% of private journeys (Urban Innovation Actions, s.d.) (Wrighton & Reiter, 2016). The project encourages entrepreneurs to use cargo bikes by offering them a bonus for the purchase of a cargo bike or a trailer.

The project relies on extended partnerships with the Brussels Capital Region, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Urbike(cooperative), Remorquable (bike service provider), Pro Velo asbl (non profit organisation), OPTIMOBIL Bruxelles SA (car sharing company), BePark (parking operator), parking.brussels (parking agency), Bruxelles Environnement (environmental agency).

h. RER Vélo

The RER vélo is part of the Fietssnelwegen (Bicycle highways in Dutch) network as well as the Plus Vélo network from Good Move. While Beliris supervise the works inside the Region of Brussels, the Werkvennootschap agency ensures the link between Brussels and Flanders by the means of cycling lanes, within the framework of Werken aan de ring initiative

Theprojectiscurrentlyunder development. Theobjectiveofthisnetworkisnot onlytoincrease theproportionofshort tripsmadebybicyclebut alsotomakeit possibletotravel bybicycleover greater distances by providing cyclists with a higher average speed. The Brussels RER bike network is made up of 15 routes under the criteria that some use existing tracks, while some shall be built along railway lines or motorways. These new developments will require roads to be equipped with cycle paths or neighbourhood roads to be redeveloped into cycle streets.

Figure 22: Vitesse nominale pour le RER CYCLABLE source (Timenco, 2012)

Moreover, the development of this network will bring along many parties: regions, municipalities, provinces, Infrabel, SNCB, STIB, Brussels Mobility, Brussels Environment, Perspective.Brussels, and Beliris (GRACQ, 2021)

The project aims at competing with automobiles commuting for the surrounding 5 to 20 km from Brussels. The ambition is to make Brussels reachable in 1 hour from cities such as Wavre, Tubize, Ninove or Louvain and from the municipalities around Brussels in half an hour provided that the average speed is 15km/hour (Timenco, 2012, p. 11)

i. WILLEBROEK - BRUSSELS SnelTram

The Willebroek Brussels Nord sneltram (Express tram in Dutch) is part of the Brabantnet initiated by the Flemish Government. Alongside the sneltram, two other projects are part of this mobilityinitiative: the Airport Tram from Brussels North to Brussels Airportand the Ringtrambus from UZ Brussel in Jette, via Vilvoorde to Brussels Airport (Vlaamse Regering, 2013)

The sneltram project has the ambition of linking Willebroek to Brussels in 40minutes allowing access to the municipalities adjacent to the route from the tram stops e.g., Londerzeel, Meise. The current route takes 35 minutes longer than public transport since there is no direct route between these cities The sneltram will have a parallel route to the bicycle highway F28 and the A12 motorway allowing correspondences in the park+Ride zones at each tram stop (De Werkvennootschap, 2021). Unprecedently, the sneltram will be allowed to use existing and new tram infrastructure inside the Brussels Region.

j. Metro 3

Metro 3 comes as the fifth line in Brussels metro network. It will link the north to the upper south of the Region. The new line will cover 10.3 km and 18 stations. The project is a conclusion of a partnership started in 2009 between Beliris, the Brussels Capital Region (through Bruxelles Mobilité), and STIB. The project is phased in two parts. The first consists of transforming the existing pre metro between Albert and Gare du Nord and is programmed for 2025. The second part entails the extension of the line from Gare du Nord to Bordet and the construction of 7 new stations. (STIB, s.d.)

The Metro 3 will consequently replace an existing system of transport comprised of the line of pre metro 3 and the very busy Tram 55 The choice of not enhancing the current Tram 55 was justified by the necessary modification like providing the tram with its lane, reducing the concerned streets to only one lane of traffic, and removing more than 800 parking spaces. (STIB, 2022)

4- Findings of the analysis of the measures

The following tables are the findings of the analysis of the mobility policies using several environmental assessment reports and literature that assessed the ambitions and potential outcomes of these policies. ( texte continue after the analysis tables p.50)

The principal aim of this analysis was to achieve an overview of the capacity that the selected mobility policies carry to encourage the attenuation of the private automobile. The analysis of this transition process highlighted possible innovative components of these policies and measures as well as their effects on the three urban fabrics of the Brussels Region and its outskirts. Indeed, the mobility policies adopted in the Brussels Region carry, for some (Sneltram, RER Vélo, and Cargo Bike, LEZ), innovative elements capable of contributing to path destabilisation in the car city and path creation in thewalkingortransitcities.Thesepoliciesprovidenewservicesandapproachestomobility,decoupling from the current mobility socio technical system of the "automobility regime" (Geels & Schot, 2007) (Hoffmann, Weyer, & Longen, 2017). While other more conventional policy instruments (Ville 30, PRPS, Metro3, SmartMove) could tendto produce pathdestabilisationand pathcreation, it remains that their effects are less evident due to the persistence of path dependence elements.

