UNCOMFORTABLE CONVERSATIONS
JOHN ALDERDICE
LETTING GO OF OLD WAYS OF THINKING
MICHELLE GILDERNEW FERMANAGH & SOUTH TYRONE
A special place, a special legacy
anphoblacht Sraith Nua Iml 38 Uimhir 3
March / Márta 2015
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2 March / Márta 2015
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5 St Mary's students are joined by Sinn Féin representatives as they bring their protest to Stormont
WEST BELFAST COMMUNITY CELEBRATES A VICTORY FOR LOCAL TEACHER TRAINING COLLEGE
St Mary’s funding cut blocked by Executive HIGH MARKS and high fives to the energetic and imaginative campaigners who got the North’s Executive to block a move by Department of Employment and Learning Minister Stephen Farry to cut funding to St Mary’s Teacher Training College in west Belfast. Farry threatened to cut the special premia payment of £1.1million to both St Mary’s and Stranmillis College, a move that would have threatened the future of both teacher-training colleges.
At the Thursday 12 February meeting of the Executive, however, ministers put the brakes on Farry’s plans and reinstated the premia. Farry’s argument that his proposals were based on economic considerations and cuts to his budget as well as the need to reform teacher training were rejected by campaigners. Supporters of St Mary’s claimed Farry intended to force a merger of St Mary’s and Stranmillis in line with his
party’s, the Alliance Party, support for integrated education. Campaigners also argued for St Mary’s unique status as a Catholic institution training teachers for future employment in Catholic schools. St Mary’s additionally has a significant Irish-language stream, training many teachers for the Irish-language sector, which adds to its unique appeal and attracts students from across the Border. The news that the Executive had
blocked Farry’s proposals for St Mary’s was especially welcomed by Sarah Jane Maskey of the Mairéad Farrell Republican Youth Committee (MFRYC) and a St Mary’s student (The MFRYC had been very actively supporting the campaign.) Sarah Jane said: “St Mary’s has been training students to the higher standards for decades and is part of the economic infrastructure of west Belfast, providing employment and bringing much-needed
SIPTU community workers fight privatisation SIPTU members working in the Local and Community Development Sector held a protest outside the Department of Environment, Community and Local Government (DECLG) in Dublin on Wednesday 18 February to highlight the Government’s drive to privatise community social inclusion programmes (SICAP). The more than 500 protesters from across the state also highlighted the refusal of the DECLG to negotiate with community workers and their union representatives concerning changes to their conditions of employment and threatened job losses despite a Labour Court recommendation supporting such talks. Local Development Companies provide a range of services including access to employment, adult education, training, enterprise support, community development, childcare and rural development. Just under 2,000 workers are employed in these companies which also manage a range of employment programmes
investment to the area.” The area’s MP, Sinn Féin’s Paul Maskey, said “this the right decision” and he acknowledged the support of Martin McGuinness and Peter Robinson who brought this issue into the Executive. “There was widespread support in the community of west Belfast for St Mary’s, from students, local businesses, the Mairéad Farrell Republican Youth Committee and the trade unions,” Paul Maskey said.
‘The threat of privatisation will be an issue for everyone in the community and voluntary sector unless we take a stand now’ SIPTU’S Darragh O’Connor
such as LEADER, TUS, Rural Social Schemes and the Community Employment Programme. They have already endured cuts of 50% to core funding, and a new tender process initiated by the DECLG may see up to 15 such companies close.
Speaking at the rally, SIPTU’s Darragh O’Connor said: “Privatisation is the emerging ideology within Government departments. The social inclusion programme (SICAP) is the guinea pig for the department’s free market experiment as community
organisations are pitched against each other to win tenders. This is not just an attack against the social inclusion programme; the threat of privatisation will be an issue for everyone in the community and voluntary sector unless we take a stand now.”
SIPTU community sector activist, Donnie O’Leary, said: “Workers across the country are being placed on protective notice with some having already been made redundant. We are calling on Minister Alan Kelly to respect the recommendation of the Labour Court and direct his department to immediately engage meaningfully with community sector workers through our union in order to ensure that our concerns over privatisation, terms and conditions and job losses are addressed.”
ar chlann uile an náisiúin agus gan beann aici ar na difríochtaí a chothaigh rialtas eachtrannach go cúramach agus a dheighil mionlach ón móramh san am atá thart”
a bheidh le feiceáil ar Shráid Uí Chonaill agus fud fad an domhain ar an Idirlíon, agus is ríthábhachtach go bhfeicfear é.
Cuireann na focail sin ó Fhorógra na Poblachta 1916 i gcuimhne dúinn nach bhfuil obair na bhfear agus na mban a throid um Cháisc na bliana sin críochnaithe go fóill. Fós níl tír aontaithe againn, tá ceart ceannasach mhuintir na hÉireann srianta agus níl cearta cothroma agus deiseanna cothroma i bhfeidhm go chách. Táimíd ag comóradh agus ag céiliúradh Éirí Amach na Cásca agus, ag an am chéanna, ag obair chun an Forógra a chur i bhfeidhm agus Poblacht Nua a thógáil lenár linn.
ar phóirseáid Ard-Oifig an Phoist ann gach oíche ón 24 Aibreán go dtí an 29 Aibreán agus léireofar ann trí fhortheilgean fís-léarscáilithe 3D scéal Éirí Amach 1916, san áit ar tharla sé. Amharc ar an ionsaí á dhéanamh ar Ard-Oifig an Phoist agus í ag dul faoi thine, amharc ar na reibiliúnaigh ag éalú agus an fód deireanach á sheasamh acu. Bí mar fhinné ag na trialacha agus amharc ar na básuithe sula dtaispeántar na himeachtaí a thit amach i ndiaidh an Éirí Amach.
Comóradh 100 bliain ar ShoChraid Uí dhonnabháin roSSa. I mBaile Átha Cliath, 1915, d’eagraigh Bráithreachas Phoblacht na hÉireann agus Óglaigh na hÉireann sochraid an tsean-Fhínín Jeremiah Ó Donnabháin Rossa. Bhí óráid chlúiteach cois uaighe Phádraig Mhic Phiarais ina rosc catha d’Éirí Amach na Cásca 1916.
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Birthplace of Irish Volunteers in 1913 chosen to unveil Sinn Féin’s ‘national conversation’ on the deeds and ideals of the men and women behind the Easter Rising
I mBaile Átha Cliath, 2015, déanfaidh Sinn Féin agus Iontaobhas Ghlas Naíon agus grúpaí eile athachtú ar an tsochraid agus beidh marbhchóiste capaill agus garda onóra ó Halla na Cathrach go Reilig Ghlas Naíon le páirt a ghlacadh san athachtú ar an óráid cháiliúil cois uaighe ag Mac Piarais Dé Sathairn 1 Lúnasa, 2015.
beidh Éirí amaCh 2016 Son eT lUmiere
ag TaCú leiS an mórShiúl náiSiúnTa CeiliúrTha 24 aibreán 2016
Tá Sinn Féin ag obair le Tionscnamh na Saoránach le tacú leis an Mórshiúl Náisiúnta Ceiliúrtha Dé Domhnaigh 24 Aibreán 2016, agus tá sé mar rún againn go mbeidh sé ina lá náisiúnta agus idirnáisiúnta.
bigilí Éirí na grÉine March
/ Márta 2015
Beidh Bigilí ann ag Éirí na Gréine ina mbeidh deis ag an bpobal páirt a ghlacadh iontu lasmuigh de Phríosún Chill Mhaighneann ar dhátaí na mbásuithe agus i gCorcaigh ar an 9 Bealtaine agus in Pentonville ar an 3 Lúnasa, 2016. Sa bhliain 1916 fuair siad bás ina n-aonair, curtha chun báis faoi rún “mar a bheifí ag amharc ar shruth fola ag sileadh amach faoi dhoras dúnta”. Bí linn lasmuigh de Phríosún Chill Mhaighneann ar 3am gach maidin agus fud fad an domhain tríd an Diaspóra Éireannach ar na meáin shóisialta.
A PDF of the initial programme of events (other events are being added) can be viewed or downloaded at sinnfein.ie/1916, where Béal Feirste - Ag Fíorú na Poblachta. Dealbh chré-umha de James Connolly a Oscailt Dé Sathairn Feabhra 2016 ar the feadh 33Sinn seachtain inFéin Amharclann The you can27 watch 1916 video. nochtadh ag an Halla Watefront, 12 Bealtaine Ambassador, Sráid Uí Chonaill, Baile Átha Cliath 1. rÉabhlóid - Éirí amaCh 1916 – an TaiSpeánTaS
Domhnach Cincíse. 15 Bealtaine, Óráid agus Searmannas Chnoc an Arbhair, 50 lá ó Dhomhnach na Cásca in ómós do na ceannairí a cuireadh chun báis.
PROGRAMME OF
Gnáth-thaispeántas do chuairteoirí ina mbeidh cúlra, cuntas laethúil agus oidhreacht Éirí Amach na Cásca trí mheáin áirithe agus déantáin. Lonnaithe i bhfoirgneamh íocónach, mar chuid de choimpléacs an Rotunda, an áit ar tháinig Sinn Féin ar an saol sa bhliain 1905, an áit ar liostáil fir 1916 d’Óglaigh na hÉireann sa bhliain 1913 agus an áit ar coinníodh garastún na gCeithre Cúirteanna agus Ard-Oifig an Phoist, Tomás Ó Cléirigh, Edward Daly agus Micheál Ó Coileáin i ngéibheann thar oíche sa bhliain 1916 i ndiaidh gur ghéill siad.
1916 Centenary Events
Seo cuid de na himeachtaí cuimhneacháin atá beartaithe ag Sinn Féin agus beidh cuid mhór eile curtha leis dá réir. Coinnigh ar an eolas maidir le himeachtaí ar www.sinnfein.ie/1916
Revolution 1916 Éirí Amach Exhibition, from February 2016 Opening on Saturday 27 February 2016 for 33 weeks in The Ambassador Theatre, O’Connell Street, Dublin 1. This is part of the Rotunda complex and the birthplace of Sinn Féin in 1905. It is where the men of 1916 signed up for the Irish Volunteers in 1913.
O’Donovan Rossa Funeral Centenary Saturday 1 August 2015 Sinn Féin working with the Glasnevin Trust and other groups will re-enact the 1915 funeral procession with horse-drawn hearse and guard of honour from City Hall to Glasnevin Cemetery for a drama of the famous graveside oration by Pádraig Pearse.
1916 centenary programme of events launched
5 Gerry Adams TD with re-enactor Jim Roche, Martin McGuinness MLA and Mary Lou McDonald TD at the launch in Wynn's Hotel
BY JOHN HEDGES
THERE could be no more fitting place for the launch in February of Sinn Féin’s nationwide ‘Programme of 1916 Commemorative Events’ than Wynn’s Hotel in Dublin, where the Irish Volunteers and Cumann na mBan were founded. And it could have had a no more fitting audience than descendants of the men and women of the 1916 Easter Rising joining Sinn Féin and the Ambassadors of the revolutionary states of Palestine, South Africa and Cuba. Under the banner of ‘Revolution 1916’, Bartle D’Arcy, National Programme Co-ordinator of the Sinn Feín Centenaries Commemorations, told the packed room that Sinn Féin’s events are to be inclusive and public participation are key to bringing the deeds and ideals of 1916 to new generations. They are not the preserve of Sinn Féin, he said, telling An Phoblacht: “1916 belongs to the people of Ireland, not any single party.” Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness MLA said Sinn Féin’s “impressive range of national events” aims to “engage people, including our political opponents, in a national conversation about where we have come from and where we are going to as a country, as an Irish nation in 2016 and beyond”. James Connolly’s great grandson, James Connolly Heron, said many of the relatives are happy to support Sinn Féin’s programme. Described by Mary Lou McDonald TD as “a formidable campaigner” in a 14-year battle
Women of - mná na PoblaChta Women ofthe thereVolUtion Revolution – Mná na Poblachta Sunday 6th March 2016 2pm, O’Connell St and GPO 2pm Sunday 6 March 2016. O’Connell Street and Celebrating International Women’s Day (8th March) on Mothers’ Day by honouring Cumann na mBan and all theGPO women who took part in the 1916 Rising, fighting for Irish Freedom and Women’s Rights. 220 Womenon wereMothers’ in the 1916 Garrisons. Their Celebrating International Women’s Day (8Over March) Day by role was for long neglected has now been reclaimed as women today revive this radical aspect of our revolutionary heritage. honouring Cumann na mBan and all the women who took part in the 1916 Rising, fighting for Irish freedommarCh) and women’s easter Weekend (26th-28th 2016 rights. Over 220 women were in the 1916 garrisons. Easter Saturday 11am. Irish Citizen Army Parade from Liberty Hall to St Stephen’s Green Garrison. Sinn Féin will Women ofDIaspora thefrom reVolUtion mná na PoblaChta welcome home the around the world to take-part in a series of special events over Easter Weekend. Sunday March 2016 2pm,Easter O’Connell St and GPOParades including Dublin, Belfast, Cork and Galway. Easter 6th Sunday. Nationwide Commemoration Easter Weekend, 26 to Ashbourne 28 March 2016 Celebrating International Women’s Day (8thEnniscorthy, March) on Mothers’ Day byother honouring Cumann Commemorative plans for Banna Strand, and areas of activity.na mBan and all the women who
took part in Saturday the 1916 Rising, fighting for Irish Freedom and Women’s Rights. Over 220 Women were in the 1916 Garrisons. Easter 11am. Irish Citizen Army parade from Liberty Hall Their to St role was for long neglected has now been reclaimed as women today revive this radical aspect of our revolutionary heritage. Stephen’s Green Garrison. Sinn Féin will welcome home the Diaspora from around the world to take part in a series of special events over easter Weekend (26th-28th marCh) 2016 Women of the reVolUtion - mná na PoblaChta Easter Weekend. Easter Saturday 11am. Irish2pm, Citizen Army Parade fromGPO Liberty Hall to St Stephen’s Green Garrison. Sinn Féin will Sunday 6th March 2016 O’Connell St and Easter Sunday. Easter commemoration parades including welcome home the DIaspora fromNationwide around the world to take part in a series of special events over Easter Weekend. Celebrating International Women’s Day (8th March) on Mothers’ Day by honouring Cumann na mBan and all the women who Women of the reVolUtion - mná na PoblaChta Easter Sunday. Nationwide Easter Commemoration Parades including Dublin, Cork and Dublin, Belfast, Cork and plans for Strand, took part in the 1916 2016 Rising, fighting for IrishGalway. andCommemorative Women’s Rights. OverBelfast, 220 Women wereGalway. in the Banna 1916 Garrisons. Their Sunday 6th March 2pm, O’Connell StFreedom and GPO Commemorative for Banna Strand, Ashbourne and other of activity. role was for longplans neglected has now beenEnniscorthy, reclaimed as women today reviveareas this radical aspect of our revolutionary heritage. Enniscorthy, Ashbourne and other areas activity. Celebrating International Women’s Day (8th March) on Mothers’ Day byof honouring Cumann na mBan and all the women who the 2016 son etFreedom lUmiere took partrising in the 1916 Rising, fighting for Irish and Women’s Rights. Over 220 Women were in the 1916 Garrisons. Their Using thefor portico of the G.P.O. a giant The Rising 2016 will runrevive nightly -29th April of (the dates of the role was long neglected hasasnow beenscreen reclaimed as marCh) women today this24th radical aspect ouractual revolutionary heritage. easter Weekend (26th-28th 2016 Rising) 2016 and will depict through 3D video mapping projection the story of the 1916 Rising played out on the actual Easter SaturdayWatch 11am.asIrish Army Parade to St Stephen’s Green Garrison. willlast stand. Witness headquarters. theCitizen GPO comes under from shell Liberty fire andHall catches fire, see the rebels escapeSinn andFéin their welcome the DIaspora around the world take part in ainterpreting series of special Weekend. easter Weekend (26th-28th marCh) 2016 the trials home and experience thefrom executions before thetogrand finale theevents eventsover thatEaster followed the Rising. On Easter Easter Sunday. Nationwide Easter Commemoration Parades including Dublin, Belfast, Cork and Galway. Monday 24th April 1916 The General Post Office wasLiberty seizedHall by to a contingent Irish Volunteers andFéin served Easter Saturday 11am. Irish Citizen Army Parade from St Stephen’sofGreen Garrison. Sinn will as the base for Commemorative plans for Banna Strand,until Enniscorthy, Ashbourne and other areas of activity. The Provisional Government of Ireland the forced evacuation to Moore St. To commemorate on the actual anniversary welcome home the DIaspora from around the world to take part in a series of special events over Easter Weekend. dates of the Rising ,Sinn Féin have undertaken a Visual Arts project using modern technology that will not only provide a must Easter Sunday. Nationwide Easter Commemoration Parades including Dublin, Belfast, Cork and Galway. see event on O’Connell St but will also reach a worldwide audience via the internet. Commemorative plans for Banna Strand, Enniscorthy, Ashbourne and other areas of activity.
