An Phoblacht, June 2016

Martin Kenny TD exposes

Garda scandal

Martin McGuinness on being at the Somme commemorations

HOUSING ACTIVIST ERICA FLEMING

anphoblacht Sraith Nua Iml 39 Uimhir 6

June / Meitheamh 2016

Price €2 / £2

Sinn Féin ministers take on

Economy and Health

2 June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Labour and Greens get together to defeat motion to scrap water charges

Micheál Martin U-turn MEANS water charges remain criticism from the benches of anti-water charges TDs. During the second day of debate, hundreds of protesters gathered outside the gates of Leinster House to urge TDs to support the motion. Former Environment Minister and water charges aficionado Alan Kelly of Labour – who said the scrapping of water charges would be “political, economic and environ-

BY MARK MOLONEY FIANNA FÁIL refused to back a Sinn Féin motion in the Dáil on 25 May to scrap water charges, abolish Irish Water and set a date for a referendum to enshrine public ownership of Ireland's water infrastructure in the Constitution.

During two days of heated debate in the Dáil chamber, Fianna Fáil leaders found themselves all at sea as they tried to justify their support for the continuation of water charges with their very clear election manifesto commitment to scrap water charges and abolish Irish Water.

Moving the Sinn Féin motion – supported by 39 TDs including the Anti-Austerity Alliance/People Before Profit, the Social Democrats, Independents4Change and others – Eoin Ó Broin said deputies had “the choice to listen to the will of the people and scrap the charges”.

Speaking to reporters at Leinster House, Eoin Ó Broin rejected claims by some in the media that the motion was put forward by Sinn Féin to embarrass Fianna Fáil: “If anybody is embarrassing Fianna Fáil then it is themselves, not Sinn Féin or the Right2Water TDs. Fianna Fáil are the ones breaking their election pledges. We said we would continue to pursue this issue in the 32nd Dáil and that is what we are doing.”

In the chamber, Louise O'Reilly, Sinn Féin TD for Dublin Fingal, said the suspension of water charges for nine months, as agreed by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, simply is not good enough: “We are fooling nobody if we think we were elected to kick this particular can down the road. We were not, and Sinn Féin will not go back on the promise it gave to people.”

Anti-Austerity Alliance TD Mick Barry singled out “Endapendent” TDs Finian McGrath and former Workers' Party representative John Halligan for a particular grilling. Both are now propping up the Fine Gael administration as Ministers of State, something which Barry described as “crossing the line” before hitting out at their attempts to “derail a motion supported by the anti-water charges movement of which they were once part”.

Next came a bizarre contribution from Fianna Fáil Meath West TD Shane Cassells in which he suggested Sinn Féin should thank Fianna Fáil for temporarily suspending water charges! He went on to decry the fact that Fianna Fáil is being subjected to “sniggering and insults” because they have “taken their mandate and actually brought something constructive to the table and delivered”, resulting in a barrage of

Eoin Ó Broin TD

'If anybody is embarrassing Fianna Fáil then it is themselves, not Sinn Féin or the Right2Water TDs. Fianna Fáil are the ones breaking their election pledges' Eoin Ó Broin TD

mental sabotage” – was jostled by some protesters as he made his way into the Parliament.

Fianna Fáil's Timmy Dooley used his speaking time to attempt to justify his party's U-turn but ran into extreme difficulty as he appeared to not have enough speaking notes to fill his slot.

The Fianna Fáiler whinged that Sinn Féin had sought to “pour cold water on what has been achieved by Fianna Fáil” and described such criticism as “disheartening”.

5 Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin

There was more commotion in the chamber when Fine Gael Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform Paschal Donohoe claimed that by scrapping water charges money that could be used for hospitals, primary care centres and infrastructure projects would be lost.

Responding to her constituency colleague, a clearly annoyed Mary Lou McDonald said the Public Expenditure Minister had a “brass-iron neck to stand in this chamber and issue a kind of threat to the population that it is water charges or else. He has suggested that the Government will charge for the water in the tap because if it does not do so then hospital services and the housing supply issue will be affected.

How dare he?”

The Sinn Féin deputy leader went on to highlight the much more substantial loss to the Exchequer if Fianna

Fáil and Fine Gael's plans to slash the Universal Social Charge to disproportionately benefit the wealthiest in society go ahead.

Summing up the debate, Mary Lou McDonald said: “Despite all of the talk of 'new politics', there is a constant in Irish political life and that is that the word of Fianna Fáil means nothing.”

Addressing the Fianna Fáil benches, she challenged them: “If you had any interest in new politics then I would suggest that you would at least be upfront. Fianna Fáil clearly support the efforts of Fine Gael and their allies to impose an unfair charge that takes no account of ability to pay on low and middle-income families right across this state.”

The Sinn Féin motion was defeated by 59 votes to 38. Fianna Fáil and Green Party TDs abstained from the vote.

Louise O'Reilly TD

Mary Lou McDonald TD

5 Richard Boyd Barrett (People Before Profit), Paul Murphy (Anti-Austerity Alliance), Eoin Ó Broin (Sinn Féin) and Joan Collins (Independents4Change) call on Fianna Fáil to back the Sinn Féin motion to scrap water charges and Irish Water

June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

3

Martin McGuinness on being at the Somme commemorations

MARTIN McGUINNESS NOBEL PRIZEWINNING poet Seamus Heaney once said we have a “through-other” history.

To my mind, that is one of the most accurate and insightful descriptions of history on this island.

There is no doubt that our complex history has led to divisions in the past but it also presents the opportunity to create a new, shared future based on genuine reconciliation.

Sinn Féin is committed to promoting and enhancing reconciliation and in recent years I and other members of our party have taken a number of significant initiatives aimed to advance this process.

This week I took another such initiative travelling to Flanders Fields and the Somme to mark the centenary of the First World War. This is at the invitation of the Flemish Government to remember the tens of thousands of Irish men, many of them Irish nationalists, who died in the catastrophe of that war.

I attend commemorations in Flanders as a proud Irish republican accompanied by a number of my Sinn Féin colleagues, including deputy leader Mary Lou McDonald and party Chair Declan Kearney.

This is not about celebrating an imperialist war – it is about remembering the thousands of Irishmen who were killed and respecting their place in our shared history For some in the nationalist and republican community these initiatives are not easy but it is important to understand how important they are.

Remembering the loss of those Irishmen from all parts of the island who were sent to their deaths in the imperialist slaughter of the First World War is crucial to understanding our history.

This is not about celebrating an imperialist war – it is about remembering the thousands of Irishmen who were killed and respecting their place in our shared history.

It is also about remembering the millions from other nationalities, most of them working class, who died in that horrific conflict.

And it is important to recognise the special

5 The visit to the Somme is about remembering the millions of people from all nationalities who died in the conflict

significance of the Battle of the Somme and the First World War for the unionist section of our people.

Doing so does not diminish my Irish republicanism in any way, shape or form.

I also hope to visit the grave of poet Francis Ledwidge when I am there. He is someone who epitomises Ireland’s complex history given that he wrote of his great love for Ireland and, famously, a lament for one the Easter Rising leaders, Thomas MacDonagh, yet he died fighting in the First World War. His story is not unique. Many who later played a role in Ireland’s struggle for freedom

Many who later played a role in Ireland’s struggle for freedom in the years that followed the Easter Rising had also been through the horrors of the First World War

5 The Easter Rising and the Battle of the Somme shaped Ireland's history

in the years that followed the Easter Rising had also been through the horrors of the First World War. Earlier this year I was proud and honoured to attend and take part in the commemorations in Dublin and across Ireland to mark the centenary of the 1916 Easter Rising and remember all of those who gave their lives in the struggle for Irish freedom.

The way in which those commemorations were handled and the tens of thousands of people who took part was an indication not just of the strength and increasing popularity of republicanism across the island but also of the dignified and respectful way that republicans approach the past.

Ahead of this important year of commemoration, when we remember the anniversaries of hugely important events in our past which shaped our history – the Easter Rising and the Battle of the Somme – Sinn Féin made it clear that we intended to mark both milestones in a dignified, respectful and inclusive manner.

These important commemorations provide opportunities to take the process of reconciliation and healing forward.

If we are to build understanding and reconciliation on this island we all need to recognise and accept the complexity of the historical events and differing political narratives that make us who we are as a community and as a people.

We all have a responsibility to advance the process of reconciliation. As a political leader, I am committed to leading from the front and to continue to take bold and significant steps.

Sinn Féin has been to the fore in advancing reconciliation and my attendance at the commemoration in Flanders Fields and my visit to the Somme, alongside other senior Sinn Féin figures, is the latest step in that journey.

Commemorations can stimulate debate and discussion which will ultimately lead to a greater understanding of the events of our “throughother” history and to shape a better future.

4 June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

anphoblacht Editorial

WHAT'S INSIDE 12 & 13

John Rogers and Eoin Ó Murchú on the the housing crisis 21

anphoblacht Eagarfhocal

anphoblacht

Remembering the Somme

THE VISIT by Sinn Féin’s Martin McGuinness, Mary Lou McDonald and Declan Kearney to the Somme and Flanders’ fields where the carnage of the First World War included the deaths of more than 30,000 men from the Ulster and Irish divisions of the British Army must be viewed through the prism of reconciliation.

If we are to build reconciliation on this island, we all – nationalist or unionist – need to recognise and accept the complexity of the historical events and differing political narratives that make us who we are as a community and as a people.

As republicans we recognise the human suffering and also the importance events such as the Somme commemorations hold for the unionist section of our people. A generation from the unionist tradition was lost in the First World War. This was a seminal event for the unionist community.

Remembering those Irishmen who fought and died for the British Army, some of whom fought under a nationalist banner, has always been a thorny issue for Irish republicans.

We are a generation that has lived with the reality of actions of crown forces. We proudly carry with us our patriot dead.

Contact Bígí chiúin, a Ghaelgeoirí 22 & 23

Layout and production: Mark Dawson production@anphoblacht.com

NEWS editor@anphoblacht.com NOTICES notices@anphoblacht.com PHOTOS photos@anphoblacht.com

We stand with James Connolly when he said on 15 August 1914, just weeks after the outbreak of war: “If these men must die, would it not be better to die in their own country fighting for the freedom of their class, and for the abolition of war, than to go forth to strange countries and die slaughtering and slaughtered by their brothers that tyrants and profiteers might live?”

The scale of the loss of so many Irish lives adds to the tragedy of what was a futile and pointless war.

It is fitting to remember those from across all of Ireland who died in the First World War. This loss of life should be remembered. The loss of so many for so little should not forgotten.

Listening to and respecting the views of others does not in any way diminish our republicanism. Respect, inclusion and equality are central to republicanism.

This initiative from Sinn Féin is another step in demonstrating respect for, and developing a greater understanding of, those from unionist and nationalist backgrounds who lost their lives far away in Flanders’ fields.

AN PHOBLACHT is published monthly by Sinn Féin. The views in An Phoblacht are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Sinn Féin. We welcome articles, opinions and photographs from new contributors but contact the Editor first.

An Phoblacht, Kevin Barry House, 44 Parnell Square, Dublin 1, Ireland Telephone: (+353 1) 872 6 100. Email: editor@anphoblacht.com

www.anphoblacht.com

DR CONOR McCABE

Tom Kelly – The Sinn Féin Dublin Mayor that wasn't 28

Derry ex-POWs reflect on prison struggle in new book 31

Support Gaza kids' soccer tour of Ireland SUBSCRIBE ONLINE To get your An Phoblacht delivered direct to your mobile device or computer for just €10 per 12 issues and access to the historic The Irish Volunteer newspaper posted online weekly and An Phoblacht’s/IRIS the republican magazine archives

A new coalition

FIANNA FÁIL AND FINE GAEL are not involved in a new kind of politics. They are buying time until they are in a position to bring their membership to the conclusion that the leaderships have already reached, which is that a formal and full coalition between both parties will have to happen in order to protect the Establishment they represent.

This coalition of sorts has a history to it. In March 2011, Fianna Fáil were voted out of power but their policies were not. The current Taoiseach and his ministers took those policies and made them their own. Now, five years later, we are in the same situation – with Fianna Fáil continuing to dictate policy from the opposition benches It is no harm to remember that in 2010 the previous Fianna Fáil/Green coalition gave Cabinet approval to set up an Irish Water entity. It also gave its approval to bring in water charges and install water meters, and did so in the words of the government as a “confidence-building structural reform measure”.

This was all done before the Troika arrived. It was all instigated on Fianna Fáil’s watch.

The Irish people have rejected water charges

Author of Sins of the Father: Tracing the Decisions that Shaped the Irish Economy

outright. They have rejected the attempts to privatise our water system, but the mandate given in the election to give legislative expres-

Fianna Fáil were voted out of power but their policies were not sion to this issue is being scuppered by both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.

What we have here is a classic “temporary little

arrangement” that would make Albert Reynolds and Bertie Ahern beam with pride.

This ‘temporary little arrangement’ is flawed to the core. The rejection of the will of the people is unforgivable. And it is being done for the benefit of the two government parties – Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael – with the progressive and left-wing Independents the expendables of the deal.

We have come a long way from the days when Fine Gael and Labour were threatening to cut off people’s water supply if they didn’t pay their water bills. But we still have a long way to go before we can start taking the state back from those who profit from it.

June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

5

Le Trevor Ó Clochartaigh Rabharta athsealbhaithe ar thithe teaghlaigh ins na cúirteanna

‘NÍL AON TINTEÁN’ BA TRUAMHÉILEACH an radharc í. Bean meánaosta. Triúr clainne uirthi. Beirt acu ar ollscoil. A fear céile imithe go Ceanada ag obair le dhá bhliain ag iarraidh an morgáiste a choinneáil íoctha. Ise ag caoineadh ag lorg breis ama agus trócaire ón gCúirt Athsealbhaithe chun teacht ar réiteach leis an mbanc a bhí ag fiach ina diaidh gan staonadh.

Sin an radharc a bhí ós mo chomhair an lá faoi dheireadh agus mé ag suí isteach ar éisteacht iomlán den chúirt a dhéanann breithiúnas ar dhaoine atá titithe siar ar a gcuid íocaíochtaí morgáiste. Radharc a chur olc agus múisiam orm. Radharc nár chóir go bhfeicfí in Éirinn céad bliain i ndiaidh an Éirí Amach.

Bhí 121 cás ós comhair na cúirte an lá a raibh mé istigh. Ach, ní cuirt é i ndáiríre. Ní Breitheamh a éisteann na cásanna, ach an Cláraitheoir Chontae. Ach, is istigh i seomra cúirte a tharlaíonn sé. Ceann atá ró-bheag le gur féidir le daoine dul isteach ag fanacht le go n-éistfear a gcásanna. Fiche dó suíochán a bhí ann, bhí deich gcinn acu sin tógtha suas ag na dlíodóirí.

Roinnt eile ag daoine ó MABS agus dreamanna eile agus an chuid bheag eile ar fáil don té a bhí ann in am.

IN PICTURES

Bhí ar formhór na gcosantóirí fanacht amuigh sa phasáiste, nó ar an staighre nó go nglaoifí orthu. Is ar éigin a chloisfeá cuid de na dliodoirí istigh sa gcúirt féin agus gan muid ach cúpla slat uathu. Cén seans a bhí ag an dream lasmuigh?

Feictear dhom go bhfuil an córas claonta i dtreo na mbainc. Dlíodóirí ag feidhmiú ar a son, seantaithí acu ar an gcóras. Formhór na gcosantóiri gan cúltaca dlíthiúil ar bith. Iad dhá gceistiú faoina gcumas aisíocaíochta. Gan mórán deis acu dushlán na mbancanna a thabhairt ar phointí dlí – rud a theastódh go géar ón méid a chonaic mé.

