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MANSION HOUSE RALLY
James Connolly-Heron evokes 1916 spirit
Delivering a
united Ireland FRANK STAGG – 1976 –
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GHOSTS OF PATRIOTS HAUNT FINE GAEL AND LABOUR
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2 February / Feabhra 2016
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Sinn Féin deputy First Minister to fight for Foyle Assembly seat
Martin McGuinness Back home in Derry MARTIN McGUINNESS has confirmed that he will seek the Sinn Féin nomination to contest the upcoming Assembly election in the Foyle constituency. The election is likely to happen in May. The dramatic move was officially announced on Saturday 23 January at the Sinn Féin Cúige Uladh AGM in the Millennium Forum in Derry. After mounting speculation, the Sinn Féin deputy First Minister declared that he will be seeking to join sitting Foyle MLAs Maeve McLaughlin and Raymond McCartney on the ballot paper in Derry. The move will see Martin McGuinness move from his Assembly seat in Mid Ulster, which he has held since 1998, to seek a seat in his native city. Speaking in the Millennium Forum – the venue of last year’s Sinn Féin Ard Fheis – Martin McGuinness said: “I would like to take this occasion to confirm that I will indeed be seeking the nomination to contest that election in the Foyle constituency. “I have chosen to do so because I believe I can supplement the fantastic work that Maeve McLaughlin and
Raymond McCartney have already been doing.” The deputy First Minister also said he wants to build on the work already carried out by Sinn Féin in the city. “I want to see this city and region thriving and making the most of the massive potential that we have here. “The best way to achieve that is a stronger Sinn Féin Assembly team in Foyle. “Team Sinn Féin is better for Derry, and if I am successful in seeking the party nomination I firmly believe that I can help us take three seats in this constituency,” he said. He also said it had been a honour to serve as Sinn Féin MLA in Mid Ulster. “I leave Mid Ulster with a heavy heart but also safe in the knowledge that Sinn Féin has never been stronger there. “I am privileged to have played a part in that growth and the benefits that such strong Sinn Féin leadership has brought to the constituency.” The senior Sinn Féin figure also told the large crowd at the Millennium Forum that the next few months will be crucial with two major elections on the island.
IN PICTURES
“This will be a huge year for our party. The New Ireland has never been closer. “The vision set out a century ago by the men and women of 1916 has never been more realisable. “It is their vision of a New Republic – founded on civil and religious liberty,
The Sinn Féin deputy First Minister said he will be seeking to join sitting Foyle MLAs Maeve McLaughlin and Raymond McCartney on the ballot paper in Derry
5 Martin McGuinness MLA announces his return to Derry at the Cúige Uladh AGM
social justice, equality and fairness – which still guides us as republicans today. “We are the people – the only people – who can turn the vision of 1916 into a reality.” 5 Deputy Mayor of Armagh Councillor Catherine Seeley
photos@anphoblacht.com
5 Derry singer-songwriter Deckie McLaughlin sings 'Rise Up' – a new song marking the centenary of the 1916 Rising – at the Sinn Féin Cúige Uladh AGM
5 Save Moore Street rally at Leinster House – Gerry Adams TD, Aengus Ó Snodaigh TD, Councillor Denise Mitchell, Mayor of South Dublin Sarah Holland, 5 Sinn Fein's Mary Lou McDonald TD speaks to protesters on Moore Street after demonstrators occupied buildings in opposition to demolition works which many fear will destroy much of the last headquarters of the Provisional Government of the Irish Republic Councillor Janice Boylan and Moore Street trader Chrissie Boylan
February / Feabhra 2016
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3
GENERAL ELECTION 2016
5 Sinn Féin's Dublin Fingal candidate Louise O Reilly, Dublin Central candidate Mary Lou McDonald TD and Carlow/Kilkenny election candidate Councillor Kathleen Funchion at the launch of Sinn Féin's childcare policy document 'Better4Childcare'
BY MARK MOLONEY SINN FÉIN is launching its most concerted electoral challenge in almost a century as the party looks to contest all 40 constituencies across the 26 Counties, standing 50 candidates in total for Dáil seats.. As An Phoblahct goes to print, 26 February is still considered the most likely day for the election though no official date has been set. An Taoiseach Enda Kenny said in January he has set his mind on the date but he refused to tell the voters until he was ready. Sinn Féin hopes to press home its advantage from the 2014 local and European elections
which saw a swathe of new councillors elected as well as taking a European seat in each of the four Irish jurisdictions – resulting in every citizen, North and South, having an elected Sinn Féin candidate at one level or another in their constituency. Party activists have been out canvassing and meeting constituents for months, with reports indicating a highly-positive reception – much of which is down to the incredibly hard work put in by the party’s crop of newly-elected and long-standing representatives on councils throughout the state. Over a third (36%) of the party’s candidates are women, one of the highest amongst the main parties. The party will pursue two-candidate strategies
‘We need every single person to get out and make sure they cast their vote for Sinn Féin if they want change’
5 Sinn Féin's Dublin South West team at a strategy meeting for Seán Crowe TD and Mayor of South Dublin Sarah Holland's campaign
New childcare policy launched LAUNCHING Sinn Féin’s “Better 4 Childcare” policy in Dublin on 22 January, deputy leader Mary Lou McDonald said a Government led by her party would be better for childcare as it would set a maximum fee at €180 a week reducing to €150 incrementally. Speaking at the launch alongside party colleagues Louise O’Reilly and Kathleen Funchion, Mary Lou said: “We want to give children the best start in life. By improving the quality of early childhood education to promote positive experiences and learning
outcomes, we can also develop a system that is responsive to the needs of both children and parents. “Parents should feel safe in the knowledge that they will be able to return to working life and that their children will be safe within an improved childcare system. We also want to increase employment in the childcare sector itself.” There would also be a six-week extension to maternity benefit followed by an incremental increase to 52 weeks of parental leave.
in a number of constituencies where support is notably strong, including Louth, Cavan/ Monaghan, Sligo/Leitrim, Dublin Bay North, Dublin North-West, Dublin South Central and Dublin South-West, as well as fielding three candidates in the newly-joined Donegal five-seater. While Sinn Féin strategists never speak about expected outcomes, analysis from others such as RTÉ says the party is “well-poised” to pick up seats throughout the state. In 2014, Sinn Féin took 15.2% of the vote in local elections and opinion polls since have placed the party’s support holding between 17% and 19% – almost twice what the party received in the 2011 general election. Party strategists admit that turnout will be key. Opinion polls show Sinn Féin as the most popular party amongst younger and workingclass voters – however these are two of the groups who are least likely to get out and vote. Meanwhile, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil support is especially strong amongst older and better-off voters – the two groups who consistently have the highest turnout: A Sinn Féin spokesperson told An Phoblacht: “We need every single person to get out and make sure they cast their vote for Sinn Féin if they want change. Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil want to look after those at the top with tax breaks for the rich and well-connected. If people want to see a fair recovery that prioritises investment in key services such as healthcare and housing and a scrapping of unfair tax burdens on ordinary families such as water charges and property tax then they need to use their vote to elect Sinn Féin TDs as only a Sinn Féin-led government can deliver on these issues.”
4 February / Feabhra 2016
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anphoblacht Editorial
WHAT'S INSIDE 15
Waving the flag of oppression – Who are Irish4Israel? 19
The shame of Easter Week? The unionist response to the 1916 Rising 20
Ar fhaitíos na bhfaitíos 22 & 23
anphoblacht Eagarfhocal
anphoblacht
1916 centenary year election milestone 2016 will see elections for the Dáil and for the Assembly. It is an opportunity for real change, to have republicans in government North and South.
The first step is the Dáil general election and ending the rule of the parties that have failed to live up to the standards of the men and women of 1916 and failed to deliver the promise of the Proclamation. Many factors beyond the control of republicans (not least the anti-republican Establishment media) could swing the election one way or another, but the one factor we can control is our own drive and determination to mount as an effective campaign as humanly possible in the few weeks we have till people go to the polls. This year also marks the 35th anniversary
The Rising belongs to the people
THE 1916 CENTENARY EVENTS have begun – and so have the Establishment attacks on Sinn Féin’s role in the Rising commemorations. Unlike the other parties, Sinn Féin has commemorated the Rising every year and across the island, North and South. Republicans have been proud to do so and we make no apologies for continuing to commemorate the events of 1916 this centenary year. Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams said as far back as April of
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A republican guide to Dáil election 2016 SUBSCRIBE ONLINE To get your An Phoblacht delivered direct to your mobile device or computer for just €10 per 12 issues and access to the historic The Irish Volunteer newspaper posted online weekly and An Phoblacht’s/IRIS the republican magazine archives
of the historic H-Blocks Hunger Strikes in which ten republicans gave their lives in the battle for the restoration of political status. It is also 35 years since the election of Kieran Doherty TD and Bobby Sands MP, when the people rejected the attempt by those in power to criminalise republicans. What better way of paying tribute to the Hunger Strikers – and all the men and women who have given their lives down the generations – than to return the largest number of Sinn Féin TDs ever elected since the extraordinary all-Ireland general election of 1918 and marking a milestone on the way to restoring a united Ireland and a nation once again.
last year, when he launched Sinn Féin’s centenary programme, that the memory and ownership of 1916 does not exclusively belong to Sinn Féin, any other party, or the Government. As a republican party, Sinn Féin encourages everyone to share in learning about, understanding, critically evaluating, celebrating and commemorating this momentous period in this island’s history. No one party or group owns these celebrations – the 1916 Rising belongs to the people of Ireland.
AN PHOBLACHT is published monthly by Sinn Féin. The views in An Phoblacht are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Sinn Féin. We welcome articles, opinions and photographs from new contributors but contact the Editor first. An Phoblacht, Kevin Barry House, 44 Parnell Square, Dublin 1, Ireland Telephone: (+353 1) 872 6 100. Email: editor@anphoblacht.com
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www.sinnfein.ie/lotto
WIN WITH SINN FÉIN Sinn Féin has just launched its new online lottery – Sinn Féin Lotto 32. This is where you can not only help the party with its campaign for Irish reunification and the creation of a genuine 32-county republic based on the principles of the 1916 Proclamation – and where you also have the
chance to win the Jackpot cash prize, wherever you are in the world. Sinn Féin Lotto 32 is drawn every Sunday. No winner of the first Sinn Féin Lotto 32 (24/1/2016) - two Lucky Dip winners of £50 each:
George Hayes, Louth
Rosemary Brown, Down
February / Feabhra 2016
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5
JOIN THE RISING Mansion House filled to capacity for first 1916 centenary year event BY MARK MOLONEY THERE WERE QUEUES outside the Mansion House on Thursday 7 January over an hour before Sinn Féin’s ‘Join the Rising’ event to launch its year of centenary events opened its doors. By the time an actor appeared on stage in the role of Pádraig Pearse and flanked by Irish Citizen Army Volunteers tor read the Proclamation, the venue was full to capacity. Martin Ferris TD went outside to speak to those who were unable to get in. James Connolly-Heron, great-grandson of executed 1916 leader James Connolly, gave a barnstorming speech in which he condemned the Fine Gael/ Labour Government’s plans to destroy the historic terrace on Moore Street – the last headquarters of the Provisional Government of the Irish Republic. As he delivered his speech, he also informed the audience to applause
‘An alternative can be presented if there is a will to do so. It is clear that there is so much more that unites us than divides us. A coalition of the Left makes more sense than a coalition with the Right’
5 Dublin's Mansion House was full to capacity for Sinn Féin's 'Join the Rising' centenary event on 7 January
James Connolly Heron, great-grandson of James Connolly
that activists had occupied the terrace to halt demolition works which were underway. Connolly-Heron also hit out at the Government’s plans for the centenary, describing it as an “airbrushing” exercise designed to distort history: “In November 2014, on an infamous evening in our recent history – a night never to be forgotten – our government set out an ‘Ireland Inspires’ programme that purported to remember that golden generation in the spiritual home of the rising – the GPO. There, on a video screen in front of various state and invited dignitaries from around the globe, the men and women of 1916 were written out of history in the very place where they made history. As if they never lived – as if they never died. “Not a single image of a 1916 leader or Volunteer, man or woman, appeared on that big screen. The heroes of our history, the fathers and mothers of the nation were replaced by images of among others the Queen of England, David Cameron, Dr Ian Paisley, Brian
5 An actor portraying Pádraig Pearse reads the Proclamation of the Irish Republic
5 Musician Darren McGovern performs 'The Foggy Dew'
5 James Connolly-Heron, Mary Lou McDonald TD and Gerry Adams TD speak at the event
SEE PAGE 8 FOR EASTER 1916-2016 CENTENARY EVENTS
O’Driscoll and Bono. What centenary, what commemoration and what celebration was being planned, many asked as well they might. Who were the mysterious architects of this charade? We simply do not know. “The taming of nationalism’s moment had arrived. This was a blatant and shameful airbrushing exercise in a distortion of our history in an attempt to distance citizens from their history and diminish and detract from a golden generation of their time – the likes of which we have not seen since.” Speaking on the current political situation, he said: “An alternative can be presented if there is a will to do so. It is clear that there is so much more that unites us than divides us. A coalition of the Left makes more sense than a coalition with the Right. “We must return politics to the secure embrace of the people with elected representatives as servants of the people acting in the public interest.” The final speech was delivered by Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams, who told the audience that 2016 is the year in which the stranglehold of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael can be broken and a truly republican government which aims to deliver on the ideals contained in the Proclamation can be delivered: “Ireland today needs once again the spirit and vision of the Hunger Strikers allied to the selflessness and generosity of those who struck for freedom and justice 100 years ago. And it is ordinary citizens like us who must take up that vision and renew that spirit.”
6 February / Feabhra 2016
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General election 2016 a straight choice – a Government led by Fine Gael or Sinn Féin Kathleen Funchion
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD
Carlow/Kilkenny
Cavan/Monaghan
Pat Buckley
Thomas Gould
Cork East
Cork North Central
In elections, as in Government, there are always choices 5 Fine Gael and Labour have completely failed to address the health, housing and mortgage crises
Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire Cork South Central
Pádraig Mac Lochlainn TD Donegal
Rachel McCarthy Cork South West
Mícheál Mac Donncha Dublin Bay North
BY EOIN Ó BROIN
Mary Lou McDonald TD Dublin Central
Dessie Ellis TD
Dublin North West
Seán Crowe TD
Dublin South West
Annemarie Roche Galway East
Patricia Ryan Kildare South
Paul Hogan
Longford-Westmeath
Darren O’Rourke Meath East
Martin Kenny
THE IDEA that the outcome has all but been decided is not only insulting to voters but runs contrary to the facts. Recent SPB/RedC core polling numbers tell us that up to 22% of voters have yet to make up their minds. The real figure is likely higher as many voters flirting with Independents and smaller parties will move to larger parties as their focus shifts to Government formation. Recent elections in Britain, Portugal and Spain all demonstrate that the heady mix of anger and fear swirling around elector-
Polling throughout 2015 indicates that up to 80% of people are not feeling the recovery directly ates battered and bruised by seven long years of austerity can produce unexpected results. So when you hear a Government spokesperson telling you that there is no alternative, just remind yourself that that is what they want you to believe. In elections, as in Government, there are always choices. The choice between a Government led by Sinn Féin or Fine Gael is much more than a matter of different names and faces. It is a choice between two fundamentally different understandings of the state of the economy and society after seven years of austerity and a choice between two opposing visions of the future of our country. The Fine Gael narrative – straight from the Tory Party playbook – seeks to pit the so-called stability of their recovery with the threat of chaos if Sinn Féin are in government. It is a politics of fear not hope.
Sligo-Leitrim
www.sinnfein.ie
Louise O'Reilly Dublin Fingal
Sorcha Nic Cormaic Dublin Rathdown
Sarah Holland
Dublin South West
5 Sinn Féin representatives Pearse Doherty TD, Louise O'Reilly, Mary Lou McDonald TD and Pádraig Mac Lochlainn TD pledge that in Government one of the party's first actions will be to scrap water charges
They point to rising GDP, jobs growth, increasing tax revenues, and the end of austerity budgets as evidence of this. The big question is whether their narrative bears any relationship to the lived experience of the majority of voters. The evidence suggests not. Polling throughout 2015 indicates that up to 80% of people are not feeling the recovery directly. Why? Because even those who have managed to get back to work are too often in low-paid jobs, burdened by heavy debt and high living costs. Our public services are in crisis, as anybody who spends a day in our hospital emergency departments or council housing departments will testify. There is no recovery for the growing number of working families living on the edge of poverty. No recovery for the growing number of patients lying on hospital trolleys. No recovery for families trapped in emergency accommodation. No recovery for parents unable to return to work because of the cost of childcare. Scratch just a little beneath the well-crafted recovery scripts of Enda Kenny and Joan Burton and you will find a deeply-divided society in which the majority continue to be left behind. This is not an accident. It is the direct result of five successive Budgets which,
according to the Economic & Social Research Institute’s distributional analyses, privileged the wealthy over low-income and middle-income families. Budget after Budget, Fine Gael and Labour made a simple choice. They chose not to invest in services and families. They made all the wrong cuts and rewarded all the wrong people. Thanks to Fine Gael and Labour, the top 250 individuals saw their wealth
Even those who have managed to get back to work are too often in low-paid jobs, burdened by heavy debt and high living costs rise by 16% to €75billion last year while low-income and middle-income families continue to struggle to make ends meet. The result was a longer and tougher recession followed by a deeply unfair recovery. And now they want to further reward the wealthy with tax cuts, the result of which will be to further hollow out the tax base, starving our public services of much-needed investment.