the rising 2016 son et lUmiere
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5 1916 relatives and dignitaries at the launch to save from shopping centre developers the historic Moore Street last HQ of the rebels evacuating the GPO garrison, James Connolly’s descendant paid tribute to Sinn Féin Dublin City councillors for their leading role to save “the lanes of history”. Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD said that Ireland needs “the spirit and 5 Artist Bobby Ballagh chats to Gerry the vision, the selflessness and generAdams TD osity, of those who struck for freedom almost 100 years ago”. He added: “Our goal, like theirs is to build a new future; a New Republic. “The centenary celebration of the Easter Rising is a time to build. “It is a time to rededicate ourselves to the achievement of the politics of Wolfe Tone, of Pádraig Pearse and James Connolly, of Máire Drumm and Mairéad Farrell, and of Bobby Sands. “Let us remember and honour those 5 Author, historian and former editor of the Irish Press, Tim Pat Coogan, with who rose in rebellion but, more importantly, let us complete their work.” Martin McGuinness MLA
Rising) 2016the will depict through videoGPO mapping projection the story the 1916 RisingCelebration played outon on2016 the actual Sinn Féin isand working with the Citizens’ Initiative supporting Reclaim theofVision of 1916 Sunday 24th Aprilrun Using portico of 3D the as aThegiant screen, The Rising will headquarters. Watch the GPO comesaunder shell fire and fire, seemobilisation the rebels escape their lastRepublic stand. Witness 2016 who share our as vision of creating New Republic. This catches will be biggest of 2016and after New nightly from 24 to 29 April (the actual dates of the Rising) 2016 and the trials and experience the executions before the grand finale interpreting the events that followed the Rising. On Easter will Monday 24th April 1916 The General Post Office was seized by a contingent of Irish Volunteers the base Rising for depict through 3D video mapping projection the storyandofserved theas1916 The Provisional Government of Ireland until the forced evacuation to Moore St. To commemorate on the actual anniversary played actual headquarters. astechnology the GPO comes under shell dates of the out Rising on ,Sinn the Féin have undertaken a Visual Arts projectWatch using modern that will not only provide a must the 2016 eta lUmiere see eventrising on O’Connell St butfire, willson also reach audience via theand internet. fire catches theworldwide rebels escape their stand. Witness the Usingand the portico of the G.P.O. as a see giant screen The Rising 2016 will run nightly 24th -29thlast April (the actual dates of the Rising) 2016 andexperience will depict through 3D videoexecutions mapping projectionbefore the story of the the 1916grand Rising played out on interpreting the actual trials and the finale the rising 2016 son et lUmiere reClaim theas Vision of 1916 - aand Citizens’ for headquarters. Watch the GPO comes under shell fire catches fire, seeinitiatiVe the rebels escape and their2016 last stand. Witness Using theis portico of the the G.P.O. as a giant screen The RisingThe 2016 will run 24th -29thCelebration April (the actual dates24th of the Sinn Féin working with Citizens’ Initiative supporting thenightly Vision of 1916 on Rising. Sunday April the events that followed the the trials and experience the executions before theRising. grand finaleReclaim interpreting the events that followed the On Easter Rising) and depict 3DNew video mapping projection the story of the 1916ofRising outRepublic on the actual 2016 who2016 share ourwill vision of through creating Republic. willbybea biggest mobilisation 2016 played after Monday 24th April 1916 The Generala Post Office was This seized contingent of Irish Volunteers andNew served as the base for headquarters. Watch as the GPO comes under shell fire and catches fire, see the rebels escape and their last stand. Witness
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datesusofoutside the Rising ,Sinn Féin undertaken a Visual Arts project using modern thatonwill not media only provide a must Join Kilmainham at have 3am each of the mornings and worldwide through thetechnology Irish Diaspora social remember. Sinn Féin is working with the Citizens’ Initiative supporting theto‘Reclaim reClaim the Vision - a Citizens’ initiatiVe for 2016 see event on O’Connell St but will alsoof reach1916 a worldwide audience via the internet. Sinn Féin is working with the Citizens’ Initiative supporting The Reclaim the Vision of 1916 Celebration on Sunday 24th April the Vision of 1916’ celebration on Sunday 24 April 2016. This will be the Belfast Fíorú Phoblachta. events marking life of James Connollyofand unveiling of a piece of public 2016 who- Ag share ourna vision of creatingA aseries Newof Republic. willthe be biggest mobilisation 2016the after New Republic reClaim 1916 -This a Citizens’ initiatiVe for 2016 biggest ofof 2016. art from 12thmobilisation May.the Vision Sinn Féin is working with the Citizens’ Initiative supporting The Reclaim the Vision of 1916 Celebration on Sunday 24th April Pentecost Sunday. May, Oration and Ceremony, 50 biggest days from Easter Sunday in honour of the executed leaders. 2016 who share our15th vision of Arbour creatingHill a New Republic. This will be mobilisation of 2016 after New Republic
daWn Vigils
Dawn vigils for public participation outside Kilmainham Gaol on the execution dates and in Cork 9th May and Pentonville 3rd These 2016. are aInselection some of the that Sinn Féin are planning andfrom there willa be a lotdoor”. more August. 1916 theyof died on their owncommemorative executed in secretevents “like watching a stream of blood seeping under closed added, including publications, dramatic and musical Join us outside Kilmainham at 3am works each ofof theart, mornings andproductions worldwide through the Irishconcerts. Diaspora on social media to remember. Belfast - Ag Fíorú na Phoblachta. A series of events marking the life of James Connolly and the unveiling of a piece of public art from 12th May.
daWn Vigils Pentecost Sunday. 15thparticipation May, Arbour Hill Oration and Ceremony, days from Easter honour of theand executed leaders. Prison – Fáinne Geal an Lae: Dawn vigils for Vigils public outside Kilmainham Gaol on50the execution datesSunday and in in Cork 9th May Pentonville 3rd August. 2016. In 1916 they died on their own executed in secret “like watching a stream of blood seeping from under a closed door”. The Dawning of the Day daWn Vigils Join us outside Kilmainham at 3am each of the mornings and worldwide through the Irish Diaspora on social media to remember.
These a selection some of the commemorative Sinn Féin dates are planning and9th there lot more Dawnare vigils for public of participation outside Kilmainham Gaol onthat the execution and in Cork Maywill andbePentonville 3rd Dawn vigils on execution dates atevents Kilmainham Jail at 3am on 3, 4,a5, 8 and added, publications, of art, dramatic productions and amusical concerts. August.including 2016. In 1916 they died onworks their own executed in secret “like watching stream of blood seeping from under a closed door”. 12 May; Cork on 9 May; and Pentonville in London on 3 August. Join us outside Kilmainham at 3am each of the mornings and worldwide through the Irish Diaspora on social media to remember. Belfast - Ag Fíorú na Phoblachta. A series of events marking the life of James Connolly and the unveiling of a piece of public art from 12th May.
Belfast –15th Fíorú na Belfast - Ag Fíorú naAg Phoblachta. AHill series of events marking the James Connolly andinthe unveiling a piece of public Pentecost Sunday. May, Arbour Oration andPhoblachta. Ceremony, 50 life daysoffrom Easter Sunday honour of theofexecuted leaders.
from 12th of May.events marking the life of James Connolly and the unveiling Aartseries Pentecost Arbour Oration and days from Easter in and honour of the of a piece of15th public from 12Ceremony, May. These are aSunday. selection ofMay, some ofart theHillcommemorative events 50 that Sinn Féin are Sunday planning there willexecuted be a lotleaders. more added, including publications, works of art, dramatic productions and musical concerts.
These are a selection of some of the commemorative events that Sinn Féin are planning and there will be a lot more added, including publications, works of art, dramatic productions and musical concerts.
3
4 March / Márta 2015
www.anphoblacht.com
anphoblacht Editorial
WHAT'S INSIDE 6 & 7
International Women’s Day
No peace without women – Megan Fearon MLA
9
Trevor Ó Clochartaigh: Mise agus mo Dhia
16 & 17
Belfast’s famous black taxis
‘Hacked off’ and still fighting for equality
18
anphoblacht Eagarfhocal
anphoblacht
Taoiseach – Time to go FINE GAEL and Labour are struggling not just to maintain their poll ratings – their credibility with voters is wearing thin too. Speakers at the Fine Gael ‘National Conference’ and Labour spokespersons on TV and radio have been making it clear that they will be seeking re-election effectively on a joint Fine Gael/Labour ticket. It’s also clear from the opinion polls that the next election will be a choice between a Fine Gael-led or Sinn Féin-led government. Sinn Féin has become the natural challenger to Fine Gael and its bit-part prop in Labour. It is a choice between two diametrically-opposed visions for Irish society. Fine Gael’s way means further inequality, the continued
pursuit of austerity with a continuation of cuts and charges aimed at low and middle income families, the destruction of public services, including health, downward pressure on workers’ wages and conditions, further attacks on rural Ireland and continued mass emigration. Sinn Féin’s way means growing our economy out of recession, a recovery for all, real jobs with proper terms and conditions, decent public services accessible to all, including those in rural Ireland, and the building of a united Ireland and a citizen-centred, rights-based society. Taoiseach (and Tánaiste) – it’s time to go. If you truly believe in your bombastic declarations from your annual conferences and in the Dáil – and you do not fear the wrath of the people at the polls – call an election. Call an election now.
Free the Five – Axe the Tax THE JAILING of five people for peaceful protests against the water tax and the installation of water meters is wrong, as is the intimidatory early-morning raids by scores of gardaí on the homes of protesters, including young teenagers and even schoolchildren. Where are the dawn raids on the white-collar crooks and their political friends sharing the hospitality of the Golden Circle? The corrupt politicians, bankers and developers who destroyed the Irish economy are regularly invited in by the Garda for questioning ‘by appointment’. Few have even seen the inside of a cell despite the enormous consequences of their conduct in proportion to that of water protesters.
The Fine Gael/Labour Government and the Establishment seem determined to frighten protesters off the streets, using one instance in which a protest against Tánaiste Joan Burton that spiralled out of Garda control as an excuse. They will not succeed. The water meter scam – dreamt up by Fianna Fáil and enforced by Fine Gael/Labour – falls further into disrepute every day (as does the law). We say release the prisoners, stop the metering and scrap the charges. Scrap this austerity regime. Vote this toxic Government out of office and claim this country back for our people.
Uncomfortable Conversations The DUP’s anti-LGBT ‘Conscience Clause’
Contact
22 & 23
NEWS newsdesk@anphoblacht.com NOTICES notices@anphoblacht.com PHOTOS photos@anphoblacht.com
Van Morrison and Belfast school days shared by Robert Allen
26 & 27
Put our money in our hands
Fiscal devolution for the North – Conor Murphy MP
31
Irish state reveals its contempt for Irish language rights
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AN PHOBLACHT is published monthly by Sinn Féin. The views in An Phoblacht are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Sinn Féin. We welcome articles, opinions and photographs from new contributors but contact the Editor first. An Phoblacht, Kevin Barry House, 44 Parnell Square, Dublin 1, Ireland Telephone: (+353 1) 872 6 100. Email: editor@anphoblacht.com
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Death of radical theatre director Pam Brighton THE DEATH has occurred as An Phoblacht goes to press of Pam Brighton, the English-born radical and pioneering international theatre director whose contribution to enriching the cultural life of Belfast and beyond has been acclaimed, particularly by republican prisoners who worked with and enjoyed her plays. Pam, from Bradford in Yorkshire, developed her early directing reputation at the agitprop theatre group 7:84, London’s Royal Court Theatre, and Hull Truck Theatre. After returning to college to qualify as a lawyer, she moved to Belfast and worked at the BBC. Pam co-founded the award-winning Dubbeljoint independent theatre company with Marie Jones and Mark Lambert in 1991. Unafraid of controversy, she was director of landmark works such as Binlids, Diary of A Hunger Strike, Murphy’s Law, A Night in November, Black
Taxis, Ballymurphy The Aftermath and Stones in His Pocket. Laurence McKeown, a former H-Blocks hunger striker and playwright who worked with Pam, said she would be
remembered for putting west Belfast before fame and fortune. “I first met Pam in 2001 when she produced The Laughter of our Children about the 1981 Hunger Strike, written by Brian Campbell and myself. “Brian and I continued to work with Pam in later years. She directed and
produced A Cold House for us in 2003. Just before Brian’s death, in 2005, we were about to write a new play for her. “She lived her life according to her personal politics and she put integrity before money — to her cost, financially, but not in terms of the friends she ultimately made and who will remember her for her courage and conviction and for putting community – especially the community of west Belfast – before fame and fortune.” Brassneck theatre company artistic director Tony Devlin said her passing was a sad day for the theatre community in Belfast “and right across Ireland as we mourn the loss of one of its biggest and most influential characters”. Pam, who was in her 60s and had suffered an illness for several months, passed away on Sunday 22 February. Her funeral was at Roselawn Cemetery, Belfast.