The analysis of mobility policies under the spectrum of the urban fabric and the path dependence, path creation, and path destabilisation allows us to easily distinguish elements that affect the results of policies. It puts under the daylight the intertwining of the mode of transport that the policy targetsandthedifferent urbanfabrics.Indeed,theanalysed mobilitypolicies haveinitiallyeachtargeted onemodeoftransport(as shownintableIII),however,theirimpactsoftenbridgeallthreeurbanfabrics. The findings of this analysis demonstrate the importance of including the urban forms since they influence the results of the mobility policy

To ensure confidence in the results of our analysis, we referred in most of the cases to policies and measures which are subject to an environmental assessment report. Doing so, also allowed us to better understand the objectives as well as the potential risks and scenarios. Nevertheless, as most of these measures are ongoing or in the study phase, their outcomes remain uncertain as we based our findings on hypothetical effects rather than assessed effects This uncertainty can be also explained by the reluctance from certain actors in addition to the unforeseen out turns that can emerge from some path destabilisation measures.

Two trends of policies emerge from the analysis. The first ones are more oriented toward path destabilisation however hold some elements of the two other paths. For example, SmartMove's first aim is to destabilise the car city; however, it might carry in practice counterproductive results due to the low fares per kilometre, making it subsequently cheaper to own a car for specific users in the Brussels Region (De Ceuster, et al., 2020, p. 109) Another example is that the Ville 30 and LEZ outcomes are similar,even iftheirobjectives vary. Thetwo policiestargetthe disturbancescreated bytheautomobile, i.e., pollution, noise, health problems, and human fatalities. However, they do not question the presence of the automobile per se in the Region. Even if the elements of path dependence stand out, these two policies provide a subtle move to path destabilisation. They are an initial ground for path creation for other auxiliary policies. Lastly, the PRPS is generally a flanking measure to the destabilisation of the

case of Brussels-Capital region and its outskirts

private automobile. The PRPS opens the door to an intensification of the use of existing car parks and at thesametimefreesupspacefornewmodesofactiveorcollectivetransport. Paradoxically,onemight think that this instrument does not allow a radical break with the presence of the private car which set it closer to path dependence rather than path destabilisation

The second ones tend toward path creation; however, they hold some elements of the two other paths. For example, the sneltram pushes undoubtingly for path creation and may lead to path destabilisation if the automobile commuters shift their journey totally or partially to the sneltram Nevertheless, there is another face to the coin, people who cannot find affordable housing in Brussels or its close outskirt might decide to go live further away in the axis perpendicular to the sneltram track and thus extend or add, for some, the share of the automobile in their multi modal journey. The second example is Metro 3, a project that, at first glance, serves the transit city by upgrading the existing tram lines. However, the expected delays in work and the decrease in the number of stations may lead to a decrease in the attractivity of public transit. The RER Vélo and Cairgo achieve both good scores in terms of path creation. The first one manages to create the infrastructure to make the bike a fast and safe alternative to the private automobile. It also manages to destabilise the automobility regime by withdrawing space from the automobile infrastructure. The second one aims for path creation by focusing on the users. The didactic approach is used to promote the cairgo bike as an alternative to the automobile for domestic and professional uses Yet, the path destabilisation is not as perceptible as for the RER vélo, since the measure challenges hardly the infrastructure of the car city.

This duality of path destabilisation and creation raises various questions. For instance, which of these two paths should come first? And what are the best strategies to follow in each type of urban fabric? Furthermore, the implication of the urban fabric raises the question of whether urban planning could impact the process of path destabilisation and path creation? And mostly how?

The next part will try to answer these pending questions about the best strategies to attenuate thepresenceoftheautomobilebybringingandconfrontingdifferentopinionsfromvariousstakeholders in the B CR And secondly, analyse some examples suggested by some of the interviewees to follow in terms of a mobility strategy.