Sna cásanna athsealbhaithe a ceadaíodh, bhí bearnaí ins an gcáipéisíocht oifigiúil, dindiúrí as dáta, doiciméid in easnaimh. Ach nuair nach raibh na cosántóirí ann chun iad féin a chosaint scaoileadh leis na bainc. Agus is iomaí cosantóir nach raibh i láthair. Rinne bean amháin a raibh a cás liostáilte gearán leis an gCláraitheoir nach bhfuair sí aon fhógra ón mbanc. Cheistigh sí faoin dream eile nach raibh i láthair. An amhlaidh nach dtáinig siad dá ndeoin féin, nó an é nach bhfuair siadsan fógra oifigiúil ceart ach an oiread? AnN chluas bodhar a fuair sí.

Tá ceisteanna ann maidir leis na fiacha chomh

maith. Bhí formhór na gcosantóirí ag déanamh iarracht réasunta aisíoc a dhéanamh. Ní hé go raibh siad mifhreagrach ar chor ar bith.

Cuid de na comhlachtaí a bhí ag tógáil cásanna deirtear nach ann dóibh a thuilleadh.

Tá teaghlaigh dhá díbirt amach as tithe agus géarchéim tiithíochta againn, ar mhaithe le saint baincéireachta míthrócaireach agus feictear dhom go bhfuil an stát i mbun comhcheilge leis an bpróiséas ar fad Cuid acu ceannaithe amach ar shladmhargadh ag na ‘creach-chistí’. Árachas mainneachtana tarraingthe anuas ag cuid de na bainc freisin nuair a loic daoine ar a gcuid aisíocaíochtaí.

Luach an mhorgaiste iomlán faighte acu mar sin, ach iad fós ag iarraidh tithe agus sealúchais a bhaint do na créatúir sa mullach ar sin.

Tá rud éigin bunúsach mí-cheart maidir leis an gcóras seo, nach bhfuil ach ag breathnú ar an bhfigiúir a deireann an banc atá dlite dhoibh, gan aird ar bith ar an méid a íocadh leo in aisíocaíochtaí thar na blianta, nach gceistíonn cur chuige ná cruinneas dlíthiúil an cháipéisiocht ar a bhfuil an bhreith dhá thabhairt.

Tá teaghlaigh dhá díbirt amach as tithe agus géarchéim tiithíochta againn, ar mhaithe le saint baincéireachta míthrócaireach agus feictear dhom go bhfuil an stát i mbun comhcheilge leis an bpróiséas ar fad.

An teachtaireacht is mó a bheadh agam do dhaoine atá sa staid seo ná seas an fód! Bí cinnte go mbíonn tú ins an chúirt. Ceistigh gach rud.

Déan mionscrúdú ar pháipéarachas an ghearánaí.

Agus ná ceap go bhfuil tú mícheart, nó níos aineolaí ná iad. Ón méid a chonaic mise i nGaillimh tá na bancanna féin agus na dlíodóirí atá ag feidhmiú ar a son mícheart, míchóir agus mímhúinte go minic ina gcuid gnóthaí agus ba chóir don Rialtas an córas a athrú leis an gcosmhuintir a chosaint níos fearr.

photos@anphoblacht.com

5 Sinn Féin elected representatives Máirtín Ó Muilleoir, Niall Ó Donnghaile, Geraldine McAteer and Deirdre Hargey with Mairéad O'Donnell and 5 Sinn Féin MEP Martina Anderson backing Rural Support's Lisnasharragh cumann representative Ryan Carlin at the Titanic Centre, Belfast. Mairéad was selected to replace Niall as councillor for the Short 'Wellies to Work Day' at the Balmoral Show 2016 Strand area on Belfast City Council following Niall's election to the Seanad

6 June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

SERIOUS CONCERNS AROUND THE INVESTIGATION INTO MAN'S DISAPPEARANCE

Martin Kenny TD exposes

Leitrim Garda scandal

BY SEÁN Mac BRÁDAIGH SLIGO/LEITRIM Sinn Féin TD Martin Kenny has exposed a major scandal involving allegations of Garda malpractice in County Leitrim Kenny raised the allegations during a Dáil debate on Thursday 26 May on the O’Higgins Report into allegations of malpractice in the Cavan/Monaghan Garda Division.

The allegations concern serious malpractice in the Sligo/Leitrim Division from 2009 to 2016.

Speaking in the Dáil, Martin Kenny said he wished, at the outset, to state that the vast majority of gardaí in Leitrim are doing their job honestly and diligently.

He said, however, that several issues of alleged Garda malpractice were brought to his attention by whistleblowers – both serving and former gardai.

Central to the events and incidents outlined by Kenny is the allegation that gardaí were engaging informants who were active criminals.

This is a direct breach of the rules of the Covert Handling of Intelligence Sources (CHIS) programme.

Another allegation is that gardaí were running their own informants outside the official CHIS programme.

A third allegation is that some “rogue” gardaí have used informants or criminals over whom they have control to set up and entrap people.

The fourth allegation is that there were high-ranking gardaí who protected rogue gardaí and “covered for them with secrecy and denial”.

Martin Kenny said the allegations were brought to his attention over the past two years.

During the course of his Dáil contribution, the Sligo/Leitrim deputy said: “There is an allegation that a Garda informant, working under the direction of two gardaí, robbed tools and a generator from a builder’s shed and then sold the generator to a man whose house was searched the next day and the stolen property recovered.

“The man was subsequently charged and convicted in relation to having stolen property.

“Another allegation is that a Garda informant was allegedly instructed by his handlers to set a trap for a person at a National Car Testing centre.

“He placed money in a car as a bribe to get the car through the test. The car had some minor defect and should not have passed the NCT.

Allegations concern serious malpractice in the Sligo/Leitrim Division from 2009 to 2016 “The informant then told an employee at the NCT centre that the car was nearly okay and he had left a few euros in it.

“The car was passed and later that employee was charged, convicted of accepting a bribe, and lost his job. The main witness in the case was a Garda informant.

“A man was wrongly charged with possession of a stolen tractor although there was no evidence other than that the tractor may have been collected from beside a farmyard owned by this man.

“He had co-operated totally with the initial Garda investigation and was not considered a suspect at any time by local gardaí.

“The investigation was taken over by a detective sergeant who instructed that the man would be charged, to the dismay of the other gardaí.

5 Sinn Féin TD for Sligo/Leitrim Martin Kenny

“As the man left the Garda station, this detective sergeant followed him and waved the charge sheet at him, saying: ‘I can make this go away if you bring me the real culprit.’”

A serious incident outlined by Martin Kenny involved threats to the safety of two serving gardaí from a criminal gang.

The allegation is that although senior gardai knew criminals were preparing to attack the two gardaí at their homes, this information was withheld from the men, both of whom have young families.

It is alleged that one of the gang members was reporting criminal activity to CHIS and that he was also working outside the official informant programme for other gardaí.

The Sinn Féin TD also raised serious and disturbing concerns around the investigation into the disappearance of a man, Pat Heeran, who went missing from his Leitrim home in 2011.

He told the Dáil: “Around the time he was reported missing, a memorandum was distributed to gardaí about a 'Pat from Leitrim' having been abducted and killed.

“When local gardaí arrived at the home of Mr Heeran to check into the report that he was missing, they considered the possibility of something sinister and wanted to have the house sealed off as a possible crime scene.

“However, senior gardaí dismissed this possibility and told them to make the usual inquiries and he would ‘turn up drunk somewhere’.

“After some time, when Garda management finally agreed to seal off and examine the house,

they found it had been burgled in the meantime and was, therefore, forensically violated for the purposes of evidence gathering.

“There were also a number of individuals with links to Pat Heeran whom the investigation team never even questioned, to the dismay of local gardaí.

“It is now known that a Garda informant was among the last people to be in Pat Heeran’s company before he disappeared.

Speaking in the Dáil, Martin Kenny said he wished, at the outset, to state that the vast majority of gardaí in Leitrim are doing their job honestly and diligently “Pat Heeran has never been found and his mother and siblings are heartbroken.

“The question is: Was the protection of informants put before the proper investigation into the disappearance of Pat Heeran?”

Martin Kenny said two Leitrim gardai brought their concerns about the handling of intelligence sources to the attention of then Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan and were fobbed off.

June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

7

5 Martin Kenny has called on Minister for Justice Frances Fitzgerald to establish a Commission of Investigation into allegations of Garda malpractice in Leitrim

In 2012, they brought them to the attention of then Minister for Justice, Alan Shatter, and again in 2014.

Documented detail of all incidents was given to the Justice Minister but the gardaí were told no action would be taken.

One allegation is that gardaí were running their own informants outside the official channels Martin Kenny has called for the establishment of a Commission of Investigation into the alleged Garda malpractice.

Kenny also revealed that, in 2014, he himself was made aware of how the Garda malpractice related personally to himself and his family.

“A man who claims to have been a Garda informant told me that he had been asked by certain named gardaí to carry out a robbery at my house. The informant claims he did not carry out the robbery. However, my house was broken into in March 2007 and items of value

were stolen. I was an elected member of Leitrim County Council at that time,” Martin Kenny said.

While these incidents are several years old, Kenny has also been contacted in the past few months by other serving gardaí who have also made allegations of malpractice in the Leitrim district: “It is alleged that senior officers have reprimanded gardaí who have tried to investigate or raise concerns about criminal activity, including drugs offences, breaches of bail conditions and firearms offences. It is also alleged that senior gardaí in Leitrim have been engaged in aggressive and vindictive behaviour towards other members of the Garda and that abuses of positions of authority are common practice, leading to an atmosphere of fear and tension throughout the ranks.

“In February 2015, gardaí discovered a pipe-bomb along a road near Drumshambo, County Leitrim. The two uniformed gardaí who discovered the pipe bomb are being disciplined for their activity around the discovery.”

Martin Kenny said there is widespread disquiet at all Garda ranks in the county about the fact that gardaí, who did their job properly, are being disciplined.

Kenny also said that:

“Earlier this year, a detective garda in Leitrim became aware of the existence of a gun in the possession of a member of a criminal gang operating in the area.

“However, the information was not put on the PULSE (Police Using Leading Systems Effectively) system, no searches were carried out and it was kept secret from almost all gardaí in the Leitrim district.

“A uniformed garda inadvertently found out about it and confronted the detective, who confirmed it had been reported to him but was being kept quiet.

“The garda immediately reported this to a sergeant who, in turn, confronted senior Garda management, who confirmed that they had known about it since the initial reporting.

“The sergeant expressed concern that uniformed members should have been made aware of this.

“As a result of this, a document was sent informing gardaí in the Sligo/Leitrim division that this person might have a gun. This was nine days after the initial report and this was despite the fact that the alleged criminal was carrying out his activities throughout a wide region.

“Failure to inform gardaí nationwide placed them at enormous risk. The failure to investigate

this also placed members of the public at risk.”

Martin Kenny contends that allegations of malpractice in Leitrim not only go back a number of years but are right up to date: “The vast majority of honest, hard-working gardaí in Leitrim are totally opposed to illicit activities and malpractice.

Another allegation is that some ‘rogue’ gardaí have used informants or criminals to set up and entrap people “If true, the conclusion of these accusations is that a small cohort within the Garda in Leitrim have considered criminal activity as an opportunity for their own advancement and, at times, have manipulated situations for their own advancement.

“The only way forward is for the Minister to establish a Commission of Investigation into the matters I have raised and into any other instances of alleged malpractice that may come forward in the future.”

8 June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

DRAFT PROGRAMME FOR GOVERNMENT GOES OUT FOR CONSULTATION TO GROUPS AND WIDER CIVIC SOCIETY TO HAVE THEIR SAY

5 The new Sinn Féin ministerial team: Máirtín Ó Muilleoir, Michelle O'Neill, Martin McGuinness, Megan Fearon and and Chris Hazzard

Historic firsts in new Sinn Féin ministerial team at Stormont

BY MICHAEL McMONAGLE

THE NEW Northern Executive met for the first time on Thursday 26 May and agreed the framework for the Programme for Government which will shape its priorities for the next five years.

The Executive will be jointly led by deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness and includes four other Sinn Féin ministers – Michelle O’Neill as Minister for Health, Chris Hazzard as Minister for Infrastructure, Máirtín Ó Muilleoir as Minister for Finance, and Megan Fearon as Junior Minister in the Executive Office.

The new ministers were announced on Tuesday 24 May and the ministerial team includes a number of historic firsts for Sinn Féin .

It is the first time a Sinn Féin minister has held a senior financial portfolio with South Belfast MLA Máirtín Ó Muilleoir named as Minister for Finance. Up until now, the Finance brief has always been held by unionists.

South Armagh MLA Megan Fearon has become the youngest-ever minister in Ireland when she was appointed

as Junior Minister in the Executive Office. But the 24-year-old republican already has a wealth of experience having served in the Assembly for four years.

Three of the new Sinn Féin ministers are new to ministerial office before while Michelle O’Neill returns to the Executive table having previously served as Minister for Agriculture and Rural Development, this time moving to Health.

Announcing his ministerial line-up, Martin McGuinness said the new team would now start to deliver on the pledges made in the Sinn Féin manifesto.

“We are grateful for the mandate we received and will set about delivering as ministers at the Executive,” he said.

And in an obvious reference to the SDLP and Ulster Unionist Party, who walked out of the Executive after poor election results, the deputy First Minister added: “While others have walked away from their responsibilities, the Sinn Féin team will work with the other ministers in partnership to deliver for all the people.”

Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD also praised the new ministerial team: “I am confident that the new Sinn

Newry & Armagh MLA Conor Murphy encouraged as many people as possible to take part in the consultation on the Programme for Government

Féin ministers will contribute positively to defending the rights of citizens and promoting the equality agenda.

“As an Irish republican party, Sinn Féin will also continue to pursue our political goal of a united Ireland and we will work in the time ahead to remove the social, economic and political barriers to greater co-operation.”

The new ministers themselves said they are looking forward to the challenges of their new roles.

Newly-appointed Finance Minister Máirtín Ó Muilleoir said: “Social justice is at the core of my belief and to achieve that we need a vibrant economy. As Finance Minister I will make sure every penny we spend is to create first-class public services but also to create a prosperous and inclusive society.”

New Junior Minister Megan Fearon said: “We have a really strong team and I’m delighted as a republican to have been asked to sit at the Executive table.

My appointment sends out a strong message to women and young people in particular and I am looking forward to representing everyone, young and old, in my role.”

At the first Executive meeting the new ministers agreed the framework

for the draft Programme for Government which will shape the policies of the government at Stormont. The draft Programme for Government has now gone out for consultation to allow groups from the various sectors and wider civic society to have their say and play their part in shaping the direction of the Executive.

Newry & Armagh MLA Conor Murphy encouraged as many people as possible

Up until now, the Finance brief has always been held by unionists to take part in the consultation on the Programme for Government.

“This is a fresh and innovative approach to government. The public now have a chance to have their say on the Programme for Government and shape the direction and policies of the Executive.

“I would encourage as many people as possible to play an active role in the consultation in the time ahead and to make sure their voice is heard to help us continue to deliver for everyone in society.”

June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

9

Sinn Féin deputy leader takes up new role with Mental Health portfolio

Mary Lou – Stepping up to the plate

BY MARK MOLONEY ANNOUNCING its new spokespersons in May for the fresh Dáil term after February's general election, Sinn Féin said that in keeping with its mandate from the election the party would be placing priority on the areas of mental health, disability inclusion, public services and Irish unity.

Deputy leader Mary Lou McDonald took up the Mental Health brief.

“I want to be part of having a big conversation about not just rebuilding the social fabric of our communities but also people's lives,” Mary Lou tells An Phoblacht.