March / Márta 2015
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‘Let those on the Left who really believe that a government without Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil is possible begin working now together towards that end’ – Gerry Adams, November 2014
EOIN Ó BROIN
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Another
Creating common ground SPEAKING last November at a Sinn Féin conference in Clondalkin, Dublin, Gerry Adams called for “a realignment of Irish politics”. He said: “Let those on the Left who really believe that a government without Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil is possible begin working now together towards that end.” In the months that followed, a broad alliance of trade unions, community groups, political parties and citizens have marched against austerity. This mobilisation of hundreds of thousands of people – coupled with the rise of anti-austerity parties in Greece and Spain – has given birth to a new optimism. Sensing this change, SIPTU President Jack O’Connor in January called for social democrats, Left republicans and independent socialists “to set aside sectarian divisions and develop a political project aimed at winning the next general election on a common platform”. The five trade unions at the heart of the Right2Water campaign (Unite, Mandate, CPSU, OPATSI and CWC) issued a separate call for a “Platform for Renewal” setting out the “core principles” that “a progressive government will be expected to deliver in the next Dáil”. On May Day, Right2Water are hoping to bring trade unions, individuals, political parties and independents, NGOs, academics, representatives of the not-for-profit sector and community activists to shape this Platform for Renewal. Never has there been a better time for building common ground between all sections of Irish society who believe in a better, fairer way. While this new sense of progressive optimism may be intoxicating, the scale of the challenge involved in installing the state’s first Left-led government should bring us all back down to earth. Can we really build that ever-elusive Left unity? Divisions between the anti-austerity unions and those supportive of the Government run deep. Will SIPTU be invited to attend the May Day
anphoblacht Sraith Nua Iml 38 Uimhir 2
Price €2 / £2
February / Feabhra 2015
'Today is a new beginning. A victory by SYRIZA will be followed by Podemos in Spain and Sinn Féin in Ireland'
Greece votes for hope
Sinn Féin leader urges
ALEXIS ALEXIS TSIPRAS TSIPRAS
5 A broad alliance of trade unions, community groups and political parties have marched against austerity
Platform for Renewal dialogue? What position will Congress take, if any? Likewise, relations between the political parties on the Left remain in poor shape. Electoral competition and differing strategic approaches to the water charges campaign continue to divide. In Dublin’s Left-leaning councils, the Socialist Workers’ Party/People Before Profit and Socialist Party/Anti-Austerity Alliance refuse to participate in progressive alliances. Joe Higgins has already ruled his party out of any ‘reformist’ coalition. The position of the SWP is less clear. If these groups couldn’t keep the United Left Alliance together, can they really play a constructive role in any broader alliance? What about the Left Independents? Will they form a progressive alliance or disperse across the less ideologically clear groupings. And is it possible to have an anti-austerity
government without the involvement of the Labour Party and the social-liberal constituency they represent? Most importantly, the broad Left have yet to convince a majority of the electorate that we have a clear, viable and implementable programme for social and economy recovery. The time for slogans has long past. We need to set out a progressive alternative model of social and economic development. We need to build public support for a strong and courageous state investing in jobs, services and communities. This means real tax reform to generate the revenues needed for social and economic renewal. Scrapping unjust taxes is not enough. Social and economic recovery must be paid for. This means challenging the fiscal rules that are currently enshrined in our constitution, our laws and those of the EU.
We have a very rare chance to build a real alternative to the status quo, to be part of a new politics
5 The mobilisation of hundreds of thousands of people – coupled with the rise of anti-austerity parties in Greece and Spain – has given birth to a new optimism
TALKS ON
LEFT COALITION Michael Noonan & Margaret Thatcher
BANNING AN PHOBLACHT
GALWAY BAY
needs a fish farm like a salmon needs a bike
5 SYRIZA's triump brought hope to the Left
This means finding a real solution to our unsustainable public and household debt, reducing both its scale and cost. This means crafting a new approach to economic policy that is socially equitable and environmentally sustainable. This means truly reforming our political institutions and practices, making them more democratic, accountable and transparent. Crucially, it means convincing a majority of the people to support our vision for a better, fairer Ireland. And then facilitating them to remain mobilised and critically engaged with a new Left-led government to ensure that it keeps its promises. It is time for the Irish Left to build common ground. We have a very rare chance to build a real alternative to the status quo, to be part of a new politics, a new political economy, a new Republic. Let’s not waste that chance.
6 March / Márta 2015
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MEGAN FEARON MLA INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’S DAY 2015
No peace without women ‘DEALING WITH THE PAST’ – how many times have we heard that phrase in recent times? Indeed, it has dominated the political agenda and been centrestage at talks, sparking intense debate. To date, we have never acknowledged in a meaningful way the differential impact the conflict has had on women.
that it is now more dangerous to be a woman in conflict than a combatant. UNSCR 1325 has become increasingly important worldwide in terms of conflict prevention and resolution. The British Government, whilst signing up to this resolution, have refused to implement it in the North. Despite being a key protagonist in the past and a supposed co-guarantor of peace, the British Government does not agree that the years of conflict here meets the definition of “armed conflict” under international law – a shameful position supported by the DUP and Peter Robinson. Full implementation would mean adopting a gendered perspective to transitional justice, allowing our whole society to heal. As a society, we tend to identify our main problems by what is most visible, for example flags and parades. Shouldn’t we dig deeper? Post-conflict societies often experience higher levels of violence against women and we are no different. Last year alone saw almost 28,000
Indeed, gender is mentioned only once in the draft agreement published following the Haass/O’Sullivan talks. Despite the significant contributions of civil society groups representing women and women’s interests, strategies designed to further our transition from conflict toward a truly peaceful society (such as Cohesion, Sharing and Integration and Together: Building a United Community) are completely gender blind. Women’s contribution to upholding society during conflict has been largely ignored, as is
The Good Friday Agreement recognises ‘the right of women to full and equal political participation’ – in the Cardiff 2013 key negotiations, women accounted for just 3 out of 30 participants
Peace building has been for too long an activity for men alone
5 Women's Aid and Falls Women's Centre representatives join Sinn Féin MLAs at Stormont calling for an end to violence against women
the notion that we could play any significant role in peace building. This is despite an important international recognition that women are not only relevant to peace and security but essential. UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) was passed in October 2000 as a landmark document which addresses the disproportionate and unique impact of armed conflict on women while recognising the under-valued and under-used contributions women make to conflict resolution and peace-building. It also stresses the importance of women’s equal and full participation in any post-conflict society. Yet, almost 15 years on, it has yet to reach its full potential, as implementation is absent from the North. Women and men experience war differently and unfortunately modern ‘warfare’ has become increasingly sinister. The nauseating truth is
5 Women must be involved in the political and economic restructuring of Ireland
REPORTED incidents of domestic violence in the North, and over 2,500 reported sexual offences or rapes. That’s an average of 83 incidents per day while under-reporting is still recognised as a huge problem. This proliferation of violence against women, in our own backyard, is nothing short of an epidemic. What’s missing from this picture? The urgency to address the issue, the headlines, the inclusion of women in decision-making action. UNSCR 1325 recognises that conflict has an inordinately different impact on women leading to vastly different post-conflict needs, yet closer to home, women have been largely excluded from our own Peace Process. A quick look around our political institutions will confirm this. While Sinn Féin has a decent representation of women, I would caution any of my comrades in thinking that we have anything close to gender equality. Being the best of a bad lot is nothing to celebrate. We need to set ourselves a higher standard. The Good Friday Agreement recognises “the right of women to full and equal political participation” and encourages the pursuit of “the advancement of women in public life” but still women represent only 19% of MLAs and in key negotiations expect to see a substantial drop (e.g. in
March / Márta 2015
www.anphoblacht.com
UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (October 2000)
addresses the unique impact of armed conflict on women and stresses the importance of women’s equal and full participation in any post-conflict society
Cardiff 2013, women accounted for just 3 out of 30 participants). The Good Friday Agreement was much more than just a power-sharing accommodation, despite our preoccupation with the institutional arrangements. The demand for socio-economic rights has not been advanced with the same gusto and it is the realisation of those rights, through a justiciable vehicle like the Bill of Rights, that would
There is an onus on all key actors in our Peace Process and our political process to shuffle down and make room at the table for women deliver real and meaningful change in the lives of women. As it stands, women don’t even have equal access to our inherently unequal economic system. Failing to involve women in shaping our society and economy is not only dangerous for the future but unjust given austere economic decisions disproportionately affect women. After visiting last year, the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women called for “the increased participation of women at all levels of decision-making” in the North. Real action is needed and it is needed now. The Stormont House Agreement reaffirms the
Assembly’s dedication to the (so far) unfulfilled Good Friday Agreement commitment to advance women in public life. Pessimism aside, it presents us with a real opportunity to change the political landscape by harnessing the untapped potential of women in our society. We have the opportunity now to develop a gendered framework to deal with conflict resolution. Peace building has been for too long an activity for men alone, but leaving out half of the population will build only an unsustainable peace on rocky foundations and lead to the reproduction of existing disparities. It is true that the British Government are senselessly denying women their just place in post-conflict Ireland with their unwillingness to implement UNSCR1325 but that cannot be an excuse for the consistent disinterest shown to women. Women must be involved in the political and economic reconstruction of Ireland. There is an onus on all key actors in our Peace Process and our political process to shuffle down and make room at the table. We need to have honest and “Uncomfortable Conversations” to prevent the legacy of our past being handed down to yet another generation. The message is simple: we cannot and will not build lasting peace or shape the society we want for our children if we do not actively prioritise women in that process. The genuine involvement of women would undoubtedly act as a powerful force for much-needed change. It is our duty, as republicans, to ensure this happens. After all – Ní saoirse go saoirse na mBan.
An event to remember the women of the Magdalene Laundries
FLOWERS for MAGDALENES
Sunday 1st March Glasnevin Cemetery Assemble 2pm at entrance SPEAKERS INCLUDE
Mary Lou McDonald TD & Claire McGettrick Organised by Sinn Féin Women in conjunction with Justice for Magdalenes Research
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8 March / Márta 2015
BY MARK MOLONEY IN BRUSSELS
IRISH TRADE UNIONISTS and campaigners against water charges took their cause to the European Union in February alongside Sinn Féin MEP Lynn Boylan. The delegation discussed the broader issues of the campaign for fair access to clean water services across Europe, how to tackle privatisation, and also had a chance to quiz a representative of the European Commission’s Water Status Unit. The European Citizens’ Initiative on the Right2Water collected more than two million signatures and has forced the European Commission into an official position on the role of water in the EU and wider world. Addressing European Commission representative Jorge Rodriguez Romer of the Water Status Unit, Unite trade union and Right2Water co-ordinator Brendan Ogle said: “Water should not be subject to the market capitalist profit system that is being applied across Europe.” He said the Commission’s attitude to the European Citizens’ Initiative on the Right2Water was giving citizens the impression that their worries are of no concern to them: “I think that is a very dangerous message for the EU to be giving because that has the potential to create all sorts of problems in terms of disenfranchising
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goes to Brussels
people and we know in Europe what can happen in terms of political extremism where people feel they are disenfranchised from the political system.” Quizzed by Sinn Féin TD Brian Stanley over a derogation which previously allowed Ireland to exempt itself from charging for water directly, the Commission representative would only point out it was up to each state to decide the charging mechanism. Brian Stanley said the response proves the Irish Government “can continue to have a derogation and have it included
5 Unite and Right2Water spokesperson Brendan Ogle 5 SYRIZA MEP Kostas Chrysogonos
Irish campaigners should be wary of the threat of privaisation of water services, Sinn Féin MEP Lynn Boylan said on the next river management plan.” Sinn Féin MP Conor Murphy, who in 2007 blocked water charges in the North when he was Regional Development Minister, confirmed that the North is still operating within EU law without implementing domestic water charges. Brian Stanley said later: “The Fine Gael and Labour Government is not being upfront and honest with people on this matter and I call on the Environment Minister to stop using the European Commission as an excuse for charging people twice for water. “ The delegates also heard from Odile
5 Sinn Féin’s Conor Murphy MP and Brian Stanley TD
Nieuwyaer of the Paris Water Observatory and from German left-wing party Die Linke on the experiences after the privatisation of water services in Paris and Berlin and the subsequent reversion to public ownership following a decline in service quality and soaring prices while in private hands. The use of water as a weapon was
also outlined by Marek Szilvási of the Roma Rights Centre, who explained how some local authorities had disconnected villages where Roma people were living as a way of forcing them out of an area. Milo Fiasconaro of Aqua Publica Europea, Dr Louisa Parks and Right2Water EU co-ordinator Pablo Sánchez Centellas also discussed the imporance of the European Citizens’ Initiative. SYRIZA MEP Kostas Chrysogonos outlined public opposition to plans to privatise water in Greece’s second city of Thessaloniki: “A referendum was organised last May where people were asked if they agreed with the privatisation or not. Over 200,000 voted with 98% against privatisation. This showed how concerned people are with the possible fall in the quality of water services as well as by possible increase in price. There were also protests in many other cities. This indicates how people perceive water. Indispensible common goods should
not be treated as commodities. National governments and the EU should have more respect regarding human rights and take more concrete actions to safeguard them. Let’s not forget that access to water
Water services in Paris and Berlin reverted to public ownership after a decline in service quality and soaring prices while in private hands and sanitation is inextricably linked to the right of life and human dignity.” Sinn Féin MEP Lynn Boylan said: “While the focus in Ireland at the moment is on water charges, and rightly so, we would be remiss if we took our eye off the ball in relation to the threat of privatisation – a prospect which has not been adequately dealt with by the Irish Government.”