A Fine Gael victory in 2016 will mean stability for the few and chaos for the majority. A Government led by Sinn Féin would start from a very different premise. Our narrative seeks to give people hope, not riddle them with fear. A real recovery, one that benefits all, can only be based on a different social and economic model. It is built on a fair and sustainable distribution of jobs where stronger protections and better wages for workers improve their lives and strengthen the local economy. It requires a new approach to politics that ends the culture of cronyism and extravagance that even today pervades the bubble that is the Dáil and Seanad at Leinster House. The real fear of the overpaid party strategists in Government Buildings is not chaos but equality. They and the coterie they represent are not offering stability but more of the same two-tier economy and society. Election 2016, like all elections, is about choices. Do voters want to continue with the failed consensus politics of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael-led governments? Or do voters want real social, economic and political change? Everything is still to play for. If you want real change, then you are better off with Sinn Féin.
Trevor Ó Clochartaigh Galway West
Brian Stanley TD Laois
Gerry Adams TD Louth
Peadar Tóibín TD Meath West
Chris MacManus Sligo-Leitrim
Johnny Mythen Wexford
February / Feabhra 2016
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7
Noeleen Moran
Kathryn Reilly
Clare
Cavan/Monaghan
Jonathan O'Brien TD
Nigel Dennehy
Cork North Central
Cork North West
Gary Doherty
Pearse Doherty TD
Donegal
Donegal
Denise Mitchell
Chris Andrews
Dublin Bay North
Dublin Bay South
Eoin Ó Broin
Cathleen Carney Boud
Dublin Mid West
Leading a progressive government
Máire Devine
Dublin South Central
Paul Donnelly
Dublin South Central
Martin Ferris TD Kerry
Maurice Quinlivan Limerick City
Imelda Munster Louth
Carol Nolan Offaly
Séamie Morris Tipperary
John Brady Wicklow
BY GERRY ADAMS TD IN the Dáil general election, the Establishment parties of Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil and Labour seek a continuation of ‘business as usual’. That means continued political cronyism and policies that entrench inequality and unfairness. The Fine Gael/Labour coalition has presided over an unprecedented housing and homeless crisis, chaos in our hospitals, increased taxes on struggling families and workers, regressive Budgets, the dismantling of vital public services and the abandonment of rural communities. Fine Gael is clearly advocating a return to reckless ‘boom and bust’ policies which previously caused the collapse of the economy. The result will be further destruction of public services and increased hardship for ordinary, working people. The so-called ‘recovery’ they wish to sustain is a recovery only for those who have already benefited – high earners, bankers and property developers. This Government has continued to protect the Golden Circle. Just like Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Labour Party have continued political appointments to state boards and refused to act on high salaries for politicians, in banking and on state bodies. Meanwhile, they have ignored the demands of hundreds of thousands of citizens who have taken to the streets again and again to demand the scrapping of domestic water charges. This Government has also refused to engage with the British Government in the consistent strategic way that is required to ensure the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and other agreements. A vote for Labour in this election is a vote for a Fine Gael-led Government. Labour Party figures claim they are in
Government to put the brakes on Fine Gael’s right-wing impulse. We’ve heard it all before, and all the evidence demonstrates the opposite. Labour ministers have been the most enthusiastic proponents of vicious cuts to the welfare of ordinary families. As a senior Cabinet member, Joan Burton oversaw the implementation of water charges, the Property Tax, cuts to child benefit, removal of medical cards, cuts to health and welfare, and a succession of stealth taxes. Indeed, most people no longer see any point of having the Labour Party in Government. Meanwhile, Fianna Fáil cannot provide a credible opposition to the present
It is a choice between a Fine Gael-led Government which will continue unfairness and inequality or a Sinn Féin-led Government committed to a recovery for all citizens – in other words, a genuine republic. Such a progressive government will end water charges and the family home tax. It would make the economy serve society, not the other way around. It would prioritise investment in jobs and public services and implement a fairer tax system to sustain a more equal society. Among Sinn Féin’s priorities is the delivery of universal healthcare – this means free GP care, free prescriptions, ending two-tier access to hospitals and dealing with the trolley crisis.
The Fine Gael/Labour coalition has presided over an unprecedented housing and homeless crisis, chaos in our hospitals, increased taxes on struggling families and workers, regressive Budgets, the dismantling of vital public services and the abandonment of rural communities Government which is merely implementing a policy plan laid out for it by Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil leader Mícheál Martin sat around the Cabinet table for 14 years, developing the very policies now being implemented by Fine Gael and Labour. Domestic water charges were Fianna Fáil’s brainchild. By ruling Fianna Fáil out of Government, and putting his party ahead of the needs of citizens, Mícheál Martin has made Fianna Fáil irrelevant to the election campaign. So this election boils down to a choice between two different visions for Irish society.
We would build 100,000 social and affordable homes and tackle the scandal of banks charging extortionate interest rates on variable mortgages. Sinn Féin would seek to end corruption in politics and cut politicians’ salaries. We would reduce and eventually abolish third-level fees, invest in decent childcare, disability and mental health services. Ultimately, this election is a choice: a choice between the failed politics of conservative parties who have ruled the state since partition or a genuine republican alternative that offers the prospect of radical political change. In this centenary year of the 1916
Rising, it is important to remember that the ideals of equality and social justice at the heart of the Proclamation are required more than ever. Ireland today needs once again the spirit and vision, the selflessness and generosity of those who struck for freedom and justice 100 years ago. The core values of the 1916 Proclamation remain the mission statement of Irish republicanism today. Unlike Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil or the Labour Party, Sinn Féin has a vision grounded in these values. We have a plan for a fair recovery that will benefit all our people equally. Our aim is a united Ireland and a new republic on this island which cherishes all our people in all their diversity and puts the interests of citizens first. The Government’s refusal (and the failure of successive governments) to develop the historic Moore Street battlefield site as a historic quarter and a fitting memorial to the men and women of 1916 illustrates how embarrassed Fine Gael and Labour are by the centenary of the Rising and the social and economic intent of the 1916 Proclamation. Sinn Féin is the only party that can lead a government to transform the political, social and economic life of citizens. We are advancing credible policies to build a better, fairer Ireland Another Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael-led government merely offers more of the same. So in this election – vote republican. Vote for change. Vote for fairness and equality. Vote for unity. Vote Sinn Féin.
Dublin North West
Aengus Ó Snodaigh TD Dublin South Central
Shane O’Brien
Dun Laoghaire
Réada Cronin Kildare North
Séamus Browne Limerick County
Rose Conway-Walsh Mayo
Claire Kerrane
Roscommon-Galway
David Cullinane Waterford
#JointheRising
8 February / Feabhra 2016
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Impressive series of events for 1916 centenary year
www.revolution1916.ie
1916 CENTENARY EVENTS are already underway with impressive programmes already in place in Dublin, Belfast, Derry and Kerry and many locally-accessible events across the 32 Counties, including exhibitions, films, drama, parades, talks, concerts and music. National events are listed in the display advertisement on this page. • In Belfast, throughout February and on International Women’s Day on 8 March, there will be discussion groups and events on the theme ‘Women in the Struggle’. Also in March is an exhibition in south Belfast on the Corr sisters, who reported to James Connolly in Liberty Hall despite the Volunteers mobilisation order being countermanded. Several weekends from April on are given over to individual figures in the Rising, including Charlie Monahan, James Connolly, Winifred Carney and Seán Mac Diarmada There is a Centenary Easter Parade on Sunday 27 March, an Irish Volunteers Re-enactment with a march from Hamill Street to MacRory Park on Sunday 5 June. A 1916-2016 Centenary Dinner will be held in the Waterfront Hall on Saturday 14 May with over a thousand guests, including relatives of those executed in 1916. There’s a host of local events across the city as well. The full programme can be obtained by visiting the 1916-2016 Centenary Shop, 189 Falls Road, or through Facebook Rising2016Belfast or Twitter @Belfast1916.
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1916 Rising
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• In Derry, the schedule begins on 2 February with ‘1916: Visionaries and their Words’, book launch: Reflections of Prison Struggle 1976-1981 (1 March), International Women’s Day (8 March), lecture: James Connolly and his Legacy (11 March), Easter Rising Exhibition launch at Tower Museum (14 March), conference: Uniting Ireland (Millennium Forum, 21 March, 7:30pm), Easter Commemorations (21 March), Macalla 1916 with Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Éireann, a specially-commissioned work with a 50-piece orchestra entitled Ireland Easter Rising – An Echo of the Past, A Vision of the Future (Millennium Forum, 3 April, 8pm), Hunger Strike Commemoration March (1 May), bilingual exhibition The Revival of the Irsih Language and the Easter Rising (May), pageant: Dawning of the Day (Guildhall Square, 12 May), 1916 Film Festival (Nerve Centre and other venues, 1-4 June), Annual Derry Volunteers Commemoration (26
By Pádraig own and Dublin in 1916 • Thursday 14th January Social Conditions in Kingst Dún Laoghaire • dlr Lexicon, Moran Park,
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June), Derry Volunteers CommemMichael Mallin orative Annual Dinner Dance (11 Major John McBride November). Derry is also running a Youth Programme and a number of events are being held at the Milennium Forum and the Nerve Centre as well as local initiatives across the city. Contact: Derry Twitter @1916_easter • dlr Lexicon, Moran Park,
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DLR (DLR 1916 Rising Committe
• A Dublin City Council bilingual multimedia exhibition, Citizens in Conflict 1916 (“gives special place to the civilians who were killed during the Rising, listing all 257, including 40 children) is on view at Dublin City Library and Archive, Pearse Street,
until the end of June. It includes eyewitness accounts of the Rising and other unique sources such as the Dublin Fire Brigade logbook for Easter Week 1916 from Tara Street station.
• The Dún Laoghaire/Rathdown 1916 Rising Committee in South County Dublin and DLR County Council are hosting a series of lectures on Thursdays (7pm to 9pm) in February and March at the DLR Lexicon, Moran Park, Dún Laoghaire on 1916 and Ireland’s Revolutionary Tradition (4 February), Patrick Moran, Irish Volunteer and Trade Unionist (11 February), Sherwood Foresters: From Dún Laoghaire to the Battle of Mount Street (18 February), Roger Casement (25 February), Captain Jack White (3 March), Michael Mallin (10 March), Major John MacBride (24 March).
5 Joe Dunne reads the Proclamation of the Irish Republic on the steps of Derry's Guildhall at the launch of the Derry Centenary Commemoration programme
February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
9
Sa tríú cuid dár sraith ‘Ról an Stáit agus Ról an Phobail’, scríobhann Feidhmeannach Cumarsáide agus CTI (Cosaint Teanga agus Ionadaíocht) Chonradh na Gaeilge ó thuaidh – An Dr Pádraig Ó Tiarnaigh faoi thábhacht an ‘Cur i bhfeidhm’. Labhair Pádraig ag an plé painéil le linn Shlógadh Shinn Féin in Iúr Cinn Trá ar na mallaibh
‘Ár dTeanga’: Cur i bhfeidhm nó Cur i gCéill? LEIS AN DR PÁDRAIG Ó TIARNAIGH NÍ FADA ó shin a iarradh orm caint ag Slógadh Gaeilge Shinn Féin i nGaeláras Mhic Ardghail in Iúr Cinn Trá. Is cuimhin liom go maith ag an am mo mhachnamh a dhéanamh ar ábhar an phlé; ‘Ról and Stáit agus Ról an Phobail’ i dtaobh na Gaeilge. Ní raibh freagra na ceiste, nó fuascailt na faidhbe, agam. Ansin mhothaigh mé tuairisc RCEF (DCAL) maidir leis an chomhairliúchán ar Bhille na Gaeilge: Fuarthas 12,911 freagra don chomhairliúchán, ó eagrais agus ó dhaoine aonair, a raibh 94.7% (12,233) díobh ag tacú leis an Ghaeilge. Ardaíodh mo chroí. Bua! Ansin, thit sé arís, agus smaoinigh mé; cad is fiú seo uilig gan chur i bhfeidhm? Ceistím go minic, mar sin, cá luíonn an Ghaeilge sa lá atá inniu ann, agus cá luíonn ‘ár dteanga’ mar thosaíocht don dá rialtas? Ba chóir go leanúnach an cheist sin a chur, an staid reatha sin a mheas. Cad é mar a mhothaíonn an pobal féin faoin teanga agus cad iad na láidreachtaí, na láigí agus go príomha, na dúshláin is mó atá roimpi mar theanga bheo? Níl aon cheist, dár liom, go bhfuil tuairimí dearfacha ann maidir leis an Ghaeilge ar fud an oileáin, i measc na bpobal éagsúil, mar a léirítear i dtaighde a rinne Conradh na Gaeilge i gcomhar le Millard Brown in 2015: Léiríodh go gcreideann 72% de dhaoine ó dheas agus 63% de dhaoine ó thuaidh gur chóir go mbeadh Gaeloideachas ar fáil do dhaoine ar mhaith leo é. Aontaíonn 65% de dhaoine ó dheas agus 55% de dhaoine ó thuaidh gur chóir don stát/rialtas tacaíocht a thabhairt do phobail áitiúla chun straitéis Ghaeilge a fhorbairt ina gceantar féin Creideann 70% de dhaoine ó dheas agus 54% de dhaoine ó thuaidh gur chóir go mbeadh seirbhísí ar fáil trí Ghaeilge do dhaoine ar mhaith leo iad a úsáid. Cad é, mar sin, atá cur bac ar fhorbairt na teanga. Taobh amuigh d’easpa tacaíochta trás-pholaitiúla, caithfear amharc go príomha ar easpa maoinithe. Tá dí-infheistiú fadtéarmach
“Táimid ag bualadh buille láidir ar son na hÉireann anocht, buille níos láidre ná do shílfeá ar dtús, óir táimid ag taispeáint don domhan mór go bhfuil an tsean-Éire, Éire na Gaeilge, beo ann go fóill, agus táimid ag dul inár mbannaí go mbeidh sí beo ann go bráth… Agus ansin nuair a thiocfas scéal na hÉireann do bheith scríofa san am le teacht, léifidh na daoine a thiocfas inár ndiaidh gur éirigh sibhse amach agus gur sheas sibh go daingean dílis ar son teanga bhur dtíre, agus gur chuir sibh í arís ina háit féin, ar mhodh nach bhfuil baol uirthi bheith caillte choíche” Éireoimid feasta, tá an lá geal ag teacht’, Óráid Dhúbhglas de hÍde, Uachtarán Chonradh na Gaeilge ag An Chéad Oireachtas, 17 Bealtaine 1897
5 Pádraig Ó Tiarnaigh
déanta ar an Ghaeilge. Laghdaíodh buiséad Fhoras na Gaeilge ó €20milliún go níos lú ná €15milliún ó bhí 2007 ann. Is ionann sin agus gearradh siar de breis agus 25% i gcomhthéacs inar raibh méadú suntasach i bpobal na Gaeilge chomh maith le méadú ar dualgais reachtúla Fhoras na Gaeilge – ag eascair ó na straitéisí éagsúla a chuireadh i bhfeidhm ag leibhéal an rialtais. Laghdaíodh buiséad Údarás na Gaeltachta ó €25.5milliún go €6mhilliún ó bhí 2008 ann. Sin againn slad iomlán ar bhuiséad an Údaráis. Chonaic muid an taighde a seoladh maidir le todhchaí na Gaeltachta anuraidh. Cad é freagra an stáit? Béalghrá, gearradh siar maoinithe agus tuilleadh den chur i gcéill. Cad é an ról atá ag an phobal? Cur in éadan. Cinneadh, freagra, gníomh. Ní bhíonn an scéal i gcónaí chomh duairc is a shíltear. Bíonn seansanna agus féidearthachtaí forásacha ann. Caithfidh gach gearán, gach fadhb, bheith ceangailte le moladh, réiteach agus fuascailt. Ní mór dúinn mar phobal bheith dóchasach, agus níos tábhachtaí arís, bheith ceannasach. Don chéad uair tá pobal na Gaeilge (breis’s 80 grúpa pobail chomh maith leis na heagrais reachtúla, Foras na Gaeilge agus Údarás na Gaeltachta) uilig
comhaontaithe ar phlean do bhreis mhaoinithe don Ghaeilge. Tá an plean seo spriocdhírithe agus bunaithe ar bhearnaí sa phobal agus dírithe ar tionscadail reatha atá ag feidhmiú go héifeachtach agus go sásúil cheana féin. Mar atá fhios againn fan am seo, beidh dhá olltoghchán ann go luath i mbliana – thuaidh agus theas. Molann Conradh na Gaeilge go mbeidh Aire Sinsearach le Gaeilge don Ghaeilge agus don Ghaeltacht agus Comhchoiste Oireachtais seasta don Ghaeilge agus don Ghaeltacht a bheadh ar chomhchéim leis na comhchoistí Oireachtais eile. Agus ó thuaidh, moltar go mbeidh Aire Pobail agus Aire Oideachais ann a bheas báúil don Ghaeilge, is rannaí iontach go deo tábhacht iad seo maidir le cur chun cinn na teanga agus forbairt na Gaeilge sa chóras oideachais agus ag leibhéal an phobail. Ach creidim i gcónaí gur chóir dúinn fís a cheangail le gach rud. Sprioc a bheith ag baint le gach gníomh. Is é an sprioc fadtéarmach a aithním féin ná an teanga féin a normalú agus a bhuanú; cuirimis deireadh leis an chur i gcéill agus déanaimis an brú a dhíriú ar an chur i bhfeidhm. ‘Éireoimid feasta’, a impíonn an Craoibhín; ‘Go dtaga an lá geal sin gan mhoill’ a ghuíonn an pobal.
10 February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
Why is the
middle class so afraid of Easter Week?