IV Interviews

Whilemaintaininganurbanform reading grid,thefollowing part will attempt toclarify through the point of view of stakeholders and academic researchers the best strategies in terms of sustainable transition to achieve the attenuating of the presence of the private automobile in the Brussels region, as well as examples of cities or regions that can serve as an example in terms of mobility and transport strategy.

1- Methodology of the interviews and question grid

In the exploratory phases, several interviews have been conducted to help clarify the research questionandthevarious challenges at stake. Forthe followingstep,thesemi structuredinterviewswere conducted with six stakeholders, to whom 5 questions (see Table V: Question grid of the interviews ) were asked each time. The views expressed in these interviews reflect only the personal views of the interviewees and not of their respective organisations.

Question 1 How do you see the relationship between the destabilisation of the "all car" and the creation of alternatives? Which one should come first? Do you see any examples...

Question 2

Lessdenseurbanfabrics(carcity)posespecificproblems…How canthe mobility strategy and means of transport be adapted in this case?

Question 3 What urban planning options do you think are essential to destabilise the "all car" approach? (Discuss max. 2 tracks)

Question 4 Which urban planning options do you think are essential for the creation of new alternative paths to the "all-car" approach? (Discuss max 2 tracks)

Question 5 An example of a city or region to follow in terms of mobility and transport strategy? What lessons do you see in this example?

Table V: Question grid of the interviews

The following table summarises the profiles of the interviewees and demonstrates their relevance to the subject

Code of the interview Name of the interviewees Field of expertise Organisation Function Project involved in

A BLEUS Jean Michel + SACRE Alix Urbanism, urban transport

ARAU (Atelier de Recherche et d’Action Urbaines)

B PANKRATIE VA Ioulia Urbanism Perspective.brussels (Strategy department)

C

DELAUNOIS Damien Mobility

IEB (INTER ENVIRONNEM ENT BRUXELLES)

D DELENS Martin Transport, Mobility STIB MIVB

E

F

PELGRIMS Claire

BOUSSAUW Kobe

Mobility _ Spatial planning, urban planning

Spatial Planning and Mobility

Table VI : Presentation of the interviewees

LoUIsE ULB

VUB (Vrije Universiteit Brussel) Cosmopolis Centre for Urban Research

Project manager in urban planning Tram in Waterloo Boulevard

Project Manager Projecting Brussels PRDD Density

Project manager and co coordinator

Strategic Planning & Reporting Officer

FNRS Research Fellow

Profes sor

Ruimte, regio en mobiliteit: aspecten van ruimtelijke nabijheid en duurzaam verplaatsingsgedrag in Vlaanderen

Findings

2-1 The relationship between the destabilisation of the automobility regime and the creation of alternatives

Should path creation measures come first than path destabilisation measures? Or should the reverse be pursued? Or more generally, how to think about the time framing of path creation and path destabilisation policy interventions? The temporality of the phases is an element that emerged in some of the policy measures studied.

Most interviewees argue in favour of the simultaneous implementation of path creation and path destabilisation measures. We currently need both types of policies. Interview (A) notes that new alternatives are not a guarantee of the abandonment of the private automobile and that there should be a constraint on the usage of the automobile to free space for other transport modes since the automobile today limits the efficiency of other modes of transport

While on the side of perspective.brussels, the interview with (B) puts forward the importance of the urban context and the proximity city (Ville de proximité), and how automobile destabilisation is easier inthe denseenvironment thanks totheir multifunctional character whileinthe outskirt it isharder todothesame.Thespatial factorisalsoraisedby (E)reminds usthat “spaceisnot extensible,especially space in urban areas”. Hence the necessity to create alternatives by destabilising the automobility regime. She also points out that it is not so much the question of creating innovative alternatives as rather “reviving existing practices” that we must encourage. She is exemplified by the change of image needed for the bike which is thought of as a mode of leisure. She argues the need for promotional work to make people realise that the bike can be an effective daily means of mobility for utilitarian travels

(C) raises the point of the budget allocated to the creation of alternatives being derisory compared to the budget allocated to path dependence (renovation of tunnels). Budget allocation is a key aspect to be considered when evaluating the relative importance of path creation and destabilisation policies over path dependence Moreover, they note that some policies, like PRPS, make the place of the car in the city invisible but do not suppress it, while recalling, however, that reducing the place of the car in residential areas allows freeing up space for other modes (A) and (C) advocate for specific site public transport (transport en commun en site propre (TCSP)). For them, it represents a double tool of path creation and path destabilisation as it directly (spatially) and simultaneously destabilises the car.