5 Brendan Ogle (Unite), Billy Wall (OPATSI), Des Fagan (CPSU), Lynn Boylan MEP, Cllr Paul Donnelly, Brian Stanley TD, Cllr Daithí Doolan, David Gibney (Mandate), Cormac Ó Dálaigh (CWU) and Phillip McFadden (Right2Water)
March / Márta 2015
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Le Trevor Ó Clochartaigh An strachailt idir an stát agus an eaglais i saol na polaitíochta
Mise agus mo Dhia TÁ PRÍOMHCHEILIÚRADH na heaglaise Críostaí ag teannadh linn agus muid in aimsir an charghais agus daoine ag ullmhú don Cháisc. Is ar na laochra ar láir a bhíonn poblachtánaithe ag díriú aimsir na Cásca go príomha, ach le déanaí tá an gaol idir an stát agus an Eaglais faoi chaibidil níos minicí agus níos tréana agus níl aon mheath le teacht air an bplé sin as seo go ceann bliana, ach a mhalairt. Dúshlán faoi leith a bhíonn anseo do pholaiteoirí in Éirinn atá ag cleachtadh creideamh de chineál éigin. Is minic muid ag strachailt lenár gcoinsias agus ceisteanna ar nós an ghinmhilleadh, pósadh aon-inscne, eotanáis agus ceisteanna leochaileacha eile idir lamha. Bíonn orainn teacht ar thuisicint ar an tarraingt idir an dualgas móralta creidimh pearsanta atá orainn agus an ról atá againn mar lucht reachtaíochta atá ag obair ar son saoránaithe na tíre ar fad. Is Caitliceach mise a chleachtaíonn mo chreideamh go gníomhach agus is minic mé i mbun díospóireachta le comhleacaithe ar an ábhar seo. Bím ag caint le comh-Chaitlicigh a bhíonn in adharca liom mar go dtacaím le reachtaíocht atá, dar leo, ag lagú ról Dé i ngnothaí an stáit. Bim ag caint le daoine eile nach bhfuil creideamh ar bith acu agus colg orthu go mbeadh tagairt ar bith do chumhacht neamhshaolta ar bith inar gcuid dlíthe. Agus is deacair teacht ar chomhréiteach eatarthu. Bhí orm teacht ar mo chiall féin faoi seo le go mbéinn in ann teacht ar cur chuige a aithníonn cearta an uile saoránach, ach go bhfuilim féin ábalta ag an am céanna mo chreideamh féin a chleachtadh agus a cheiliúradh gan fuacht na faitíos. Sílim go mbaineann mo chreideamh liom féin go pearsanta agus gur fum féin mar dhuine atá sé an gaol idir mé féin, mo phobal agus mo Dhia a láimhseáil. Ní fheicim gur chóir go mbeadh ar an stát dlíthe a chur i bhfeidhm leis seo a dhéanamh ar mo shon. Ar bhealach nuair a dhéantar sin baineann sin den dualgas pearsanta atá orm féin chun mo shaol féin a stiúradh. Is cineál ‘kop out’ spioradálta atá ann. Ní chreidim go bhfuil sé cothrom ach an oiread, go mbeadh an stát ag brú creideamh amháin ar shaoránaithe an stáit ar fad. Níl aon mhonaplacht ag aon duine a chreideann, nó nach gcreideann, ar an fhírinne. Cá bhfios d’aon duine againn an bhfuil an ceart ag Críostaithe, Moslamaigh, aindiachaí nó eile? Agus, cé go bhfuil mo chreideamh féin agamsa ní bhraithim gur chóir dom cosc ná bac a chuir ar éinne eile a slí spioradálta féin a scrúdú agus a
chleachtadh. Go deimhin, fiú má tá mise ceart, is cuid den cleachtas Críostaí é go nglacfaí le daoine a thagann chuig an gcreideamh go mall sa lá, fiú má tháinig siad ar bhóthar neamhdhíreach, éagsúil creideamh. Fiú má chuirtear dlíthe i bhfeidhm a cheaptar atá ag teacht salach i súile daoine áirithe, ar mo chóras chreideamh féin, ní shin le rá go gcaithfidh mise saol a chaitheamh a bhriseann na dlíthe canónacha a bhaineann leis sin. Tá an fhreagracht ormsa faoi na rudaí a dhéanaim féin agus don té nach leanann an slí céanna, má thagann siad os comhair an Dia céanna liomsa ag deireadh an lae, tabharfar breithiúnas cuí orthu dá réir. Níl aon áit agamsa ná ag aon Chríostaí eile réamhbhreithiúnas a thabhairt orthu. Tús na breithe ag Dia, deirtear. Fágann sin freisin nach nglacaim le cuid
Ní dóigh liom go bhfuil gá go mbeadh choimhlint ar bith idir a bheith i do Chríostaí agus i do phoblachtánach ag an am céanna den bhreithiúnas a dhéanann díograiseoirí ceartchreidmheacha orainn mar pholaiteoirí ach an oiread. Níl aon mhonaplacht acu sin ar mhóráltacht. Is minic daoine ag rá liom go mbíonn cuid den dream seo chomh docht daingean ina gcuid tuairimí gur beag trua ná taise Críostaí a bhaineann leo i ndáiríre. Sílim go bhfuil dualgas ar an gcuid eile againn seasamh suas don chreideamh atá againn agus gan aon náire a bheith orainn faoi. Ní shin le rá go bhfuil muid ag ceapadh go bhfuil muid níos fearr ná níos measa ná aon duine eile. Ach muid a bheith compodach inár gcraiceann féin leis. Ar an gcaoi chéanna, tá sé tábhachtach, dár liom, deighilt a bheith idir an stát a fheidhmíonn thar ceannngach saoránach agus an eaglais a thacaionn le dream faoi leith, gur móramh mór iad in Éireann, a bhfuil slí bheatha faoi leith acu. Is iomaí bealach leis an gaol sin a chur i bhfeidhm, ach ní dóigh liom go bhfuil aon gá go mbeadh choimhlint ar bith idir a bheith i do Chríostaí agus i do phoblachtánach ag an am céanna.
Michelle Gildernew minste t s e
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Putting Ireland First | Éire Chun Cinn
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10 March / Márta 2015
MICHELLE GILDERNEW, the Sinn Féin candidate in May’s Westminster elections and the sitting MP for Fermanagh & South Tyrone, hopes to win again and this time be joined other republican women. “It still bothers me that Constance Markievicz was the first Sinn Féin woman MP and I am the second,” Michelle says. “There is a massive gap in between. I have been in Westminster now since 2001 and I haven’t been joined by another woman yet. I would love to see other women like Cat Seeley (Upper Bann) and Caoimhe Archibald (East Derry) joining me in Westminster.” Michelle was dramatically elected MP for Fermanagh & South Tyrone in June 2001, 20 years after the historic victory of hunger striker Bobby Sands MP. Michelle was returned as MP in 2005 with an increased majority of over 4,500. In 2010, however, she won by a margin of just four votes against a unionist unity candidate given a free run by the Democratic Unionists, Ulster Conservatives & Unionists, and Traditional Unionist Voice with the sole objective of unseating her even though
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anphoblacht FOR FERMANAGH cti 0 2 ons & SOUTH TYRONE
FERMANAGH & SOUTH TYRONE
Michelle was dramatically elected MP for Fermanagh & South Tyrone in June 2001, 20 years after the historic victory of hunger striker Bobby Sands MP the Times Guide to the House of Commons 2010 reported “Gildernew is popular across the sectarian divide in one of Northern Ireland’s most polarised constituencies”. Michelle’s family grew up with polarised politics, learning at first-hand about the Civil Rights campaign and her own family’s central role in the campaign with the squatting and eviction in Caledon in the 1960s which prompted widespread protests about discrimination in housing allocation. “My parents, grandmother and others were involved in the squatting protest in Caledon in the late 1960s, which culminated in the eviction of my aunt, and my mother getting physically lifted and dragged out of the house during the eviction. “The first Civil Rights march, from Coalisland to Dungannon, happened on the back of that.” Subsequent events copper-fastened nationalist views of the repressive Orange State. “Hearing about Bloody Sunday, I had a very clear idea of right and wrong, the imperatives of justice and equality as well as campaigns for human dignity and rights. This was compounded as I watched what was unfolding in the late 1970s. “The 1980s and the H-Blocks Hunger Strike was a real political awakening for me. You couldn’t but help be politically aware growing up in our house and there were always great discussions around the kitchen table at teatime with all of us
Vótáil
Michelle
sitting around talking about what was going on in Ireland and the world.” That exploration of ideas and direct experience of discrimination and inequality has shaped Michelle’s political outlook and the way she approaches
– nationalists, republicans, unionists and others – they’re all saying the same things: ‘Keep fighting for the working poor and the vulnerable. Make sure punitive cuts to lifeline benefits don’t come in.’ “They point to the very sad situation in England where disabled people have taken their own lives as a result of the Bedroom Tax and the degrading assessments for disability benefits. “They tell me that the unionist parties don’t understand poverty; that they don’t understand how hard it would be to cope if you were to be down £10 per week on your meagre benefit entitlement and the catastrophic impact this could have. “They state that the unionist parties don’t appreciate the fact that many parents now have to make very difficult choices on whether to properly heat their homes or give their children nourishing food. “Poverty wages, childcare and fuel costs as well as the precarious nature of employment with zero-hour contracts are all impacting negatively on the lives of hard-working families.” To seriously address the economic and social
Gildernew
The first Civil Rights march, from Coalisland to Dungannon, happened on the back of the housing rights protest that Michelle’s family was involved in
the issues affecting the people of Fermanagh & South Tyrone, whatever their political or religious persuasion or none. 5 Michelle holds the seat won by Bobby Sands and “When I’m engaging on a regular basis Owen Carron with people of all shades of political opinion
Fermanagh South Tyrone
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5 Michelle was dramatically re-elected in 2010 by a margin of just four votes after a unionist unity was given a free run by the DUP, UUP and TUV
pressures on people in the North, Michelle Gildernew says Sinn Féin MPs will step up their fight to wrest control of the levers of financial power from a self-centred Westminster elite that rarely gives the North of Ireland a second thought despite its professed attachment. “Sinn Féin’s focus will be on the transfer of a full suite of financial powers from Westminster that would benefit the Executive and allow for a fully progressive taxation and spending policy,” Michelle says. “If all the parties can embrace the potential contained within the Stormont House Agreement, including both governments, it can serve as a road map to restoring political stability to the democratic process and the political institutions in the North and assist with remodelling the regional economy while protecting the most
Parliament, including Martina Anderson, on this important issue.'' Following in the footsteps of not just Constance Markievicz but also Bobby Sands and Owen Carron, both MPs for Fermanagh & South Tyrone, is something Michelle carries with her always and with immense awareness of their legacy. “It’s very humbling. I met Owen Carron as a child. While I never met Bobby Sands, he was this person on our TVs and talked about at home. The Hunger Strikers, not just Bobby but Martin Hurson and all others, were held in huge esteem in our community and to be asked to do this job and to represent the people of Fermanagh & South Tyrone is very gratifying. It’s challenging and there are big shoes to fill. Who could do any more than Bobby Sands did for the cause of justice and equality? “The fact is the people of Fermanagh & South
‘Sinn Féin’s focus will be on the transfer of a full suite of financial powers from Westminster that would benefit the Executive and allow for a fully progressive taxation and spending policy’
‘When you meet people across the world and you tell them you hold Bobby Sands’s seat they smile. For people around the world to know of this place, the people and the legacy, it’s very special’
vulnerable and the advancing the emergence of authentic reconciliation. “We need fiscal powers here in Ireland. We need to introduce levers for growing our economy and the provision of first-class public services.” As a former Agriculture Minister, Michelle is alert to the dangers posed by the unionist parties’ drive to allow fracking. Speaking to An Phoblacht ahead of the firstever conference in Ireland on fracking, one that she had organised with Sinn Féin MEP Martina Anderson at Lough Erne in Fermanagh in February, Michelle emphasises that Sinn Féin is at the forefront of the campaign across Ireland to block attempts by multinational corporations and their cheerleaders to introduce fracking. “The negative consequences for our growing agri-food sector and for local tourism industry would be immense as well as for our environmental and public health. I am pleased to be working closely with my party colleagues in the European
5 The Gildernew family were central to the campaign against housing discrimination in the 1960s
5 Michelle Gildernew with the Sinn Féin negotiating team at Downing Street in the 1990s
Tyrone went out in their tens of thousands and voted for Bobby Sands, more of them came out and voted for Owen Carron; then for 18 years they were misrepresented by former Ulster Defence Regiment major Ken Maginnis and the Ulster Unionist Party. “When I stood in 2001, the candidate I was up against then, James Cooper, said to me that if he’d won he’d be part-time in London and part-time in his law firm. “The people of this constituency need a full-time MP. I know it’s a massive challenge but it’s a huge honour to be asked to do that role. “The people of Fermanagh & South Tyrone are brilliant, brilliant people. It is a very special place to be from. “When you meet people across the world and you tell them you hold Bobby Sands’s seat they smile. For people around the world to know of this place, the people and the legacy, it’s very special.