Working alongside the Dublin TD in the Mental Health brief, and with special responsibility for Suicide Prevention, is newly-elected Cork East TD Pat Buckley. Pat founded the Let's Get Together suicide prevention charity after two of his brothers, Mark and James, died by suicide. Mary Lou says Pat is a man whom she greatly admires and describes his story as “both tragic and heroic”.

“Pat is very personally courageous in terms of sharing his family's experience. He does that because he knows exactly where it's at when that tragedy of death by suicide hits a family, and he knows he can reach out and assist others,” she says.

Mary Lou explains that a big part of her decision to take on the new role was down to her constituency work, where meeting people who are dealing with issues such as self-harm, emotional distress and suicide prevention is a daily experience: “This is a very human brief,” she says. “It's

5 Protesters gather outside Leinster House in April over the diversion of mental health funding about people, their families and communities. demotion? I regard this as a promotion. I regard This is me stepping up to the plate on an issue this as me and Pat being asked to take on an that I think is core to people's lives, experiences issue that could not be more sensitive or central and happiness.” to people's live.”

When Gerry Adams publicly announced the The Dublin Central TD is critical of how the new Sinn Féin spokespersons at a media event in state has failed to fully-implement the now Leinster House in May, one of the first questions 10-year-old 'Vision for Change' plan. That plan he was asked by waiting reporters was whether is now being updated.

Mary Lou moving from Public Expenditure to “If the common political consensus is that Mental Health was a demotion. mental health, emotional health and suicide “I was really astonished by that,” Mary Lou prevention are extremely important issues then tells An Phoblacht. “What on earth does a the system has to put its money where its mouth reaction like that say about commenta- is,” says Mary Lou. tors or the media – when being given Mary Lou says she will be working closely with such a critical brief is regarded as a new Assembly Health Minister Michelle O'Neill in developing strategies and ensuring that funding is brought forward so that counseling services, support services, helplines and community initiatives are properly resourced.

In April, shortly after the Dáil returned, there were protests outside Leinster House organised by the Mental Health Reform group and the Union of Students in Ireland after it emerged that state funding ring-fenced for mental health services had been diverted elsewhere. Mary Lou McDonald and Sinn Féin also took part in the demonstrations.

“What an awful way to start the MARY LOU McDONALD new Dáil term,” says Mary Lou. “To meet under a situation where €12million of the €35million in funding was to be siphoned off elsewhere. That rightly caused huge anger right across the board.

Those proteste r s u n d e rstand that the budget isn't just about figures on a balance sheet, what's in the balance is people's lives and people's ability

'If the common political consensus is that mental health, emotional health and suicide prevention are extremely important issues then the system has to put its money where its mouth is'

5 Cork East TD Pat Buckley

to function, cope and raise their families.”

She says that Mental Health is an area that cannot be divorced from other vital issues such as housing, rural affairs, health, public expenditure and much more.

Mary Lou praises PIPS, Pieta House and other groups for their work on suicide prevention and says there is a serious need to get behind and support the great work already underway. But she admits that the statistics of the number of young people dying by suicide is frighteningly high.

“I have two kids. I have a daughter who will soon be a teenager. I'm no different to any other mammy, so those things worry you. You want your kids to be both physically and emotionally well. I think many people are afraid of mental health issues but we need to break down that stigma in a way that's comfortable and positive,” she says.

Mary Lou says she has been heartened by how much importance Sinn Féin activists have placed on mental health issues, and she gives this commitment: “Myself and Pat Buckley have vowed to get out, visit, talk to – and most importantly listen to – every section of society where people have a view on mental health and emotional health.”

10 June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

THE NUMBERS (26 Counties)

24,000

Homes needed to meet housing needs next year

A JOB, A PLACE AT TRINITY BUT NO HOME OF HER OWN

BY JOHN HEDGES ERICA FLEMING is walking hurriedly down O’Connell Street to meet An Phoblacht, her 9-year-old daughter Emily quickening her pace to keep up with her mother. Erica is 20 minutes late and she apologises profusely.

The 30-year-old young woman has been thrust into the headlines after becoming a reluctant star in January’s RTÉ documentary My Homeless Family. She started her day by waking up in her “temporary emergency accommodation” of almost a year, getting Emily ready for school and herself for work, racing from across Dublin City to RTÉ in Montrose to be interviewed on Ray D’Arcy’s afternoon radio show, then dashing back into town to meet us at our request at the Gresham Hotel.

She and Emily will eventually get home sometime after 7pm to do Emily’s homework and snatch some “mother and daughter time”. And Erica still apologises for putting us out.

Erica has become such a well-known face as a housing crisis campaigner that staff come over to give their congratulations on seeing in the newspapers the day before that she has secured a place at Trinity College. Erica still finds the public attention a little hard to handle but she is buzzing about getting into Trinity, especially coming from the working-class suburb of Coolock.

“I never thought that I’d get into college, never mind Trinity.” She laughs and raises her hand up to her head to emphasise the achievement: “I mean, that’s up there, isn’t it?” Having successfully applied through the Trinity Access Programme, Erica will be studying law and social and political studies but her ambition has always been to be a social worker. A political career is not envisaged by her even though U Magazine has also just shortlisted her for its “Social Pioneer Award”.

Daughter Emily sits patiently next to us as we get down to talk properly. They’ve had no time for tea so Emily is tucking in to some sausages and chicken nuggets like any normal child. But she doesn’t live a normal life. She has no home to call her own.

“Don’t get me wrong, the hotel we are in and the staff are great,” Erica says, “but we are still homeless when it comes down to it.”

She works 29 hours a week as a receptionist but unable to afford rent and is not entitled to rent supplement so she and Emily are homeless.

Figures show there are more than 1,000 families and over 2,000 children living in emergency accommodation. The state spent €16million on hotels for the homeless last year in Dublin alone.

It is particularly frustrating for Erica that she has to drive to work past vacant homes boarded up by Dublin City Council. They’re known as “voids” and they’re one of Erica’s biggest bugbears in the housing crisis.

“When I was on Newstalk radio and first

9.3%

Average rent increase nationally in last 12 months

230,000 30,000 Empty homes

New households every year

ERICA FLEMING

told them about how I had to drive past these on my way to work from emergency accommodation I think they thought I was exaggerating. Fair play to [presenter] Jonathan Healy, though, he came out to see for himself how many there were.”

She says that five particular “voids’ she pointed out last October still haven’t been turned around.

PETER McVERRY TRUST

This makes her frustrated and angry at the speed the system operates – or doesn’t operate.

Since My Homeless Family, Erica acknowledges that there has been a change in media and public perception that homeless people are mostly people with alcohol, drugs or mental health issues.

The stereotype has been broken.

What does frustrate her, though, is the pace of change.

“I welcome the

fact that there is now a cross-party Oireachtas Committee on Housing and Homelessness but in the 60 days that it takes from it being set up in April to reporting in the middle of June, how many more people have become homeless or facing homelessness; how many repossessions are there by the banks; how much land is being sold off by local authorities on which they should be building social and affordable housing instead?”

In May, a report by the Housing Agency

3 Erica Fleming with her daughter Emily

June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

11

SOURCE: Sunday Business Post

5,500

100

Homeless people

New homeless families in hotels each month

140,000 35,000 Number on social housing lists

Social housing units promised under €3.8billion plan

‘I am not going away’ revealed that as many as 230,000 homes across the state are vacant.

There are said to be over 38,000 residential properties vacant in Dublin while figures show that 366 families became homeless in the capital this year.

New Housing Minister Simon Coveney has said on Twitter to Erica that he’s “happy to take advice” and he’s already met Focus Ireland, the Simon Community and the Peter McVerry Trust.

She has followed this up by writing to the Housing Minister’s office, asking for a meeting.

The first three things she would ask him to do would be to raise the rent allowance, to quickly turn the voids into habitable homes, and to devise a plan to use the assets that NAMA has to address the housing crisis.

She feels that people in power are not truly that concerned about homelessness or housing needs as they and their families are very unlikely to face such a crisis in their lives. “When I first went looking for housing I was asked if I couldn’t borrow €8,000 from a relative. There’s no one I know who has that sort of money to lend but I bet that the people in power do.”

But she’s willing to give new people in power a chance.

She’s not giving up and she’s undaunted. She reveals she “had a bad week” before her interview with An Phoblacht and the news about Trinity College because things just got on top of her and she sees no end in sight for her and Emily.

“How old will Emily be when she gets to do her homework in our own home?”

5 Erica Fleming speaks to An Phoblacht

PETER McVERRY TRUST

Erica at the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis ERICA FLEMING opened her primetime address to the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis in Dublin in April with a quote from a leader of 1916: We seem to have lost But we have not lost To refuse to fight would have been to lose To fight is to win We have kept faith with the past And handed on a tradition to the future “To Pádraig Pearse, I would like to say thank you,” she said. “Thank you for instilling that passion to fight within the Irish people.”

She explained to the packed Ard Fheis hall ahead of the Presidential Address

by Gerry Adams that she didn’t want to take part in the RTÉ documentary. ”I didn’t want to expose my life to the public; I didn’t want people to have the opportunity to judge me; I was ashamed; I was embarrassed and I was scared.

“But, as the days and weeks passed with our situation not changing, a flame was sparked within me – I began to see how wrong ‘the system’ was. I began to see how our own people were being judged and ridiculed and forgotten. I

began to feel angry.

“No one was speaking out. People were too frightened to tell their story, so I decided to tell mine and Emily’s.

“I exposed our lives, I exposed the hardships of being a homeless working lone parent.

“I exposed the hardships of being a homeless child.

“I exposed how unfair the system was and is towards us.

“And I'm glad that I have done it,” she announced. “I am glad that flame was sparked within me because now it is a burning raging fire and it cannot be extinguished by anyone.

“We are being treated as if we don’t matter, as if we are at fault for becoming homeless. To the outgoing government we are only a number. We are only a statistic. They forget that we are real people, with real lives and real feelings. They forget that our children are watching how the outgoing government is failing us.

“They are basically telling our children that they do not matter. They are teaching our children that the less fortunate, are people with no worth.

They are teaching our children that money is more important than basic human rights.”

Echoing the aspiration in the Proclamation to cherish all the children of Ireland equally, she said: “Our children are being denied a chance to have a normal happy childhood, free from worry, free from discrimination. Our children, our next generation, are being denied a basic human right – a right to a stable and secure home.”

And she asked the audience: “Do you think that the heroes of 1916 would be happy about this? No they would not!”

As a parent, Erica Fleming said, her job is to allow her daughter to dream, to have dreams and aspirations.

“My job as a mother is to protect her at all costs, to provide for her and to allow her to grow into a well-rounded, successful woman. Without a home, my child is being denied the right to have those opportunities. She is being forced to leave her childhood behind and to grow up too soon. She is being forced to live in a world where things are unsure, unsettling and unreliable.

“My biggest fear is that this will affect my daughter for the rest of her life that she won’t bounce back to the happy, outgoing, adventurous child that she once was.

5 Erica Fleming pictured on stage during her powerful Ard Fheis contribution

“The state has failed us; the state has failed my precious gem.

“So, as I stand here today, I demand action. I demand that the public come together and say enough is enough.

“The issue of homelessness needs to be tackled today, we need solutions today. We need action today.”

The reluctant yet articulate and passionate campaigner said that she refuses to be silent so that others can continue to feel comfortable.

“I will continue to speak out, I will continue to be the voice for the homeless families.

“I am not going away!”

12 June / Meitheamh 2016

BY JOHN ROGERS SOLICITOR

www.anphoblacht.com

Separated parents and children seriously affected by housing policies

THERE IS A CHRONIC SHORTAGE of housing in urban areas, particularly Dublin. Worse still, there is very little, if anything, being done to address the supply issues in the short to medium term.

and custody of their children. This appears to be the case even where there is court-ordered joint access.

Overnight or weekend visits from a separated parent’s children will become impossible for most families, resulting in untold damage to often frail relationships.

South Dublin County Council, Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown County Council and Fingal County Council all make specific provision for separated parents by placing them on the housing list according to the number of children born to both parents.

Here is a not uncommon scenario. John Doe and Jane Doe have two children, a boy and a girl, their relationship has broken down.

They are now living apart and the children are in the custody of their mother, with access agreed to include overnight access to John.

With rising rents there is an increasing number of families and individuals – through no fault of their own – ending up homeless or in emergency accommodation.

This topic has become so frequent a feature of the airwaves and television that it is difficult not to suffer from information fatigue whereby we become desensitised to the issue due to our overexposure to it.

Figures recently published by the Private Residential Tenancies Board highlight the strength of the recovery in Dublin and found that rents are now 0.4% per cent higher than their previous peak in the fourth quarter of 2007. It is hard to believe that, after going through one of the worst economic recessions of modern times, rental prices are above the worrying levels of the Celtic Tiger.

This has, unsurprisingly, led to a record number of more than 42,000 people, including almost 16,500 children, waiting to be housed by Dublin City Council. Those in the rental market simply cannot afford the ever-increasing market prices being demanded by private landlords.

Dublin City Council’s social housing waiting list is made up of over 21,500 applicants, 1,300 of whom have been on the waiting list for more than 10 years.

Waiting times calculated in decades

Figures don’t show the plight of separated parents who are recorded on the housing list as “single” despite often being parents of young children

Housing waiting times calculated in decades will become a reality for many more if significant changes don’t occur will become a reality for many more if significant changes don’t occur.

The type of unit in greatest demand is for one-bedroom flats/ accommodation. The latest figures suggest that just over 12,000 people have applied for a one-bedroom home; most of them (just over 11,000) are recorded as being SINGLE applicants. What these figures don’t show, however, is the plight of separated parents who are recorded on the housing list as SINGLE despite often being parents of young children.

It appears that Dublin City Council is currently operating a policy of placing parents who are estranged from their wives/ partners on housing lists for one-bedroom units if they are not in primary control of the children. This, in effect, means the parent who does not have primary custody of the child or children (most often the father) will not have the space or facilities to have their children stay overnight.

The Housing & Residential Services of Dublin City Council have confirmed, in certain cases, that separated parents are only entitled to be placed on the housing list for one-bedroom accommodation unless they have primary control

If they both apply to be on the Dublin City housing list at the same time, Jane will be put on the list for at least a two-bedroom unit whereas John will be placed on the list for a one-bed. John will find it difficult, to say the least, to avail of overnight access with his children as he does not have the space to accommodate them. This is particularly acute if the children are of different sexes and are above the age where they could reasonably be expected to share a room with their father.

This is not an uncommon situation and often results in parents being unable to comply with court orders, leading to further stress, anxiety and the further deterioration of relationships – not just between parents but also the young children.

It is deeply regrettable in this day and age that one can be discriminated against in this way due to which council catchment area you happen to reside in. If the current policy remains, one dreads to think what impact this will have on the innocent children of separated parents who find themselves in this sort of situation.

Although there may be legal remedies available such as going to court, to enforce one’s rights, this only adds further stress and anxiety to an already very difficult situation. Unfortunately and ultimately, unless this practice and policy changes, the only avenue available,to families affected by this policy is the courts.

5 Overnight visits from a separated parent's children will become almost impossible

JOHN ROGERS is a solicitor at Chris Ryan Solicitors, 18 North King Street, Dublin 7.

June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

Local authorities must build the social housing we need WHILE newly-appointed Housing Minister Simon Coveney has admitted that an emergency response is needed to the growing housing crisis, he remains wedded to the failed policy of relying on the “market” to solve a problem that is really concerned with social need.

And if the situation was bad before, it has got worse in recent months, and the minister shows no sign of knowing what to do, admonishing us all to “be patient”.

Meanwhile, latest figures show that fewer than half the social housing units will be made available this year in Dublin City Council, for example, compared to last year.

Only 700 such units are coming on stream this year, compared to 1,689 last year when the election was pending.

And three times as many people have been made homeless since the beginning of the year as have been found proper accommodation.