2-2 The mobility strategy and means of transport be adapted in the car city

The low density in the car city presents a challenge in terms of transport measures efficiency. The question of density has been intensively discussed in perspective.brussels (Première année thématique : concilier la densité et la qualité de vie, 2019) As (B) assures, there is no universal recipe because each low dense district has its specificity, and the local centres often group certain functions

that should be consolidated and radiated. As we might be tempted to densify the car city, Ioulia warns that this measure won’t be productive. She explains that in a city, there is important to keep diversity in terms of housing typologies. As inhabitants also tend to change housing types with different life stages. Parallelly, she stresses the opportunities the Covid Pandemic has opened in reducing the need to commute and exploring the options of regrouping the travel of residents not only for work but also for leisure on the big axis and allowing more for local traffic However, ( E ) notes that telework does not equal a reduction of movement. Assheexplains there isa form of postponement ofthat unusedmobility towards leisure and family circle visits She campaigns to explain that travelling is not free and that there is always a financial and environmental cost for society.

Parallelly, ( C) notes that in the northern periphery there is a big dependence on the automobile and therefore low density could justify the difficulty or explain the difficulty in providing public transportation because it is relatively expensive; he suggests a switch from a conception of the mobility oriented towards the profitability and instead conceive it in a term of public investment

On the side of ( D ), we relativise that Belgium is tiny and that what could be the outskirt in Paris, for example, could be considered another city in Belgium. Nevertheless, they acknowledge that STIB can stop a particular place close to the border of the Region while people need to go 1 km further, and it is this famous kilometre that is frustrating ( D ) suggests there are working on possibilities of innovation (so it is not exnovation like autonomous shuttles, but for the moment, the technology is not mature, and so it remains on standby. Another possibility is the transport on demand for this kind of area to say. There you could order your race ( like in the Havre Port); it is a bus that does not have a regular track, and with each request, the software installed within calculates the best route. On a more concrete level, ( D ) reminds us that the recently introduced “BRUPASS XL” allows a better intermodality, combining the train, the S trains and the STIB network.

All in all, the stakeholders embrace the low density of the car city since it stands primarily outside of the Region’s perimeter and proposes different ways to adapt mobility to it. However, either through new technologies or through user grouping, the question of intermodality and the retention of public transport stands out.

2 3 Urban planning options to destabilise the automobility regime

When asked about the possible physical change to the roads to oblige the drivers to slow down like the woonerf, (B) responds that tackling the urban design of the street is good, but we should aim for the sources that lead to the travel. This duality between the activities and accessibility brings the question of the 10 minute city; in Paris and Barcelona, the focus on achieving this was through redesigning the public spaces, often in dense areas. She sees that a specific redesign to decrease the car'svisualpresenceinthelessdenseareascouldalsohelpshiftthesymbolthatsomeusersholdtowards

The case of Brussels-Capital region and its outskirts

it. On the other hand, (E ) refers to the work of Vincent Kauffman about the slowdown, and she argues that through slowness, we can destabilise the private automobile by making it less attractive in comparison to other modes In contrast, ( D ) see the segregation of transport by defining each axis in the city its speed as an excellent way to enhance the efficiency of public transport; for example, he put forwardthe“maillesapaisées”fromGOODMOVEasanexcellent waytostructurethespacededicated to each mode of transport. He also argues that sometimes the option of Metro is a way to secure the efficiency and reliance of the public transport system while “freeing up space for life above ground” , more space for pedestrians, bike lanes, and bus lanes. A statement that (C ) and ( A ) see as a flight forward or instead "downward". They argue that the surface transport modes, tramways, are the best way to destabilise the automobile as it costs less than the metro (1km of metro= 17km of tramway) and is a reversible action. In addition, ( C) defends the idea of the zonal toll around office areas with good public transport links and the Pentagone.

The proposition of ( F) notes that the prices of parking spacesare often overlooked.He suggests matching the price of parking to the actual value of the land it sits on. Accordingly, this confrontation of prices sheds the light on the over subsidising of parking spaces.