12 March / Márta 2015
www.anphoblacht.com
Sinn Féin proposals call for tailored internships developed in co-operation with trade unions and Education & Training Boards with employers supported to be best mentors they can be
Alternative to JobBridge ‘cheap labour’ scheme BY MARK MOLONEY “JOBBRIDGE is not working, cannot work and needs to be replaced,” says Sinn Féin Social Protection spokesperson Aengus Ó Snodaigh TD, who hit out at the Government over a scheme which he says exploits young people who are searching for employment. The Dublin South Central TD was speaking to An Phoblacht after the launch of the ‘Displacing JobBridge’ document, Sinn Féin’s proposals for an alternative internship scheme to the Government’s JobBridge programme. Fine Gael and Labour’s JobBridge scheme has been repeatedly and severely criticised for displacing real jobs, depressing wages and providing a source of cheap labour for employers. The Sinn Féin proposals came following discussions and engagements with trade unions including Mandate, SIPTU, INTO, CWU, ICTU Youth and campaign groups including the National Youth Council of Ireland, the Irish National Organisation of the Unemployed and We’re Not Leaving, as well as individuals
ones willing to admit it. So that proves 5 Aengus Ó Snodaigh TD, Senator Kathryn Reilly and Brian Stanley TD at it is displacing real jobs.” Pointing out that he had engaged the 'Displacing JobBridge' launch with employers, Aengus Ó Snodaigh says JobBridge is working to disadvantage good employers who do treat their staff fairly: Sinn Féin’s proposals for an alternative internship scheme “Some employers are disgruntled about JobBridge as it is giving their competitors unfair advantages. These monitored employers are seeing their competitors transparent using JobBridge to keep labour costs down and so they feel they have no choice in order to stay competitive but tailored to use the scheme.” Aengus also says many of the jobs short robust advertised are simply entry-level positions that do not require much more than a short amount of on-thefocused job training. “If you go on the JobBridge website www.sinnfein.ie today you have positions that previously would have been entry-level
Displacing JobBridge
David Gibney of Mandate trade union says JobBridge facilitates the race to the bottom in terms of conditions for workers who had taken part in the JobBridge scheme itself. During the consultation process, Aengus Ó Snódaigh invited Tánaiste and Social Protection Minister Joan Burton and Junior Minister Kevin Humphreys to defend JobBridge and outline their views but they didn’t bother to take up the offer. David Gibney of Mandate trade union says JobBridge facilitates the race to the bottom in terms of conditions for workers: “It allows employers to undercut their competitors. This can force competitors to either go down that route themselves or reduce costs, and one of the easiest ways of reducing their costs is to attack the terms and conditions of their workers. “In the absence of JobBridge, would people be hired anyway? Indecom’s survey found 29% of employers say they would, and that’s just among the
5 David Gibney (Mandate trade union), Anne Marie Butler (We're Not Leaving campaign), Deirdre Dunne (SIPTU) and James Doorley (NYCI) at the meeting with trade unions, NGOs and campaigners meeting on the issues coming from the Government's JobBridge programme
5 Tánaiste and Social Protection Minister Joan Burton
positions in retail or office work. It doesn’t take six months to learn how to stack shelves; it doesn’t take nine months to learn how to pick potatoes in Donegal.” The Sinn Féin proposals call for tailored internships which would be developed sector by sector in full co-operation with trade unions and Education & Training Boards with
Aengus Ó Snodaigh says JobBridge is working to disadvantage good employers who do treat their staff fairly employers supported to be the best mentors that they can be. In a workplace where a trade union collective agreement exists, use of the new internship scheme would require the prior and ongoing approval of the employees’ union. Any employer found to be in breach of employment law in the previous two years would be excluded from offering internships. The scheme would also preclude an internship for any job where an apprenticeship or in-work training at an entry level would be more appropriate – thus ensuring that graduates who have already undertaken work experience as part of their course would not be required to accept more unpaid work. The Sinn Féin proposals include strict monitoring of the internships offered and recourse and a route to compensation for any intern exploited by an employer who breaches the principles of the scheme. Aengus says: “The inappropriateness of the JobBridge scheme needs to be dealt with and the only way I believe that can be done is to scrap it.” The full set of proposals can be read at www. sinnfein.ie
March / Márta 2015
www.anphoblacht.com
13
Trade union leaders, NGOs and campaign groups attend Sinn Féin ‘Living Wage’ conference
Decent pay for decent work BY MARK MOLONEY TRANSFORMING society and ending of the phenomenon of the working poor needs a strong workers’ movement which encompasses trade unions, political parties and progressive groups, says Sinn Féin Workers’ Rights spokesperson Senator David Cullinane.
‘We’re about an economy which serves the citizens, not the other way round. We in Sinn Féin want sustainable growth and decent pay for decent work’
The Waterford senator was speaking to An Phoblacht just after he’d hosted ‘The Living Wage – A Way Forward’ conference in Dublin which was attended by trade union leaders including Irish Congress of Trade Unions President and Mandate General Secretary John Douglas, SIPTU Vice-President Patricia King (incoming General Secretary of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions from 9 March) and Unite Regional Secretary Jimmy Kelly alongside a number of NGOs and SYRIZA MEP Kostas Chrysogonos.
Sinn Féin Senator David Cullinane
Independent think-tank TASC says Ireland’s income inequality is worst in EU and quickly approaching levels of inequality seen in the United States Speaking to An Phoblacht, David Cullinane said the problem of low pay is a major issue that isn’t going away and is something that needs to be tackled if we want to see real and equitable economic growth. “There’s a huge problem in this state with low pay,” he says. “Precarious employment and under-employment too – that’s people who want to work more hours but can’t get them. Income inequality and economic inequality levels here are really quite shocking.” TASC, the independent progressive thinktank whose core focus is economic equality and democratic accountability, issued a report just days after the conference showing that Ireland’s level of income inequality is the worst in the EU and is quickly approaching the levels of inequality seen in the United States, leading to poverty and social exclusion. While the minimum wage in the 26-County state is €8.65 an hour, many trade unions such as SIPTU and IMPACT argue that a living wage which allows
5 Lynn Boylan MEP, Senator David Cullinane, SYRIZA MEP Kostas Chrysogonos and Mary Lou McDonald TD
WHAT IS A ‘LIVING WAGE’? It is a wage which makes possible a minimum acceptable standard of living. It is evidence-based and grounded in social consensus. It is:» Based on the concept that work should provide an adequate income to enable individuals to afford a socially acceptable standard of living; » The average gross salary which will enable full time employed adults (without dependents) across Ireland to
afford a socially acceptable standard of living; A living wage which » provides for needs not wants; » An evidence-based rate of pay which is grounded in social consensus and is derived from Consensual Budget Standards research which establishes the cost of a Minimum Essential Standard of Living in Ireland today; Unlike the ‘National » Minimum Wage’, which is not based on the cost of living.
a person to meet their basic needs is €11.45 an hour. The Waterford senator notes that sustainable economies are built on decent pay: “We need to tackle this notion, often bandied about by Fine Gael, that building an economy on low pay is a good thing and marks us out as being competitive.” He says that increases in pay for lower earners disproportionately benefits local communities as much of the increased income goes straight back into the local economy. “We’re about an economy which serves the citizens, not the other way round. We in Sinn Féin want sustainable growth and decent pay for decent work.” He says this will be a major issue at the next Dáil general election: “We would increase the minimum wage and incrementally implement a living wage. But that’s not the only problem. We need to tackle precarious employment and low-hour contracts or zero-hour contracts, so strengthening labour laws is a must in society.”
AN ADEQUATE STANDARD OF LIVING A LIVING WAGE IN IRELAND IS €11.45
“Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.” UN Declaration of Universal Human Rights, 1948; Article 25
“Everyone has the right to an adequate standard of living for himself and his family, including adequate food, clothing and housing and to continuous improvement of living conditions.”
UN International Covenant on Economic and Cultural Rights, 1996; Article 11
The Living Wage Technical Group is supported by:The Vincentian Partnership for Social Justice NERI – Nevin Economic Research Institute TASC – Think-tank for action on social change
Social Justice Ireland Unite SIPTU www.livingwage.ie
14 March / Márta 2015
www.anphoblacht.com
PAT FINUCANE
BELFAST HUMAN RIGHTS LAWYER
The assassination that won’t go away to read these documents in full let alone challenge the contents.” Speaking in the British parliament on 12 October 2011, Prime Minister David Cameron said “the really important thing is to open up and tell the truth”. Anyone reading Peter Madden’s critique of the de Silva report would conclude that the truth of the assassination of Pat Finucane is further away than ever. Patrick Corrigan, Amnesty International Programme Director for the Six Counties, said separately that Westminster’s failure to hold an independent public inquiry into the circumstances of Pat Finucane’s death “risks fatally undermining public confidence in Britain’s commitment to deal honestly with the past in Northern Ireland”. He added that “extensive and compelling evidence has emerged which shows
BY PEADAR WHELAN AS DOZENS of people gathered for the event on Thursday 12 February organised to mark the killing of Belfast human rights lawyer Pat Finucane in 1989, they began to take their seats at approximately the same time 26 years ago that a loyalist death squad smashed into the Finucane home on Fortwilliam Drive and shot the solicitor dead as the family sat down to dinner. It is an irony that if the British thought that by assassinating Finucane they would silence him, over a quarter of a century later his death still haunts them. The event was organised by the Finucane family and Relatives for
5 Peter Madden, John Ware, Geraldine Finucane and Mark McGovern at the Collusion event organised by Relatives for Justice
Pat Finucane’s law firm partner, Peter Madden, accused the de Silva Report of wrongly exonerating the British Army’s agent-handling Force Research Unit of any part in the killing of Pat Finucane Justice under the title of ‘Collusion: From Downing Street to Fortwilliam Drive’. While BBC Panorama investigative reporter John Ware, whose exposés of Britain’s ‘dirty war’ in Ireland shocked British public opinion, was billed as the main speaker, other speakers gripped the audience’s attention on such a poignant occasion. Professor Mark McGovern from Edge Hill University, near Liverpool, called for a full public inquiry into collusion between the British state and unionist paramilitary groups. “Collusion continued after the period investigated by the de Silva review into the killing of Pat Finucane,” Professor McGovern said. “This illustrates the continued need not only for a full public inquiry into the death of Pat Finucane but a full investigation into the pattern of collusion in many other conflict-related killings.” Peter Madden, Pat Finucane’s law firm partner and the family’s lawyer, delivered a critique of the British Government’s de Silva report (2012) that pointed up so
‘Given the commitments made in the BritishIrish Weston Park Agreement in 2001, anything less than a public inquiry is both dishonest and dishonourable’ AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
5 Peter Madden delivers a withering critique of the British Government's report into the murder and points out its many flaws
many flaws as to make an independent inquiry the only avenue the Finucane family can pursue in their quest for the facts. Madden accused de Silva of exonerating the British Army’s Force Research Unit, which was responsible handling agents, for any part in the killing of the lawyer when de Silva concluded that the FRU “did not know the UDA was targeting Pat Finucane”. De Silva not only ignored the claims made in his diaries by Brian Nelson (the British Army FRU agent at the heart of the UDA intelligence operation), he also ignored the conclusions arrived at by Canadian Judge Peter Cory who investigated the Finucane killing and concluded the British Army knew of the plot to kill the solicitor.
5 Desmond de Silva QC with his report into the 1989 killing
Madden pointed out that Nelson, in his own journal, gives an account of how he passed on all his information to his FRU handlers “including the targeting of Finucane”. Most of the controversy over the de Silva report lies in how the independent report promised by the previous British Government under Prime Minister Tony Blair was replaced with a review of the documentation ordered by Prime Minister David Cameron. Madden pointed out that there are over a million pages of documents and criticised the English QC over his claim that the documents he examined were authentic. As such we ended up with a “fundamentally flawed process”, Madden said: “We are not permitted
that security personnel colluded with loyalist paramilitary groups” in the killing, saying: “In the Stormont House Agreement, the UK and other parties signed up for a human rights compliant process to deal with 30 years of killings in Northern Ireland. It is vital for public confidence in that process for Britain to honour its previous commitment to an independent public inquiry. “At this point everyone accepts that this was a brutal murder of a lawyer, carried out in partnership with the UK state. “Yet the continued refusal to air this case in public and get at the truth of allegations risks fatally undermining public confidence in Britain’s commitment to deal with the past in Northern Ireland. Given the commitments made in the British-Irish Weston Park Agreement in 2001, anything less than a public inquiry is both dishonest and dishonourable.”
March / Márta 2015
www.anphoblacht.com
5 Martina Anderson MEP speaks to reporters at Lough Erne
5 Michelle Gildernew MP says Sinn Féin will stand with the people
15
5 Sinn Féin Mayo Councillor Rose Conway-Walsh
Sinn Féin and GUE/NGL European Parliament group host international expert panel
Ground-breaking summit in Fermanagh on fracking A HIGH-POWERED Anti-Fracking Conference held in County Fermanagh on Friday 20 February heard experts condemn fracking as a dangerous practice that raises the “serious threat of serious or irreversible harm to humans or the environment”.
Organised by Sinn Féin through the party’s Martina Anderson MEP and sponsored by the European Parliament group GUE/NGL, to which the party is aligned, the conference brought anti-fracking groups from across Ireland to Enniskillen’s Lough Erne resort. As well as the local contributors, experts from Europe and the United States took part. These included Andy Gheorghiu from Germany. Professor Tony Ingraffea, from Cornell University in the United States, joined the conference by video link. Fermanagh & South Tyrone MP Michelle Gildernew, who chaired the conference, told the pro-fracking lobby that Sinn Féin would stand with the people of the Border region around Fermanagh and Leitrim to oppose what she called “the destruction of the environment by shale gas exploration”. Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD brought the conference to a close and committed the party to supporting the communities on both sides of the Border, including the farmers and concerned citizens who are against fracking. “The potential pollution of air and water courses as a result of drilling poses a significant threat to agriculture and the environment,” the Louth TD said, “and the potential contamination of the area will result in long-term economic damage.” In his contribution the key-note speaker, German-based anti-fracking activist Andy Gheorghiu, encouraged people to work together to oppose fracking. Recently he contributed to the Friends of the Earth report Fracking Frenzy: How the fracking industry is threatening the planet. He explained how, in 2013, German
5 Attendees at the conference show their opposition to hydraulic fracturing
anti-fracking groups met in Korbach and agreed the Korbach Resolution which helped build a stronger national and international anti-fracking network”. Of the local contributors, Dr Carroll O’Dolan, the health spokesperson for the Fermanagh Fracking Awareness Network (FFAN) delivered a very detailed talk. In his contribution the medical practitioner used evidence from international sources, including the Chief Medical Officer of Health for New Brunswick, Canada. He quoted Professor Oswald, from Cornell University in the USA, who described fracking as “an uncontrolled health experiment on an enormous scale”.
‘An uncontrolled health experiment on an enormous scale’ Dr CARROLL O’DOLAN FERMANAGH FRACKING AWARENESS NETWORK
He highlighted the “very important” Public Health Review of High Volume Hydraulic Fracking (HVHF) released by the New York State Department in December 2014. This report was the cornerstone of evidence used by the New York State Commissioner to issue a legally-binding statement that prohibits HVHF in New York. Significantly, O’Dolan said: “What has come out of the research in North America is that regulations are simply not capable of preventing harm.” O’Dolan focused on air and water pollution in areas of the United States where fracking is established. Infant mortality rose six times above the normal rate in Uintah, Utah; in Eaglesford, Texas, there is a predicted 281% increase in Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs), which are known carcinogens and neurological disruptors.