In addition, private landlords, in the absence of rent controls and enforced norms, have a field day, with rents rising and people evicted from their homes to squeeze the last bit of profit out of people who are already at the end of their tether.

But what solutions are being discussed by the right-wing alliance of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil? None of them is offering the emergency social housing building programme that is needed. Instead, they talk about measures that will, supposedly, allow the market to function more effectively – by easing access to mortgages and by various affordability schemes.

The central thrust remains: they see housing as an opportunity to make profit, not as a social right of all citizens.

Everything they are talking about concerns giving a boost to the market.

So, it is acknowledged that in Dublin, for example, less than one sixth of the number of new housing units needed are being constructed. This

13

EOIN Ó MURCHÚ Yes, it is a good thing to insist that a certain proportion of proposed private building initiatives be allocated for social housing, but the scale of what is needed is way beyond what can be done at a profit by private builders and speculators.

Local authorities must be given the duty of providing housing and managing estates and, of course, the finance to enable them to do so.

5 Housing Minister Simon Coveney shows no signs of knowing what to do to address the housing crisis

is a worrying statistic in itself that will ensure more misery and blighted lives for thousands.

The best that City Council officials can come up with is the Glass Bottle site development. There are 3,000 units planned for this site. But think: there are only 26 acres in this site; intensive density of 26 houses per acre used to be the upper norm, a figure that would give fewer than 800 houses.

The 3,000 will be achieved by going high-rise and by reducing the size of the units.

This will not suit family housing but it will meet the transient needs of young professional workers coming in to spend a couple of years working in the International Financial Services Centre.

As a sop to public opinion, 300 of these units will be for social housing.

These, of course, will be placed at the edge of the development, facing the proposed incinerator and acting as a buffer between the pollution and the young professionals.

What an appalling con job.

'The only solution to the housing and homelessness crisis is to build or acquire social housing' PETER McVERRY

By contrast, the long-term social campaigner on homelessness, Fr Peter McVerry, commented to the Irish Independent: “The only solution to the housing and homelessness crisis is to build or acquire social housing.”

Perceptively, he also pointed out that the local authorities have to all intents and purposes got out of the housing estate management business and explicitly do not want to get so involved again.

And this is the problem.

Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil see housing as an opportunity to make profit, not as a social right of all citizens The Irish state did this in times that we were a lot more cash-strapped than we are even today, and the big estates in Ballyfermot, Finglas, Knocknaheeney and Ballybane are examples of what was done in the past – and what needs to be done again now.

At the same time, as building houses is not something that can be completed overnight, strict control of renting is essential. This control is not just to keep (or reduce) rents to affordable levels but must also ensure a security of tenure for tenants who pay their rent and serious assistance for those who have difficulties in this regard.

Rent supplement is clearly out of kilter with the actual rents that are charged in our major cities and need to be adjusted in line with rent controls and intensive provision of social housing.

14 June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

MATT CARTHY MEP

MATT CARTHY was Director of Elections in the February Dáil general election which saw Sinn Féin increase its seats from 14 to 23.

Who speaks of Labour now?

AODHÁN Ó RIORDÁIN appeared on the telly during the RTÉ Six One News to hit out at the lack of progress on resolving the Direct Provision system for asylum seekers.

I counted the days.

It was 16.

It was 16 days since Aodhán was actually the minister with responsibility for resolving the Direct Provision system. This is an all too familiar taste of things to come. Just as we spent the past five years watching as the media gave airtime to Fianna Fáil representatives to lament the lack of supports for families in mortgage distress while rarely being challenged about the fact that it was Fianna Fáil that caused that same distress, now we can expect to watch on as Labour reps curse the lack of fairness in policies.

For many people the day the Labour Party mask slipped was when Brendan Howlin gloated during the Greek crisis: “Who speaks of SYRIZA now?”

That one sentence exposed the lie that went to the heart of Labour's actions in Government.

Rather than it being a case of a reluctant junior partner in Government implementing some

The person with the most culpability for the harshest Labour Party actions in Government has been appointed leader by a handful of others who were frightened at the prospect that their party membership would elect Alan Kelly measures that went against the grain to secure progressive measures elsewhere, Labour in fact relished their place in a right-wing Government.

Instead of defending the most vulnerable, instead of demanding a change in direction, instead of standing up to European institutions on behalf of their people, Labour reached a point where they openly mocked a government in Greece that tried to do all of those things.

Brendan Howlin is now leader of the Labour Party. The person in the party with the most culpability for the harshest Labour actions in Government has been appointed by a handful of others who were frightened at the prospect that their party membership would elect Alan Kelly.

In fairness, the fears were probably well-founded – this is the membership that elected Eamon Gilmore and Joan Burton as party leaders.

Some elements of the media will allow

5 Brendan Howlin was selected as leader of Labour by the party's remaining TDs

Brendan and his apostles the necessary space to speak about the fairness and decency that they could have delivered upon but decided not to. Somehow I'm not sure the public who have felt so betrayed by Labour in Government will be so forgiving.

For Sinn Féin we probably shouldn't concern ourselves too much by their fortunes. Our task is too important.

The truth is that the faith in politics of many Irish people has been hammered.

The actions of Labour didn't help. Neither did those of the Green Party before them. The cynical manoeuvrings in the weeks since the general election will have been a major body blow.

Fine Gael, who lost 26 seats from its 2011

showing, are back in with increased numbers at the Cabinet table.

Fianna Fáil are in . But they're in Opposition too.

And Independents? Well, the Independent 'brand' has been irrevocably damaged. I doubt many people who voted for non-party candidates did so in the expectation they were helping return Enda Kenny as Taoiseach. But that's what it meant.

It has now become clear to many voters that placing a preference in support of an Independent candidate is the political equivalent of opening Forest Gump’s box of chocolates – you never know what you’re going to get!

For Sinn Féin the new political situation creates challenges and opportunities. As an opposition

5 Independent TDs like John Halligan now prop-up Fine Gael after years of criticising the party

5 Senator Aodhán Ó Riordáin

party with an increased mandate we will have a big role to play in restoring people's faith in politics – in setting out that there can be a better, fairer way of doing things.

The scene is set. That we kept our pre-election commitments not to support a Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael led is appreciated although few look forward to the outworkings of the coalition that isn't.

Sinn Féin will continue our work of developing alternative policies that will make a real difference to people's lives. The policy documents that we produced early this year – fully costed proposals on Health, Housing, Childcare, the development of the West have been, when coupled with our alternative budget submisisons prepared by Pearse Doherty and his team, were a unique undertaking by any opposition party in the history of the state.

We are serious about getting into. But only because we are serious about delivering a United Ireland where every family can enjoy the benefits of a balanced, prosperous society where access to public services in dependent on need rather than the balance in a bank account or the address on a census form.

The template for getting to a position where we can achieve these goals is there.

We need to stick to it and work at it.

The Labour Party have shown us how not to do it. Our job is to convince families and communities that we are serious about being different.

June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

15

ALAN KELLY, MARY LOU AND MEDIA HIGHLIGHTS

NEW POLITICS? (Same old news)

FOR A BRIEF MOMENT I wondered how Labour TD Alan Kelly was dealing with the media tsunami coverage on his failed attempt to be the new Labour leader.

His comments, appearances, non-appearances, tweets and statements were seemingly wall-to-wall. But I can’t help thinking this is what he wanted to happen. And he had the powerful help of the Irish news media, willing conspirators who diverted a sizeable amount of their focus (and public attention) and space to Alan’s issues.

What is fascinating is how easy it was for this to happen and how little mainstream media comment there was about the imbalance in news reporting of the Irish Labour Party leadership ‘contest’. Kelly has been elevated in the news cycle yet again beginning with his appearance on the Late Late Show launching his leadership bid. This ran to his non-appearance at the first press conference of Brendan Howlin as the new Labour leader which overshadowed the coronation itself. Then came the subsequent tweets by “AK47”, particularly a photo from him on Twitter titled “The seven stages of leadership” showing seven pints of Guinness lined up, from full to empty. Then there was an ‘exclusive’ but widely-reported Mail on Sunday interview.

As I write this, Alan Kelly has just been on Tipperary FM radio, Brendan Howlin is on Newstalk, and the sphere of tweets and online news focus is in full spin again from radio to online to print and back again.

Interestingly, no discussion from

either Kelly or Howlin on Labour policies.

ONLINE BRETHREN We have a new government but it’s the same old news media moulding the political discourse. What is critical to this relationship is that the emerging online media is behaving in sync with their brethren in radio, TV and print.

Could you imagine the same amount of media coverage being given to Sinn Féin or AAA/PBP? Neither could I. Sinn Féin announced their new Dáil frontbench spokespersons in early May. For online news website TheJournal. ie this was not news. Fair enough, you might say, but on 14 May The Journal ran an article on the Fianna Fáil women who “could be in line for a promotion” – yes, “could” – speculating on the new Fianna Fáil spokespersons and then added to that on 18 May with a “Meet the Fianna Fáil frontbench” article.

For Sinn Féin the largest party in Opposition (not keeping Fine Gael in 5 A Sunday Times story about power) it seems there is slanted media highlighters that didn't add up showed how shallow media attacks were coverage. Other commentators such as Oliver Callan, writing in the Sun about Sinn Féin by The Sunday Times just before the February Dáil election, on 22 May reported that Mary Lou noted the “anti-Sinn Féin editorialising”. McDonald had ordered 576 highlighters An Phoblacht also reported in March from the Oireachtas stationery store on the analysis of Village magazine in just eight weeks. In fact she had contributor Pádraig O'Mara on the ordered four packs of 12.

The Sunday Times article was lifted disparities in coverage given to Sinn Féin in the run-up to the election, by the Irish Independent, Mirror, the particularly the volume of negative Irish Sun and a number of other online news sites. Sinn Féin had contacted reporting that Sinn Féin received. the Sunday Times before publication cautioning that there must be an error MISCALCULATED REPORTING What has been deemed big news but they went ahead published the

story regardless (and without the health warning). Many hours of lobbying

by Sinn Féin press officers eventually compelled all of the errant news services to take down or correct the false story that had been seen by countless thousands of people.

What this still boils down to with the news media, old and ‘new’, are the age-old questions – how is the news controlled and who controls what is printed in the papers, heard on radio, or seen on TV and the Internet?

TREND SETTERS In early May, Facebook admitted that their trending topics sections was not in fact driven by Facebook users but by journalist editors who checked where the news was being reported before they as media gatekeepers decided it could be deemed a trending topic.

The news sources the Facebook editors heavily relied on included Fox News and the BBC as well as the Guardian and The New York Times, the Gawkerowned Gizmodo blog revealed.

T h e Re u te r s Institute for the Study of Journali s m a t O x fo rd University produces an annual Digital News Report. Last year’s report included data on Ireland for the first time. They found that online news is dominated by the traditional media

ROBBIE SMYTH outlets such as RTÉ, Independent News & Media, The Irish Times followed

by The Journal and the BBC, who make up the top five online news sources in Ireland.

Fascinatingly, 71% of the 1,500 Irish people in the survey had interest in the news while 46% trusted the news source. Irish journalists are “some of the heaviest Twitter users in the world”, according to Reuters.

So here we are with a new government in Dublin but, despite the growth in online and news media, it is the same old gatekeepers with the same old mentalities and biases controlling the news.

That’s worth highlighting.

16 June / Meitheamh 2016

LIST OF THOSE KILLED

BY RUBBER AND PLASTIC BULLETS Prior to the introduction of plastic bullets, rubber bullets were deployed for use by the British Army. Three people were killed by these weapons:

Francis Rowntree (age 11)

www.anphoblacht.com From The Technology of Political Control by Ackroyd, Margolis, Rosenhead and Shalice, published in 1977:

“Rubber bullets were tailor-made to a military specification. But their introduction was part of a concerted political-

military policy. The new Tory line was to present Northern Ireland as a problem of ‘law and order’ – a purely

technical problem, for which rubber bullets and other devices provided the appropriate ‘technological fix’.”

Rubber and plastic bullets

died April 24 1972, Belfast

Tobias Molloy (18)

died July 16 1972, Strabane

Thomas Friel (21)

Lethal impact on the head with one at that distance is very likely to cause death. The guidelines for their use allowed them to be used at less than 25 yards even when there was no threat to members of the RUC or British Army.

Yet what is interesting about Stephens’s rationale for using what the British called the “baton round” is his language and how he presents the case for phasing out rubber bullets and their replacement by the plastic bullet as one of concern for those targeted and struck.

In his submission, Stephens says: “The rubber round itself can be dangerous. One blinded a woman in Belfast last November (1971) and broke bones in her face. An 11-year-old boy recently died from a fractured skull; no inquest has been held yet, but we understand from the pathologist that the injury was not inconsistent with this cause – though the boy’s skull was quite abnormally thin, more so than the pathologist had ever previously encountered.”

Stephens also maintained: “The rubber baton round – though it has been and still remains very useful for dealing with hooligans and rioters in many circumstances – becomes increasingly ineffective at ranges above 35 metres. At 50 metres, its accuracy nor its terminal effect is sufficient.”

So the new weapon was purportedly to be more accurate and effective in dealing with “hooligans and rioters” – in other words, only offenders would be targeted.

BY PEADAR WHELAN died May 17 1973, Derry Deaths as a result of being shot by plastic bullets:

Stephen Geddis (10)

died August 30 1975, Belfast

Brian Stewart (13)

died October 10 1976, Belfast

Michael Donnelly (21)

died August 9 1980, Belfast

Paul Whitters (15)

died April 25 1981, Derry

Julie Livingstone (14)

died May 13 1981, Belfast

WHEN as far back as 1972 the British Government set in motion its plans to replace rubber bullets with the new plastic bullet for use by the British Army against civilians it was clear that the weapon was to be used in an aggressive manner against nationalists.

The recent discovery by Ciarán MacAirt of Paper Trail Legacy Archives Research of previously secret British Army documents in which the head of the British Army’s counter-terrorism branch recommended that plastic bullets be used “against young hooligans in Londonderry” despite initial tests showing that the projectile was “highly likely” to cause serious injury underlines this.

A Mr A. W. Stephens of the British Army’s DS10 counter-terrorism unit acknowledged that initial tests of the plastic bullet (which were carried out on sheep at the Ministry of Defence Science and Technology Laboratory at Porton Down in England) showed that “at ranges significantly less than 25 metres it is highly likely that the PVC round hitting a person would cause serious injury and –depending on the position of the strike and the age, health and clothing of the person – might be lethal”.

Of course we now know that in the hands of the sectarian Royal Ulster Constabulary and anti-Irish British soldiers it was not just “highly likely” that these weapons would be lethal.

They were in fact used deliberately and indiscriminately to kill and maim, with children as young as 10 and a mother of three young children among those killed.

United States Army research from 1977 which was known to the British Government, according to a report drawn up by the United Campaign Against Plastic Bullets, has proven that the kinetic energy of plastic bullets at a range of 25 yards is such that being hit

The Anglian Regiment: Francis Rowntree, Stephen Geddis and Stephen McConomy

5 Brenda Downes, wife of Seán who was killed by an RUC plastic bullet in 1984

The 11-year-old boy referred to by Stephens was Francis Rowntree whose inquest is, after 40 years, finally being heard in the High Court in Belfast.

Among the evidence presented to the court is the statement of the British soldier who fired the rubber bullet in the April 1972 incident that left the child dead.