All in all, the position of each interviewee seems contrasted, yet two approaches emerge, a confrontation between the car andother modes of transport or horizontal or vertical separationofmodes of transport to avoid arbitration. If the urban planning and redesign of the street could be a tool to oblige the slowdown of the automobile, it does not resolve the source of the travel per se. As ( C) reminds us, the city's monofunctionally has led to the multiplication of travels. Maybe we could assume that these travels could be avoided if the activities, when possible, were brought closer to the housing areas.

2-4 Urban planning options to create an alternative path to the automobility regime

The destabilisation of the automobility regime from the previous answers seems to go hand in hand with path creation. The interviewees agree on the importance of experimenting with new modes of transportation and focusing on the users ( E ) notes that initiatives like “ Bruxelles en Vacances” allow for a change in the way we look at public space and realise that it is vast. It makes it possible to consider the potential uses and users. She considers the vision TOP DOWN to be limited and limiting, and instead, we should aim for a projective vision with the alternative modes in mind.

From a more practical perspective, ( D ) suggests borrowing codes from public transport signage and applying them to active modes. ( A ) and ( D ) agree that the offer in terms of public transport in Brussels is abundant. However, ( A ) says there should be work on “the Software part of the transport rather than the hardware” . They see that most of the infrastructure is already existing and the current challenge is to make it more efficient and better manage it. In terms of new technology, STIBisworkingonanapplicationcalledMaaSregroupingall themodesof(publicandactive)transport

and suggesting the best combination for one’s trip, which aim is to make users aware of the existence of a variety of transport modes.

In contrast, ( F) sees that there is a challenge of densification in the car city. He sees that densifying the suburbs is part of the answer, but stresses the importance of connecting the suburbs to the centre around the railway stations. He suggests addressing local travels ( social activities, cultural activities..) by dedicating more space to slow travel modes, mostly cycling. Even though he sees in the electrical bikes a way to tackle the hilly environment of B CR., he notes a shortage in bike storage in the built environment since buildings have not been designed with bike storage in mind. One way suggested is to convert, parking spaces in existing buildings into bike parking spaces.

In short, the Brussels Region has the potential and the existing infrastructure to support existing and future alternatives. However, the territory's administrative fragmentation and the multiplication of actors do not allow for a metropolitan vision of Brussels This situation limits the coherence of the mobility strategy in the territory.

2 5 Examples of a city or region to follow in terms of mobility and transport strategy

The interviewees were asked to provide examples of other cities, regions or projects that they deemed interesting in terms of mobility and transport strategy.

The following list is a collection of their suggestions and investigated examples found throughout the research.

Example Originator

Field Urban Fabric Targeted Path

Barcelona Ioulia Pankratieva and Claire Pelgrims Urban planning, mobility Transitand WalkingCity

Moscow IouliaPankratieva Transport

Path Destabilisation

TransitCity PathCreation

Switzerland DELENSMartin Mobility Transitand CarCity PathCreation

Cologne DELENSMartin Intermodality Walkingand TransitCity PathCreation

Table VII : Suggested cities and regions

a. Barcelona

Figure 24 : Exemple of the neighbourhood unit imagined by Perry. (Wang, 1965)

Figure 23 The proposed principle of superblock. (ajuntament de Barcelona, 2013)

In 2015, the urban mobility plan of Barcelona introduced the so called: SuperBlock or Superilles, a concept that echoed Perry’s “neighborhood unit formula” (Housing for the Machine Age., 1939) The superblock provides an excellent example of reducing the importance of the private automobile by reducing its right to access and speed. The concept uses the Cerda grid to create 9 block units where pedestrians, bikers, and public transport are prioritised. (E) reports that this same principle inspired with a larger scale the “mailles apaisées” found in Good Move. In both cases, the aim is to provide urban amenities to the inhabitants pushing thus for a proximity city

b. Switzerland

In Switzerland, the offer in terms of transport is easily readable (mostly when compared to the Belgian one). Furthermore, the Swiss Pass service allows a traveller to use the same card for different modes of transport in the country. It even allows access to extra services such as parking and Ski stations (SwissPass, s.d.) According to (D), the Swiss transport strategy gives a better understanding of the transport offer and immerses the user in an ecosystem. This simplification of mobility through work on user experience is a strategy to increase public transport's attractiveness and intermodality in general.