Andy Gheorghiu
John Sheridan of FFAN
Also in Utah, “previously with pristine air equality, now has levels of smog and air pollution that rivals downtown Los Angeles”. As for the “frack fluid”, the water containing chemicals pumped into the wells, argues O’Dolan, 50% returns as flowback. “Thus thousands of millions of gallons of contaminated water will be present on the surface of HVHF areas.” According to O’Dolan, benzene, mercury, arsenic and toluene chemicals (which cause leukaemia, brain damage, birth defects and lung disease) are present in the flowback water on the surface at HVHF sites. Worryingly, in Britain, the 2014 Public Health Review Engalnd (PHE) stated that the health risks of HVHF are “low”. FFAN has compiled a detailed response, says O’Dolan, “pointing out many shortcomings in the methodology used. He said that Westminster Government ministers are already trying to use the PHE draft review “to over-rule legitimate public health concerns”. Meanwhile, the threat to the environment across the north coast was also highlighted at the conference. The Protect Our North Coast (PONC) group
Dr Carroll O'Dolan
is campaigning to block the exploration of the Rathlin Basin, extending across the area around Rathlin Island and the coast of Counties Antrim and Derry by Rathlin Energy Ltd. According to PONC, the licence granted to the company “is a licence to frack” and thus
‘Research in North America shows that regulations are simply not capable of preventing harm’ threaten the natural beauty of the north coast as well threaten agriculture and the biodiversity of the area. Speaking to An Phoblacht as the conference closed, Martina Anderson MEP commended the contributors and said it demonstrated that the opposition to fracking is based on solid scientific and medical reasons “and opponents shouldn’t be dismissed as being against progress”.
16 March / Márta 2015
www.anphoblacht.com
TAXI ASSOCIATION CAMPAIGNS FOR INCLUSION IN TRANSPORT SYSTEM
“BLACK TAXI DRIVERS can ‘gurn’ for Ireland. They complain if it’s raining. They complain if the sun’s shining. They complain if the road is empty. They complain if the road is full.” So said a friend of mine who drives one of Belfast’s famous black taxis along the various west Belfast and north Belfast routes and has done so for years. He joked about the ‘Wailing Wall’ where the taxis pick up outside the Royal Victoria Hospital and where groups of drivers waiting for a load would lament the disastrous state of the world. “After the wall was replaced by a steel fence, when the RVH was getting a facelift, the ‘Wailing Wall’ was renamed the ‘Wailing Railing’,” he chuckled, before adding: “It didn’t stop them ‘gurning’!” Of course this tongue-in-cheek description of Belfast’s black taxi drivers belies the fact that for over four decades now they have carried hundreds of thousands of passengers along the Falls Road up the Whiterock and into Andersonstown and further afield to Twinbrook, Poleglass and Lagmore as well as covering north Belfast, going through the New Lodge and into Ardoyne during the worst years of the conflict. They provided a service for the community when the public transport company took its buses off the road during times of tension and trouble on the streets and the drivers continued to operate in the face of British Army and RUC GERRY ADAMS harassment and attacks by loyalist death squads, including guan attacks, bombs and murders. The West Belfast Taxi Association has become part of the social, cultural and political fabric of West and North Belfast over the years and has played a significant economic role in areas that have suffered the worst excesses of unionist discrimination. An Phoblacht’s PEADAR WHELAN, a devout user of the ‘black hacks’ looks at the history of the association and how it has changed over the years, from the days of piling them in and running the gauntlet up the road to the present-day plans for development as a Community Interest Company (CIC).
‘The history of the taxi association is a history of community resistance, commitment and success’
‘Hacked off’ but still fighting for equality Belfast’s famous black taxis
AS THE CONFLICT erupted across the North in the late 1960s, when the upheaval on the streets was at its height, barricades and riots were commonplace. Belfast was in turmoil. Main roads were regularly blocked and bus services were often suspended, especially in west Belfast, in what people saw as a policy of community punishment imposed by unionist-dominated transport companies. In the spirit of the time, members of the west Belfast community refused to take this lying down. A number of local people travelled to London and bought a bunch of old black taxis. These became the first vehicles in a fleet that would increase to upwards of 220, many of which were and are driven by political former prisoners who would have been barred from jobs because of their imprisonment. They were nicknamed ‘The People’s Taxis’. This alternative service caught on and soon dozens of these, sometimes very old and dilapidated black hacks were weaving their way up and down the Falls, ‘Andytown’ and the Whiterock roads. Frequently up to eight people would be crammed into the ‘hack’ - six in the back and two in the front – as getting people to their journey’s end took precedence over any and then new-fangled concept of ‘health and safety’. When roads were blocked, the agile-minded drivers detoured down side streets. If that wasn’t an option, they used
their vehicles as prototype SUVs and manoeuvred over the rubble of riots, mounted footpaths and traversed barricades. Nothing, it seemed, could stop them. It was a unique solution to a unique problem – providing transport for citizens of trouble-torn west and north Belfast, as war engulfed the cities, towns and villages of the North. As the black taxis became more and more
Buses were often withdrawn from routes in nationalist areas during the conflict, so a resilient few went to London and brought back the black taxis popular and effective, their presence on the roads came to represent something more to the unionist state and their military wing of the British Army and the RUC. They became a major target for the British crown forces and the mainstream media. The taxi association and its drivers were demonised. As a consequence, they were targeted by unionist death squads with the direct result that eight drivers were killed in sectarian attacks and hundreds more were assaulted, arrested
5 Drivers and former POWs Jim Crane (centre) and Tom McVeigh (right) with Gerard 'Spud' Murphy one of the loaders who, as well as loading the passengers, designates the drivers' routes
March / Márta 2015
www.anphoblacht.com
17
5 The new taxi rank at King Street is loaded as drivers and General Manager Stephen Savage (blue pullover) enjoy the craic
5 John O'Kane, one of the longest-serving drivers on the road (over 26 years), with the mural for the new Community Interest Company behind him
“Now the taxis bring people of other cultures to visit west and north Belfast. These visitors bring investment to the heart of the community and the tours also bring our culture and history to life for them. “So the history of the taxi association is a history of community resistance, commitment and success. “It is a history which should be cherished. “So too the names of those who died providing this service. They are Jim Green, Michael Duggan, Paddy McAllister, Hugh Magee,
5 The memorial to black taxi drivers who were killed during the conflict on the 'Collusion Wall' on Beechmount Avenue
and harassed. It was commonplace to see a taxi pulled into the side of the road and its driver and passengers being ‘P-checked’ for their identities and details by British soldiers. The ‘black hacks’ came to represent the resilience and resistance of the nationalist people and the ‘we can’ attitude of a community that was off its knees. In 2010, just months after the opening of the new taxi rank in King Street, Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams hailed the Falls Taxi Association after its 40 years on the road as “a blueprint for community economic development”. Adams pointed out: “The heritage of the black taxis is intertwined with the history and experience of our community. As the community has evolved, so has the taxi association. The conversion of the open-air taxi ranks into a new complex, and now the opening of a new passenger terminal, are signs of forward
planning and progress.” The then MP for West Belfast MP added: “The black taxi service is a public and community service in the fullest sense. That theme is beautifully illustrated and captured in the mural outside – it says ‘The People’s Taxis’. “This initiative came from the people, it provides employment for people and it is a service for the people. There is a seanfhocal which expresses this more clearly – Ní neart go cur le chéile (Unity in strength). “The black taxis are not only an element of community life in west and north Belfast. They mirror the community. The taxis were the first public transport service to go bilingual, reflecting the growth and interest in our native language and the needs and rights of those of speak Irish.” Glór Na nGael recognised this by presenting the Association with one of its annual awards. Adams noted:
The taxi association and its drivers were demonised and targeted by unionist death squads – eight drivers were killed in sectarian attacks and hundreds more were assaulted, arrested and harassed Harry Muldoon, Caoimhín Mac Brádaigh, Thomas Hughes and Paddy Clarke.” The black taxis are still striving for equality and recognition. “All we are asking for is a level playing field – equality. Nothing more, nothing less,” says Martin Savage, Director of the Belfast Taxis Community Interest Company, as the West Belfast Taxi Association is now known. Speaking to An Phoblacht at the company’s bustling rank on Belfast’s King Street, the former driver points out that the North’s main public transport company, Translink, is subsidised to the tune of millions of pounds yet the Belfast black taxis (despite their efforts to deliver a modern, efficient and reliable service) “receives not one penny from Government. “We employ over 220 people, both drivers and administration staff, in one of the worst economic
5 The ‘black hacks’ came to represent the resilience and resistance of the nationalist people and the ‘we can’ attitude of a community that was off its knees
blackspots in the North. We provide a service that is as good as, if not better, than Translink in some cases yet we get no Government funding. “Our intention is to improve the conditions of our drivers and staff and improve the rank for the comfort of our customers. “Everyone remembers the old stops in Castle Street and the old open-air rank we operated out of before this building was built but we want to improve both our services and conditions for our drivers yet we keep hitting the proverbial brick wall.” One of the issues that the company has raised with the Department of Regional Development (controlled by Ulster Unionist Party Minister Danny Kennedy) is that of concessionary fares. “Translink offers concessionary fares such as multi-journey tickets, and free passes for pensioners, which are subsidised by the Department of Regional Development, yet when we ask to be included in such schemes we are excluded.” With the company expanding its services to include political tours of Belfast, particularly the mural tours, they find a bias coming from the Tourist Board which is under the remit of Democratic Unionist Party Minister Arlene Foster’s Department of Enterprise Trade & Investment. According to Savage: “Their flagship projects are the Titanic Quarter and the Giant’s Causeway so they promote them and ignore the political tourism despite the figures telling us that one of the main reasons for people to come to the North is to learn about the political conflict. “In the long run, we want to expand the service we provide through links with the community, Government departments and other transport providers such as Translink. When we started 40 years ago we were marginalised by the state and pigeon-holed. Now we are leading the way in how we serve our community, look after our workers, and we will get bigger and better.”
18 March / Márta 2015
www.anphoblacht.com
UNCOMFORTABLE CONVERSATIONS
5 Protesters rally against the so-called 'Conscience Clause' in Belfast
‘CONSCIENCE CLAUSE’ not pro-Christian, more anti-LGBT “Why is it that, as a culture, we are more comfortable seeing two men holding guns than holding hands?” ERNEST GAINES
JOHN O’DOHERTY Director The Rainbow Project
IN DECEMBER 2014, Paul Givan MLA of the DUP launched a consultation into a proposed ‘Conscience Clause’ amendment to The Equality Act (Sexual Orientation) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2006. If passed, the Bill would allow businesses to 5 Paul Givan MLA of the DUP proposed the clause to legalise discrimination against gay people refuse service to LGB people if they feel they Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGB&T) The idea that these views are reflective of would be affirming same-sex relationships people often don’t have that luxury. all Christians is offensive to our community, in violation of their faith ‘conscience’. Those who oppose us for who we love or who our families, our friends and our allies – many This could include refusing service to a same-sex couple in a restaurant, a hotel/B&B or even a landlord refusing a tenancy to a same-sex couple and their family. I am a firm believer that when you hate the only person to lose out is you, simply because half the people you hate don’t know it, and the other half don’t care. We live in a democratic society, the price of which is diversity and an expected tolerance for that diversity. And, to the large part, most of us accept that. Many of us go through our day-today lives without much consideration of what others think of us since, in most instances, we don’t know or we don’t care.
we form relationships with are not backwards about telling us. They have many colourful terms to define us such as ‘disgusting’, ‘obnoxious’, ‘sin-filled’ and ‘abominations’. The LGBT community actively oppose this language as it is harmful to the health and well-being of our community as well as narrowing the views of Christians overall down to the views of a very loud minority.
There is no culture war between the people of faith and the LGBT community – we do not oppose Christian values of love, compassion and charity
of whom are Christians themselves. Despite what the media or certain politicians may present, there is no culture war between the people of faith and the LGBT community. We oppose homophobia, transphobia and heterosexism in all its forms regardless of the motivation – we do not oppose Christian values of love, compassion and charity. The drive behind this
proposal is not pro-Christian – it is anti-LGBT. It is to ensure that those who believe they have a moral authority to dictate right and wrong have the ability to turn that opposition into action. On BBC TV’S The View, Mr Givan suggested that the proposal would also provide business owners the ability to refuse service to unwed heterosexual couples, despite this not being part of the proposal being consulted on. Either Mr Givan is lying or he actually has no idea what it is he is proposing. The question we must ask ourselves is, if passed, where will this end? Should it be legal for a Protestant landlord to refuse a tenancy to a Catholic if they believe it is contrary to their conscience? Should a dressmaker be able to refuse to make a Holy Communion dress or a hotel to refuse to host a wedding party of someone who was previously married? Do we really want to go back to the days of no dogs, no blacks, no Irish? Additionally, we cannot forget about the rights of workers in such businesses. Should I, as an LGBT person, be required to treat customers or members of my community based on my employers’ conscience? If I work for someone who refuses to serve same-sex couples, how would I feel as an LGBT person within that workplace? We as a community have experienced criminalisation, prejudice and discrimination for decades. We have watched our brothers and sisters lose their lives due to hatred, invisibility and isolation. We are never going back! We can never build a truly shared society on the premise that one person is better than another, regardless of why. We cannot achieve true peace while there are those who impose moral authority on what it means to love. I ask that you stand with us in opposition to this licence to discriminate. Stand strong and share the love, ‘cause hating is just a waste of time. • For more information on The Rainbow Project’s campaign against the ‘Conscience Clause’, please visit www.rainbow-project. org/noconscienceclause
March / Márta 2015
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19
UNCOMFORTABLE CONV ERSATIONS
Letting go of old ways of thinking
LORD JOHN ALDERDICE
Former Alliance Party leader, now Liberal Democrats peer and Senior Adviser to the Conflicts Forum FEW THINGS strengthen my appreciation of our island home more than being away for a while. Other countries have their attractions but not the strength of attachment to places, and most especially to the people I love. Working on conflicts in other places also emphasises to me the value of our Peace Process. Living up close we see its faults and incompleteness but, working with other intractable conflicts where communities are trapped in violence, I am constantly reminded of how far we have come. Our upcoming generations have the chance to live in a very different Northern Ireland than the one in which we grew up. We no longer wake up to daily news of bombings and shootings that destroyed lives and families; we have political structures based on the principles of power-sharing and parity of esteem; our police
The sense of identity/ culture not having changed must be addressed if the Protestant/unionist/ loyalist identity is to really incorporate parity of esteem and develop a sense of selfconfidence about the future service is more representative and accountable to the whole community; the robust protections we have for human and civil rights are the envy of many other places; and we have new sets of relationships with Britain and Ireland. This is the constant refrain I hear from people elsewhere. We focus on the imperfections but they tell me how fortunate we are to be leaving our violence behind. While human society is never free of challenges, inequities and difficulties, we also know that, despite our progress and the new structures, there is still unfinished business. Why should this be? As individuals our personality is made up of our experiences that continue to affect us even when our situation changes. People brought up without enough food learn to eat as much as possible any time they have the chance. If life changes and they have foodto
5 John Alderdice speaks to Tom Hartley at a wreath-laying ceremony at the Irish War Memorial Park in Islandbridge in 1995 for those who died in World War Two
identities of the two sides of the community has any truth to it, the ‘unfinished business’ will not be resolved by more political deals, economic development, or the mere passage of time. We all know how difficult it is to change our own personalities and our ‘way-of-being’. The ‘Uncomfortable Conversations’ that Declan Kearney has helped us realise are central to the
5 Some of those involved in the negotiations that led to the Good Friday Agreement commemorate the Agreement’s tenth anniversary in Belfast
spare, they often continue to eat according to the old pattern, resulting in overweight and poor health. The same behaviour that helped them survive comes to threaten their wellbeing and they continue even when the external circumstances change and it becomes harmful. The same thing can happen with communities. We tend to stick with old ways of thinking and ‘being’. Our new structures came about by negotiation and our people voted for a future based on fairness for all and parity of esteem but, although the structures have changed, communities often see things in the old ways. It seems to me that an element of the identity or culture of the Protestant/unionist/loyalist (“PUL”) community still involves a sense of ‘dominance’ – a disposition to think and act as though they ought to still be in charge. For example, there is no need to negotiate and reach accommodations over flags and parades.