BY EOIN Ó MURCHÚ
Who fears to speak of Easter Week That week of famed renown, When the boys in green went out to fight The forces of the Crown. THE 100th anniversary of the Easter Rising is a time of great pride for the vast majority of Irish people, yet the official ‘celebrations’ are strangely muted. There is a clear reluctance to praise the Rising and the Establishment media vie with each other to condemn and smear the honour and bravery of the men and women who challenged the British Empire at the zenith of its power. While the Irish Times condemns the Rising as “immoral”, the rest of the media insist that we must equally remember those who died fighting for the Empire and against the freedom of Ireland. They insist, in the words of historian Diarmuid Ferriter, that there is more than one definition
I believe the roots of the unease of Fine Gael, Labour and Fianna Fáil lie in the fact that the state that the Establishment created failed to fulfil the expectations of the Irish people of freedom, as if being subservient to Britain can also be defined as freedom. But why is it that parties which claim descent from those who raised the banner of freedom in 1916 are so ambivalent about the celebration? Fine Gael – which claims Easter Week combatant Michael Collins as its founding inspiration; Fianna Fáil – which includes among its founding personnel people like Constance Markiewicz and Seán Moylan, a key figure in the Tan War; and Labour, which blasphemously claims James Connolly as its founder. I believe that the roots of their unease lie in the fact that the state that the Establishment created – a Free State wrapped up in red, white and blue, and now enfolded in the 12 EU stars – failed completely to fulfil the expectations of the Irish people. In rising up against the Empire, Irish people believed that our own state would enable us to develop our economy, end poverty and emigration and take our place among the developed nations of the world. The sad fact is that the first years of the Free State were wasted years: the cattle ranchers and the retail capitalists had no vision beyond their existing economic interests and were happy to administer their bit of Ireland in harmony with the interests of the Empire. It was Home Rule writ large.
5 Historian Diarmuid Ferriter
5 Parties claiming descent of the Irish patriots of 1916 are ambivalent about celebrating the centenary 5 Fine Gael claims Easter Week combatant Michael Collins as their founding inspiration
5 Labour Party TDs claim to follow in the footsteps of James Connolly
The only achievement worthy of note in that era was the Shannon Scheme at Ardnacrusha and the establishment of the ESB. Fianna Fáil came to power in 1932 essentially because the Free State was such a dismal failure.
It set about a limited dismantling of the Treaty in the 26 Counties together with a programme of industrial development and social improvement. But Fianna Fáil was always characterised by caution and a fear of alienating the powerful vested interests of the property owners in Irish society. In particular, while favouring state-led industrial development, it ran scared of taking on the control of Irish finance held by English banks. It never broke with sterling, and in the end of the day its capability for development was limited by that factor. Fianna Fail’s industrialisation did strengthen the economy – and living standards of the people – but by the 1950s it had run out of steam. Unwilling to take the decisive step forward that would have necessitated more state development and state control of finance, it lost faith in its ability to develop an independent state. TK Whitaker, the senior civil servant who put forward the new Programmes for Economic Expansion, openly questioned whether the state could remain independent at all, whether in fact independence had been a mistake. The new turn was one of reliance on foreign capital investment to develop the economy, and politically this was backed up by entry into the European Common Market: under the doctrine of More Brussels and Less Britain, the Irish state effectively abandoned the effort to build an independent capitalism, or an independent state. Similar to the Marxist analysis of Czechoslovakia, Irish capitalism emerged too late on the world stage to be able to survive. Middle-class capitalist independence has failed,
which is why it is so difficult for this class (which doesn’t believe that the state should take control of the commanding heights of the economy) to celebrate an Easter Rising which challenged the old Empire order and opened up the prospect of
While the Irish Times condemns the Rising as ‘immoral’, the rest of the media insist that we must equally remember those who died fighting for the Empire and against the freedom of Ireland a genuinely democratic and republican alternative to the primacy of private property. Indeed, the owners of private property put the defence of their wealth and power in front of everything else. Yes, we are back to Connolly: The Irish working class are the only incorruptible inheritors of the fight for Irish freedom. And the next stage of our struggle must be to bring the organisations of the working class – trade unions, community associations, single-issue agitations – back into involvement in and control of the national fight for freedom which has still to be brought to fruition.
February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
FRANK STAGG – 40th ANNIVERSARY
5 (Top) Frank Stagg's brother Seán is manhandled by gardaí as they snatch the body at Shannon Airport; (above) Emmet Stagg (back left) helps gardaí bury Frank Stagg away from the Republican Plot; (above left) poster supporting the 50th anniversary of 1916
Ghosts of patriots haunt Fine Gael and Labour FRANK STAGG, from Hollymount, County Mayo, was an IRA prisoner in England. When he commenced his final hunger strike in Wakefield Prison, Yorkshire, on 13 December 1975 he had already endured several prison protest fasts. He had also been forcibly fed, a brutal practice that led directly to the death of his comrade and fellow Mayo man, Michael Gaughan, on 3 June 1974. During his hunger strike, Stagg was denied religious services on the order of the Catholic Bishop of Leeds. Prison warders placed a coffin in a cell opposite Stagg’s so he could clearly see it. But this macabre act was as nothing compared to what awaited him after his death. He died on 12 February 1976 and in a last message to the leadership of the Republican Movement he said: “We are a risen people. This time we will not be driven into the gutter, even if this should mean dying for justice. The fight must go on. I want my memorial to be Peace with Justice.” In his will, Stagg had made clear that he wanted a republican funeral in Ireland and to be buried beside Michael Gaughan in the Republican Plot in Leigue Cemetery, Ballina. However, a Fine Gael/ Labour Coalition Government was in power in Dublin. They were determined to prevent any public display of solidarity with a deceased IRA hunger striker as had happened when many thousands of people attended the republican funeral of Michael Gaughan through Dublin and across Ireland in June 1974. Fine Gael Minister for Foreign Affairs Garret FitzGerald took the lead for the Coalition and contacted the British
BY MÍCHEÁL Mac DONNCHA
Remembering the Past
Home Secretary. FitzGerald vehemently opposed any contact between the British authorities and Sinn Féin to carry out Stagg’s final wishes for a republican funeral. Instead, gardaí were sent to London to accompany the body to Ireland. As family members and Sinn Féin leaders waited at Dublin Airport, the flight carrying Stagg’s coffin was diverted to Shannon Airport. Family members were barred from the mortuary at Shannon and hundreds
FOR
11
5 Huge crowds in Dublin attend the funeral of fellow Mayo man Volunteer Michael Gaughan of gardaí and troops accompanied the body to County Mayo. Most of the Stagg family (including his mother, brothers and sisters) wanted to comply fully with his wishes. His widow Bridie and brother Emmet were persuaded by FitzGerald to co-operate with the Coalition, though his widow was not fully informed of what was to take place. Emmet Stagg was a Labour Party member, later a TD and minister. In a letter to his father in 1975, Frank Stagg and placed a 24-hour guard on the cemetery. Speaking to thousands at a wrote: “I suppose Emmet is still clinging to republican ceremony to honour Stagg the coat-tails of Conor Cruise O’Brien in the cemetery the following day, Joe and [Garret] FitzGerald. God help Ireland Cahill pledged that the hunger striker’s last wish would be fulfilled. This to be in the hands of such traitors.” Frank included in his will a request was done in November when the IRA reburied Stagg in the Republican Plot. that Emmet not attend the funeral. In a final gruesome act, on 21 Febru- Such was Garret FitzGerald’s fixation ary 1976, gardaí buried Frank Stagg in a that when he was in Opposition in the grave in Leigue Cemetery away from the Dáil in 1977 he asked if the Garda would Republican Plot. They poured concrete move Stagg’s body back to the original on the grave to prevent re-interment ‘concrete’ grave!
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Within weeks of the hijacking of Stagg’s body was the 60th anniversary of the 1916 Rising. A decade previously, large-scale state commemorations marked the 50th anniversary. In 1976, there was no state event. Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave – son of 1916 veteran W. T. Cosgrave – led a Government for which 1916 was an embarrassment. Conflict was raging in the Six Counties as Irish republicans resisted repression by the British Army, the RUC and unionist paramilitaries. The jails, North and South and in England, were full of republicans. In 1974, Dublin and Monaghan had been bombed by loyalists acting in collusion with British crown forces, killing 33 civilians, but Cosgrave and his Cabinet blamed republicans for “provocation”. They tightened the broadcasting ban on Sinn Féin on TV and radio. It was best not to commemorate 1916 as it threw up too many contradictions for the Coalition that was collaborating with British repression, locking up political prisoners and encouraging the anti-nationalist rewriting of Irish history. And they had just hijacked the body of a hunger-striker; the first republican to die on hunger strike was Easter Rising leader Thomas Ashe in 1917. So in 1976 the Fine Gael/Labour Coalition declared as unlawful Sinn Féin’s national 60th anniversary Easter commemoration in Dublin on Sunday 25 April. Thousands attended despite the ban. On the platform were James Connolly’s daughter, Nora Connolly O’Brien, and Fiona Plunkett, sister of Joseph Plunkett. Seventy people were later prosecuted for attending, including Fiona Plunkett and Labour TD David Thornley, who had participated in protest against the ban. In 1976 it was not only the ghost of Frank Stagg that haunted Fine Gael and Labour but the men and women of 1916 as well.
12 February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
Basque internationalists living in limbo under Spanish state repression
‘It may look like I am free but I am still a prisoner’ BY JOHN HEDGES WHEN Gabi Basáñez spoke to An Phoblacht in Dublin two weeks before Christmas, he didn’t know if he’d be spending Christmas with his family or in prison. He still doesn’t know if he’ll be with his wife and two daughters for Easter; or for the summer; or for next Christmas. It’s been like that for five years, since he was accused of being a member of ETA, the Basque guerrilla organisation that publicly announced the end of its armed campaign in 2011, a year after Gabi’s arrest. The hammer of the Spanish state could fall on Gabi at any time and smash his family life to pieces. He could be dragged away at any time before even his lawyer or his family know it. Then he could spirited across Spain to a prison hundreds of kilometres away, making it difficult for his loved ones to visit him. He lives in a legal limbo. He and his family live with the psychological torture every day. Spain is a member of the European Union. Speaking to An Phoblacht through an interpreter, Dublin Sinn Féin member Pablo Vicente, Gabi told his story. A small farmer who lives just outside Bilbao, Gabi is a member of the National Executive of the Basque internationalist organisation Askapena. Founded in 1987, Askapena builds solidarity with other struggles around the world as well as campaigning for Basque independence. Gabi himself has close ties to the indigenous Mapuché people in Chile and Argentina. On 28 September 2010, Gabi was one of nine people dramatically arrested in dawn raids by heavily-armed, masked anti-terrorist police who stormed his home. Living, working and campaigning openly, Gabi asks rhetorically why the police couldn’t have taken him during daylight hours, without the drama.
Held incommunicado for three days, with no contact allowed with his family or lawyers, Gabi was charged with membership of ETA before a special court with no jury and presided over by three judges appointed by the Spanish state. Gabi and four of the nine arrested (Walter Wendelin, Aritz Ganboa, Unai Vazquez and David Soto) were remanded in custody. They were scattered to prisons across Spain to increase their isolation. Gabi ended up in a prison in Madrid, more than 400kilometres from his family and a journey of up to ten hours by car there and back. He was imprisoned for 187 days before being released in April 2011 under stringent conditions and lodging a surety of €60,000. Bank accounts were frozen. He can only travel outside Spain with police permission.
The hammer of the Spanish state could fall on Gabi at any time and smash his family life to pieces His passport was seized. Restrictions on overseas travel are often rigorously enforced to the letter. Gabi was in Ireland in December to meet solidarity groups and Sinn Féin in Belfast and Dublin. When he arrived at Bilbao Airport on Thursday 10 December with a ticket to Dublin, everything was okay until he was about to board the plane. Then the Spanish authorities realised he was also going to Belfast. Security police arrived and arrested him. His permission was for Dublin; it did not include Belfast even though this is in another EU member state’s jurisdiction. Barred from flying from Bilbao, he went to Madrid and caught a flight to Dublin, from where he got a bus to Belfast. There he met Sinn Féin Belfast City Mayor Arder Carson, Sinn Féin councillors, activists and other ex-prisoners, and the Belfast Basque Solidarity
5 Irish former political prisoner Séanna Walsh with Basque political prisoner Gabi Basáñez in Belfast
6 Basque political prisoner Gabi Basáñez meets Sinn Féin councillors in Belfast City Hall in December, including former prisoners Séanna Walsh and Mary McConville. Former Lisburn councillor Pat Rice was among the delegation as well as Mairéad Farrell Republican Youth Committee activists
Committee. He returned to Dublin the following day. He met Basque solidarity activists and spoke to An Phoblacht and met Ard-Mhéara Bhaile Átha Cliath Críona Ní Dhálaigh before flying to Barcelona that evening. He didn’t know if he would actually make it home. “When I leave the aircraft I don’t know if if I will be allowed to go home to my family or be put in jail without warning. It’s like that every hour of every day. I still feel like a prisoner, only now I am a prisoner on the street. It may look like I am free but I am still a prisoner.” On a personal level, Gabi says, he is naturally concerned that he may lose his liberty and the effects on his family of continued activism. “But I could go about my daily business and work my farm and still be arrested without a moment’s notice. “In countries such as Ireland, where there has been a long struggle for national freedom, people more readily understand the situation in Euskadi. Meeting Sinn Féin in person was important because of Sinn Féin’s own tradition of struggle and their solidarity with our cause,” Gabi said, adding that his first experience of international struggle was reading about the 1916 Easter Rising. He reflected that affection for Ireland. “Che Guevara is supposed to have once said that solidarity is the best expression of the tenderness of the people,” Gabi smiled: “I am looking for the tenderness of the Irish people.”
February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
13
Cé – is Céard- atá Freagarthach as na Tuilte? IS TRUAMHÉILEACH é gan dabht cás na ndaoine a bhfuil a gcuid tithe, feirmeacha nó gnóanna sciosta ag na tuilte. Agus tá an scéal níos measa fós ar ndóigh sna cásanna nach annamha sin nach bhfuil árachas ar fáil. Ach tá’s againn go léir go bhfuil na tionchar na dtuilte níos measa toisc nach bhfuil airgead caite ar chosantaí in aghaidh tuilte. Bhí baint freisin ag droch-phleanáil leis an scéal, sa méad gur tugadh cead go lucht tógála tithe a thógáil ar thuilemhánna. Is cén freagra atá ag an rialtas air seo, ach iarracht a dhéanamh an milleán a chur ar na comhlachtaí árachais! Tugann na comhlachtaí seo clúdach de réir leibhéal an phriacail, mar ag deire thiar caithfidh an teacht isteach a bheith in ann an dul amach a chlúdach – agus i gcás comhlachtaí príobháideacha brabús a dhéanamh freisin. Ní seirbhísi sóisialta iad, agus is maith a bhfuil a fhios sin ag an rialtas. Ach tré deacrachtai árachais a chur sa túsáit sa díospóireacht faoina tuilte, tá an rialtas ag súil go mbeidh siad in ann éaló ó mhilleán iad fein. Tá’s ag an rialtas gur seafóid í seo, ach tá toghchán ar siúl (nó ar tí a bheith ar siúl) agus is dócha gur malairt phoirt a bhéas acu ina dhiaidh. Ní feidir arachas a chur ar fail go dtí go mbeidh laghdú mór ar an bpriacal, agus braitheann se sin ar chosantai a chur ar fáil.
EOIN Ó MURCHÚ
5 Cuidíonn Comhairleoir Chathair Luimní Maurice Quinlivan le faoiseamh tuille
Tá gá le seolbhealaigh nó cuislí a chur ar fáil le uisce as an ngách a thabhairt amach ó bhruach abhann nó loch go dtí an fharraige. I bhfianaise an chostais a bhaineann le tuilte, is beag an costas a bhainfeadh lena leithéid. Tá gá freisin le crainnte a chur, mar ólann na crainnte uisce; ach tá crainnte bainte de chuid mhaith den tuaith, tá bruachana aibhneacha lagaithe agus ní nach níonadh agus fadbanna aeráide ag dul i ndonas go bhfuil deacrachtaí níos measa ná riamh ann. Is ar an bhfíor-fhadb is ar na fíor-reitithe is cóir don rialtas a n-paird a dhíriu. Ma shocraíotear an bunfadhb beidh reiteach ann go loighiciuil le fadb an árachais. Ach oireann sé don rialtas dallamullóg a chur ar dhaoine maidir leis an scéal seo in ionad a admháil go bhfuil siadsan is a gcuid polasaithe rachmais taobh thiar den fhadb ar an gcéad dul síos.
Finance in trouble again? THE rates research team at the Royal Bank of Scotland issued an investment note to their clients on 8 January 2016 that contained a simple if somewhat stark message. It ran to 55 pages but can be summed up in three simple words: get out now. “We have been warning in past weeklies that this all looks similar to 2008,” they said. “Sell everything except high-quality bonds. This is about return of capital, not return on capital. In a crowded hall, exit doors are small.” The time to bail, it seems, has arrived. So what is it that has one of the largest banks in Britain telling its client base to engage in the financial equivalent of stocking up on tinned food and heading for the hills? It’s not like the financial sector has a great track record when it comes to predictions, so could this just be panic and speculation? The financial world wants to put its capital where it can get the highest return at the lowest acceptable risk to itself. This is the issue that underpins the Royal Bank of Scotland report and the mainstream media discussions on oil price, interest rates and deflation. The three main investment areas that have benefited from the ultra-low rates have been emerging markets, credit
bond-buying policy has led to a significant fall in the cost of Irish debt but this is outside of Irish Government control and influence, as is the growing concerns in the international financial markets. So is the Royal Bank of Scotland justified to make such a dramatic “sell” call?
DR CONOR McCABE
and stocks. The problems raised are that there are strong fears of a significant downturn in China, share price indexes are falling, and credit markets that have been kept going through central bank low interest rates are beginning to slightly buckle under pressure with the announcements of a rate hike in the United States. The bottom line is that finance has been chasing returns, once again, through ultra-cheap credit. There has been an over-reliance on consumption-led growth. We have not seen investment in actual long-term productive activity to the extent that is needed. The European Central Bank’s
What is it that has one of the largest banks in Britain telling its client base to engage in the financial equivalent of stocking up on tinned food and heading for the hills?
5 The Government is moving to protect the powerful and well-connected
It seems that, all hyperbole aside, we may be in for something of a bumpy ride this year. The real concern is that the present government, if returned, will move to protect the powerful and well-connected when it happens, leaving the rest of us to deal with the 5 China is the world's second-largest economy consequences as before.