June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

17

LIST OF THOSE KILLED

BY RUBBER AND PLASTIC BULLETS CONTINUED

Carol Ann Kelly (12)

died May 22 1981, Belfast

Henry Duffy (45)

died May 22 1981, Derry

Nora McCabe (30)

died July 9 1981, Belfast

Peter Doherty (33)

died July 31 1981, Belfast

Peter McGuinness (41)

died August 9 1981, Belfast

Stephen McConomy (11)

died April 9 1982, Derry

Seán Downes (22)

died August 12 1984, Belfast

Keith White (20)

died April 14 1986, Portadown

Seamus Duffy (15)

died August 11 1989, Belfast

5 An RUC officer opens fire using plastic bullets during protests in 1981

Identified only as “Soldier B”, the former member of the Anglian Regiment who gave his evidence by video-link from an undisclosed location told the court:.

“I have nothing to be reproachful about.”

‘Soldier B’ added during questioning on Tuesday 26 April that he was confident he fired in accordance with the British Army guidelines for using the weapon.

“I do not have any concerns. I was doing my job as we did all the time,” he maintained under oath.

In 1972, however, the former soldier, in statements to the British Army’s Royal Military Police, said that he fired two “baton rounds”, one of which struck an unidentified person who may have been taken to hospital by ambulance.

His admission that he had not picked a particular target but fired into a crowd is in clear breach of regulations which say the weapon must be fired at identified persons and not indiscriminately.

Furthermore in a damning insight into the British Army’s collective mindset at the time Soldier ‘B’ further revealed: “Virtually everybody you see were the target. The fact we are being pelted by just about every kind of missile you are not really looking around to see if this person is innocent (sic).

“I did not see a distinction.”

When asked when he became aware that a child had died he replied: “There was talk of a child being injured and the name rings in my mind.”

The court had heard previously that the young boy suffered extensive injuries after being hit from close range, with medical evidence saying he was struck within a distance of between two and three yards.

Accounts of eyewitnesses also contradict Soldier B’s version of events as they say he had a clear view of the schoolboy.

Clearly then the real issue over the use of rubber or plastic bullets is not the rules governing their use but the user, the British soldier or RUC member, pulling the trigger of the lethal weapon.

With the new round coming on stream in 1973 it gradually replaced the rubber bullet and in 1978 the

5 British soldiers fire plastic bullets in Derry in 1996

weapon was issued to the RUC. It was a member of the British Army’s Anglian Regiment who was responsible for shooting dead the first person to be killed by a plastic bullet in the North.

Stephen Geddis, a 10-year-old boy from the Divis Flats complex in the lower Falls Road area of Belfast was struck on the head on 28 August 1975 and died later on 30 August.

When he was examined in the Royal Victoria Hospital on admission it was found that his hands were clean, indicating that Stephen was not involved in stone throwing.

Other reports at the time say that the schoolboy was shot at point-blank range.

A third schoolboy, Stephen McConomy (aged 11), was shot dead in Fahan Street in Derry in 1982 when a lance corporal from the Anglian Regiment fired on him from approximately six yards.

It later transpired that the British soldier who fired the fatal round was not the designated gunner assigned responsibilty for the weapon.

According to Stephen’s brother Emmet, the soldier who shot Stephen wasn’t

following Ministry of Defence policy and broke all the rules.

“He took the plastic bullet gun off the designated gunner and leaned over the driver to fire out a side window. The military said the gun jammed and he was clearing it and pulled the trigger twice. They also claimed the gun was not accurate and that it did not fire in a straight line. Conveniently, the gun was later destroyed, despite the fact that it was involved in the death of a child,” he said.

Since it was first deployed in 1970 when 238 rubber bullets were fired in that year, until 1981 (the year of the H-Block Hunger Strikes), when 29,669 plastic bullets were fired that year, almost 100,000 so-called baton rounds were used in total.

1981 saw a massive spike in their use, leaving seven people dead, including three children: Paul Whitters, Julie Livingstone and Carol Ann Kelly.

In May alone, in the aftermath of Bobby Sands’s death, 16,656 plastic bullets were shot at an average of 537 per day. This is further proof (if it were needed) to northern nationalists that these weapons

were deployed to suppress nationalist outrage at their treatment at the hands of unionism and the British.

Despite the British Government’s argument that the “baton round” is necessary for riot control, is subject to strict controls, is not a lethal weapon and consistent with minimum force, the reality of 17 deaths and hundreds receiving life-changing injuries completely contradicts this.

There can be no doubt that these weapons were deliberately used to maim and kill and that those who pulled the triggers were showing a total disregard for the lives of civilians.

Successive British Governments hid behind guidelines that were systematically ignored, suppressed medical evidence, as shown in the booklet Rubber and Plastic Bullets Kill and Maim, by Fr Denis Faul and Fr Raymond Murray.

That the British Government and their Civil Servants and officials in Downing Street and Whitehall covered up the killings and injuries indicts the politicians as much the soldiers and RUC men who pulled the trigger.

18 June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

UNCOMFORTABLE CONVERSATIONS

In dialogue, we need to know the end point of the journey

PATRICIA MacBRIDE

Former Commissioner for Victims and Survivors

DO republicans and nationalists still, as I do, believe that a united Ireland is the best thing socially, culturally, economically and politically for the citizens of this island?

If so, why are we still largely in the dark about what this united Ireland would look like?

At the launch of the Uncomfortable Conversations collected essays in the Linen Hall Library last year, Sinn Féin National Chair Declan Kearney said the publication represented “a snapshot of the type of dialogue and range of issues with which all sections of Irish society need to engage”.

When I was asked to contribute to that dialogue, I asked myself what is the purpose of Uncomfortable Conversations? To help heal the past? To present a new future? Or is it both?

It needs to be spelt out because currently the grand plan reads like the small print on an airline ticket: it might be important but very few are reading it.

The dialogue, for me, needed to begin with knowing the end point of the journey. Hence my opening question.

So where are the plans for a united Ireland – even the outline sketch? Or are we afraid, lacking the confidence to say this is the blueprint, help us make it a reality?

We don't have to look too far away to see what happens when detail is lacking. The SNP is the biggest party in Scotland yet the independence referendum was lost. In many ways that's a colossal example of snatching defeat from the jaws of victory. Was it lost because there was no meat on the bones of what an independent Scotland would look like?

How would Government fund public services, what about currency issues, health, education and even passports?

People were scared to jump into the unknown, no matter how strong their sense of a Scottish identity was. Those are issues that are very real for Ireland too.

You don’t build a house without plans. You bring in the architect to design how it will look when it’s finished.

You get a surveyor to tell you the materials you need and how much it’s going to cost and an engineer to make sure the foundations are solid, the walls can bear the load and the roof provides proper cover. You go and talk to your neighbours and tell them what you want to do and are mindful of how the construction might impact your future relationship with them.

Building a new Ireland is no different.

5 Patricia MacBride speaks at the Ballymurphy Massacre mural in Belfast

People need to be assured that this is somewhere they will be happy to live and to raise their children.

Sinn Féin has called on the Irish Government a number of times to produce a Green Paper on Irish Unity but why wait on that unlikely event? It's time to stop whining and start winning. Since the Good Friday Agreement, any reunification of Ireland can only be brought about by consent of the people in both jurisdictions on the island. There has been no political imperative in Dublin to pursue this. That might change but a lot more could be done to bring about that change.

The minority government in Dublin, the creation of an Opposition in Stormont and the forthcoming Brexit referendum are all indicative of the changing political dynamics on this island and with our neighbours to the east.

Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil need to take bold steps before the next election to distinguish themselves from one another. Given that Fianna Fáil have stated that they will contest elections in the North from 2019, it makes sense that they, in the first instance, would want to develop such a strategy for a united Ireland.

With an Opposition now in place at Stormont and power sharing taking on a completely different hue, it is incumbent upon republicans to reassess what the end game at Stormont is. That needs to include an honest appraisal of whether a united Ireland is still the goal and, if so, what is the plan, the timescale, the interim steps and who needs to be brought along on the journey.

If the Brexit campaign to leave the EU is successful, how will

Where are the plans for a united Ireland – even the outline sketch?

People need to be assured that a new Ireland is somewhere they will be happy to live and to raise their children unionists be convinced that their interests are better served in a single-economy, united Ireland within the EU? Would the Stormont administration be devolved from Dublin as opposed to Westminster? Would we have a new flag, a new national anthem? Those are all “uncomfortable conversations” that need to take place and if republicans don’t have the answers to them, how can anyone else be expected to buy in?

Building a united Ireland will need more than politicians and governments. It needs economists, healthcare experts, educators, activists and more to make it happen and for those conversations to take place in a genuine spirit of supporting the common good.

In this centenary year of the Easter Rising, it is time to draw up the plans.

PATRICIA MacBRIDE is a legal and public affairs consultant specialising in human rights, victims, community engagement and good governance. She is a regular political commentator and is former Commissioner for Victims and Survivors.

EDITOR’S NOTE: Guest writers in the Uncomfortable Conversations series use their own terminology and do not always reflect the house style of An Phoblacht.

June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

19

UNCOMFORTABLE CONVERSATIONS

Gender lens vital to engaging with legacy of conf lict

MARTINA ANDERSON MEP

IN THE FOREWORD to the Uncomfortable Conversations essays collection, Sinn Féin President 5 Women experienced Gerry Adams stated: “Republicans have to address the genuine fears and concerns of unionists in a meaningful way.”

Gerry Adams is correct in his assessment, of course, particularly as we seek to build a future based on equality, respect and parity of esteem. But building the future requires vision, affirmation and generosity from all. It also requires the introduction of a gender lens to the legacy debate to accommodate the particular needs of women in dealing with conflict.

Just as unionists have concerns and fears it is equally true that many republicans also have fears and concerns.

In my experience and that of the wider republican family there is little unionist or British state acknowledgement of our experience of loss. This is further compounded by the constant recrimination, condemnation or stonewalling from the British state when it comes to fulfilling its obligations to truth, justice and information disclosure.

That is why I have hosted families bereaved by the British state and party delegations at the European Parliament in Brussels and Strasbourg and also recently produced a series of legacy pamphlets.

The legacy pamphlets have been produced in Belfast and Derry to give families a platform to raise their campaigns but also to remind us of the human loss associated with our conflict.

Sinn Féin recognises that engaging legacy is as much about building for the future as it is dealing with the past. It is about facilitating accountability, challenging impunity and building confidence in the rule of law.

In cases where the British state was responsible for killings and where it used its agents to kill, the systematic failure to investigate remains at the defining fault line on how we deal with our past. Indeed, the lack of accountability for British state conflict actions has manifested in a culture of impunity. Combatting this impunity is vital to building confidence in the rule of law and the democratic institutions.

I am also acutely aware that (just as for families) engaging with legacy is not an academic exercise for Sinn Féin members. The conflict here had a direct impact on Sinn Féin members, our elected members, family members and wider support base.

Central to our approach has been to facilitate information disclosure, truth and justice for families but in

the conflict in the North differently

parallel we must now have a conversation about the range of other private harms that were brought to our communities during the conflict.

While we live in full knowledge of the killing and injuries we also need to focus on the prison torture and strip-searching as well as the range of social and economic harms experienced in the family home. They are all valid.

Of course our priority in the immediate term is to support the families but equally our understanding of legacy needs to progress not only to engage with the harms that are in clear sight but also those that are hidden. It is vital that we have a focus on the continuing impact and aftermath of all violations. The living impact of violations affects women in particular. Nine out of ten (91%) of our conflict dead were men and boys. Women survived and women suffered the impact of those deaths.

There was a different experience for those who suffered the loss of women and girls. Losing a mother or a wife had a different impact on a family than the loss of a father or a husband – this does not say that one is

Women experienced our conflict differently, just as women experience conflicts differently across the world

6 Women prisoners faced horrific and degrading treatment

Nine out of ten of our conflict dead were men and boys – women survived and women suffered the impact of those deaths greater than the other, just that they are different. And so we must be responsive to that difference and engage with the needs that arise.

Women experienced our conflict differently, just as women experience conflicts differently across the world.

There are international human rights obligations – legal obligations – on states to recognise those differences.

Thus far our debate on legacy has not engaged with this. That is discriminatory against the women who already have suffered so much.

Sinn Féin is committed to the introduction of a gender lens to this legacy debate. We are committed to seeking truth, justice and remedy for the range of violations suffered and we are committed to the realisation of the human rights of all those who suffered those violations.

This is a long-term, generational commitment – and we will stand with families to the end.

MARTINA ANDERSON has been a Sinn Féin Member of the European Parliament since 2012. From the Bogside area of Derry, she has been active in the republican struggle for over 30 years, including over 13 years as a political prisoner in England and Ireland.

She was released in 1998 under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement.

EDITOR’S NOTE: Guest writers in the Uncomfortable Conversations series use their own terminology and do not always reflect the house style of An Phoblacht.

To see more go to – www.anphoblacht.com/uncomfortable-conversations

20 June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

AFTERMATH OF THE EASTER RISING

The living f lame

BY MÍCHEÁL Mac DONNCHA

Remembering the Past

THE latter half of May and the beginning of June 1916 saw the slow turning of the tide towards Irish republicanism in the aftermath of the Easter Rising.

What a poet called the “living flame” had not only been rekindled by the Rising but was about to flare up into a national political resurgence.

Many accounts of the Rising include descriptions of the insurgents being verbally and even physically attacked after the surrender by some of the population of Dublin. Many of these were “separation women”: the wives of men serving in the British Army

Your regime has been one of the worst and blackest chapters in the history of the misgovernment of this country BISHOP O’DWYER TO GENERAL MAXWELL

who received a Separation Allowance from the British Government. Others were clearly well-heeled loyalists in the political sense, such as the women on Grafton Street who reportedly spat at captured prisoners.

The City and County of Dublin were under martial law and prisoners were being rounded up so it was certainly neither prudent nor safe for those supportive of the Rising to express their feelings openly.

5 In June 1916 the British Government began transferring almost 2,000 Irish political prisoners to Frongoch internment camp in Wales

But there is evidence from the listed by Maxwell were speaking against accounts of insurgents and from others conscription, attending a lecture by that during and after the Rising there Pádraig Pearse, assisting the Irish Volunwere many people offering support. It teers, and attending a meeting where was on this basis that wider support Seán Mac Diarmada made “inflammawas built as public feeling reacted tory and seditious speeches”. strongly against the executions of In reply, on 17 May, Bishop O’Dwyer the leaders and the imprisonment defended the two priests, described of hundreds of people. In ‘The Irish Maxwell as a “military dictator”, his Rebellion’, published in London in actions as “wantonly cruel and oppres1916, Canadian journalist F. A. McKen- sive”, and told him: zie, who was not sympathetic to the “You took care that no plea for mercy 5 There was widespread public revulsion at the execution of many of the leaders Rising, wrote: should interpose on behalf of the poor “I have read many accounts of public young fellows who surrendered to the history of the misgovernment of Derry, Down, Fermanagh and Tyrone from a future Home Rule parliament. feeling in Dublin in these days. They you in Dublin. The first information this country.”

The letter was published and councils Redmond’s position caused outrage are all agreed that the open and strong which we got of their fate was the sympathy of the mass of the population announcement that they had been and other public bodies passed motions and further undermined him and his was with the British troops. That this shot in cold blood. Personally, I regard of congratulations to Bishop O’Dwyer party. The outrage would have been even greater had people at that time was so in the better parts of the city your action with horror and I believe for his stand.

Meanwhile, on 9 June, the British I have no doubt, but certainly what I that it has outraged the conscience of myself saw in the poorer districts did the country. Your regime has been one Government began transferring almost not confirm this. of the worst and blackest chapters in 2,000 Irish political prisoners to Frongoch internment camp in north “It rather indicated that Wales, which quickly became there was a vast amount a “University of Revolution”. of sympathy after the Seasoned Volunteers and rebels were defeated. The members of the Irish Repubsentences of the courts lican Brotherhood began to martial deepened this educate and train men from sympathy.” all over Ireland who had been British military interned without trial in the commander General Sir wake of the Rising. Other John Maxwell established sentenced prisoners, includthe courts martial and was ing women, were dispersed responsible for the execution in various English prisons. of the leaders, 14 in Dublin On 10 June in Dublin and one in Cork. He refused and 23 June in Belfast, Irish to release the bodies to the Party leader John Redmond families and insisted that they publicly defended the latest be buried in prison grounds British Government propos(Arbour Hill Military Prison als for partition and Home and Cork Detention Barracks).