Some of this may come from a fear that if they are not dominant then their circumstances will reverse and they will be dominated by the Catholic/nationalist/republican community. I think that the problem here, however, is more to do with this dominance element of the sense of identity/culture not having changed and it must be addressed if the PUL identity is to really incorporate parity of esteem and develop a sense of self-confidence about the future. In the Catholic/nationalist/republican community (“CNR”), generations of being dominated created an identity partly characterised by a sense of victimhood. Despite there now being parity of esteem in political, legal, social and economic opportunities, many people in the CNR community still operate as though they were victims rather than authors of our shared destiny, with all the opportunities and challenges that implies. If this analysis of ‘anxious dominance’ and a ‘sense of victimhood’ as key components of the
Many people in the Catholic/nationalist/ republican community still operate as though they were victims rather than authors of our shared destiny, with all the opportunities and challenges that implies way forward, will require challenging the narratives and attitudes within our own communities about how we leave behind these aspects of our culture and identity. Culture and identity involve many things we quite properly want to preserve; however, they also contain attitudes and ways of behaving that we need to leave behind because they are no longer appropriate to the reality of our shared communal lives and have actually become harmful in the present and for the future. Letting go of them will not happen easily or without effort. • By profession a psychiatrist, psychotherapist and politician, John Alderdice has served as a Liberal Democrats member of the House of Lords at Westminster since 1996. He lives with his wife in Belfast but his academic home is now at Harris Manchester College, University of Oxford.
20 March / Márta 2015
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IRA prisoner shot dead in Portlaoise BY MÍCHEÁL MAC DONNCHA FOLLOWING the eruption of the conflict in the Six Counties in 1969, the Fianna Fáil government of Jack Lynch initially expressed cautious support for the plight of nationalists but by late 1972 his Justice Minister, Dessie O’Malley, was introducing repressive legislation which saw hundreds of republicans imprisoned and the jails in the 26 Counties became a political battleground. Mountjoy Prison in Dublin and the Curragh in Kildare were used to lock up republicans. In October 1973, three senior republicans escaped from Mountjoy Prison in a sensational helicopter escape. Republicans were then transferred to Portlaoise Prison in County Laois. It was turned into a high-security prison but this did not prevent republicans immediately undertaking escape attempts. A tunnel was discovered in May 1974 but in August a daring escape bid was successful with 19 IRA prisoners breaking out. With the vehemently anti-republican Fine Gael/Labour Government of Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave and Justice Minister Paddy Cooney in power, the tension in the prison remained high. Conditions in Portlaoise were harsh and protests were frequent. In late December 1974, the republican prisoners took over E-Wing and held 27 prison officers captive. Prisoners were injured when gardaí and troops retook the wing. There was a hunger strike at the start of 1975. Republicans protested for segregation between political and non-political prisoners and against the lack of proper medical facilities, education, parcels and the poor prison diet. At the end of February 1975, Governor O’Reilly suspended all visits following the discovery of explosives on a visitor. Closed visits in a special visiting box were introduced. Despite tightening
repression, another escape plan was already at an advanced stage. The IRA prepared a dumper truck, fitted with armour plating, which was to be driven through a side-gate to the prison farm. The truck was big enough to accommodate 20 prisoners. On St Patrick’s Night 1975, the escape bid went ahead shortly after 8pm. An explosive device blew open the door to a yard and the lead group of 20 emerged from the recreation hall where the prisoners had been watching a film. (Ironically, a moment before the real explosion, the film showed a scene of a safe being blown.) The prisoners were to break out the gate after it had been demolished by the armoured truck but the vehicle broke down before it reached the wall. Soldiers in posts along the prison walls then opened up lethal gunfire on the prisoners in the yard. Several were injured, some seriously. When the firing ceased it was not realised that one prisoner, Tom Smith of Dublin, had been shot dead. As the prisoners were returning to the recreation hall they discovered his body which lay in the shadow of seating. It seems that a prison officer or officers had seen him first and did not raise an alarm for fear of retaliation. The 140 IRA prisoners carried their fallen comrade into the republican wing of the prison and stood to attention in silent tribute along the landing. A
5 The body of Volunteer Tom Smith and (top) hundreds of mourners line the streets of Dublin for Tom's funeral
soldier later admitted that he had fired the fatal shot, though not deliberately targeting Tom Smith. However republicans pointed to the reckless nature of the firing and, in particular, the failure of officers to take control. Tom Smith was five days short of his 27th birthday when he was killed.
He was a member of the IRA’s Dublin Brigade, originally from Donore Avenue. He worked in Jacob’s Biscuit Factory, joined the IRA in the late 1960s, and was imprisoned in 1973. Justice Minister Paddy Cooney failed to notify the Smith family of Tom’s death for at least 12 hours. They were not informed of
The 140 IRA prisoners carried their fallen comrade into the republican wing of the prison and stood to attention in silent tribute along the landing
5 There were traumatic scenes at Glasnevin Cemetery as gardaí batoned mourners
the post mortem nor of the transfer of the body from Portlaoise to the Dublin City Morgue. Volunteer Tom Smith was laid to rest in Glasnevin Cemetery with full republican honours. The Fine Gael/Labour Government imposed a heavy Garda presence on the funeral and there were traumatic scenes as they batoned mourners in Glasnevin. Despite this, Tom Smith was interred with dignity in the Republican Plot where Dublin republicans honour him every year on St Patrick’s Day. • Tom Smith was shot dead in Portlaoise Prison on 17 March 1975, 40 years ago this month.
March / Márta 2015
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We rely on the environment for life itself. It’s just that the connections can be hard to see
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TONY LOWES Director, Friends of the Irish Environment
5 If we don’t protect the environment, the ultimate cost of cleaning-up will one day be too great – or too late – to pay
‘The environment is the enemy of jobs’ THAT’S WHAT my lad recently reported was the universal belief of all those in his Leaving Cert Civic, Social and Political Education (CSPE) class in our west Cork community school. To be honest, it’s what most people think. To object to developments in rural Ireland is a swift route to social ostracism – or worse. But if we don’t protect the environment, our dwindling natural resources will be used foolishly and the ultimate cost of cleaning up will one day be too great – or too late – to pay. Yet Dan and his schoolmates are no different from the current revisers of Directives in Brussels or the Kerry councillors with their ‘material contravention’ motions to over-rule planning protection. Environmental regulation is under unceasing attack at every level. The buzzwords are ‘light regulation’. Light regulation? Isn’t that an oxymoron, a paradox, like ‘open secret’? We rely on the environment for life itself. It’s just that the connections can be hard to see. Let’s look at what happens with, say, industrial peat extraction and public health. In 2009, the group I work with received an anonymous letter from a hotmail account. It was a detailed letter with photographs demonstrating the devastation of hundreds of hectares of raised bogs in Westmeath by large industrial operators. We found no planning authorities had any record of these activities. We spent five years pursuing the authorities to require them to assess the activities and protect the environment. We filed a Petition to the European Parliament. We went through the planning process all the way to the High Court where even now three cases await final determination this summer. We commissioned a satellite survey of exposed peatlands from University College Cork and
presented the Department of the Environment with detailed maps of 126 extraction sites of more than 30 hectares across 19 local authorities. Why does this matter? Is it the quixotic defence of a rare bog orchid? No. It matters because the drainage of peat – and 5 Environmental regulation is under unceasing attack at every level forestry and land reclamation on peaty soils – releases organic carbon into the water: the ‘peaty colour’ you sometimes see. When this water is treated with chlorine, THMs (Trihalomethanes, a group of chemicals like chloroform that are associated with cancer) are formed. According to the Environmental Protection Agency’s Quality of Drinking Water in Ireland which we analysed for our complaint, almost 600,000 consumers in 153 water supply zones are currently receiving drinking water exceeding the European Union/World Health Organisation parametric limit for THMs. And nobody has told the consumers, even though the law says they must be informed. The Directive and the Irish regulations say: “In such cases, consumers shall be informed promptly thereof The eight or nine ‘mini Bord na Monas’ who and given the necessary advice.” enough evidence to prove that THMs pose a health are doing the extraction (most of them regisTHMs are volatile. Prolonged showering, risk in the short-term”. Jacuzzis, steam rooms should be avoided; They have to say this because the Commissioner tered outside the state) have been lobbying the pregnant women may be at greater risk; etc. for Energy Regulation (who also regulates water) is Government over the loss of jobs that potential Ireland’s defence to the Commission investi- committed to giving a 100% discount for consum- controls could mean. The booming mushroom gation was assembled by ers receiving water unsafe for industry (which is now almost half of all Irish the Environmental Protechuman consumption. And horticultural products) relies on peat to grow TONY LOWES is one tion Agency and the Health 100% discount to 600,000 its crop. Our competitive advantages will be of the founders and a and Safety Authority. “The consumers would end water lost, they say; 3,500 jobs will be at risk. Hence Director of Friends of public should be reassured charges more quickly than the Environment Minister is told regulation is a the Irish Environment, an “threat to national food security”. that all exceedences of the any marches on the Dáil. environmental lobby group He has been told that peat should be removed standards are examined to Meanwhile, the public will determine if there is a potencontinue to drink potentially from planning controls altogether and subject established in 1997 to tial danger to human health,” dangerous water that could instead to (you guessed it) ‘light regulation’. ensure the implementation of If we want a more progressive Ireland we’ll have the joint document said. It be made safe (if they knew) European environmental law. concluded that there is “not by a simple charcoal filter. to go back to school.
22 March / Márta 2015
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With his old school in Belfast consigned to ignominous history, Van Morrison is revisiting the places he immortalised over 55 years as a musician-poet. 'Got to go back,' he sang, and last year it was Orangefield – this year it is Bloomfield
ALWAYS NOW ROBERT ALLEN WHEN GEORGE IVAN MORRISON makes a metaphysical return to his Belfast roots he evokes memories of a place that was for him encapsulated by the moment. His first solo release, Astral Weeks, is an early enigmatic “returning”, strongly characterised by an idealistic sense of belonging. When he sings of being “caught one more time up on Cyprus Avenue” and “walking by the railroad with my Cherry Wine” hoping to “pass her on the station” with “rainbow ribbons in her hair”, his subject is truly enigmatic. This idealism continues on the next release, Moondance, where “half a mile from the county fair” the “rain came pouring down” as he describes a fishing trip. A simple story, garnished with the indelible childhood dressings that sustain us through our lives, Morrison is adroit with his own memories.
Van Morrison attended Orangefield Secondary Boys’ School when it opened in 1959, in the grounds of an old ascendancy estate “On the way back home we sang a song but our throats were gettin’ dry. Then we saw a man from across the road with the sunshine in his eye. Well he lived all alone in his own little home.” Morrison’s musical influences were forged by his father’s love of R&B, soul, blues and jazz and his mother’s love of gospel. The fusion of these influences made him into a unique musician in the 1970s when he lived in America. Listening to his 1991 album Hymns To The Silence is a trip into a nostalgic haze, into a mist of subjective remembering. A haunting, spiritual collection of hymns, ballads and songs, the album is both an affirmation and a celebration of idealised childhood. Rarely has any musician-poet described the place of their upbringing with such sublime poignancy and virtual imagination even if, in Morrison’s memory, his Belfast existed before the innocence he sings about was lost for many people. Those who know the places Morrison sings about – Bloomfield and Orangefield in east Belfast – would find it recognisable yet eerily different
5 The walkway at North Road Bridge between Bloomfield and Orangefield
listening to his lyrics, a place seemingly incongruent to the reality of their time and their imagination. To an extent that is true, for Morrison’s Belfast, his homeland, his birthplace, “is always being now” where the sense of place and the sense of identity are not only pervasive but rooted in an ideal of community – albeit a personal one. He is at his most poignant when he sings of a sense of place. “Hyndford Street, Abetta Parade, Orangefield, St Donard’s Church. Sunday six-bells, and in between the silence there was conversation and laughter, and music and singing and shivers up the back of the neck.” Listening to these lyrics, it would be easy to reject them as revisionist snapshots if you did not know how Morrison interprets the world. This is how he saw the place of his childhood. It was an idealised place for him and we now know this, whether we question him or not about his motives for sharing them with us through his musicial art. When he agreed to perform two gigs in his old school in August 2014, those motives suddenly became clearer. Morrison attended Orangefield Secondary Boys’ School when it opened in 1959, in the grounds of an old ascendancy estate. Thirty years later, he included a song called Orangefield on Avalon Sunset. “On a gold autumn day,” he sang, “you came my way in Orangefield.