14 February / Feabhra 2016
CITIZENS’ CHARTER FOR OLDER PEOPLE
www.anphoblacht.com
Sinn Féin publishes ‘Citizens Charter for Older People’
» Free travel protected and not curtailed by time restrictions and protect bus routes particularly in rural areas. » The right to dignified healthcare in a fully-staffed and proper capacity health system through the introduction of a one-tier health system and rolling out free GP care and free prescriptions for all. » Security in the home – Recruit 550 gardaí a year to restore An Garda Síochána to a 14,000 strong force and provide extra safeguards for security and safety for older people who live at home. » Measures to support the ability of older people to remain in their own home. Sinn Féin would increase home help hours, respite hours, carers allowance and provide additional sheltered housing and independent living dwellings where it is required.
Dignity, security and equality BY MARK MOLONEY MARY LOU McDonald TD says Sinn Féin’s ‘Citizens Charter for Older People’ aims to ensure that older people live in a state where they are treated with the respect and dignity they deserve:
» A warm home – Restoration of fuel allowance. » A decent income – no cuts to the State pension, a review of women’s pensions and abolition of property tax and water charges. » Reversal of some of the harshest cuts; the telephone allowance and the bereavement grant and increasing the living alone allowance. » A series of initiatives to enable young Irish families to return home to their elderly parents after forced emigration.
“We all share the common dream to live long and grow old in Ireland with dignity, security and equality. The reality for many of our older citizens under this government is that family members have been lost to emigration, they can no longer rely on the health service, and they have to struggle daily to heat homes and meet their bills. This government has cuts benefits and introduced water and property charges,” she said. Mary Lou said Sinn Féin believes that the equality promised in the Proclamation of the Irish Republic must be shared by all citizens and that her party is committed to ending the trolley crisis in hospitals, ending prescriptions charges, and delivering a universal health care system. “In the midst of the negative campaigning from some other parties, we are showing that the needs of older people are not forgotten by us in Sinn Féin,” she told reporters at the launch at Leinster House. The 2011 Census showed that there are 535,000 people over the age of 65 in the state and by 2041 there will be more than 1.4million people – equivalent to 22% of the population. In recent years, older people who spent their lives building up the Irish state and have endured more than their fair share of austerity found themselves the targets of cruel cuts and austerity measures first from Fianna Fáil and now from Fine Gael and Labour. From 2009 until the most recent Budget, an
5 Sinn Féin Deputy Leader Mary Lou McDonald TD and President Gerry Adams TD launch the Citizens' Charter for Older People outside the gates of Leinster House
older person relying on a state pension and the Household Benefits Package has seen their average weekly income cut by €13.18 due to cuts
Older people have found themselves the targets of cruel cuts and austerity measures first from Fianna Fáil and now from Fine Gael and Labour to the Telephone Allowance, Fuel Allowance, Christmas Bonus and changes to the Household Benefits Package.
Mary Lou McDonald said women in particular are unfairly discriminated against once they reach pensionable age as they are often not entitled to a full pension, usually after the birth of a child. “This affects women who have been outside of the workforce periodically for domestic or caring reasons, so that needs to be addressed,” she said. “We will ensure that people are entitled to the full pension as it stands.” The Dublin Central TD also reiterated her party’s stance that Water Charges and the Local Property Tax must be scrapped: “The Property Tax is most feared by older people in our community who simply cannot pay it because it is not linked in any way to ability to pay. I know of many elderly citizens who have literally had sleepless nights wondering how they can afford to pay this unfair tax,” she said. “Sinn Féin will deliver dignity, security and equality for our older people so that we can all live long and grow old in Ireland.”
CAIRT NA SAORÁNACH LE HAGHAIDH DAOINE AOSTA
February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
15
Irish4Israel
November 2012 – pro-Israel demonstrators on Dublin’s O’Connell Street, and Irish4Israel founder Barry Williams (right)
Waving the flag of oppression training facility in the illegal settlement of Gush Etzion. The website of the Caliber 3 facility (set up by a former Israeli Army colonel) promises an excursion which mixes “the values of Zionism with the excitement and enjoyment of shooting”. A June 2013 report by National Public Radio in the US on the Caliber 3 facility describes instructors demonstrating firing techniques on targets dressed as Palestinians and telling tourists they can “help fight terrorism” by promoting a positive view of Israeli soldiers in their home nations. A favourite tactic of both Irish4Israel and BlueStar PR is “pinkwashing” – using Israel’s fairly progressive attitude to LGBT rights in comparison to its neighbours to gloss-over its systemic human rights abuses and its apartheid regime. Mrs Brown’s Boy star Rory
BY MARK MOLONEY “BECAUSE HATING JEWS is no longer ‘politically correct’, hating Israel is the ‘correct’ way to hate Jews now”, the masthead of Irish4Israel’s official Facebook page ridiculously claims, but it illustrates how the rabidly Zionist group intentionally conflates opposition to the Israeli state’s aggression with anti-Semitism. Irish4Israel has close ties to the Israeli Embassy in Dublin that has become notorious for its offensive online propaganda in Ireland. The fanatically pro-Israel group says it aims to “provide grassroots support for Israel in Ireland” and opposes what it describes as “the demonisation of Israel in the media here” has been up and running for over five years. It was founded in 2010 by University College Cork student Barry Williams. He claims he became a supporter of the Israeli state after visiting the Middle East and hearing first-hand accounts of Israelis who live in areas hit by rocket and mortar fire from militant groups based in the Gaza Strip. Much of its activity is online, with charities and NGOs such as Christian Aid, Trócaire and Irish Aid being their preferred targets and accused of having a “hate agenda”. Irish4Israel has organised occasional, small demonstrations in Ireland alongside groups like Irish Christian
Irish4Israel has close ties to the Israeli Embassy in Dublin that has become notorious for its offensive online propaganda in Ireland Friends of Israel who “accept the Biblical truth that God gave the land of Israel to the Jewish people forever”. There were scuffles at a small pro-Israel rally in November 2012 on Dublin’s O’Connell Street. Palestine solidarity counter-demonstrators clashed with gardaí as they picketed the propaganda event. Some of the pro-Israel demonstrators held signs praising the Israeli military – who at that very moment were bombarding the beleaguered Gaza Strip from the air and sea. As the rival demonstrations began on a rain-soaked O’Connell Street, news came through that the death toll in Gaza from the Israeli bombing raids had reached 160, including 34 children. Barry Williams claimed, following 2009’s ‘Operation
The Caliber 3 training facility (set up by a former Israeli Army colonel) promises ‘the values of Zionism with the excitement and enjoyment of shooting’ Cast Lead’ (in which Israeli bombing raids on Gaza killed more than 1,400 people and wounded over 5,000) that “the root of the conflict” is rocket fire from Gaza while dismissing claims that it is Israel’s siege and continuous bombardment of the beleaguered coastal strip and occupation of the West Bank which stokes the violence. Some of Irish4Israel’s campaigns have been funded with the help of the San Francisco-based, pro-Israel public relations agency BlueStar PR. BlueStar says it aims to “humanise perceptions about Israel” using visual media to “build support for Israel’s case as a Jewish democracy within secure, recognised borders”. The group helped fund Irish4Israel’s bus-stop advertisements in Cork encouraging people to visit Israel. It also raised funds for a trip to Israel as a prize for one of Irish4Israel’s competitions with the winning entry chosen by the notorious Israeli Embassy in Dublin. Other activities funded by BlueStar go far beyond mere tourism adverts and include disturbing ‘commando tourism’ excursions in the West Bank as part of their BlueStar Fellows programme in which young people, mainly from the United States, take part in paintball war games on a privately-owned “counter terrorism”
5 An Irish4Israel bus ad, funded by BlueStar PR, in Cork, creatively edited by pro-Palestinian activists
Cowan has become one of the Zionist state’s keenest advocates, claiming in an online video that “none of it is true” in what Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaigners say. Gideon Levy writing for the longstanding Israeli daily news site, Haaretz, is one that this tinge of liberality doesn’t wash with everyone who see beyond that. “‘Hasbara’ is the Israeli euphemism for propaganda, and there are some things, said the late Ambassador Yohanan Meroz, that are not ‘hasbarable.’ One of them is Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians,” Levy wrote in June of last year. “And propaganda shall cover for everything. We’ll say terrorism, we’ll shout anti-Semitism, we’ll scream delegitimation, we’ll cite the Holocaust; we’ll say Jewish state, gay-friendly, drip irrigation, cherry tomatoes, aid to Nepal, Nobel Prizes for Jews, look what’s happening in Syria, the only democracy, the greatest army. “We’ll wail that the whole world is against us and wants to destroy us . . . the minister will declare that boycotts are unacceptable, the deputy director of the Foreign Ministry will explain that a bigger budget is needed . . . and despite it all, nothing will budge. Propaganda won’t cover for everything.”
16 February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
DELIVERING A
UNITED IRELAND FOR ALL
Éire Aontaithe a Chinntiú do Chách IRISH UNITY is a fundamental democratic choice for the people of Ireland together. It is about the power to choose who we should be governed by and how we should be governed. Uniting Ireland allows us the opportunity to build a new Irish nation that reflects all aspects of our priorities as a society and includes all of our people. Through Irish unity we will elect a government which is wholly accountable to all the people of Ireland. Irish unity will ensure we make decisions about what sort of society and economy we want to achieve. This is a fundamental right for the people of any nation. Irish unity will put the people of Ireland in charge of our own future. The right to a referendum on Irish unity is enshrined within the Good Friday Agreement, which was endorsed by the vast majority of the people of Ireland, North and South. The Agreement provides the ground rules for peaceful and democratic constitutional change through concurrent referendums North and South. All the people of Ireland have the right to shape the future of the nation. Sinn Féin has called for a referendum on Irish unity – North and South – to be conducted in the next political term. We are seeking an informed, reasoned and
respectful dialogue on the issue of Irish reunification.
The benefits of Irish unity Maintaining the status quo in the form of two competing, fractured economies in Ireland can only perpetuate and increase the obstacles to economic recovery throughout Ireland. The North cannot exist in isolation from the South, and the South cannot reach its full potential without the North. It does not make economic sense to have an island nation of 6.4million people split into two separate tax, currency and legal systems and two separate economies with split populations of 4.6million and 1.8million people in competition with each other. An integrated economy for the island will provide greater economic strength. The combined economic output per person in all of Ireland is greater than Britain. This means the all-Ireland economy is stronger. Integrating the economy will drive sustainable and balanced economic growth and job creation. A united Ireland means stronger public services. Back-to-back provision doesn’t work. It wastes resources and drains the economy. All-Ireland provision delivers for all the people of Ireland. The joint cancer centre in Derry now provides services for patients from throughout the NorthWest. Patients from Donegal or Derry do not have to travel to Belfast or Dublin for treatments.
5 All the people of Ireland together have the right to decide the future of the Irish nation
There are opportunities within a united Ireland to reconfigure how we deliver health services across Ireland. The total amount spent per person within the current health system in the South is more than is spent per person in the North of Ireland or in Britain yet the people of the North and Britain have access to better services which are free at the point of delivery. A united Ireland means strengthened social and economic infrastructure and improved health and well-being of residents in cities, towns, villages and rural communities. A united Ireland would create a level playing field for trade not dependent on the whim of currency exchanges or taxation differences on one small island. It would also allow for a single ‘Brand Ireland’ to be promoted free from the confusion and the wasteful duplication brought on by having different state bodies promoting Irish produce and products.
The affordability question – Irish unity and Northern public finances The Northern economy is currently under the control of the British Government. At present, the Tories of the Conservative Party are seeking to impose austerity on the North. This is undemocratic and economically counterproductive yet the Executive has limited powers to invest and grow the economy.
The limitations of the existing system of funding, means that the Northern Executive does not currently have all the necessary financial levers to manage public finances to best effect. New powers are required to increase the financial ability of the Northern Executive and to ensure all the people of the North fully benefit from policy changes. Much of the debate around the financial aspects of Irish unity has focused on the question of whether Ireland can afford unity. The affordability of the public sector would be influenced by the current financial position, and the policy choices of future united Irish governments. The recent report published by the Chartered Institute of Public Finance entitled “A Balance Sheet for NI’s Public Sector” showed that the North had greater assets than liabilities. CIPF’s analysis shows that the North owns £51.8billion of assets and owes £51.3billion in liabilities. Overestimates of the Northern fiscal deficit are used solely to block the debate on Irish unity. The following figures dispel some of the myths about the North’s public finances.
February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
We are seeking an informed, reasoned and respectful dialogue on the issue of Irish reunification
Much of the debate around the financial aspects of Irish unity has focused on the question of whether Ireland can afford unity
Through Irish unity we will elect a government which is wholly accountable to all the people of Ireland
The combined economic output per person in all of Ireland is greater than Britain – this means the all-Ireland economy is stronger
17
5 It's time to fully-integrate the economies of Ireland
Affordability and public finance in the North 2013-2014 £24.1billion – The figure which some unionists and commentators claim is spent within the North of Ireland – this is NOT the amount spent by the Executive. £2.9billion of this spent by the British Government on Bank of England Debt, Defence, etc. £1.1billion of this is added due to the depreciation of British capital stock £20billion – The amount of money which the Treasury claim is spent on public services relevant to the North. £1.7 billion of this is spent by Whitehall Government departments on areas which British civil servants decide are relevant to the North including, for example, the Cabinet Office, the Home Office and the NIO. Approximately £1.3billion of this is AME administered (see next paragraph) by British departments and should be devolved locally before it can be considered and scrutinised as local spend. £19billion is allocated to the North via the Departmental Expenditure Limit (I.e. the money which the Executive spends) and AME – Annual Managed Expenditure (i.e. the money spent on welfare payments in the North). £18.3billion – The British Treasury confusingly also claims that £18.3billion of public money is spent within the North. In the absence of precise information fom the Treasury at Westminster which we can independently verify, the variety of figures creates confusion which is perhaps intentional. We can say with certainty that the £24.1 billion figure is not accurate and that public spending is probably in the £18.3billion to £20billion range.
Revenue generated in the North There is no accurate statement of revenue available for the North. • £14.9billion is the amount of revenue generated within the North in 2013-14 estimated by Department of Finance & Personnel. This is an underestimation as it does not include the amount of Income Tax, Corporation Tax, NICs, and VAT generated locally but paid in Britain by British and international companies.
• £15.6billion is the amount of revenue generated within the North estimated from measures of local economic output. This figure still does not include British firms’ Corporation Tax and VAT. It also underestimates the revenue raised by VAT.
The British Treasur y should immediately release all data relating to revenue raised in the North.
NORTHERN PUBLIC FINANCE FIGURES
THE KEY FACTS £10billion Subvention WHY?
✘FICTION
This does not exist. The figure is overestimated and is based on old information, which the Department of Finance and Personnel (DFP) is responsible for updating.
It costs £24.1billion to run the north WHY?
✘FICTION
This figure comes from a report commissioned by Sammy Wilson. It contains expenditure undertaken by the British state that is not spent in the north. Instead figures for the local budget and Treasury figures which show the actual amount of expenditure undertaken within the north should be used.
It’s time to fully integrate the economies of Ireland
There is at least £14.9billion raised in revenue in the north
✔FACT
WHY?
These figures are Treasury figures and are more accurate than the figures produced by DFP. The use of multiple figures is confusing. This is deliberate. In response Sinn Féin has consistently called for accurate information for the north.
Northern Expenditure is within the £20billion to £18.3billion range
✔FACT
WHY?
Based on the limited information available we know that we raise at least £14.1billion.We know that we raise more as these figures do not take account of Corporation Tax and VAT generated within firms operating in the north which have British headquarters.
The fiscal deficit is approximately a third of the figures quoted by unionism WHY?
✔FACT
Based on information available. It is not remotely possible that we receive an extra £10billion in finance from Britain. If this extra spending really is essential, then why do we not spend it on essential services ourselves through the Executive and Assembly.
Different economic structures North and South have undermined economic growth and labour market mobility. For example, companies are on record stating that the differences in currency have a sizeable impact on profit margins to the extent they have been discouraged from having operations on both parts of the island. Cross-Border movement in Ireland North and South has been impeded by different levels of vehicle registration tax; differences in direct and indirect tax rates; eligibility for tax credits; differences in tax years; housing costs. These issues act as a barrier and are apparent from the perspective of employers as well as employees. Despite the interconnection and interdependence of the economies North and South, there has been a limited focus placed on promoting island-wide growth and recovery. Islandwide trade currently generates £3billion for the island. Removing barriers to island-wide trade makes sense. Greater integration across the island to reflect the unique nature of the economy would provide the opportunity for fair progressive taxation, regulation and trade. It would provide the tools to create greater opportunities for growth, employment and create a better business climate for advancement of entrepreneurial spirit North and South. Competition and duplication of services weakens provision and increases costs. Everyone benefits from the integration of public services. The Northern Executive and the Irish Government must produce a timescale and strategy for the full integration of public services on an island-wide basis. Sinn Féin in government North and South will
take the following steps to build an integrated economy for Ireland: » Deliver a fully integrated sustainable and prosperous economy for all the people of Ireland. » Produce a full and detailed examination of the best use of resources and the most appropriate models of accountability for the delivery of integrated public services across the island and produce a timescale and strategy for the integration of public services across Ireland. » As an interim step towards the full integration of public services, Sinn Féin will ensure that departments in both jurisdictions work together to develop the joint delivery of public services. » Establish a single economic department and agency for Ireland North and South and implement an all-Ireland investment and jobs strategy. » Develop a Border Economic Development Zone to stabilise economic and business growth in the North-South Border region to increase employment and sustainable economic growth for the benefit of all the people of Ireland. » Publish Integrated Economic Data Strategy for Ireland to support the integration of public services. » Upgrade infrastructure across the island. » Build SMEs to ensure they deliver their full potential. » Develop agriculture, food and fish processing on an island-wide basis. » Develop and implement an integrated strategy for tourism and recreation for all of Ireland.