Rule. Lloyd George had Public revulsion was them drawn up partly to expressed in dramatic public relieve pressure from the fashion by the Catholic Bishop United States over Irish of Limerick ,Edward O’Dwyer.

LLOYD GEORGE self-determination after On 6 May, as the executions IN A PRIVATE LETTER the executions and partly were proceeding, Maxwell TO EDWARD CARSON to advance the scheme to wrote to O’Dwyer naming divide Ireland first hatched two priests in his diocese who by the British Government seen the private letter that Lloyd George were, said Maxwell, “a dangersent to unionist leader Edward Carson: in 1914. ous menace to the peace “My dear Carson, I enclose Greer’s Redmond threatened and safety of the realm” and to resign his leadership if draft propositions. We must make it requested that they be moved nationalists in Ulster did clear that, at the end of the provisional to some employment that not accept the plan for period, Ulster does not, whether she would not involve contact “temporary” exclusion of wills it or not, merge in the rest of with the public. Among the Counties Antrim, Armagh, Ireland.” charges against the priests 5 General Maxwell was responsible for the executions

We must make it clear that at the end of the provisional period, Ulster does not, whether she wills it or not, merge in the rest of Ireland

Sa gcomhthéacs seo, tá sé ríthábhachtach go mbíonn straitéis againn mar phoblachtánaigh le bheith réitithe do na dúshláin a bheas romhainn.

Ciallaíonn sé sin go gcaithfear ár n-ionadaithe poiblí a bheith fréamhaithe san eagraíocht agus go gcothaíonn muid ceannaireacht láidir áitiúil a chinntíonn go bhfuil ról lárnach ag baill an pháirtí, ar chomhchéim lenár gcuid ionadaithe tofa, sna cinnithe a dhéanann muid in aon institiúd stáit.June / Meitheamh 2016 21

adhmháil freisin go gcruthaíonn sé deacrachtaí ar leith. Ach go háirithe i gcomhairlí áitiúla ar nós Chomhairle Cathrach na Gaillimhe, áit a bhfuil muid ar fad inár gcomhairleoirí nua-thofa.

Níor thuig mé go dtí gur toghadh mé an chumhacht atá ag na feidhmeannaigh i gcomórtas leis na comhairleoirí iad féin. Go deimhin, is minic go gcuireann an chomhairle seomra ranga i gcuimhne dom, na comhairleoirí mar dhaltaí scoile agus na feidhmeannaigh ina múinteoirí www.anphoblacht.com

Thug Gael óg as Béal Feirste faoi agóid taobh amuigh den BBC i ndiaidh gur briseadh isteach air le linn na gclár díospóireachta toghcháin

Bígí chiúin, a Ghaelgeoirí LE SEÁN Ó NÉILL NACH DÁNA an mháise do Ghael óg ceist a chur faoin Ghaeilge ar chlár a bhí ag baint leis an pholaitíocht? Nach raibh a fhios aige go raibh toghchán ar siúl agus go raibh cúrsaí tromchúiseacha le plé? Ní hamháin go raibh Conall Ó Corra ag iarraidh ceist a chur ar cheannairí polaitiúla, agus iad ar an teilifís, ach bhí sé ar lorg freagra! Nárbh fhearr dó fanacht ina thost?

Ní nach ionadh, is dócha, gur briseadh isteach ar Chonall. Mhínigh an BBC i ndiaidh

na hagóide go ndéantar cláir Ghaeilge ar chostas na milliún punt i rith an ama. Léargas a théann go croí na ceiste.

Táthar sásta an Ghaeilge a fhágáil i leataobh, ina bosca féin, dar leat.

Nuair a thugann Gael, ar nós Chonaill, an scéal os comhair an mhórphobail, ní ghlactar léi mar rud fiúntach tairbheach. Ní cáineadh na focail seo ar an sár-obair a dhéanann muintir BBC Gaeilge, dála an scéil; a mhalairt atá fíor.

Cruthaíonn daoine macasamhail Chonaill spás níos leithne dóibh siúd atá ag déanamh ábhair sna meáin trí mheán na Gaeilge. Ní miste a chur in iúl don BBC, ní nós seanbhunaithe é na cláir Ghaeilge a chur ar fáil ó thuaidh; agus níl údar gaisce acu maidir leis.

Sampla eile den easpa tuisceana an twuít ón iriseoir Newton Emerson a d’fhógair gur freagairt thar fóir a bhí san agóid.

Is fiú a rá go soiléir – ní freagairt thar fóir a bhí ann ach seasamh siosmaideach tráthúil

Ní ceart an Ghaeilge a choinneáil ina cúinne beag féin – áit na leathphingine.

Chonaic mé sampla eile den easpa tuisceana nuair a leigh mé twuít ón iriseoir Newton Emerson a d’fhógair gur freagairt thar fóir a bhí ann san agóid. Is fiú a rá go soiléir – ní freagairt thar fóir a bhí ann ach seasamh siosmaideach agus tráthúil.

Ní chuireann an iarracht seo chun beag is fiú a dhéanamh de sheasamh Chonaill iontas orm.

Is é bun barr an scéil go gcaithfidh Conall agus Gael eile an fód a sheasamh in uireasa reachtaíochta a chosnaíonn a gcearta.

Coinnigh ort, a Chonaill. A leithéid de shotal!

gaeilge@sinnfein.ie

22 June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

TOM KELLY The Sinn Féin Dublin Mayor that wasn’t As Ard Mhéara Bhaile Átha Cliath Críona Ní Dhálaigh ends her term of office as the first Sinn Féin Mayor of Dublin City in history to take their seat in the capital, we recall that Tom Kelly was elected to the position as a Sinn Féin candidate in 1920 but was unable to actually formally take up the position as First Citizen as he was being held by the British in a London prison under charges relating to the 1916 Easter Rising.

than parliamentarianism. It meant first self-respect and self-reliance and it meant they could accomplish many things in their own country, if they set about doing them in the proper way.”

In June 1911, when the English King George V and Queen Mary were due to come to Ireland, Kelly and others defeated a unionist proposal on Dublin Corporation to welcome the royal pair and passed a motion which stated that while Ireland had no parliament there would be welcome for royal visitors. On the eve of the British royal coronation of 22 June 1911, over 30,000 gathered at Beresford Place and when the visit came in July there were disturbances when police attacked protesters at City Hall.

Kelly had a motion passed for a public inquiry into their conduct.

‘Honest Tom’

A NEW MAYOR for the City of Dublin was unanimously elected on 30 January 1920. It was said that, in defiance of ‘the neighbours’ in Dublin Castle, the republican flag was hoisted over City Hall. The new First Citizen was nominated by the outgoing mayor and seconded by future head of the Free State, W. T. Cosgrave, but the Mayor to be was never to be installed.

The mayor-elect was Tom Kelly a founder member of Sinn Féin, a councillor and alderman for many years in Dublin City and a TD in the First Dáil and after.

Tom Kelly was born on 13 September 1868 in Townsend Street and later lived in Cumberland Street, Longwood Street, St Teresa’s Terrace and Bloomfield Cottages. He married Anne Glynn in September 1894. He was described as a bookkeeper and she as a dressmaker. They had nine children.

Tom was elected councillor from 1899 when he first stood as an Independent having been nominated by Total Abstinence & Workmen’s Club for the Mansion House Ward.

In 1901 he set up the Dublin Workmen’s Industrial Association, South William Street, as a clothing co-op, making and selling Irish clothes.

He was secretary of the Amnesty Association which campaigned for the release of Irish Republican Brotherhood POWs. In this time he visited Tom Clarke in Portland Prison in England (Clarke was released the following year, 1898, following a highly successful campaign at home and abroad).

As a councillor he was increasingly appalled by the vested interests on the Corporation who were failing to tackle the city’s housing crisis, in the tenements especially with the worst housing conditions in Europe. One of the first motions he supported was one that proposed that all councillors would be forced to visit the tenements in their area at least once a year.

5 Tom Kelly was elected Mayor of Dublin but could not take up the role as he was a political prisoner

To tremendous cheers, he proposed a motion stating that they had lost confidence in the Irish Parliamentary Party. Later on there was a clash with police as the protesters marched down O’Connell Street.

On 8 December 1907, Kelly addressed a meeting of Sinn Féin of the Fitzwilliam

Ward and said of the party “that while at that moment they did not advocate physical force, it would be wrong at the same time to repudiate it entirely as it was their hope to some day drive the English out of Ireland. Sinn Féin policy did not at present mean revolution but it meant something better

Taken by the British

Queen Victoria Tom Kelly was involved in the vote in 1900 against the Corporation welcoming Queen Victoria and joined the march against it.

At a meeting in the Mansion House on 4 September 1907 organised by John Redmond to brief his members regarding the state of play regarding the Home Rule Bill, a protest was organised by Kelly with 1,500 people outside.

Tom Kelly served as Vice-President of Sinn Féin in 1912, having been the initiator of the Sinn Féin Bank which opened in 6 Harcourt Street in June 1910.

It was Tom who read into the record of the Corporation the now famous Castle document which purported to be a copy of a plan the British authorities in Ireland had to arrest and deport the republican and nationalist leadership. Many believe it was a forgery by Plunkett to try force Eoin Mac Néill’s hand for a Rising, but it had the air of truth as the British were already starting to round up and deport or intern Volunteer and Sinn Féin leaders. The pacifist Francis Sheehy Skeffington gave Tom the transcript that came from an Irish spy in Dublin Castle. Tom read it on 19 April and it was taken seriously as he was known as ‘Honest Tom’.

It led to his arrest after the Rising and he was held firstly in Kilmainham and then Richmond.

He was in Kilmainham for 17 days during the executions, the sounds of which were to play heavily on him for many years after. His son Isaac was arrested and sent to Knutsford.

Tom was released quite quickly in June, but his health was even affected by the short incarceration. He was re-involved in Corporation work

by September and managed to get the Councillors to agree to send a delegation to Frongoch to report on the conditions there. He was one of three to travel over.

Tom beat both the unionist and nationalist candidates in the general election on 14 December 1918 for the Dublin (St Stephen’s Green) seat.

5 Críona Ní Dhálaigh became the first Sinn Féin representative to take their seat as Mayor of Dublin

On 11 December 1919, British soldiers took Tom from his bed in the middle of the night. When arrested first he was brought to Richmond Barracks before deportation to England. Examined there, he was found to have a weak heart and the doctor was concerned even then, 15 December, if he would survive imprisonment. He was 52 at time.

Tom was released from Wormwood Scrubs on 16 February on health grounds, with the British authorities even recognising him as Dublin’s First Citizen, saying: “Alderman Thomas Kelly, Lord Mayor of Dublin who has been interned in Wormwood Scrubs, has been conditionally released by the Government owing to the state of his health. The order of internment has not been revoked: its enforcement has been merely suspended. He has been

June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

5 Sinn Féin members, back row: Dan McCarthy, Darrell Figgis, Fr Browne, Alderman Tom Kelly, Austin Stack, Éamon de Valera and Seán Milroy. Front row: Laurence Ginnell, Constance Markievicz, W. T. Cosgrave and Mrs Ginnell

5 John Redmond held a Home Rule meeting under police protection while Tom Kelly and Sinn Féin held a protest. Cartoon by Fitzpatrick from The Lepracaun, September 1907

informed that if he attempts to return to Ireland he will be immediately rearrested. He has been in failing health for some time past and his release was an act of imperative necessity if his health is to recover from the effects of his imprisonment.”

Kelly had suffered from a mental and physical breakdown, not totally unexpected of a man of his age. The threat of rearrest and the need to recuperate fully saw him relocated in a nursing home first. His doctor said that he was in a state of nervous and general debility and suffering from insomnia. Despite what the British had claimed, seemingly he never gave any undertaking whatsoever. His previous incarceration after the Rising saw his health deteriorate and it took months then to recover. He eventually arrived back in Dublin on 28 April, the internment order having been revoked on 23 April.

Tom was far from recovered, though. Another Sinn Féin councillor on the journey back with him, Joe Clarke, recalled him running from the train when it stopped without warning on the journey to Holyhead. Michael Collins, who was also on train with them, ran after him and 5 The glamour and luxury of a charity subscription ball at the Gresham Hotel is contrasted with the brought him back. poverty and deprivation of homeless people outside in Sackville Street. Cartoon by Fitzpatrick from The Tom’s brother, David, manager of the Sinn Féin Lepracaun, January 1908 Bank at 6 Harcourt Street, was regularly caught up in British Army raids on the bank, the Sinn Féin of the working man, Kelly turned his back on the granted city and county managers – three-quarheadquarters and New Ireland Assurance offices Cumann na nGaedhael party and Sinn Féin and ters of the original powers of the Corporation were transferred to non-elected officials. in that building. Bank moved to 3 Harcourt Street he threw his lot in with Fianna Fáil.

He was successfully re-elected as a TD in the Tom Kelly was instrumental in the Crumlin temporarily. David was shot dead in Pearse Street during a shoot-out between IRA Volunteers and general elections in 1933 and he became a major housing scheme in the 1930s also and the buildadvocate of the street traders who were being ing of 33 flats which would later carry his name British soldiers on 14 March 1921.

Tom was re-elected in the non-contested continuously marginalised by the commissioners on Charlemont Street. He also wanted to ensure May 1921 election along with Dan McCarthy, appointed by the Free State who took over the that all housing contracts used Irish labour and Constance Markievicz and Charles Murphy in the operations of Dublin Corporation. He was also Irish materials only.

Tom Kelly seems to have grown disillusioned new Dublin South constituency. On 16 June 1922 extremely critical of new powers that the state he stood along with Daniel McCarthy and they were elected despite their pro-Treaty stance ahead of the other sitting TDs, Markievicz and Murphy.

Their seats were won by an Independent, Myles Keogh, and a Labour candidate, William O’Brien.

He didn’t contest the 1923 election. (When he stood for Fianna Fáil in 1933 he was elected fifth out of seven TDs with a massive surplus from Seán Lemass helping over the line then, as was the case in 1938.)

By 1929 it looks as if Tom had recovered enough to open a bookshop on Trinity Street. His Dublin Workman’s Industrial Association had been wound up in 1928. He contested the council elections as an Independent in 1930 and was re-elected to chair of the Housing Committee. He was in the chair until 1940.

Raised ill-treatment of POWs With Sinn Féin in major decline in the late 1920s 5 The final concept for Marino Housing Estate, 1922, approved by Dublin Corporation Housing and early 1930s and wanting still to help the lot Committee under chairperson Alderman Thomas Kelly

23

5 Tom Kelly visitied Fenian prisoner Thomas Clarke in Portland Prison

5 Michael Collins ‘rescued’ Tom Kelly on a train returning to Ireland

from Fianna Fáil due to their attitude to republican POWs. In 1934 he stopped attending Fianna Fáil meetings and in fact was reprimanded by the Fianna Fáil authorities for daring to raise the question of the ill-treatment of republicans POWs in Arbour Hill.

He died at age of 74 on 20 April 1942. Hanna Sheehy Skeffington said of Tom Kelly after his death: “He never troubled about honours or glory, was shy and self-effacing but with a lion’s courage when action was needed . . . In civic things he was a pioneer, a friend of temperance, a supporter of women’s suffrage when championship meant ridicule and hostility. He was a pacifist in a war-mad world, a friend of the poor who never forgot his early struggles and who always remained a man of the people.