In terms of interregional train connection, there is also the connecting hub Swiss model (Walckiers, 2017) It is a system that optimises the travel duration and allows for a swift transfer between modes of transport. The interregional train connection is a system that could connect the public transport within Brussels and the trains that connect the region to its outskirts.

c. Cologne

In the same register of public transport attractiveness, we find KVB Rad, a well integrated system of transport and active modes in Cologne (KVB Rad, 2022) It is a service under the brand of the local public transport operator, KVB, but with an external management and maintenance operator. Creating

a unique brand allows for the consolidation of the public transport/active mode duo, which like the SwissPass, increases the attractiveness of the intermodality.

d. Moscow metro line

The example focuses on the user experience inside the public transport, which could compete with the private automobile However, as noted ( E ), the private automobile is an extension of one’s home and the comfort we associate with it.

In that matter, the metro introduced in 2017 in Moscow took an approach toward the comfort of the commuters. By providing USB charging points, free Wi Fi, monitors to calculate journeys, and adaptivelightinginsidethevehicles,themetro switchesfrom atool for mobilityto aplacetoexperience mobility (Sinelchtchikova, 2017)

V- Discussion and conclusions

Relevance of the urban form in the mobility policies analysis:

Urbanisation is a slow process We can compare it to a sedimentation process, sometimes marked by episodes of disruption (i.e., removal of medieval enclosures, Bruxellisation). This sedimentation simultaneously provides the spatial ground and restrictions for applying the mobility policies analysed above. The findings of the analytical framework (Mäkinen, Kivimaa, & Helminen, 2015) demonstrate the importance of considering urban fabrics when analysing a mobility project or policy in urban mobilitytransitionframeworks.Theconsiderationofurbanfabricsis allthemorerelevantinthecontext ofB CR,wherepoliticalboundariesseparatevirtually continuousurbanfabrics.Evenif therelationship between the urban form and mobility policies is no more to demonstrate, we have to keep in mind that the urban fabric of the Region(s) and the application of new mobility policies sit on two different temporalities. While the first has a long term and slow process, the second must set itself within the context of the first. This temporal decoupling factor forces mobility policies to be based on the existing structure, i.e. on the existing urban fabric.

As shown in the "Transport land use feedback cycle" scheme(s), the dominant transport system influencesthe urbanfabric inperiodsofurban anddemographicgrowth. However,accordingto arecent study(BFP&Statbel,2021),theBrusselsRegionisnotexpectedtowitness animpressivedemographic growth(just 97,829growthover 50years),thenwemayassumethat it isnotanurbangrowth combined with a novel mode of transport that will create a new type of urban fabric. Therefore, we could presume that a slow transformation will somewhat influence the existing urban fabric in terms of the variety and intensity of activities that these urban fabrics will host.

Interlinking of urban fabrics and its effects on policy predictability

Manifestly, the urban forms will continue to influence the results of mobility policies, which explains why the study of the characteristics of each urban fabric is essential when designing and implementing these policies For case, the PRPS demonstrate how the different urban fabrics are systematically interlinked. Indeed, if the policy targeted just the cars, it still had impacts on the transit and walking cities. Strategic plans like the Good Move encompass a beacon of measures intended to achieve a coherent urban mobility transition. However, in practice, some of the analysed new policies exhibited contradictory potential effects serving concurrently path creation, path destabilisation, and path dependence Additionally, the question of the urban fabric (predominantly the car city) outside the Brussels Region premises remains difficult regarding outcomes forecasting and management. The different regions compete to attract fiscally lucrative residents (De Maesschalck, Rijck, & Heylen, 2015) , which creates an urban flight where around 10,000 left B CR to go live in the Flemish Brabant (IBSA & Statbel, 2022) Furthermore, since each Region has its autonomy regarding transport and fiscal policies, the outcomes of the policies are less confident and paradoxically disjointed in a jointed urban fabric In the absence of a political “Brussels metropolitan area” ( Zone Métropolitaine de Bruxelles) (Van Wynsberghe, Poirier, Sinardet, & Tulkens, 2009) (Dejemeppe & Périlleux, 2012) there is a crucial need for more collaboration between the three regions Urban form: from landscape component to regime influencer

“We shape our buildings; thereafter they shape us,” the famous sentence of Winston Churchill echoes well we the current situation in our cities. It also holds a clue towards shifting our vision of the built environment around us from an unchangeable component to a translation of people’s aspirations. Is it possible to rethink the overall urban structure of the city to attenuate the presence of the private automobile? This ambitious question holds the risk of occulting the importance of the user’s perception. In the interviews, we were expecting more urban and technical answers to attenuate the presence of the private automobile in the car city. Instead, we witnessed a bigger concern on the user experience of the space and on the importance of experimenting before applying measures. We could say that no process of change is successful unless it is also endorsed by citizens whom themselves take responsibility for it afterwards In other words, there is a need to shift the mentality of the population before shifting towards a new structuration of the urban fabrics. Then, if the exnovation of the private automobile should occur, it should include also tackling its by product, the Single family detached home

Conclusion: Towards a bike city?