18 February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
UNCOMFORTABLE CONVERSATIONS
Commemorating our history with respect, generosity and inclusivity
JOE AUSTIN
Chairperson Belfast National Graves Association THE 1916 commemorations present Irish society with a unique opportunity to reflect on and to interpret the events that shaped who we are. It is also an occasion to celebrate the lives of all Irish men and women from 1916 onwards who shared the common goal of building a new Republic, a New Ireland. The 1916 Proclamation presents two noteworthy challenges. Firstly, it is an opportunity to engage with the differing unionist narratives and experiences that also engage with the historical complexity of that period. Secondly, the 1916 commemorations should be seen as a unique opportunity to promote mutual respect and parity of esteem which at its core seeks to promote reconciliation and healing among all sections of our people. The story of 1916 cannot be told, let alone fully understood, without reference to the other equally historically significant events – the signing of the Ulster Covenant and the formation of the Ulster Volunteer Force through to the First World War and the subsequent partition of Ireland. Understanding the multiplicity of narratives emerging from the 1916 Easter Rising and the Battle of the Somme presents a real opportunity to develop a shared culture of commemoration across this island. The planning, design and delivery of significant commemorations should be informed by respect, generosity and inclusivity. As Chairperson of the Belfast National Graves Association, my focus in this significant year of commemoration is two-fold. Primarily, with the Belfast 1916 Commemoration Committee, my focus is to commemorate this significant historical event and in so doing uphold and celebrate the lives of all Irish men and women who died in successive struggles to deliver the vision of the 1916 Proclamation. This will be done in a manner that is respectful, sensitive and dignified. Our collective focus must be to make these commemorations openly inclusive. Secondly, and as importantly, the Decade of Centenaries – as a common historic reference – presents an opportunity to all republicans for a renewed engagement with the unionist community. The Uncomfortable Conversations initiative launched
5 Battle of the Somme
by Declan Kearney in March 2012 empowers and mandates republicans to engage with the unionist community, their narratives of the past so that we may better understand each other. If we are genuinely to ‘reclaim the vision of 1916’ it must be on the basis of equality and parity of esteem for all traditions and indeed shaped and informed by the traditions of others who have made Ireland their home. 2016 presents all traditions on this island with the opportunity to engage in a new conversation – a conversation that is forward looking and which learns from the past, a conversation that seeks to heal the wounds and division of our past conflicts. Such conversations will be uncomfortable for many as we are collectively introduced to the ideas, thoughts and aspirations of others. In recent months I attended a First World War commemorative event hosted by the NI World War I Committee, events for Polish National Independence Day and also went to the Cenotaph at Belfast City Hall with Mayor Arder Carson. The presence of republicans at remembrance events is a clear statement of respect as we seek to remember all who died as a result of the First and Second World War I. For me it is simple. In respecting the memory of the republican conflict deceased, I am also acutely aware of the need to acknowledge all lives lost at the Somme and indeed in our most recent conflict. We must all be sensitive to the human tragedy and loss as a result of all conflicts In all my efforts I have also found willing and respectful partners from within the NI World War I Committee, the Royal British Legion and from within the loyalist community. This work must be enhanced and strengthened. It demands maximum participation. These relationships are the bedrock to building a culture of shared remembrance. The vision of a New Republic was mapped out in the 1916 Proclamation. It charted a future in which sovereignty rested with all the people of Ireland: the Green and the Orange. The Proclamation remains a freedom charter that republicans commit ourselves and our cause to. It seeks to guarantee religious and civil liberty for all and is rooted in the principles of anti-sectarianism. It defined equality. It addressed Irishmen and Irishwomen as equals. Consolidating and stabilising the peace means that republicans must understand and be respectful to the
Understanding the multiplicity of narratives emerging from the 1916 Easter Rising and the Battle of the Somme presents a real opportunity to develop a shared culture of commemoration across this island
5 The 1916 Proclamation is a freedom charter that defined equality
key historic events that shaped unionist culture and identity. As republicans we must make a huge effort to engage people from the unionist community in 1916 commemorative events. These events must be open and inclusive. Our words of reconciliation must be matched by our presence at key commemorative events that are important to the unionist community. The best way to ‘Reclaim the Vision of 1916’ is to be guided by the principles, ideals and vision of the Proclamation to build a future together, a future which is not closed to the lessons of the past but which looks to the future with confidence.
Joe Austin is also a former Belfast City Sinn Féin Councillor and is Sinn Féin’s constituency manager in north Belfast. Editor’s Note: Guest writers in the Uncomfortable Conversations series use their own terminology and do not always reflect the house style of An Phoblacht.
To see more go to – www.anphoblacht.com/uncomfortable-conversations
February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
JASON BURKE
19
Co-ordinator, East Belfast & The Great War Research Project
The shame of Easter Week? Unionist responses to the 1916 Rising ONE of the lesser-known aspects of the 1916 Rising is the unionist response to it in Ulster. Broader unionist reaction may require little by way of imagination; nevertheless, in preparation for a lecture in March at Féile an Earraigh I have been investigating the individual reaction of various unionist figures in 1916. Here is a flavour of some of the findings. Unionists from Ulster played a direct role in the hostilities of Easter Week. Reserve units of the 36th (Ulster) Division were sent from Belfast to Dublin to help quell the disorder. Such units contained many men from the Ulster Volunteer Force, a theme echoed in John Dillon’s speech to the House of Commons when he
Unionists from Ulster played a direct role in the hostilities of Easter Week read a statement by Hanna Sheehy Skeffington in which she referred to the ‘Belfast accents’ of the British troops raiding her home in Dublin. Moreover, units of the Loyal Dublin Volunteers were among the first to engage the rebels on Easter Monday (Quincey Dougan, The Loyal Dublin Volunteers). As well as personnel, UVF equipment also played a role. In his Bureau of Military History witness statement, Belfast republican Denis McCullough described how UVF equipment, such as bandoliers, was purchased in anticipation of a Rising. Furthermore, UVF weapons were procured by the British Army in instances where arms and equipment had been lacking, before later being “handed back in good condition and beautifully clean”. Initial reaction appears to have been trivial and pragmatic in nature. One such letter received by Edward Carson suggested that the UVF had been mobilised in Belfast, allowing for soldiers to be redeployed
5 The Loyal Dublin Volunteers were among the first to engage the rebels on Easter Monday
5 Edward Carson and James Craig inspecting the UVF
to Dublin; the letter writer observed that, as a consequence, the police kept a low profile and the pubs did not see fit to close. Robert H.H. Baird, proprietor of the Belfast Evening Telegraph, on the other hand, found himself inconvenienced in Dublin by the whole affair and was more concerned with the fate of his luggage and the impact on sales for his newspaper. Once the dust had settled and the magnitude of the event had been realized, it is possible to identify some of the more calculated reaction. A dominant theme in the papers of Edward Carson and Wilfrid Spender appears to be a fear that the Government would demand the surrender of all weaponry held by volunteer groups in Ireland. Unionists felt that it would be unfair to punish the Ulster Volunteers for the actions of ‘Sinn Féiners’ in Dublin. Belfast’s Unionist Lord Mayor, Crawford McCullagh, was in correspondence with Prime Minister Asquith on this matter and he argued that the presence of arms and the peaceable state of Ulster were inseparable. Indeed, Carson was under immense pressure from both sides of this debate before Asquith eventually moved to dispel the entire saga as a rumour. Surprisingly, Carson appears to have been assigned a portion of the blame for the Rebellion. From early May 1916 he is in receipt of
5 Chief Secretary Augustine Birrell
threatening mail for having “given a lead” in the matter of rebellion by raising the Ulster Volunteers. One man even forced his way into Carson’s home in London with the intent of doing him physical harm, thus prompting
Lady Lilian Spender to write on 13 May 1916 that “I’ve no doubt there are plenty who would like to murder him.” In terms of blame, a good deal of it appears to have been attributed to Chief Secretary Augustine Birrell, who eventually resigned in May 1916. The accusation from unionists was that Birrell had failed to act on intelligence which warned him of a potential rebellion. This seems to be supported by the findings of the Royal Commission. Among the more predictable responses were those of treachery. For unionists the Rising proved that Irish nationalists were, at heart, disloyal and could not be trusted with the claims of ‘loyalty’ to the Empire made by John Redmond. Indeed when placed in the context of ‘The Great War’ it was an act of treason. There was also a firm belief that the Rising would pass into the annals of insignificance along with similar rebellious failings of the past. Lord Selborne, for example, described it as “the usual Irish tragic comic opera”, while the old Liberal Unionist Adam Duffin likened it to a “comic opera founded on the Wolfe Tone fiasco a hundred years ago”. A recurring theme in many unionist accounts suggests that vengeance was not eagerly sought. Unionists applauded the imposition of martial law and were determined that justice should be achieved, however when the trials of the rebel leaders began, Edward Carson urged caution: “It will be a matter requiring the greatest of wisdom . . . dealing with these men. Whatever is done, let it be done not in a moment of temporary excitement but with due deliberation in regard to the past and to the future.”
20 February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
Le Trevor Ó Clochartaigh Tá na comhlachtaí árachais feithiclí ag leagan orainn
THE CENTENARY BOND
for 1916 Commemorations offer has been distributed throughout Ireland and is now available online through
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Purchase a Centenary Bond today online for €100 and receive your framed personalised Bond with letter of authenticity and prize draw ticket. The Bond is sure to be displayed with pride and will become an item of interest in the future. The Bond is issued by Ireland 1916 Commemorations Ltd a not for profit company to fund 2016 commemorations and is not redeemable. Support the Republic of 1916.
Ar f haitíos na bhfaitíos TÁ SÉ tagtha chun solais le déanaí go bhfuil arduithe ollmhóra ag teacht ar chostas árachais cairr sa tír seo agus is cosúil gur chun sochar bunlíne brabaigh na gcomhlachtaí seo atá seo ag tarlú seachas aon athrú ollmhór i gcomhdhéanamh an mhargadh.
Tá mé ag fáil tuairiscí ó dhaoine óga le tamall anuas go bhfuil comhlachtaí árachais ag diúltú scun scan meastacháin a thabhairt dóibh, nó má thugann, go bhfuil siad ag lorg aon rud idir €2,000 agus €9,000 in aghaidh na bliana arárachas cairr. Fágann seo nach bhfuil cuid mhaith do na daoine óga seo in ann dul chun bóthar, iad ag cailleadh amach ar dheiseanna fostaíochta nó oideachais, nó ag brath ar ‘Thacsaí Mhama’ i bhfad níos faide ná bhí súil ag na tuismitheoirí leis. Is cosúil go bhfuil an scéal chomh dona céanna má tá an duine óg ag lorg árachas mar dhuine ainmnithe ar pholasaí duine éigin eile freisin. Níl cúrsaí mórán níos fearr más carr beagán aosta atá agat ach an oiread. Fiú má d’eirigh le do shean-ghluaisteán san Tástáil Náisiúnta Tiomána (NCT), tá riar-mhaith do na comhlachtaí nach bhfuil sásta breathnú ar charr ós cionn dhá bhliain déag d’aois. Fágann seo go mbíonn daoine curtha den bhóthar go praiticiúil, nó go gcaithfidh siad carr nua a cheannacht. Ach, má dhéanann siad sin ní bheidh luach díolachán ar bith ar an sean-charr mar nach féidir clúdach árachais a chur air. Is fadhb ollmhór atá anseo do dhaoine atá ar ioncam íseal, nó an dream atá ag streachailt le cúrsaí airgid agus an bhfuil gá acu leis an dara carr a bheadh beagán níos sine. Tá cuid mhaith daoine amuigh faoin dtuath a bheidh fágtha ar an bhfaraor géar ag na cleachtais seo, mar nach bhfuil roghanna iompar poiblí acu. Ach, tá sé seo ag cur isteach ar lucht tuaithe agus cathrach araon. Tá ceisteanna le freagairt ag an tionscal árachais chomh maith maidir leis an ardú a chuirtear ar pholasaithe daoine a fhaigheann pointí píonóis. Níl aon duine ag ceistiú córas na bpointí, ná an gá atá leis, ach tá cuid mhaith daoine den tuairim go n-úsáideann na comhlachtaí córas na bpointí le h-arduithe thar fóir a chur ar chostas árachas cairr. Chuala mé fear amháin ag rá go raibh mac leis sa mbaile ar feadh deich lá faoi na Nollaig agus bhí sé ag iarraidh clúdach árachas a chur ar an gcarr dó do na laethanta
sin. Bhí trí phointe pionóis ag an bhfear óg de bharr go ndeachaigh sé 10 ciliméadar san uair thar an teora luais ar an mótarbhealach. Bhí glactha aige leis sin agus an fineáil íoctha aige. Ach, bhí an comhlacht árachais ag iarraidh €150 sa bhreis ón athair leis an leaid óg a ainmniú ar an bpolasai ar feadh deich lá. Tá údar clabhsán leis na comhlachtaí árachais ag imircigh atá ag filleadh abhaile chomh maith. Tá sé thar a bheith deacair ag cuid mhaith acu meastachán a fháil agus má fhaigheann, tá luach ollmhór dhá chuartú ag na comhlachtaí. Cé gur comlachtaí móra idirnáísiúnta a bhformhór, níltear ag tabhairt aitheantas don bhónas saor ó thimpiste a bheadh ag na daoine ó na tíortha as a bhfuil siad ag teacht. Sé sin,
Is le teann saint atá siad ag leagan air gnáth dhaoine sa tír seo, ag cur a lámha síos inár bpócaí agus níl an Rialtas ag déanamh tada faoi fiú má tá teastas iomlán glan acu, gan aon timpiste ariamh acu, pointí pionóis, ná smál ar bith eile ó thaobh cleachtais tiomána di sa tir ina raibh cónai orthu, roghnaíonn na comhlachtaí árachais iad a chur go bun an dréímire arís má bhíonn siad ag lorg clúdach arachais anseo. Leithscéal eile le táíllí ollmhóra a ghearradh. Anois, beidh an béal bocht ag urlabhraithe ar son an tionscail nuair a chuirtear an méid seo ar a súile dóibh. Ach, is é sé bun agus barr an scéil ná gur chun brabach sa bhreis a ghineadh atá na h-arduithe ollmhóra seo dhá thabhairt isteach. Is le teann saint atá siad ag leagan ar ghnáth dhaoine sa tír seo, ag cur a lámha síos inár bpócaí agus níl an Rialtas ag déanamh tada faoi. Cibé cé a bheidh i mbun Rialtais i ndiaidh an olltoghchán, beidh orthu dúshlán na gcomhlachtaí seo a thabhairt agus cothrom na féinne a lorg don chosmhuintir!
February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
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Jury-less courts have no place in modern Ireland
Time to scrap the Special Criminal Court BY MARK MOLONEY THE SPECIAL CRIMINAL COURT in Dublin was established on 26 May 1972 under the Offences Against the State Act. It allowed courts consisting of three judges – without a jury – to try and jail individuals accused of membership of banned organisations such as the IRA. The Offences Against the State Act itself had been introduced in 1939 as a reaction to the ongoing activities by the Irish Republican Army during the the Second World War. When the conflict in the North exploded, the then Fianna Fáil Justice Minister, Des O’Malley, had planned to introduce internment without trial by the end of 1970. However, the huge blowback experienced by the British in the North, widespread international condemnation, and unease within sections of his own party caused O’Malley to row back and instead move towards the establishment of a special court with no jury to try republicans accused of being in the IRA. While claiming that the rationale for not having a jury was the alleged intimidation of juries, at the time the Justice Minister failed to cite one single example of where this had occurred. In most cases the word of a senior ranking Garda was enough to convict many of those on trial.
The Special Criminal Court is back in the news following the conviction of Louth republican Thomas Murphy on charges of tax evasion. Tom Murphy has strongly contested the charges. Sinn Féin, which has routinely opposed the
‘Unjustified that this court’s procedures suspend fundamental fair trial guarantees, including the right to trial by jury’ Irish Council for Civil Liberties
renewal of the Offences Against the State Act in the Dáil, questioned why someone being prosecuted in relation to tax matters was being tried in the Special Criminal Court when such cases are almost always settled via a negotiation between the individual
or organisation with the Revenue Commissioners. For example, this occurred in 2001 when Fine Gael (under the leadership of now Finance Minister Michael Noonan) was forced to pay £111,110 to Revenue after admitting giving £120,000 worth of payments in under-the-counter cash to its staff over a nine-year period. In relation to Tom Murphy’s case, Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams said: “We have seen many prominent figures, including TDs, accused of tax irregularities. Unlike Tom Murphy, they will not be denied their constitutional and civil rights.” So unusual was it for a tax case to be heard in the court that, ahead of sentencing Tom Murphy, it had to request guidance on sanctions from the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions on the case. Immediately, newspapers attempted to conflate Gerry Adams’s criticism of the non-jury Special Criminal Court with support for non-payment of tax. Nothing could be further from the truth. Gerry Adams simply questioned the chances of a person who has been continuously demonised in the media to receive a fair trial in a draconian non-jury court which has been condemned by the United Nations Human Rights Council. The UNHRC stated more than 15 years ago that “steps should be taken to end the
IN PICTURES
5 Dublin Sinn Féin Ard Mhéara Críona Ní Dhálaigh opens a specially commissioned exhibition entitled 'Citizens in Conflict, Dublin 1916' at Dublin City Library. Pictured with the Mayor are actors James Barry and Seana Kerslake dressed in period costumes
5 Former Justice Minister Des O’Malley
5 Former President Mary Robinson
jurisdiction of the Special Criminal Court”. The vast bulk of the media commentary incorrectly implying Sinn Féin somehow supports tax evasion has been emanating from news networks either owned or part-owned by billionaire Denis O’Brien – who is tax resident in Malta to avoid paying tax in Ireland, albeit legally! Sinn Féin and the UN Human Rights Council are not the only organisations which oppose the outdated Special Criminal Court. Roisín Pillay, a senior adviser with the International Commission of Jurists in Europe, criticisedits continued existence, saying: “The Special Criminal Court was set up to deal with a special threat of terrorism, but it is becoming part of the wider legal system and ends up being used for purposes not related to terrorism. “A parallel system of justice is worrying.” This is a view which has been aired as far back as December 1974 when barrister Mary Robinson – later President of Ireland and United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights – condemned abuses by the Special Criminal Court, particularly its increasing
use to try those not involved in armed organisations. In one instance, a dance hall owner who was accused of hiring somebody to burn down a rival’s premises appeared before the court. In 2008, speaking at the McCluskey Summer School in Carlingford, County Louth, Mary Robinson said she was “sympathetic to the critique of the Special Criminal Court” by an audience member that it was operating a form of internment. She added: “There is a need for serious analysis of the potential for corruption in the powers given to the court.” Irish Council for Civil Liberties Executive Director Mark Kelly said in October 2015: “The Special Criminal Court was created as an extraordinary court in extraordinary times; however, no reasonable person could today claim that there is a public emergency threatening the life of the nation. It is therefore unjustified that this court’s procedures suspend fundamental fair trial guarantees, including the right to trial by jury.” The Special Criminal Court has always been a stain on Ireland’s reputation. The arguments espoused by proponents for its continued existence during the conflict are no longer there.
photos@anphoblacht.com
5 Belfast shows support for Basque prisoners as upwards of 80,000 people marched in Bilbao in a massive show of support for Basque political prisoners incarcerated in Spanish and French jails
22 February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
NIO political vetting
A licence to kill?