“Brusque sometimes in his ways but kindly and sensitive underneath, a storehouse of anecdote and reminiscence, an ever-bulling fountain of racy humour, a shrewd judge of human values and a hearty hater of cant and humbug.”

• The Alderman: Alderman Tom Kelly (1868-1942) and Dublin Corporation by his grand-daughter, Sheila Carden, published by Dublin City Council (2007).

24 June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

Another Europe is possible Treo eile don Eoraip IN BRIEF

Funded by the European United Left/ Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) Aontas Clé na hEorpa/Na Glasaigh Chlé Nordacha Crúpa Paliminta – Parlaimimt na h Eorpa

Brexit referendum – vote to stay AS THE “BREXIT” REFERENDUM LOOMS ON 23 JUNE, SINN FÉIN MEP

Secret study on pesticides

GLYPHOSATE is a chemical used in pesticides, specifically the well-known Roundup, a weed killer made by Monsanto which is the world’s most widely-used agricultural chemical used on farms, forests, public parks and household gardens.

In recent weeks, 48 MEPs from 13 different European Union countries volunteered to take a urine test to see if glyphosate, the cancer-linked weed killer, is in their system.

Amongst the 48 – and the only Irish MEP to participate – was Lynn Boylan MEP. Speaking as she got the results of her urine sample, Lynn said: “My test results came back showing that I have eight times the acceptable safe limit for drinking water for the herbicide glyphosate in my urine. Although this was amongst the lowest (the average being 17 times higher than the European drinking water norm), it proves that glyphosate residue is present in most foods and drinks we consume.

“The fact that a meeting of the European countries’ representatives failed to reach agreement on the controversial EU reapproval of the pesticide, even with a looming deadline for when the current approval of glyphosate runs out, points to real concern at the highest levels.

“The European Food Safety Authority’s (EFSA) conclusion in November 2015 that glyphosate was ‘unlikely’ to cause cancer goes against the World Health Organisation’s International Agency for research on Cancer’s (IARC) decision in March 2015 that it was in fact ‘probably carcinogenic’.

“However, EFSA are refusing to release the industry-sponsored studies which they say were ‘key’ and ‘pivotal’ for their conclusions that glyphosate is ‘unlikely’ to cause cancer. These secret industry studies used

by EFSA must be released for proper and independent evaluation. Re-approval of any pesticide cannot be based on closed-door science.”

MARTINA ANDERSON

HIGHLIGHTS WHY IRELAND NEEDS A VOTE TO REMAIN WE ARE AWARE of the failings of the European Union. Our primary concerns include the unaccountability of the European institutions and the democratic deficit at the heart of the EU. Deep concerns remain over recent financial developments that restrict the sovereignty of nations, and the humanitarian crisis at Europe's borders continues with no obvious humanitarian focus or drive to resolve it at an EU level.

We critically engage with the EU, supporting what is right and good for Ireland whilst calling out shortcomings wherever we find them.

On balance, however, a vote to leave the EU would be detrimental to not only the North but to the island as a whole.

A vote to leave the EU would copper-fasten partition. It would make both physical and fiscal

Despite its failings, the European Union can only be changed or held to account from within – and not outside trade across the Border measurably harder.

The strives we have taken towards all-Ireland co-operation and mitigating the worst excesses of partition could be undone. We in the North would be ever more shackled to a Britain with a hostile, hawkish government – a peripheral region of a peripheral state on the periphery of Europe.

Our small and medium enterprises would find themselves removed from the common market, our farming community would find themselves without EU subsidies, EU infrastructure projects would be a thing of the past and our community

and voluntary sector would find itself without European support.

The seriousness of this cannot be overstated and we have absolutely no confidence whatsoever in the British Government replacing funds and support lost to the North in the case of a Brexit. In fact, when pushed repeatedly on it in public, British Government representatives flatly refuse to give such a commitment.

PEACE funding alone represents a unique form of support for the Irish Peace Process. This committed EU fund helped promote and enhance our fledgling Peace Process by supporting tens of thousands of peace-building and reconciliation projects and initiatives. PEACE funding has been running since 1995 and is now in its fourth incarnation which focuses on children and young people.

EU membership provides more than funding streams. It provides our young people the right to study in Europe — as a student you can study at any EU university. Furthermore, 5,200 students cross the Border every day to work or study; in the case of a Brexit, this would be severely impacted, in terms of fees, accommodation and more.

EU membership has also guaranteed access to paid annual holidays, improved health and safety protection, rights to parental leave, rights to time off work for urgent family reasons, equal treatment rights for part-time, fixed-term and agency workers and rights for outsourced workers.

In the case of a Brexit, how would the 18,000 people who cross the Border to work be impacted? Contradictory or mixed messages have been sent from both camps in Britain over the future of the Border. Could Brexit amount to a 'back to the future' for Border areas, with customs checks, border fences and border checkpoints? After all, it would be an 'external border of the EU'.

The EU has also guaranteed consumers’ rights to compensation and refunds. With online

A vote to leave the EU would copper-fasten partition shopping becoming increasingly popular, EU consumer rights are now something that all of us need. The European Consumer Centre handles cross-Border EU consumer problems and EU consumer rights also include the right to cancel purchase of non-faulty goods within seven days.

So on 23 June, the decision voters in the Six Counties will be faced with will be to remain a member of the European Union or leave the European Union.

Despite its failings, the European Union can only be changed or held to account from within – and not outside. In order to deliver reform of the EU and ensure the protection of our island, we need to remain.

June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

25

www.guengl.eu IN BRIEF

IN BRIEF

EMU and accountability

Language equality

LIADH NÍ RIADA MEP, in partnership with the European Language Equality Network (ELEN), hosted a highly-successful language hearing in the European Parliament on Wednesday 1 June, Speaking after the hearing, recommendations of which will be presented to the Culture & Education Committee in the European Parliament, Liadh said: “The purpose of this hearing was to address the discrimination faced by speakers of minority and lesser-used languages, including Catalan, Basque and Irish.

“We had a host of speakers at the event, including Rónán Ó Domhnaill, Irish Language Commissioner, Ciarán Mac Giolla Bhéin Conradh na Gaeilge) and Maitiú Ó Coimín (Tuarisc.ie).

“A number of recommendations were made at the hearing in order to protect our languages and I will now bring these to the Culture and Education Committee to ensure they are carried through.”

ON 22 JUNE of last year, European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker – together with the President of the Euro Summit, Donald Tusk, the President of the Eurogroup, Jeroen Dijsselbloem, the President of the European Central Bank, Mario Draghi, and the President of the European Parliament, Martin Schulz – revealed plans on how to deepen the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) as of 1 July 2015 and how to complete it by latest 2025.

One year on, on 30 June 2016, Matt Carthy MEP will chair Alternatives to the 5 Presidents’ Report: Discussing Economic and Fiscal Union and Democratic Accountability as part of a GUE/NGL European Parliament Group initiative 'Critical Response to the 5 Presidents' Report'.

A member of the Economic and Monetary Affairs Committee, Matt said: “The 5 Presidents' report represents a well-co-ordinated effort to institutionalise austerity. It continues in the same direction, failing badly to assess the current crisis. The report has the same neo-liberal political understanding and interpretation of the economic and fiscal reality in the EU and the Eurozone. It offered no way out of the prevailing austerity narrative.”

Martina Anderson

Liadh Ní Riada

Lynn Boylan

Photos: GUENGL

Matt Carthy 5 GUE/NGL MEPs in Strasbourg show their support for Palestinian political prisoners held in Israeli jails

are MEPs and members of the GUE/NGL Group in the European Parliament

26 June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

DONEGAL & THE WILD ATLANTIC WAY

The

Unconquered Land

The ragged coastline compares with the Amalfi coast, the Dalmatian coast and the Iberian coast

ROBERT ALLEN LEAVING Belfast in the early-morning light, the journey west holds anticipation and yearning. That dreadful existential angst gradually slips away and two hours into the journey a metaphorical truth begins to dawn. The spiritual oasis is in sight. Home, the unique space, a place that always resides in the heart, the homeland – the land that remains unconquered.

“There's a special freedom about Donegal,” says a Derry farmer who has extended family in the neighbouring county. “The people are friendly, everyone has a good word to say. My father always said he wished he had bought

5 The barman at Teac Jack says visitors from Belfast regularly come to Donegal to improve their Irish

a plot of land there when he was young and I now feel the same way, that yearning.”

Every year, during the summer months, thousands of people travel west, largely from the counties of Antrim and Down, and every year the people of Donegal welcome their eastern visitors like family.

They skirt Letterkenny, travelling southwest towards Baile na Finne. Some continue past the spectral sight of the lough that feeds the Finn river toward Ardara on the N56 and beyond through the Glengash Pass to the coast

at Gleann Cholm Cille. Some turn north-west into the Rosses through An Dúchoraidh, An Clochán Liath and Ailt an Chorrain into the Gaeltacht of the West.

Others travel north-west into the wild expanse of Ghleann Bheatha, toward Gaoth Dobhair, Doirí Beaga, Bun na Leaca and Cnoc Fola. Some continue on to Na Crois Bhealaí and round into Gort an Choirce.

The Gaelic placenames and road signs offer no threat to the majority of these travellers. They know the routes by rote. And if they are lucky

with the traffic their journey will bring them to their destinations of choice long before noon.

Home!

The Gaeltachta of Donegal are havens. They are places where the regional dialects offer solace. Speaking as Gaeilge is more than a choice, it is an accepted mode of communication, an expression of absolute culture. “People from Belfast come here because it gives them a chance to improve their Gaelic,” explains the barman in Teac Jack's in Glaiseach, on the winding road below the Bloody Foreland – a place that characterises more than most the beauty of Donegal's mid-western coastline. And it is much more than that.

For a few months each year, Donegal and its people provide the culture we thought we had won in 1916. It's a place where the native language is not declining, where it is thriving and evolving. A place where Irish ways if not

June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

27

5 Mount Errigal towers over the landscape in the Gaeltacht area of Gaoth Dobhair

handicrafts, especially when the tour buses arrive from Killybegs and those who know about Donegal's rich woollen tradition return for more.

Like the scenery it is a chimera.

Most of the year Donegal survives because of the rites of passage, and when these events happen the hotels are full. This recycling of the wealth of the county gives the impression, especially at weekends, that all is well with the world.

“We exist on a skeleton staff during the week,” complains the hotel receptionist.

Her hotel is not alone.

When a tour bus pulls into a space opposite a pub on the N56, It should be party time. Instead

5 New cycle paths along the road at Lettermacaward

Irish laws are allowed to flourish. A place where the craic and the song and the story are quintessentially Irish. A place where the modern world is seen through Irish eyes. A place where the future of Ireland is mirrored in the eyes of those who were born in foreign lands and came home to claim their unique culture.

It might be argued that it is the presence of the Northerners from the east that creates these impressions. Then, from the corner of the pub under a window that looks out at the wild Atlantic comes the sound of a language that is unfamiliar. Two travellers from the Basque Country. Later it is a group of French-speaking bikers. A Liverpudlian twang. A Dublin accent.

So is it true? Donegal gets visitors from other countries and other Irish counties!

The apparent colour of a blood-orange sunset, the effect that named Cnoc Fola, will always be a sight for the sore eyes of those who have to endure city life – just to exist. Those who do survive the rigours of nine-to-five Dublin life always take the first chance to return home.

It is not as far as it used to be, yet apparently it is too far for most of the people who live in modern Ireland.

“Most of the tourists in Donegal come from the Six Counties,” says a hotel receptionist. “We hardly ever get people from Dublin or Cork, Limerick or Tipperary, from the southern counties. It's as if we don't exist. They go to Antrim because of the Game of Thrones but they don't come to Donegal. We are too far away.”

Well maybe they will come to Malin Head now that Star Wars has visited. No one is holding their breath, though.

Ask anyone why no one visits Donegal and they will tell you it is the infrastructure, the bad roads, yet Donegal County Council are doing

5 Donegal County Council are busy improving their part of the Way

what Counties Cork, Kerry, Clare, Galway, Mayo and Sligo are not doing – they are making their bit of the Wild Atlantic Way easier to travel on.

The new road at Lettermacaward even has a cycle track, a feature that is evident along the N56, the road that encircles the western and northern towns and villages of the county.

The Gaeltachta of Donegal are havens

“Don't get carried away,” says the barman in the Gweebarra. “My father said they talked about a new road 30 years ago, so it is about time. We don't get many tourists here anyway.

They come into Donegal town and turn right.”

The attractions of Donegal are obvious to those

who live there and those who visit frequently.

The sights and the sounds contrast with the scenary and the solitude. The ragged coastline compares with the Amalfi coast, the Dalmatian coast and the Iberian coast. These coastlines have reinvented themselves as tourist destinations where traditional culture, food and handicrafts are obvious attractions.

This is not happening in Donegal.

Killybegs brings in a vast proportion of the fish caught in Irish Atlantic waters and then exports over 90% to France and Spain. Chefs, who care about fish, complain that they are unable to buy Irish fish. “I have to buy scallops from Scotland,” says a chef who used to get scallops from Mulroy Bay. “Why can't I tell the captain of a small fishing boat what I want and get him to bring the fish to my side door?” he asks. “I should have people banging on my door with the fish they have to sell. I don't!”

Ardara does a fairly good trade with traditional

5 Killybegs harbour brings in the vast majority of fish caught in the Irish Atlantic

Maybe people from Dublin, Cork, Limerick or Tipperary will come to Malin Head now that Star Wars has visited it is peeing time. What Donegal needs is what every tourist destination needs – tourists who stay the night, eat dinner and are given the time to buy into the culture.

Those who do are those who already know.

The new map of tourist attractions has no appeal to them and those it should appeal to don't get a chance to pick it up. Too busy peeing.

Yet there is no doubt that once a tourist, traveller or visitor, continental or Irish, arrives in Donegal for the first time and is unable to enjoy that first visit because of the brevity of their enforced stay, they want to return – again and again.

“Most people return once they have been here and fallen in love with the place,” says the hotel receptionist. “Once they have been here they want to come back.”

There's just not enough coming from much of the rest of Ireland. Donegal deserves more attention – more visits – from its own country's people across the island.

For all of its generosity, innocence and warmth, what Donegal contains most is everything we wish for in post-partition Ireland. It remains the unconquered land.

28 June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

Derry ex-POWs reflect on prison struggle in new book

BY PEADAR WHELAN The book has been produced

by Derry republican exprisoners group Tar Abhaile.

REFLECTIONS of the Prison Struggle 1976-1981 is a recently-released collection of memories and views of former ‘Blanketmen’ from the H-Blocks and women from Armagh recounting their experiences in the North’s prisons during the protest years.

Other contributors to the book are those stalwarts of the Relatives Action Committee such as Martha McClelland and Mary Nelis whose campaigning ensured the British authorities couldn’t brush the ill-treatment they were meting out to protesting prisoners under the carpet of censorship.

While the essays in the book were originally published in the Derry News newspaper as part of a project carried out in partnership with by Derry republican ex-prisoners group Tar Abhaile and the Derry community-led mental health project Cúnamh in 2006, the

The British and unionists are at pains to portray the struggle as a law and order issue, allowing them to evade their political responsibility for the war that raged on our streets 25th anniversary of the Hunger Strike, they have only now been collated into book form by Tar Abhaile.

The publication pays tribute to a number of former prisoners who have died since their release. Eamon ‘Bronco’ Bradley was shot dead by the British Army in 1982 while Ciarán Fleming, who was one of the 38 republicans who escaped from Long Kesh in 1983, died on active service on the Border in 1984.

Another, Peter ‘Big Pete’ McCallion, was killed after being attacked and beaten after a night out, while a number of others who died of natural causes are also remembered.

In between the original articles being printed and the book being published, one of the contributors, John Cassidy, has also died.