Throughout the findings of both the analysis of the policies and the interviews, bicycling rose as a credible competitor to the private automobile. Unlike walking, biking allows the user to cover more area/distance in the same amount of time and like the private automobile, the bike is an individual and

flexible urban transportation mode. The combination of performing measureslike RER vélo and Cairgo Bike demonstrated the potential to destabilise the automobility regime, provided that Cohesion, Directness, Attractiveness, Traffic Safety, and Comfort (Bendiks & Degros, 2013) are guaranteed for the users. The shaping of the public space to accommodate the bicycling infrastructure is on its way to establishing a new urban form or more exactly, to re shaping and integrating into the existing urban forms and landscape We could designate the Bicycle Oriented Development (BOD) as the process that’ll englobe this re shaping process.

The BOD should not be seen as an addition to the current system of transport but more of a shaker of the existing principles that federate our current mobility pattern. Indeed, the hierarchisation (Pope, 2015) and specialisation of the road network, conjugated with the radioconcentric territorial network from the B CR to its outskirts undermines the intertwined journeys that can be made on the roads between the centralities inside and outside the B CR. Nevertheless, the active modes could allow for an isotropic service, especially in the car city where they can penetrate the existing networks and increase the number of intersections. Moreover, these intersections contain a wide range of functions, from housing groups to sometimes recreational complexes or business parks and by linking and robustifying these intersections we could ensure the destabilising of the automobility regime. To conclude, to achieve a qualitative exnovation of the private automobile, it is important to bring together the different paradigms and vocabularies from both urban mobility studies and urban planning studies as well as their respective actors and specialists from other fields.

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Timeline of the regional (urban and mobility) policies since the 1990s.

: Research

Figure 3: Multi level perspective on transitions. Source: (Geels & Schot, 2007, p. 401)

Figure 4 : Differnece between Mobility, Accessibility, and Access

Figure 5: Various disciplines that are linked around the urban studies theme. Made by the author.

Figure 6 : Scheme summarising different approaches to the study of cities. The graphic was made by the author based on the work of Padisson (2001)

Figure 7 The Automobile City, Transit City and Walking City, based on an original diagram from Newman and Kenworthy (1999).

Figure 8 Scheme of the "transport land use feedback cycle" (Wegener &Fürst, 1999: adapted by Bertolini, 2012)

Figure 9 : Application of Path creation and Path destabilisation on the three urban fabrics (Mäkinen, Kivimaa, & Helminen, 2015, p. 490)

Figure 10 : Scheme demonstrates the link between the Scheme of the "Transport land use feedback cycle and the MLP in the case of the Car city. Made by the author 16

Figure 11 : Scheme demonstrating the link between Scheme of the "Transport land use feedback cycle and the MLP in the case of Walking city and Transit city. Made by the author. 16

Figure 12 : Variations of the indicators of the analitical framework 19

Figure 13 : The spatial structure of the urban Region of Brussels (Dessouroux & Puissant, 2008, p. 27)

Figure 14 : Map of the historical development of and around Brussels (Cavalieri, et al., 2021, pp. 52 53)

Figure 15 : Sattelite image of Walking City in B CR (left) and outskirt ( right)...................................23

Figure 16 : Sattelite image of Transit City in B CR (left) and outskirt ( right) 23

Figure 17 : Sattelite image of Walking City in B CR (left) and outskirt ( right)

18 : Density and typology of land use in Brussels and its outskirts. Data from Urban Atlas 2018.

Figure 19 : Density of the urban form in section of a map including B CR and the Flemish Region. (Cavalieri, et al., 2021, p.

20:Ageoftheurbanforminsection ofamapincludingB CRandtheFlemishRegion. (Cavalieri, et al., 2021, p. 55)

: The institutional structure of federal Belgium (practice).

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