BY PEADAR WHELAN On 27 June 1985, the then British Secretary of State in the North, Douglas Hurd stood up in the British parliament to say he was satisfied that people working in certain community groups across the North had links to “paramilitary organisations” and it would be a “grave risk” to fund these groups as it would have the effect of furthering the aims of these “paramilitary organisations”. On exactly the same day, a letter was dispatched from the NIO-controlled Department of Economic Development (DED) to the Conway Mill Women’s Self-Help Group in west Belfast. It told them that British direct rule minister Hurd was stopping their funding as it was “not in the public interest”. The funding referred to in the DED letter had been allocated to the group just four months earlier, in February, and was used to pay two Action for Community Employment jobs scheme workers. Thus the ‘Hurd Declaration’ was announced and put into action on the same day. With it began a witch-hunt that put community workers, creche assistants, Irish-language enthusiasts and ‘black taxi’ drivers in the gunsights of loyalist killers. Professor Bill Rolston, now retired from the University of Ulster, asked in his contribution to the 1990 commu-
At the core of political vetting was the need of the British Government to control, directly or indirectly, community initiatives, including job-creation initiatives nity report, The Political Vetting of Community Work in Northern Ireland: “What crime had the Women’s Self-Help Group committed? Running a creche?” Rolston explained what the reason for the “victimisation” was: “They had the temerity to set up their creche in a building which was a prime target for Douglas Hurd and his officials, the Conway Mill.” So why was Conway Mill, which promoted numerous indigenous, community-based economic enterprises – as well as community education projects – targeted and identified by the British state as a site of dangerous
FULL TEXT OF DOUGLAS HURD’S STATEMENT READS "I am satisfied, from information available to me, that there are cases in which some community groups, or persons prominent in the direction or management of some community groups, have sufficiently close links with paramilitary organisations to give rise to a grave risk that to give support to those groups would have the effect of improving the standing and furthering the aims of a paramilitary organisation, whether directly or indirectly. "I do not consider that any such use of Government funds would be in the public interest, and in any particular case in which I am satisfied that these conditions prevail, no grant will be paid." Hurd’s remarks are very similar to those made by his Cabinet colleague, Douglas Hogg, who declared in the British Parliament that some solicitors in the North were “unduly sympathetic to the cause of the IRA”. Within weeks, on 12 February 1989, Belfast lawyer Pat Finucane was shot dead by a UDA gang consisting of British agents. subversion to be closed down? Writing in his Léargas blog in 2010, Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams, reflecting on the significance of the ‘The Mill’ and its symbolic relationship to not only the people of west Belfast but further afield, said the British Government turned its attention on ‘The Mill’ after it hosted an independent, community-based inquiry into the killing of Seán Downes who was shot dead with a plastic bullet fired by the RUC in August 1984. While Adams’s contention, backed by other contemporary records, is correct insofar as it identifies the Downes Inquiry as the excuse the British hid behind in their campaign against Conway Mill, there are the wider aspects to Hurd’s political vetting strategy to be considered. Bill Rolston, again writing in the The Political Vetting of Community Work, sets the British strategy in a wider context: “In the aftermath of the republican Hunger Strike in 1981 and the consequent rise of Sinn Féin, the NIO increasingly became involved in a new phase of what might be called quite simply counter-insurgency – the battle for hearts and minds in working-class areas where the victimised community groups operate. At the core of this battle was the need to control, directly or indirectly, community initiatives, including job-creation initiatives.” Another University of Ulster academic, Terry Robson, in his book The State and Community Action outlined two differing views of the Action for Community Employment jobs programme introduced in the
North in 1980s and which many saw as central to the battle for hearts and minds outlined by Rolston. Robson writes: “The promotion of the Action for Community Employment (ACE) programme was regarded by many community leaders as a significant contribution to local development, both as a training scheme and as a contribution to local employment. “On the other hand, there is much to suggest that the use of the ACE programme provided an excellent opportunity for the state to counter the growing influence of Sinn Féin on the streets by instantly neutralising selected community groups and rendering them ineffective as a focus 5 "Close links with paramilitary for local political activity.” Mary Nelis reinforced the latter view organisations" – Ken Bloomfield when writing about the experience of those in the Dove House Community Resource Centre in Derry’s Bogside, which was also targeted and vetted, consequently losing its funding. She added another layer of political intrigue to the debate when she argued that the ACE scheme gave the British Government “the opportunity to create power blocs of people who are, in the Government’s estimation, politically acceptable. Groups such as the Catholic Church and SDLP have now become Government brokers for schemes in the community.” Therefore the ACE scheme, which had the potential to benefit communities, was used by the British Government in its battle against community organisations whose ethos set them 5 “Provo fronts” – Then SDLP Councillor outside the political parameters set Brian Feeney down by the British.
Terry Robson broadened the debate, saying that the problem for the British began “in the wake of the political crises after 1969, when social problems reached boiling point, the creation of organisations aimed at working-class empowerment rather than dependency gave a distinct and, for some in government, ominous appearance of being politically motivated”. This is clearly a reference to the way in which nationalist communities developed strategies for self-help and built their capacity in ways that challenged the state. By linking these groups to Sinn Féin, the NIO sought to legitimise its political vetting strategy by fusing it with the propaganda war they were waging against the party. And they had no shortage of allies willing to jump on the bandwagon and demonise the party and those groups who were targeted. Then SDLP Councillor Brian Feeney insisted that “certain so-called community centres” were in fact “Provo fronts” and all their Government grants should be stopped. An interesting twist to the political vetting programme emerged in August 1990 when the west Belfast branch of the Irish-language group Glór na nGael was told its funding was to be axed. The group drove the campaign for the erection of Irish-language street signs, challenging Stormont’s 1949
The NIO sought to legitimise its political vetting strategy by fusing it with the propaganda war they were waging against Sinn Féin Act which ruled that street signs could only be in English. But it was their campaign against Tory NIO Education Minister Brian Mawhinney’s proposals to reduce the status of Irish language in schools, a campaign that angered the arrogant (and Belfast-born) Mawhinney so much that observers believe it was the reason why the organisation was targeted. Then in October, when it transpired that the RUC had given Glór permission to carry out a street collection in Belfast city centre, it exposed the lie that security rather than political reasons had been the reason why its funding had been cut. This contention is vindicated by secret British Government papers released in January under the 30-year
February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
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5 ‘Black taxi’ drivers were regularly targeted by loyalist gun gangs
5 Loyalist vctim – John Devine, whose business was based in Conway Mill, was gunned down in his home in 1989
rule in which the head of the Civil Service at the NIO, Ken Bloomfield, sent a memo to the RUC stating that the Falls Taxi Association (as it was then known) had “close links with paramilitary organisations”. The memo was very specific in linking the association and its drivers to the IRA, saying “the drivers probably have to pay contributions to the Provisionals from their earnings and they are expected to buy diesel from and be serviced at a Provisional garage”. Una Marron and Maura McCrory, of the Falls Women’s Centre, also writing in the Political Vetting report, summed
Some people involved or associated with the organisations that were politically vetted were then targeted by unionist death squads
5 Conway Mill, Dove House and Naí-Scoil Mhic Airt – hit by NIO political vetting
5 Professor Bill Rolston
up the reality for those groups and their workers who were vetted. “One of the most disturbing aspects of this type of political vetting is that although allegations are made against them and slanders freely spread, there is no legal redress, no right to appeal and no right to reply. Workers and users are put under threat and, tragically, may even lose their lives.” And some people involved or associ- 5 Community activist Fr Des Wilson ated with the organisations that were Devine, whose coal delivery business politically vetted did lose their lives. was based in Conway Mill, was gunned ‘Black taxi’ drivers were regularly down in his Fallswater Street home targeted by loyalist gun gangs, leaving in 1989. several members of the association Despite the challenges and dangers dead and many more wounded; John created by political vetting, the efforts
of the communities affected – with support from across Ireland, from Britain, Europe and the USA – saw the people come out the other end stronger. And we do well to take inspiration from the words of the renowned community activist, Fr Des Wilson, who (along with the Cahill brothers, Tom and Frank) was the driving force behind the development of community enterprises across the city. Delivering the West Belfast Economic Forum’s Frank Cahill Memorial Lecture in 1998 entitled ‘We Didn’t Take No for an Answer’, Fr Des said: “The struggle against vested interests on the one hand and bureaucratic indifference was long and tedious but in the end successful.” And it was successful because of the resilience of many communities, organisations and individuals who refused to have their voices silenced or to have their identity, drive and creativity crushed by governments ideologicaly hostile to true grassroots development.
24 February / Feabhra 2016
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Another Europe is possible Treo eile don Eoraip
Major BREXIT conference in Belfast hosted by Martina Anderson MEP A MAJOR CONFERENCE in Belfast on the proposed in/out British referendum on EU membership (BREXIT) and the repeal of the Human Rights Act is being hosted by Sinn Féin MEP Martina Anderson on Friday 29 January. Its purpose is to look at the wider issue of BREXIT, the effects of the possible repeal of the Human Rights Act, and the implications both of these would have on the whole of Ireland. Speakers include representatives from trade unions, the business sector and Claude Moraes MEP, Chair of the Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs Committee in the European Parliament. Martina said: “Sinn Féin believes that Europe does need serious and radical democratic reform but we believe that a British withdrawal from the European Union (BREXIT) would have serious implications for Ireland, North and South. “British Prime Minister David Cameron has stated that a referendum is likely to take place as early as September 2016 so it is imperative that the Irish people are made aware of the disastrous implications this could have for our island as a whole.
“I have been consistent in raising the implications of a BREXIT for Ireland, with the possible re-emergence of border controls and the particular adverse effects it would have on the economy, trade, agriculture and infrastructural
development across the island. Ths is not to mention the impact it would have for the hundreds of community and social projects that depend on EU funding for their existence.” She added that the repeal of the Human Rights Act is something that many people overlook when we discuss BREXIT. The GUE/NGL European Parliament Group commissioned two top civil liberties law firms – Doughty Street Chambers and KRW Law – to provide legal opinions on the effects the repeal of the Human Rights Act would have on citizens in the North of Ireland. Their findings will be presented to the conference. Doughty Street Chambers (“probably the largest and most wide-ranging civil liberties legal practice in the world”) have offices across England and at The Hague. The renowned Belfast KRW Law (formerly Kevin Winters Solicitors) are “Ireland’s leading human rights and defence lawyers”. The conference, ‘BREXIT: Rights & Wrongs’ takes place in the Balmoral Hotel, Belfast, on Friday 29 January. Contact: martina.anderson@europarl.europa.eu
Twelfth trial postponement in Egypt for Dubliner – MEP renews release call DUBLIN MEP Lynn Boylan has expressed her disappointment at yet another postponement of Irish citizen Ibrahim Halawa’s trial in Egypt – the twelfth postponement in less than three years. Lynn once again said the Irish Government must call for Ibrahim’s immediate and unconditional release. The young Dubliner is due to appear again in court in Cairo on 6 March and, if convicted, could face the death penalty. Amnesty International Ireland has declared him a “Prisoner of Conscience”. Amnesty says he is being held in a prison in Egypt “solely for peacefully exercising his right to freedom of expression and assembly”. Now aged 20, Ibrahim Halawa was 17 when he was detained in Cairo in August 2013 during an illegal march and demonstration protesting an Egyptian Army coup that ousted elected President Mohamed Morsi and suspended the Egyptian Constitution. Ibrahim and 493 other people are on trial for their alleged role in violence during protests that took place on 16 and 17 August 2013 in central Cairo. At least 97 people died in the protests – “most as a result of a reckless use of force by the security forces”, Amnesty says. One of the foremost campaigners for justice for Ibrahim, Lynn Boylan said: “The very public adoption of the resolution that I brought to the European Parliament in December has already seen discussions on Egyptian television about how it might be easier to release Halawa than to have such negative attention focused on Egypt.
Funded by the European United Left/ Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) Aontas Clé na hEorpa/Na Glasaigh Chlé Nordacha Crúpa Paliminta – Parlaimimt na h Eorpa
‘Sinn Féin believes that Europe does need serious and radical democratic reform but BREXIT would have serious implications for Ireland, North and South’
IN BRIEF
‘European Central Bank – Europe’s Unelected Government’
5 MEPs Matt Carthy and Martina Anderson with Pearse Doherty TD at the ECB conference “THE ECB – Europe’s Unelected Government” was the title of a conference co-hosted in the European Parliament last month by Sinn Féin MEP Matt Carthy about the power and the activities of the European Central Bank. The event was also addressed by Pearse Doherty TD and by Irish political economist Conor McCabe, author of Sins of the Father: The decisions that shaped the Irish economy. Expert speakers from Greece, Germany, Spain, Scotland and Portugal also addressed the conference which was organised jointly by left-wing party representatives on the Parliament’s Economic & Monetary Affairs Committee. Matt Carthy has frequently ECB President Mario Draghi on the ECB’s negative role in the Irish banking crisis. “Let us not forget that, according to official Eurostat statistics, Ireland, which comprises less than 1% of Europe’s population, shouldered 43% of the net cost of the European banking crisis across all 28 EU member states. “Sinn Féin has continuously called for a reform of the ECB and following this event we have new proposals for measures to take these efforts forward.”
Youth skills and unemployment report
5 Lynn Boylan MEP with two of Ibrahim Halawa's sisters at the European Parliament
“The European Parliament resolution calling for Halawa’s immediate release was pursued and all Irish MEPs put political differences aside and agreed to my request that they lobby within their own European political groups. “The resolution, which made it on to the December parliament agenda, received a resounding endorsement with 566 MEPs voting in favour and only 11 opposing.
“It sent a very clear and public message to the Egyptian authorities that they were in breach of their human rights obligations under Egyptian and international law. “It is quite clear that Ibrahim is not going to get a fair trial. His family are desperately worried about him. “The Irish Government should call for Ibrahim’s immediate and unconditional release.”
AT THIS MONTH’S Strasbourg session, Lynn Boylan MEP was the GUE/NGL negotiator for the Skills Policies for Fighting Youth Unemployment report. Pointing out that youth unemployment in the EU remains higher than 20% and more than double the general unemployment rate, Lynn Boylan said we need to acknowledge that without an end to austerity, and the introduction of job-creation policies, the youth unemployment crisis will not be resolved. “Our GUE/NGL group has negotiated many improvements to this report, ensuring it calls for the maximum input from young people in implementing the Youth Employment Initiative, for an end to apprentice fees, and for an end to abusive and exploitative practices in internships and traineeships.”
February / Feabhra 2016
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www.guengl.eu BY JEMMA DOLAN IN BRUSSELS
EU Investment Court scheme likely to need Irish referendum, says Matt Carthy MEP A MOVE by the EU Commission in the ongoing EU-US trade deal (TTIP) negotiations might need to be ratified by a referendum of the Irish people, posing a huge difficulty for proponents of the deal which has attracted unprecedented opposition across Europe, according to Sinn Féin MEP Matt Carthy. Matt has confirmed that he has commissioned formal legal opinion on the constitutionality of the European Investment Court proposed by the EU Commission.
Martina Anderson
‘With the prospects of a referendum, proponents of TTIP will no longer be able to hide from this debate’ The Investment Court has been proposed in response to resistance to the inclusion of an Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism within Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Agreement (TTIP). Preliminary legal opinion, however, suggests that such a court would contravene the Irish Constitution and therefore require a referendum. Matt Carthy MEP said: “The greatest cause of concern across the EU regarding TTIP is the inclusion of an Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism. Basically, this means that there would be provision – denied to everyone else – for corporations to sue sovereign governments who implement measures that impact on profit-making potential. “In an effort to minimise the huge levels of opposition the European Commission has tried to repackage ISDS and in this vein it recently proposed a new European Investment Court. “The creation of this new court would open taxpayers in Ireland up to liabilities not previously imagined. It would not engage with national
5 GUE/NGL MEPs show their opposition to the TTIP trade agreement
courts, it would limit the ability of the Irish Government to legislate freely when it comes to public services and, consequently, it would have massive implications for the Irish Constitution. “I have now commissioned formal legal opinion from a senior counsel and I expect that it will confirm that an Irish referendum will be required if the Commission proceeds as it has indicated. For TTIP proponents this is a nightmare scenario as they have gone to great lengths to limit debate and deny public access to most documentation relating to the deal. “Such a scenario, however, could only be a good thing for the democratic process and for citizen engagement. With the prospects of a referendum, proponents of TTIP will no longer be able to hide from this debate or continue to deny the very real threats that TTIP presents to the rights of workers and communities or to the future of the Irish economy.”