The initial inspiration for the project arose out of research carried out for Cúnamh and published in 2005 in a report titled Blocks to the Future.

Research carried out by Dr Brandon Hamber highlighted the ongoing and long-term psychological and emotional trauma faced by republican former prisoners who participated in the ‘No Wash/Blanket’ protest which preceded the Hunger Strikes.

The two central planks of the Cúnamh research, according to Co-ordinator Cathy Nelis, was to “explore the psychological impact of imprisonment and the coping methods employed” by political prisoners who identified as soldiers.

According to Cúnamh, this may have offset the “potential for mental ill-health”.

Cúnamh also wanted to “challenge the policy and political discourses which seek to exclude political prisoners and their families from many spheres of daily life and treat them only as perpetrators whilst ignoring their experiences”.

This contradiction is still at the heart of politics in the North to this day. There is widespread recognition that the prisoners were politically motivated. Their stories of growing up in conflict, experiencing the full force of the Orange State and British Army repression being involved in armed struggle and then facing the “H-Block conveyor belt” of arrest, torture in RUC interrogation centres, the ‘justice’ of a Diplock Court then shipped to the H-Blocks and years of protest and abuse at the hands of unionist prison warders is testament to the nature of the state.

On the other hand the British and unionists are at pains to portray the struggle as “a law and order issue”. This allows them to evade their political responsibility for the war that raged on our streets.

In her contribution, The Long Road to the Hunger Strikes, Martha McClelland recounts how ‘traditional’ republicans were sceptical of what they termed ‘non-republicans’ becoming involved in the H-Block/Armagh campaign, believing they would “dilute” the protests and “take them over for for their own ends and betray the prisoners”.

McClelland, however, maintains that the guarantee that that wouldn’t happen would be the continued activism of republicans.

“The ultimate betrayal of the POWs would be to allow the struggle to be criminalised,” she states.

That statement from 10 years ago is as relevant today, in the 35th anniversary

Former POWs laying Easter Lilies at Derry's Hunger Strike Memorial on 1 May this year

year of the Hunger Strikes, as it was when it was written in 2006 and, of course, during the protest years.

It is ironic that political ex-prisoners still face discrimination on the basis of their convictions: they are prevented from travel to certain countries, barred from fostering and adopting children, and blocked from earning a living with barriers to employment.

When Traditional Unionist Voice leader Jim Allister succeeded in having his Special Advisers (SPAD) Bill, barring ex-prisoners from holding the job of

5 (Above) Former Armagh POW Lynn O'Connell remembering Francis Hughes 6 (Below) Pius McNaught (behind Martin McGuinness) of Derry ex-POW group Tar Abhaile who was central to the 'Reflections' project

Research carried out by Dr Brandon Hamber highlighted the ongoing and longterm psychological and emotional trauma faced by republican former prisoners special political adviser in Stormont, passed in the Assembly (with the connivance of the SDLP) he was not just barring the way for ex-POWs to work in certain jobs – he was singling out ex-prisoners as responsible for the conflict and absolving all other actors and agencies.

This amounts to the demonisation of former prisoners and ignores their role in building the peace.

If the book is a reminder of the price that many young Derry people paid in the struggle for freedom then it is also a reminder that Tar Abhaile continues to work on behalf of the 800 or so Irish republicans who spent years in Britain’s prisons.

June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

I nDíl Chuimhne 3 June 1974: Volunteer Michael GAUGHAN (Parkhurst Prison), England.

3 June 1991: Volunteer Tony DORIS, Volunteer Lawrence McNALLY, Volunteer Pete RYAN, Tyrone Brigade.

4 June 1975: Volunteer Francis JORDAN, South Armagh Brigade.

4 June 1978: Volunteer Henry HEANEY, Long Kesh.

4 June 1991: Volunteer Danny McCAULEY, Tyrone Brigade.

5 June 1975: Volunteer Seán McKENNA, Monaghan Brigade.

5 June 1976: Colm MULGREW, Sinn Féin.

7 June 1987: Volunteer Margaret

IN PICTURES

All notices and obituaries should be sent to notices@anphoblacht.com by Friday 17 June 2016

Life springs from death and from the graves of patriot men and women spring living nations PÁDRAIG PEARSE McARDLE, Belfast Brigade, 1st Battalion.

7 June 1990: Volunteer Seán BATESON, Long Kesh.

9 June 1979: Volunteer Peadar McELVANNA, South Armagh Brigade.

9 June 1983: Volunteer Dan TURLEY, Belfast Brigade, 1st Battalion.

10 June 1978: Volunteer Denis HEANEY, Derry Brigade.

11 June 1972: Fian Joseph CAMPBELL, Fianna Éireann.

11 June 1997: Volunteer Patrick KELLY, Laois.

12 June 1993: Volunteer Michael MOTLEY, Laois.

21 June 1978: Volunteer Denis BROWN, Volunteer Jackie MAILEY, Volunteer Jim MULVENNA, Belfast Brigade, 3rd Battalion.

24 June 1974: Volunteers Gerard CRAIG, Volunteer David RUSSELL, Derry Brigade.

25 June 1973: Volunteers Patrick CARTY, Volunteer Seán LOUGHRAN,

Tyrone Brigade; Volunteer Dermot CROWLEY, Cork Brigade.

Always remembered by the Republican Movement.

AHERN, Tony; CROWLEY, Dermot.

In proud and loving memory of Volunteer Tony Ahern, who died on 10 May 1973 on active service and also his comrade and friend Volunteer Dermot Crowley who died on 25 June 1973, also on active service. Always remembered by the Ahern/Crowley Sinn Féin Cumann, Cork City.

CLARKE, Terry. In memory of Volunteer Terry Clarke, who died on 13 June 2000. From the Terry Clarke Sinn Fein Cumann, Clondalkin, Dublin.

photos@anphoblacht.com

29

Comhbhrón DUGGAN, Michael. In proud and loving memory of my brother Michael Duggan who died at Belfast City Hospital on 17 May 2016.

“They have nothing in their whole imperial arsenal that can break the spirit of one Irishman who doesn't want to be broken.” – Bobby Sands.

Alway remembered with pride by your brother Pip Duggan.

» Notices All notices should be sent to: notices@anphoblacht. com at least 14 days in advance of publication date. There is no charge for I nDíl Chuimhne, Comhbhrón etc.

IMEACHTAÍ | EVENTS KILDARE

WOLFE TONE WEEKEND FESTIVAL

Including exhibitions, tradtional Irish music, stalls and food stands in Sallins, County Kildare on 18 and 19 June. The main Wolfe Tone Commemoration takes place on Sunday 19 June, assemble Sallins at 2.15pm.

» Imeachtaí There is a charge of €10 for inserts printed in our Imeachtaí/Events column. You can also get a small or large box advert. Contact: sales@anphoblacht.com for details.

5 Dessie Ellis TD was the main speaker at the Volunteer Martin ‘Doco’ Doherty commemoration in Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin

5 The South Derry and South East Antrim re-enactors take centre stage at the Francis Hughes and James Connolly commemoration in Bellaghy, County Derry

30 June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

NIAMH ARCHIBALD

Taking the scenic route to glory LIKE most GAA fans I waited with bated breath for the start of the Championship season, with big dreams of a long summer.

I'm optimistic by nature so ultimately I had us winning the Ulster title and claiming Sam in September all before a ball was kicked. Unfortunately, it seems my dreams have come crashing down, trampled over if you will by the enemy – Tyrone.

Yes, for the record I am a Derry fan. I don't think I truly have words for what I saw at Celtic Park but what I do know as a camogie and football player is that things appear easier from the opposite side of the fence.

Yes, it is right to question the system Derry deployed as Tyrone seemed to have the run of the pitch but I don't think that it is fair to question the players' commitment or desire to play for their county. I know players from the side and they are some of the hardest-working players out there, and I know that they will be hurting just as much if not more after that defeat.

Thankfully though our season didn't end and we have a chance to take the scenic route to glory (I did warn you I'm an optimist) through the 'backdoor'.

We have to grab this chance and I'm sure the team will be just as keen to try to restore some pride and belief back into the Derry football otherwise it really will be a long summer for us.

As for Tyrone, well many had them tipped as contenders before the season started and after their performance at Celtic Park it is hard to look past them (I'll admit, it hurts to say those words).

Disciplined both on and off the ball, with a high work-rate and willingness to work for the team, they cruised past Derry, using classic counter-attacking football.

But, like all performances, there is

still room for improvement even if it is a small change like selecting a more defined free-taker, as closer to the finish line the small details do matter.

Outside of Ulster it is hard to look past Dublin retaining the All-Ireland crown as each season they seem to

COME ON, YOU BOYS IN GREEN!

BY JOHN HEDGES “THE EUROS” (the 2016 UEFA European Championship as opposed to the currency) will doubtless be used by Ruth Dudley Edwards and Willie Frazer to gauge how deeply embedded the Peace Process really is almost 30 years after the Good Friday Agreement.

Can we bring ourselves to cheer on or at least smile on the teams from Windsor Park or Wembley doing well?

The disdain for England for its appalling legacy of empire, colonial crimes and pillaging of resources, Eton, MI5/MI6, Tories, Jeremy Kyle and Morris dancing is part of the Irish psyche. It’s one that’s pretty much appreciated or shared across the globe.

Hence the cheeky Paddy Power ad showing hordes of Scottish fans not letting the absence of Scotland from the tournament spoil their fun by being able to bet on England losing.

Radio Ulster’s biggest star, Stephen Nolan, had to confess to Michael O’Neill last week that he’s never actually been to Windsor Park to see the ‘national’ team play despite being a huge and loud Manchester United fan and still doing his radio and TV shows from his native Belfast.

Unlike those who have dared venture into Windsor Park, my only “Uncomfortable Conversation” with its followers in a football environment was in the 1970s at Wembley – living nearby in north London at the time, I went out of curiosity. I came face to face with a squad complete with their UVF flags ahead of a crushing defeat by England. To be honest, it was more a nervous and watchful stake-out across a crowded pub than a discussion about the finer points of how workingclass loyalism needed a progressive

It's hard to look past Tyrone (I'll admit, it hurts to say those words) come back fitter, faster, stronger and driven, but Kerry have pushed them in previous years.

In reality it is a guessing game at this stage but Tyrone have definitely set their stall out as contenders within Ulster. It is up to them and the rest to show they can step up to the mark come September.

Oh, and you heard it here – Derry for Sam!

5 Paddy Power's cheeky Euro 2016

voice. I did find more welcoming company amongst genuine fans there just for the football.

I had it easy.

Neil Lennon didn’t.

Lennon had to cut short his international playing career in 2002 when, despite having played for the ‘national side’ fo r s e ve ra l years, his nomination as captain was apparently too much for some purported followers of ‘The Beautiful Game’. Death threats resulted in Lennon not taking up the captain’s armband and instead walking away from Windsor Park for good.

Like Stephen Nolan, many football fans from the nationalist community have never gone to Windsor Park and possibly never will unless the atmosphere changes.

Channel 4 went to Derry City FC in the past couple of weeks to ask Candystripes supporters would they wish the team from Windsor Park well. Whilst all said their team was Ireland (and presumably in favour of a united Ireland team too), and most declared Windsor Park was less than welcoming, many said they’d like to see the North do well too.

Sure, why wouldn’t you? After all, it’s only a game.

Isn’t it?

June / Meitheamh 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

31

5 The Gaza-based Al-Helal football club's under-14 side

Support the Gaza kids’ soccer tour of Ireland SOCCER-MAD KIDS from Gaza are being treated to a break from the relentless, punitive siege by the Israeli war machine with a tour of Ireland in July. And football fans and friends of Palestine are being asked to lend their support through cash donations and helping out.

A squad of kids and some of the coaches from the Al-Helal club in Gaza will travel here to play games and have fun with their peers in Dublin, Limerick, Tipperary and Antrim.

Chris Andrews is a long-time campaigner with tour organisers Gaza Action Ireland. He’s a Sinn Féin councillor in Dublin who has taken part in the Irish Ship to Gaza blockade-busting initiative with Waterford Sinn Féin Councillors John Hearne and Pat Fitzgerald to highlight the grip Israel has on the people of the Palestinian territory. Chris urged An Phoblacht readers to get behind the Gaza kids’ team by donating whatever they can to the fund-raising drive.

“We’re still a good way short of what’s needed to ensure this trip gives these kids as memorable a time in Ireland as possible so every few pounds or euro will go a long way for these children from Palestine.”

Gaza has been pounded and pummelled by Israeli artillery on land, rockets and bombs from warplanes, and shelling from warships siting off the coast. The psychological impact on children as well as the obvious physical damage can only be imagined, which is why trips such as the Ireland tour are an important respite

from the horrors of the conflict and its aftermath.

Seventeen youngsters under 14 will be in Ireland for almost two weeks in July, from the 13th to the 25th, during which they will be hosted at the Shamrock Rovers versus Bohemian League of Ireland Premier Division match in Tallaght in July.

“Football means everything to these kids,” says Ayed Abu-Ramadan, a director at the Al-Helal club. “The sea is right here but they can’t even go swimming because of the sewage.”

For the children of Gaza, Israel’s attacks and the siege of the territory are real and ever-present. The windows of the Al-Helal clubhouse, located between two overcrowded refugee camps, were blown out by nearby missile strikes last year. Gaza’s main football stadium, a few miles away, was deliberately damaged by other strikes by the Israeli military. Poverty and destruction are rampant. The children generally can’t travel beyond this narrow strip of land between the sea, Israel and Egypt.

Their trip to Ireland will give them some respite from the situation in the Middle East but sports can’t always be free of politics, despite the protestations of mainstream media and politicians.

Gaza Action Ireland says: “Israel has made it almost impossible for Gaza’s soccer stars to travel to play for the Palestine national team. The social circumstances, exacerbated by the siege have frustrated Al Helal’s efforts to field a girls’

DONATE

gazaactionireland.weebly.com/donate

The windows of the Al-Helal clubhouse, located between two overcrowded refugee camps, were blown out by nearby Israeli missile strikes last year

team thus far but they haven’t given up on the project.

“With your help to make this project a reality, a group of Palestinian children will have a new story to tell, one of freedom, friendship, play and solidarity in Ireland.

“We need funding for flights and expenses so please share this event, and spread the word.” gazaactionireland.weebly.com/donate

• Gaza Action Ireland (which grew out of the Irish Ship to Gaza initiative) is a solidarity group that organises civil society contacts between Ireland and Palestinians in Gaza. It is responsible for the Windows Into Gaza art exhibition currently touring Ireland. In addition to artists and sports clubs, it has also forged links with fishermen, journalists, human rights activists and providers of emergency services.

NEXT ISSUE OUT Thursday 30 June 2016

anphoblacht

32

IN PICTURES

Sraith Nua Iml 39 Uimhir 6 – June / Meitheam 2016

photos@anphoblacht.com

5 Sinn Féin councillor for Pembroke South Dock Chris Andrews in Gaza with Palestinian kids who are taking part in a soccer tour of Ireland organised by Gaza Action Ireland – see page 31

5 Thousands of people along join trade unions and political parties to demonstrate in Dublin calling for urgent action to address the homelessness and housing crises in the state

5 Protesters gather outside Leinster House to demand that TDs support a Sinn Féin motion calling for the scrapping of water charges and the abolition of Irish Water – see page 2

5 Belfast republicans remember James Connolly – (Above) Mairéad Farrell Republican Youth Committee members as Citizen Army volunteers; (below) Trade unionist and Sinn Féin activist Liam McBrinn, who as a boy took part in the 50th anniversary commemoration of Connolly's execution in 1966, with Gerry McCormack, Christy McQuillan and Sinn Féin and SIPTU activist Jim McVeigh

5 Republican activists march in Clonmel town, County Tipperary to mark the 35th anniversary of the 1981 H-Block Hunger Strike