Liadh Ní Riada
IN BRIEF
MEPs to visit Palestine
MEP Martina Anderson, Chair of the Delegation of Relations with Palestine, is to lead delegation of cross-party MEPs to Palestine in week beginning 8 February. “We will be meeting with Palestinian representatives and groups, viewing the situation on the ground and strategising for the year ahead,” Martina said.
Respecting Linguistic Diversity
Lynn Boylan
Lip service to the arts in 1916 centenary year is ‘shameful’, says European Committee on Culture MEP
REVELATIONS that Irish traditional musicians face a 41% cut to their funding has prompted Sinn Féin MEP Liadh Ní Riada (European Committee on Culture and Education) to call for more backing for traditional music. Liadh’s father, Seán Ó Riada, has been described in an Irish Daily Mail interview with her as “Ireland’s greatest-ever composer and the man who was the single most influential figure behind the revial of Irish traditional music in the 1960s”. Liadh said that while she welcomes the Irish Arts Council allocating additional funding from previous years, “it’s shameful that traditional musicians have been dealt such a huge blow by a 41% cut in their funding”. “This isn’t about the Arts Council, who are already stretched,” the Sinn Féin MEP insisted, “it’s about the Government’s continuous lip service to the sector.
“Year after year we see huge cuts inflicted on the industry as consecutive Arts, Heritage & Gaeltacht Ministers sit back and allow our heritage to be sliced. “Whilst the arts sector is an economic commodity, it also has a huge cultural importance with regards to identity and expression of culture.”
‘In a year of celebration of our history, we need to invest more in our traditional artists’ Reminding legislators and funding agencies that, across the sector, artists are struggling to make a living, especially those that are involved in the traditional arts, she pointed to the symbolism of cuts to traditional arts in Ireland in the 1916 centenary year.
LIADH NÍ RIADA MEP is to host a language hearing entitled “Respecting Linguistic Diversity? Language Discrimination in the EU” on Tuesday 1 March in the European Parliament in Brussels. Speaking ahead of the hearing, Ms Ní Riada said, “Language discrimination across the EU is a major problem and the purpose of this hearing is to highlight this and propose ways and means of how we can go forward to tackle this inequality,” Liadh said.
Matt Carthy are MEPs and members of the GUE/NGL Group in the European Parliament
26 February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
SUSTAINABLE FOOD SYSTEMS . . . • Are secure, reliable and resilient to change (including climte change);
• Use soil remediation;
• Support rural and urban food production;
• Are bio-economically benign;
• Balance food imports with local capacity; • Adopt appropriate agricultural practices and crop choices;
• Ensure that processing facilities are available to artisans, farmers and growers;
• Are energy efficient;
• Emphasise organic over conventional farming;
• Are economic generators for communities and regions;
• Contribute to community, ecological and personal health;
• Are healthy and safe; • Use water reclamation; • Use conservation strategies for irrigation;
• Improve soil quality through bio-fertilisers, bio-manures and waste recycling;
• Are celebrated through community events, fairs, festivals and markets; • Preserve biodiversity in agro-ecosystems; • Have a strong educational focus to create awareness of food and agricultural issues; • Are fair-traded.
Sustainable
food security
A food harvest for 2020 is a great idea if it is produced sustainably and contributes to the nation’s health and security, argues
ROBERT ALLEN
IT HARDLY SEEMS credible that 20 years ago state bureaucrats were dismissing sustainable food systems, describing those who advocated their introduction into Irish life as “hippies with communist ideas”. Incredible because today they are the buzzwords that celebrate Ireland’s export platform, €10billion and rising, four-fifths of the agricultural produce. To the ignorant, like those bureaucrats of 20 years ago, these words still have no intrinsic meaning, unless you are a farmer who has signed up to Bord Bia’s Origin Green programme, have succumbed to the state’s Food Harvest promise, and can see the benefits in your bank balance. Apparently not everyone is ignorant. “Ireland stands out as one example of the transformative power of agricultural development,” announced Jürgen Vögele, a director with the World Bank’s Agriculture Global Practice. “By working to make their food system truly sustainable, a country once known for its Great Famine
is now recognised for sustainable, climate-sensitive agriculture and food production. This is due in large part to Origin Green, a national programme that mobilised Ireland’s farmers and food producers to commit to sustainability throughout the supply chain, from farm to fork.” But ignorance is not always bliss. Ryan Meade’s response to Jürgen Vögele was informed. “The success of Origin Green should not be linked to global food security. Ireland’s increased agricultural production is in beef and dairy – these foods meet demand amongst a growing middle class for a more Western-style diet. If this demand continues to increase, the agricultural emissions will continue to grow, regardless of the carbon intensity of production, with no improvement in food security.”
‘By working to make their food system truly sustainable, Ireland, once known for its Great Famine, is now recognised for sustainable, climatesensitive agriculture and food production’ Jane Wilde of Healthy Food for All has a slightly different angle – that of personal diet and health, with the food security implications for a small island on a climate-ravished Atlantic fringe. “Food Harvest is outward looking and perhaps this is why there is so little consideration of the wider needs of people in terms of resilience to food shocks. There is no mention of health or the importance of dietary change and the emphasis is almost entirely on potential economic benefits.” Wilde argues that “health is and must be central to food and agricultural policy”. It is a subject not for debate because it is obvious. It is only part of the equation that makes up the definition of a sustainable food system, which tends to vary depending on whether you talk to a bureaucrat,
‘It is clear that we need to find smarter and more sustainable ways to produce more food with fewer resources’ ‘Health is and must be central to food and agricultural policy’ ecologist or politician (of the ignorant kind). The Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations states that a sustainable food system “delivers food security and nutrition for all in such a way that the economic, social and environmental bases to generate food security and nutrition for future generations are not compromised”. The larger view argues that a sustainable food system is a multi-faceted entity (see box). The European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) has identified climate change as a driver for emerging risks in food and feed safety. Recent rapid climate shifts are altering the growing seasons (for monocultures in particular). It is either dry or wet, drought or flood. Last summer, central Germany and southern Spain experienced long droughts and high temperatures; Ireland and England suffered low temperatures and constant rainfall. Water is the issue: there is either too much or too little, and this has changed agricultural patterns to the extent
that some farmers are questioning the advice imparted by the ‘experts’. And not ony in Ireland. The United Nations have not been impressed with the efforts being made by governments around the world to implement resilient and sustainable food systems. After a September 2014 session the United Nations Environment Programme and the FAO agreed that there was a lack of adequate incentives, available data, methodology and standards, joined-up policy-making, tools, information, knowledge and best practice, and an understanding of what constitutes a sustainable food system. Five years ago, 21 of the EU’s members launched the Joint Programming Initiative on Agriculture, Food Security and Climate Change to foster collaboration and “work toward alignment of research programming at the intersection of the areas of agriculture, food security and climate change”. Dublin did not sign up while Belfast (led by
February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
27
5 Recent rapid climate shifts are altering the growing seasons
5 The general food market is loaded with imports supplied by foreign-owned supermarket chains
5 Jürgen Vögele, a director with the World Bank’s Agriculture Global Practice
Westminster) used the initiative to secure funding for existing projects, ignoring the specific brief. Both the Irish and British governments continue to refuse to support independent research initiatives and refuse to listen to the people the EU has stated must be included in the process that will bring about food security. The EU, looking at its own member states, came to the conclusion over a decade ago that European countries needed to formulate informed policy on communicating the issues surrounding sustainable food security. With the emphasis on “farming for tomorrow”, the EU argued for communicable network systems. The solutions should not be stored in ivory towers . An international panel of experts reached the same conclusion. “Knowledge must be co-produced with farmers, food industry workers, consumers, entrepreneurs, and other social actors and movements who
The European Food Safety Authority has identified climate change as a driver for emerging risks in food and feed safety hold a unique understanding of food systems. Actors from fields such as public health, environment and rural development also have much to contribute to the debate on food systems reform.” Evan O’Connell, Communications Officer for the French National Institute of Agricultural Research and for the Analysis and Experimentation on Ecosystems Project, made a passionate plea to EU members to support independent research initiatives and to take seriously the need to integrate the existing research into policy. “Many believed, until recently, despite climate change and increasing global population, that we had several decades of surplus ahead of us.
The food economy is geared towards the export market, while the general food market is loaded with imports supplied by foreign-owned supermarket chains. The bureaucrats and politicians argue that large and export are the policy themes that have saved the economy, and that the land has always supported intensive farming and monocultures. The reality is that the soil is bad or poor in most of the country, which is why it is used for grazing in the uplands and for raising feed crops in the lowlands. It is generally waterlogged, does not drain and is being constantly eroded with hardly any attempts being made at reclamation and remediation. Flooding is now constant, causing further erosion and loss of fertility. The deforestation during the years of foreign rule altered the ambient climate and now the lack of trees is a major issue, with precipitation out of balance. As a result, biodiversity does not
5 Both the Irish and British governments continue to refuse to support independent research initiatives and refuse to listen to the people the EU has stated must be included in the process that will bring about food security
However, it is clear that pressures on the food supply are growing. The sustainability of agricultural, forested and freshwater ecosystems is under threat due to climate change, loss of biodiversity, land use changes, and disturbance of biogeochemical cycles. It is clear that we need to find smarter and more sustainable ways to produce more food with fewer resources.” As usual, it is the Germans who have identified one of the major issues – an over-reliance on conventional systems. The German Federal Environment Agency insists that biodiversity is being seriously threatened by intensive farming: “Agriculture burdens the environment with nitrogen, phosphorus and heavy metals. Broad-spectrum pesticides not only wipe out parasites but also kill other beneficial insects.
As a result, this has adverse effects on birds and other mammals, who lose their food resources. The unfortunate result is that instead of realising initial plans to stop and reverse the trend of species loss, more and more species are disappearing from the agrarian landscape.” The solutions are not impossible or impractical; they are simply being ignored, especially in modern Ireland. And those who are arguing for “strong, local food systems that meet all food needs, generate employment and wealth, and more than anything else enrich biodiversity” are being ignored, because the emphasis among those who run modern Ireland is on large over small and outside over inside. Small farms, small markets and small shops equal small rewards, hardly worth thinking about.
Water is the issue: there is either too much or too little exist in areas where there should be symbiosis and regeneration. The statement by the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations is beginning to sound like a lament: “A sustainable food system is a food system that delivers food security and nutrition for all in such a way that the economic, social and environmental bases to generate food security and nutrition for future generations are not compromised.” It is a lament we have heard before – during the tragic decades of the 19th century when Irealnd’s food security was completely compromised.
ROBERT ALLEN is a partner with the Sustainable Food Systems Consortium
28 February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com BOOK REVIEWS BY MICHAEL MANNION
Redmond's triumph and decline Redmond – A life undone
sentiment rather than any moral or legal consideration. Redmond’s real problem was that he had immersed himself exclusively in the realm of Westminster party politics. The arena in which he battled was an hermetically-sealed bubble that deprived him of any real knowledge of attitudes and opinions amongst the Irish public. His was not so much a fall from grace as an abandonment. He had become an irrelevance and was left standing by the roadside of history
By Chris Dooley Gill & Macmillan
A COMMON INSULT amongst professional historians when disparaging new books is that the work is “journalistic”, rather than an historical analysis. This may also be considered as saying that something is readable rather than impenetrable doctoral theses rehashed for publication. Chris Dooley’s book on John Redmond is certainly “journalistic”, but in the good way rather than the pejorative sense. This is a well-written and 5 Redmond with his wife, Amy, and very readable book. It is not, as its title daughter, Johanna 5 John Redmond in 1910 would lead you to believe, a biography of John Redmond but an account of the events of 1912-1918, encompassing Redmond’s triumph and decline as well as the rise and rise of Edward Carson. Bearing in mind the author’s pedigree as Foreign Editor of the Irish Times, and previously Deputy News Editor and Opinions Editor, this book is probably the ultimate in journalistic histiographies. Although Redmond is the principal figure in this work, the book is about more than one individual. It is a narrative of a complex interaction of many people, differing attitudes and beliefs and the inexorable push of history. The author obviously has a deep 5 John Dillon, John Redmond and Joseph Devlin
The author obviously has a deep sympathy with Redmond sympathy with Redmond, and the book, whilst not being an apologia, does seek to sympathetically explain every apparent mistake made by him. In the final analysis, however, it is very difficult to exonerate someone who “viewed with detestation and horror” the Easter Rising, and called for the “ringleaders to be dealt with in the most severe manner possible”. He did call for leniency to be shown to the rank and file, but more out of fear of further inflaming extreme nationalist
as new figures travelled towards a level of independence far beyond anything Redmond had ever sought. There is an interesting little story towards the end of the book which describes how the now discredited and unpopular Redmond was recognised leaving Trinity College Dublin and beset by a hostile crowd. He was saved by taking refuge in the premises of the nearby Irish Times. Perhaps an Irish Times editor can now rescue Redmond’s reputation as a well-meaning but profoundly wrong political figure.
Heroes who struck against the Empire
Edward Lyons Four Courts
Elizebth O'Farrell GPO
David Sears 4th Battalion
Kathleen Lynn City Hall
Mike Walker 2nd Battalion
Gearóid O'Sullivan GPO
Louise Gavan-Duffy GPO
Thomas Traynor 3rd Battalion
Molly O'Reilly City Hall and GPO
5 Surviving members of 3rd Battalion who served in Boland's Mill pictured on the 50th anniversary of the Rising
Who’s Who in the Dublin Rising: 1916 description against each name. By Joseph E. A. Connell Jnr Wordwell Books
IN STARK CONTRAST to the “journalistic” style of book, this is the ultimate forensically-researched, highly-detailed “proper” historical analysis. There are ten pages of appendices, 24 pages of detailed notes, and a 36-page bibliography! The main body of the book is a comprehensive list of every participant (on the republican side) to take part in the Rising in Dublin. No mention is made of the (admittedly largely ineffectual) operations undertaken outside of the capital. The book is divided into sections covering each battalion’s area and subdivided into individual garrisons. Individuals are listed according to their garrison, with a short biographical
The book contains no narrative or analysis; it merely lists the combatants in a straightforward and unadorned manner with no unnecessary distractions from its primary function. Funda-
Individuals are listed according to their garrison, with a short biographical description against each name mentally, this is a resource book for authors and historians. It is, however, much more than that. It is also an absolutely fascinating read. What should be a sterile list of names and locations is somehow transformed
into a celebration, an affirmation of the struggle undertaken by ordinary men and women who confronted the mighty British Empire. The more you read through the complements of the various garrisons, the more tangible the participants become. No longer abstractions but real people with real lives and histories of their own. It is difficult to review a book which is basically a 300-page list but this is a work of painstaking research, meticulously recorded and presented as a wonderfully comprehensive record for future authors. It is also a wonderful testimony to the courage of a generation of ordinary people who sought to control their own destiny. In this centenary year, this is one book which should definitely be added to everyone’s shortlist of potential book purchases.
February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
I nDíl Chuimhne 1 February 1975: Volunteer Seán BOYLE, South Armagh Brigade. 1 February 1981: Volunteer Peadar MOHAN, Monaghan Brigade. 2 February 1981: Volunteer Liam HANNAWAY, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion. 3 February 1973: Volunteer James SLOAN, Volunteer James McCANN, Belfast Brigade, 3rd Battalion. 3 February 1999: Volunteer Harry BURNS, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion. 4 February 1973: Volunteer Tony CAMPBELL, Belfast Brigade, 3rd Battalion. 4 February 1992: Paddy LOUGHRAN, Pat McBRIDE, Sinn Féin. 5 February 1992: Volunteer Joseph MacMANUS, Sligo Brigade. 5 February 1972: Volunteer Phelim GRANT, Volunteer Charles McCANN, North Antrim Brigade. 6 February 1971: Volunteer James SAUNDERS, Belfast Brigade, 3rd Battalion. 6 February 1989: Volunteer James Joseph CONNOLLY, Tyrone Brigade. 7 February 1982: Volunteer Danny McMULLAN, County Derry Brigade. 9 February 1975: Volunteer Bridie DOLAN, Cumann na mBan, Belfast. 10 February 1972: Volunteer Joseph CUNNINGHAM, Belfast Brigade, 3rd Battalion. 10 February 1973: Volunteer Leo O’HANLON, South Down Command, Volunteer Vivien FITZSIMMONS,
29
All notices and obituaries should be sent to notices@anphoblacht.com by Friday 12 February 2016 Cumann na mBan, Downpatrick. 12 February 1976: Fian James O’NEILL, Fianna Éireann. 12 February 1976: Volunteer Francis STAGG (Wakefield Prison), England. 13 February 1976: Volunteer Seán BAILEY, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion. 14 February 1989: John DAVEY, Sinn Féin. 15 February 1976: Volunteer James McGRILLEN, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion. 16 February 1992: Volunteer Peter CLANCY, Volunteer Kevin Barry O’DONNELL, Volunteer Seán O’FARRELL, Volunteer Patrick VINCENT, Tyrone Brigade. 18 February 1976: Paul BEST, Sinn Féin. 18 February 1986: Volunteer Francis BRADLEY, South Derry. 18 February 1996: Volunteer Edward O’BRIEN, Wexford Brigade. 19 February 1972: Fian David McAULEY, Fianna Éireann. 19 February 1992: Volunteer Brendan SEERY, Portlaoise. 21 February 1972: Volunteer Gerard BELL, Volunteer Robert DORRIAN, Volunteer Joseph MAGEE, Volunteer Gerard STEELE, Belfast Brigade, 3rd Battalion. 21 February 1984: Volunteer Henry HOGAN, Volunteer Declan MARTIN, North Antrim Brigade. 22 February 1986: Volunteer Tony GOUGH, Derry Brigade.
Comhbhrón KENNA, Eileen. The Halpenny, Worthington, Watters Sinn Féin Cumann, Dundalk, extend their deepest sympathy to the Kenna family on the death of their beloved mother Eileen. May she rest in peace.
Life springs from death and from the graves of patriot men and women spring living nations PÁDRAIG PEARSE 23 February 1981: Volunteer James BURNS, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion. 23 February 1985: Volunteer Charlie BRESLIN, Volunteer David DEVINE, Volunteer Michael DEVINE, Tyrone Brigade. 26 February 1978: Volunteer Paul DUFFY, Tyrone Brigade. 28 February 1986: Volunteer Tom McGILL, Belfast Brigade, 1st Battalion. 29 February 1988: Volunteer Brendan BURNS, Volunteer Brendan MOLEY, South Armagh Brigade. Always remembered by the Republican Movement. CONNOLLY, James Joseph. Volunteer ‘Josie’ Connolly (West Tyrone Brigade) Óglaigh na hÉireann, died 6 February 1989 from injuries received on active service. “Life springs from death, and from the graves of patriot men and women spring living nations.” Remembered with pride by friends and comrades in the Harvey, McGlynn, Connolly, McHugh Sinn Féin Cumann, Castlederg. MacMANUS, Joseph. In proud and
» Notices All notices should be sent to: notices@anphoblacht. com at least 14 days in advance of publication date. There is no charge for I nDíl Chuimhne, Comhbhrón etc. » Imeachtaí There is a charge of €10 for inserts printed in our Imeachtaí/Events column. You can also get a small or large box advert. Contact: sales@anphoblacht.com for details.
loving memory of Volunteer Joseph MacManus, who was killed in action in County Fermanagh on 5 February 1992. Always remembered by his comrades in County Sligo. MacMANUS, Joseph. In proud and loving memory of our dear son Volunteer Joseph MacManus, who died in action on 5 February 1992. “Grieve not for him. Speak not a word of sorrow although his eyes saw not his country’s glory. The service of his day shall make our morrow. His name shall be a watchword in its story.” We love and miss you, Joe. From Mum and Dad. MacMANUS, Joseph. In proud and loving memory of my brother and comrade Volunteer Joseph MacManus, who died in action on 5 February 1992. “True republicanism is the sovereignty of the people. There are natural and imprescriptible rights which an entire nation has no right to violate.” – Lafayette. Always remembered with pride by Chris. MacMANUS, Joseph. In proud and loving memory of Volunteer Joe MacManus, killed on active service in County Fermanagh, 5 February 1992. Always remembered by your friend and comrade Noel, Corinna and family (Magee). MacMANUS, Joseph. In proud and loving memory of Volunteer Joe MacManus, killed in action on 5 of February 1992. Always remembered by Iris and Jim Daly.
O’BRIEN, Edward. In proud and loving memory of our son and brother Ed, who died on active service in London on 18 February 1996. Lovingly remembered by parents Miley and Margo, and sister and brother Lorraine and Gary. O’BRIEN, Edward. In proud and loving memory of Ed O’Brien, who was killed on active service in London on 18 February 1996. Always remembered by Ann. O’BRIEN, Edward. In proud and loving memory of Volunteer Ed O’Brien, who died on active service in London on 18 February 1996. Always remembered by Tony Duncan. O’BRIEN, Edward. Wexford Sinn Féin remembers with pride the sacrifice of Volunteer Ed O’Brien, who died on active service in England on 18 February 1996. O’BRIEN, Edward. In proud and loving memory of our friend and comrade, Volunteer Ed O’Brien, who died on active service in London on 18 February 1996. “There is no easy walk to freedom anywhere.” Never forgotten by the Volunteer Ed O’Brien Sinn Féin Cumann, Gorey, north Wexford. O’BRIEN, Edward. Remembering Volunteer Ed O’Brien, Óglaigh na hÉireann, who died on active service in London on 18 February 1996. Always remembered by Stephen and Agnes McCann, County Tyrone.
WEXFORD
Commemoration
Volunteer Ed O’Brien 20th Anniversary Commemoration. St Michael’s Graveyard, Gorey, County Wexford. 2:30pm Sunday 21 February. Followed by Music and Refreshments. See page 30 for more details
FÓGRAÍ BHÁIS
Seán Regan Antrim and Roscommon THE death occurred on 31 December 2015 of lifelong republican Seán Regan of Castlerea, County Roscommon, who in 1985 was the first Sinn Féin elected councillor in Moyle, County Antrim, where he lived for some years. A member of the Patrick Conry Sinn Féin Cumann (Castlerea),
5 The funeral of Seán Regan
Seán was a dedicated hurling fan and was very involved with Cushendall GAC. Seán had a hardware business in Gort, County Galway. After moving to Castlerea, he and his partner Mary joined the Patrick Conry Sinn Féin Cumann and he was a strong and active member right up to the end.
5 Seán pictured with Sinn Féin deputy leader Mary Lou McDonald TD
Jim Kelly Derry City IT WAS with huge sadness that Derry republicans heard of the unexpected death of Jim Kelly. Jim was the second eldest son of Lily and Brian Kelly and brother of Adrian, Brian, Kieran, Eamonn, Áine and Orla. Raised in the Bogside area of Derry, Jim was an accomplished swimmer and he won many titles, including many Irish titles. Jim was brought up with a sense of justice and as the conflict erupted he witnessed at first hand how British occupation was the root cause of conflict in Ireland. Jim’s home was regularly raided by British troops and his uncle, John Walker, was falsely imprisoned in England as one of the Birmingham Six. Jim became politically active during the Hunger Strikes of 1980 and 1981 where he was a member of the Bogside
Youth Against Oppression. Seeing the response to peaceful protest by the British Government and the deaths of 10 young men on Hunger Strike, Jim joined Na Fianna Éireann and it wasn’t long before he moved into the ranks of Óglaigh na hÉireann. He quickly gained the respect of his fellow Volunteers and by the age of 21 was one of the most experienced fighters in the brigade, holding several leadership positions on the brigade staff. Jim had also began learning a trade as a joiner but often skipped out of work to carry out operations against the British crown forces. He eventually gave up his apprenticeship to continue his work with the IRA. It was around this time that Jim met Fiona Doherty, whom he married in 1987, and had three children, Erin, Conor and Pádraig.
5 Volunteer Charles English (back left) and Volunteer Jim Kelly (back right) at the Easter commemoration in Derry City, 1985
Jim’s skill as a joiner was always a source of fun between him and his close friends after shelves he erected for his mother-in-law, Eileen Doherty, fell off the wall when Paddy Bogside set books on them. Paddy died the same day as Jim, adding to the heartbreak of Fiona and family. A fearless Volunteer, Jim operated for years under the noses of the British
forces before having to go on the run across the Border. Returning to Derry, he was regularly arrested and harassed by the RUC and British Army yet he was undeterred in his role as a member of the IRA. Jim was extremely well-known and respected in republican circles and was a regular member of the Easter Sunday colour party.
Being very politically aware, he was forever supportive of any initiative taken by the Republican Movement and progressive political developments. The huge turnout for his funeral is testament to the respect that Jim Kelly was held in and he will be forever missed and remembered by his family, friends and comrades.
30 February / Feabhra 2016
www.anphoblacht.com
BETWEEN THE POSTS
BY CIARÁN KEARNEY
BEWARE OF THE DARK SIDE
“THERE ARE no heroes,” said my friend Jackie. His laconic remark was made with customary nonchalance. Clipped from a conversation in a different context years ago, his point has stayed with me. Recalling in detail long-past exchanges is a faculty I inherited from my late mother. When Star Wars returned to our living room, the heroes had different faces and names but the plot was all too familiar. Miniature figures, light sabres and, of course, the villain. The Dark Side did not hide. At the risk of stating the obvious, life isn’t so straightforward. Neither is sport. Recently the World Anti-Drugs Association (WADA) published a report on the use of illicit drugs in athletics. Focusing on the unfolding scandal of drug use in Russian sport, WADA described this report as “the tip of the iceberg”. A parallel criminal investigation continues into Lamine Diack, former head of the International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF). He is alleged to have deferred
sanctions against Russian athletes in exchange for pay-offs. But it’s not to individuals alone that the questions are being asked. Mystery surrounds a 23million euro payment to the IAAF from a Russian bank, reported to be in exchange for favourable television rights. The controversy seems set to escalate as a wider, more comprehensive inquiry by WADA into corruption and doping in athletics ensues. It has been reported that some of the results from the London Olympics in 2012 may
have to be overturned because among the medal-winners were drug cheats. Barely a year after London 2012, high-profile track stars like former 100metres world record holder Asafa Powell and three-time Olympic champion Veronica Campbell-Brown failed drug tests. Both are household names in athletics from the hugely successful stable of Jamaican sprinters. During the same period, the reputation of Kenyan athletics has been hurt by evidence of an alarming surge in the number of runners taking banned drugs. More recently, six Nigerian athletes were exposed at the same time. The scandal has reached as far as Alberto Salazar, veteran endurance runner and legendary coach, whose position on doping was last year challenged in a BBC Panorama exposé. Salazar has refuted the allegations against him, but that hasn’t settled the storm. The US Anti-Doping Agency is due to publish its own report in the next few months into allegations of multiple doping by the world-renowned coach. The ramifications are potentially as profound as the report by USADA about cyclist Lance Armstrong. In addition, French police have commenced a forensic audit
of bidding and awards of the World Championships in athletics between 2007 and 2021. The inquiry includes the decision-making process which led to the award of the competition to London in 2017. The UK Athletics organisation welcomed the inquiry. Corruption of a different kind has engulfed international football. The
There is no acceptable level of corruption – no co-existence with cronyism self-styled supremos of the soccer world have fallen like skittles as a massive criminal investigation rolls into the centre of FIFA. The sport some call ‘The Beautiful Game’ has been mired in an ugly entanglement. Gone is the once untouchable Sepp Blatter. Gone is the former star of French soccer, Michel Platini. The offices of FIFA have been raided, their top table has been decimated and the ongoing
criminal investigation has yet to reach a conclusion. And as I write this piece, BBC and BuzzFeedNews have revealed details of a joint investigation into how international crime syndicates have orchestrated match fixing at the top level of world tennis as play begins on day one of the Australian Open. All this comes at an incongruous time. Athletes are still striving to secure qualifying times for the Olympics in Rio this summer. International soccer teams are finalising training camps for Euro 2016 in France. Whilst the competitions themselves have not (yet) been corrupted, the context has. The same problem applies to corruption in any walk of life. Once permitted, it spreads like an irrepressible weed. In sport, the corruption under investigation is not limited to competitors and coaches. It potentially involves awards for contracts and regulatory procedures. People who study this phenomenon note that it is not only the individual behaviour of cheats which breeds corruption. More influential is the tone set by authority figures. Some argue that the clamour for public accountability does more damage than the perpetrators. They claim these are victimless crimes. Yet what does this do to the spirit of sport? How long before amateur sport in Ireland has to confront such problems? There is no acceptable level of corruption. No co-existence with cronyism. No reconciliation with racketeering. Cheating is not competing. The London 2012 Olympics opened to the anthemic tune by David Bowie: “We could be heroes, if just for one day.” If that is ever to ring true with the spirit of sport, justice must be done and seen to be done.
CENTENARIES SERIES BOOKS EXCLUSIVE TO
58 Parnell Square, Dublin 1. Tel: (00 353 1) 814 8542
THREE SHOUTS ON A HILL Éamonn Mac Thomáis
Éamonn Mac Thomáis
ST MICHAEL’S GRAVEYARD
THREE SHOUTS ON A HILL
THREE SHOUTS ON A HILL is a short collection of essays by the celebrated writer, TV personality and acclaimed historian Éamonn Mac Thomáis, a staunch republican whose involvement in the Republican Movement spanned four decades. Born in Dublin into a staunchly republican and, as he described it himself, Larkinite family, A fervently republican in the Connolly tradition, Éamonn joined the Irish Republican Army as a young man and was an active republican throughout his life. It was while he was a political prisoner in Portlaoise in 1974 that Éamonn’s first book, Me Jewel and Darlin’ Dublin, was published by O’Brien Press. Éamonn continued his association with the republican family following his release and played a role in the campaign in support of the H-Blocks Hunger Strikers in Long Kesh in 1980 and 1981. Three Shouts on a Hill is a series Éamonn had written for An Phoblacht/Republican News in an era of state censorship, combining his wealth of knowledge of Irish and republican history with commentary on contemporary events almost a decade before the advent of the World Wide Web and when wordsmiths such as Éamonn earned their reputation through dedication, painstaking research in countless books and journals, and sheer hard work. Three Shouts on a Hill is a window into Ireland’s history at a turbulent and tragic time.
GOREY, COUNTY WEXFORD
2:30pm Sunday 21 February Followed by Music and Refreshments
Sinn Féin Centenaries Commemoration Committee | Coiste Comóradh Céad Bliain. Designed and produced by An Phoblacht. www.anphoblacht.com
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31
DÁIL ELECTION 2016
A republican voter’s guide ROBBIE SMY TH
FORGET the next Star Wars movie or Batman versus Superman in 2016 – a much bigger show is coming. The 32nd Dáil general election since 1918 is opening soon.
six months) and 1987 (for two years). In 2007, it was all about Fine Gael and Labour until their combined poll ratings didn’t match up and the media eventually added the Greens in another “Rainbow Coalition” concoction. In the end, the media were ‘shocked’ at the eventual Fianna Fáil/Green Party/ Progressive Democrats coalition. In 2011, the Fine Gael/Labour ‘We’re just friends’ line got tiring very quickly but in 2016, with a wide open field, watch the media focus on the narrowest of coalition options and get ready for their shock at whoever eventually forms a government.
There will be a tsunami of journalistic madness as the Establishment ‘news media’ (and I use that label more loosely than “Labour Factcheck”) begins to comment and analyse the promises, posturing and powerbroking of what presents as politics in Ireland today.
MEANINGLESS NAMES There are few things ‘Official Ireland’ and its media like more than a tacky name to simplify voter behaviour. It makes commentary easier for journalists, TV and radio presenters (and the online social media Twitterati). In 2002 and 2007 we had the ‘Bertie Bounce’, followed briefly by the ‘Lee Lift’. Have you forgotten already that all-too-brief sojourn from RTÉ that serious commentator George Lee spent with Fine Gael? Well it did happen: he came, he saw, and he scurried back to Montrose. In 2011, we had the ‘Gilmore Gale’ but don’t expect the Irish Independent to be trumpeting an ‘Adams Avalanche’. One of the first rules of Establishment media is to ignore, undermine or explain away the Sinn Féin vote (more on that later).
5 Remember the brief sojourn from RTÉ that commentator George Lee spent with Fine Gael?
was first into this space with a column on 5 December titled “Labour still has the power to defy the prophets of doom”. We’ll see about that.
A BATTLE TO THE END Some election commentators are frustrated sports reporters. This is why terms like neck and neck, pulling ahead, in the driving seat, and the battle for first place are sprinkled throughout articles. The news media also like a little boxing parlance and so we have parties who, ‘battle it out’, or have ‘bitter dog fights’, ‘battle for survival’, ‘body blows’ and ‘knock outs’. The real challenge in 2016 is for journalists to get some sort of UFC reference into the media coverage but don’t hold your breath for an Evening Herald front-page pic of Michael Noonan with the headline, “I LIKE HURTING PEOPLE”.
LABOUR COMEBACK With that in mind, watch our news media go to extraordinary lengths to hype up a Labour comeback. Yes, I know this means ignoring the evidence of opinion polls, including Labour’s own internal ones which showed a possible 20-seat loss. It also means overlooking the devastation of the 2014 local and EU elections, where the Labour Party won 5.3% of the vote. Ignoring reality is an important ability for our wily election media. Instead, they will be pondering over the Labour electoral corpse, looking for any sign of life and will trumpet this resurrection quicker than Charlton Heston in The Greatest Story Ever Told. Stephen Collins in The Irish Times
COALITION CHATTER
5 Will Joan Burton be following Eamon Gilmore in getting the sack?
We know there will be a coalition government after the election. Or maybe political Siamese twins Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil will finally get over themselves and become as one. Coalitions have been the case in the 10 elections since 1981 except for minority Fianna Fáil governments in 1982 (for
SINN FÉIN’S VOTE Maybe you thought the decades of community activism, the hard work on councils, the Northern Assembly, the Dáil and EU parliament, not to mention the transformative power of the Peace Process were all reasons that Sinn Féin’s vote share has increased steadily since the early 1990s. No, no, no! It’s an “angry” vote, a “tired of Fianna Fáil” vote, a “protest” vote, a “misguided” vote, a “gullible first-time voter” vote. If in doubt consult the opinion columns of independent.ie.
POINTLESS POLLS News media spend a lot of money on polls that actually show little real change in voter support. They will still hype the results though (well, they have to fill pages or airwaves to justify their money spent). So beware the endless Fine Gael up, Fianna Fáil up and down routine. Like I’m A Celebrity, Get Me Out of Here, it might be entertaining but seldom of any real importance in the grand scheme of things. Yes, some voters haven’t made their minds up but the critical factor will be turnout. So if you’re thinking of voting Sinn Féin, make that resolution to actually get out and cast that important vote in 2016.
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IN PICTURES
photos@anphoblacht.com
5 Sinn Féin Councillor Eoin Ó Broin addresses a Society of St Vincent de Paul and Social Justice Ireland lunchtime panel discussion entitled 'Stand for Social Justice'
5 James Connolly-Heron speaks to a full-to-capacity Mansion House in Dublin for Sinn Féin's Join the Rising centenary event – See pages 5 and 8
5 The late Seán Reagan shows his support for Sinn Féin – See page 29
5 Right2Water protesters in Dublin and Limerick show their continued opposition to water charges during a series of demonstrations across the state on 23 January. A major march is being organised for before the general election – See www.right2water.ie for more details
5 Mayor of Derry Elisha McCallion launches the Derry Centenary Commemoration programme for the Easter Rising – see page 8 for more details
5 Sinn Féin TDs Pearse Doherty and Pádraig Mac Lochlainn sign the SIPTU/TEEU trade unions' call for a referendum on public ownership of water services – All 14 Sinn Féin TDs backed the campaign