Saw you standing by the riverside in Orangefield. How I love you then in Orangefield. Like I love you now in Orangefield.” The simple meaning is there in the song, like it is in most of his music. The reality of that simplicity, however, is mind-blowing. Morrison walked home to Hyndford Street via Orangefield Park over the meandering Knock River, a pleasant route many Orangefield students took in the days when innocence was a poetic expression, and youthful love consumed youthful minds. After Morrison went out into the world, Orangefield school became an educational disaster zone. It was supposed to be something very different, a cross-community educational initiative designed to bring the best out of the children of mixed working parents. Morrison was lucky. He left innocent and ambitious, knowing what he wanted out of life. Others, who followed him several years later, were not so lucky. John Malone, Orangefield’s iconic headmaster, took greater pleasure in having his boys “disciplined”
Orangefield’s headmaster is reported to have said that Morrison was a ‘surly boy’ and imposing his peculiar religious beliefs, than making sure they got the education they deserved. The curriculum at Orangefield was ruthlessly “colonial” despite promises that it would be “pioneering” and integrationist. Instead of Joyce and Lewis, it was Hardy and Shakespeare. Instead of Clontarf, it was Waterloo. Instead of Newgrange, it was Stonehenge. Instead of the Giant’s Causeway, it was some geological feature that held no stories across the Irish Sea. Instead of artistic expression, it was anodyne elaboration. It was totally unsuited to the children it was supposed to serve. The majority who desperately needed good education scorned it. The minority, who craved smart learning, realised they had gone to the wrong school.
When a young supply teacher tried to introduce classes on Irish history, the resident thugs warned that “something’s gonna be done about this Fenian sheight”. Malone’s authoritarian methods backfired. The teachers realised the consequences of their chastisement would be up-front and personal. Red-faced “tartan” teens, hardened by the night violence of their fathers, uncles and older siblings, attacked teachers for fun during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Anyone stupid enough to voice socialist republican principles also got beaten up, repeatedly. The philosophy of the school’s hierarchy was baffling. If the governors had read any of the
March / Márta 2015
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5 The Belfast poet was at Orangefield school at the beginning and the end
5 Morrison walked through Orangefield Park on his way to and from school
5 Knock River is featured in the song 'Orangefield'
5 Van Morrison returns to Cyprus Avenue this August
classroom windows and dreamed, it became a dark nightmare, and never reawakened. In April 2011, a review of schools showed that Orangefield students performed badly. “In almost all of the areas inspected, the quality of education provided by this school is inadequate. The inspection has identified significant areas for improvement in leadership and management, standards and learning and teaching, which need to be addressed urgently if the school is to meet effectively the needs of all of the pupils.” In December 2012, a recommendation was made to close the school. In October 2013, Gavin
The curriculum at Orangefield was ruthlessly ‘colonial’ despite promises that it would be ‘pioneering’ and integrationist words of the 19th century poet Charles Baudelaire, they never applied them to Orangefield’s young minds. “Genius is childhood recaptured,” he stressed. “A fresh child’s mind can be maintained throughout life.” But only if it is given a chance. Instead, Orangefield crushed curiosity, experimentation, humour, imaginativeness, playfulness, open-mindedness and most of all innocence. In its heyday the school taught isolation. The amalgamation of the boys and girls schools to form Orangefield High in 1990 did not alleviate the problems, which were rotten to the core. For a school that had promised so much during Van Morrison’s days, when he stared out the
Boyd of the Belfast Education & Library Board explained that the school “had lost the confidence of the community that it was in place to serve”. In January 2014, Education Minister John O’Dowd made the announcement. “With only 92 pupils remaining in Orangefield High School, it has declined to such an extent that it is no longer feasible to delay its closure.” This decision came 45 years too late. Originally rolling sand hills under the ridge of a valley that stretches towards the mountains to the south-east, banker John Holmes Houston established the estate he named Orangefield in the 1790s, administering his role as County High Sheriff from its big house.
5 "Coming back to Hyndford Street feeling wondrous"
His aristocratic son-in-law, Richard Bayly Blakiston, expanded Orangefield to 300 acres and added Houston to the family name. His son, John Blakiston-Houston, took charge of Orangefield from 1857. The family of the grandson, John Matthew, were the last of the Blakiston-Houstons to roam its fields. A portion of the estate was offered in 1934 to Belfast Corporation by the Blakiston-Houston Estate Company, with a stipulation that it was developed into a public park. The Corporation baulked at the asking price. After four years of wrangling, a sum of £20,000 was agreed. By the end of the 1940s, when pressure on land on the Antrim side of Belfast forced the Corporation to build halfway up Black Mountain, the Blakison-Houston family agreed to sell the remainder of the estate. By 1960, all their Orangefield land had been sold. A shiny new school stood at the centre of the luscious green fields of the old estate, surrounded by the public houses, flats and high rise of Clarawood estate and the private houses of Orangefield estate, which were developed by the Blakiston-Houston family company. Parents in Clarawood said they hoped a new school would be built, and produce better results. The majority of Clarawood children who attended Orangefield down the years left without qualifications. Opinion was extremely divided among former students about their days in Orangefield. It was either hate or love. “It had to close,” one said. “It was run down and had a very bad reputation.” John Malone is reported to have said that Morrison was a “surly boy”. If that is true then there
is a wonderful irony here. Orangefield school will forever be remembered for Morrison’s final personal gesture (available online), not Malone’s flawed educational experiment. All it achieved was a generation of sectarian thugs and several generations of educational failure.
Red-faced ‘tartan’ teens, hardened by the night violence of their fathers, uncles and older siblings, attacked teachers for fun. Anyone stupid enough to voice socialist republican principles also got beaten up, repeatedly It is a shame some innocent children had to endure that prejudice, stupidity and violence in the first place. And to not have had an education. Morrison is back on Cyprus Avenue this August for another “personal” performance, more healing and living in the moment. “I’ve got to go back my friend,” he sings on Got to Go Back from the No Guru, No Method, No Teacher release by his own company Exile Productions. “Is there really any need to ask why?” Expect to see the ghost of the one and only Madame George “click, clacking of the high-heeled shoe” among the throng. Always now! The author attended Orangefield school in the 1960s.
24 March / Márta 2015
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www.guengl.eu Ukraine ceasefire deal welcomed
Funded by the European United Left/ Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) Aontas Clé na hEorpa/Na Glasaigh Chlé Nordacha Crúpa Paliminta – Parlaimimt na h Eorpa
Don’t forget about Gaza
GUE/NGL MEPs with shipments of humanitarian supplies to be sent to Gaza Gabi Zimmer MEP
Window of opportunity to address conflict GUE/NGL President Gabi Zimmer says the Ukraine ceasefire agreement is both a unique opportunity and there is a duty on the parties involved to find a peaceful political solution”. “All parties to the agreement must first ensure that heavy weapons are removed from the region and that people are immediately supplied with urgent humanitarian assistance. “All parties have a duty to implement the agreed steps quickly and consistently. The leaders who were involved in the successful negotiations on the agreement in Minsk have a direct responsibility for continuing the peace process; the now adopted supervisory mechanism is an important common step towards this goal.” MEP Helmut Scholz, GUE/NGL rapporteur on Ukraine, added: “I hope that the agreement to both recognise the territorial integrity of Ukraine and to reject any form of military conflict resolution will be understood from all sides as an opportunity. This deeply divided country must finally develop ways to address its serious social and economic problems. “The war and its accompanying rhetoric of recent months have dominated public discourse. This means that important debates on the country’s social division, the unbroken power of corrupt oligarchic clans, and people’s desire to live autonomously in all regions of the country have been sidelined. “For Ukraine there will now hopefully be a window of opportunity to develop co-operative and rational relations with all neighbours. The economic insanity of cutting off traditional economic relations should be stopped quickly.”
International funding shortfall that UNRWA needs to help Palestinian refugees
A SERIOUS SHORTAGE of funding getting through to UNRWA is blocking the agency’s ability to provide essential relief and assistance to Palestinian refugees in Gaza, GUE/NGL says. 2,300 people were killed, 10,600 wounded and some 96,000 homes destroyed in Israel’s onslaught against the beleaguered coastal territory in 2014. Describing the shortfall as a “disgrace for the international community”, GUE/NGL Chairperson of the Delegation for Relations with the Palestinian Legislative Council, Irish MEP Martina Anderson, said: “$720million of assistance is needed. So far, UNRWA has received $135million, leaving a
shortfall of $585million. What happened to the $5.4billion dollars that was pledged in Cairo? “In the overpopulated open prison of Gaza, people are sleeping among the rubble. Some children are dying of hypothermia as a result of inadequate winter shelter. “When Palestinians are silenced they are forgotten by many but thankfully not by UNRWA whose 12,500 staff work tirelessly on all our behalves. Let’s give them the funding they need to help the Palestinian refugees.” Cypriot MEP Neoklis Sylikiotis called for the international community not to forget Palestine: “We demand that Gaza stops being
colonised. We must end the Gaza blockade and the occupation. The international community must recognise Palestine and welcome the International Criminal Court Palestine application that would end Israel’s impunity.” French MEP Patrick Le Hyaric added: “On top of all the problems the Palestinian people, and particularly those in Gaza, are suffering from, namely, the blockade, displaced refugees, and murderous attacks from the Israeli Army which destroy houses and infrastructure and wound thousands of people. Now the international structure which goes some way to helping them is financially unable to do so.”
EU backs country of origin meat labelling Two years after horsemeat scandal, still no mandatory laws THE EU Parliament has backed plans that will force food producers to identify the origin of meat used in processed foods. Irish MEP Lynn Boylan, shadow rapporteur on the issue for GUE/NGL, said: “It’s nearly two years since the horsemeat scandal, the biggest food fraud of the 21st century, and we still don’t have legislation on mandatory origin labelling for all meat, including meat as an ingredient. “This scandal exposed the lengthy, complex, and often very murky extremes of food chains in Europe. The fact that some of the biggest supermarkets were able to just apologise and claim they didn’t know where the meat came
Lynn Boylan MEP
from is astounding. While this scandal was caused by criminal activity, it underlined the extremely poor levels of traceability in the food chain for consumers to know where their food is coming from. Ninety per cent of consumers want to know the origin of their meat, both fresh and processed. This is a demand that predates the horsemeat scandal and it still goes unfulfilled.” Opponents of mandatory labelling have claimed that such a system will increase food costs which will be passed on to consumers. In reply, Lynn Boylan said: “The Commission repeats the corporate food industry’s claims that mandatory labelling would mean a production cost increase of up to 50%, yet consumer groups have shown the opposite to be true. Let us not forget that when the Commission was introducing country of origin labelling for unprocessed meat we heard these same arguments.”
March / Márta 2015
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Another Europe is possible Treo eile don Eoraip
GUE/NGL says: ‘Hands off our right to strike’ Employer groups at the ILO claim the right to strike has no legal basis
Liadh Ní Riada
ORGANISED by the International Trade Union Congress (ITUC) in response to attacks on the right to strike from employer groups at the International Labour Organisation (ILO), the ‘Global Day of Action’ on 18 February was “a chance to raise our voices and defend the right to strike as a fundamental democratic right, in the EU, across Europe and worldwide”, GUE/NGL said. The creation of the ILO, a tripartite sub-organisation of the United Nations, was a milestone in the struggle for workers’ rights and it went a long way to protect those fighting for better working conditions from routine imprisonment, torture, and killings. The right to strike was enshrined in one of the ILO’s most important conventions, No 87 the Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise, which dates back to 1948 and entered into force in 1950. But now employer groups at the ILO claim this right has no legal basis, a move wholeheartedly condemned by GUE/NGL as a provocative attempt to destroy the right to strike. While Commissioner Marianne Thyssen has pointed out that the right to strike is recognised as a fundamental right in the European Union, the reality is that EU austerity policies strive to undermine this right. And the right to strike is under attack outside the EU too. For example, the Turkish Government recently banned outright a strike called by 15,000 workers from 42 companies. These outrageous attacks against fundamental rights must end.
Matt Carthy
Martina Anderson FOR FURTHER INFORMATION GO TO: http://www.ituc-csi.org/18feb
Search and rescue programme needed in Mediterranean, not border police
Lynn Boylan
Italian rescue programme credited with saving thousands of lives is wound down
GUE/NGL has hit out at the increase of funding for the EU’s Frontex border agency’s ‘Triton’ programme rather than the strengthening of search and rescue missions to save refugees in danger of drowning in the Mediterranean. The comments came after Italy’s Mare Nostrum rescue programme, credited with saving thousands of lives, was wound down. 2014 saw record number of deaths in the Mediterranean (estimated at more than 3,000 people) as huge numbers of refugees fled conflicts and war in the Middle East and north Africa. In one week alone in February this year it is estimated
up to 300 people escaping war-torn Libya died attempting to reach Italy. Swedish MEP Malin Björk said: “European migration and refugee policy is a catastrophe and the situation is at its worst since the end of World War Two. We are talking about more resources for Frontex rather than providing safe routes. The deaths in the Mediterranean are being used to justify more resources for Frontex and this is not acceptable. Frontex will never save lives, it is a border police.” Italy’s Barbara Spinelli MEP said she deplored the deaths in the Mediterranean and the failed role of Frontex and Triton:
“The facts are self-evident. The closure of Italy’s sea-rescue Mare Nostrum programme is giving rise to humanitarian disasters. Frontex, which was supposed to solve the whole problem, as well as Triton, are a real failure. That’s why Frontex shouldn’t be getting more resources.” Spain’s Tania González Peñas MEP accused the EU of attempting to build a “Fortress Europe where migration policy is simply part of an alleged security policy, restricting visas, building deadly fences and walls, border controls, forced returns and sub-contracting migratory flows to non-democratic countries which are systematically violating human rights.”
Malin Björk MEP
are MEPs and members of the GUE/NGL Group in the European Parliament
26 March / Márta 2015
www.anphoblacht.com
Maximum fiscal devolution as a path to a progressive North and a progressive Ireland
Put our
money in our hands
BY CONOR MURPHY MP
E
CONOMIC, SOCIAL AND FISCAL POLICIES are interdependent, and altering one inevitably has a knock-on effect on the others.
Similarly, powers over taxation, borrowing for investment and public spending cannot be considered as separate issues. It is a government’s responsibility to take a holistic approach to policy-making, and the Northern Executive and Assembly must be enabled to do this or it cannot take a significantly different policy direction to that of Britain to build an indigenous fiscal regime or harmonise the island economy. It is Sinn Féin’s position that all the people of Ireland would be better served within an integrated economy for the island of Ireland. We believe that a unified Ireland economy would best serve the economic and social needs of all the people of Ireland. Sinn Féin also recognises that if we are to build a stronger island economy then the economy in the North must also be fit for purpose. Securing additional fiscal and economic decision-making is central to this, particularly within the context of severe poverty in the North and the absence of access to the financial levers to combat this. Without comprehensive extra powers, the North’s policy-making will remain ‘pegged’ to that of Westminster. This is why multiple (not isolated) extra powers are needed. Sinn Féin believes that aim of the devolution of further powers should be to enable the North of Ireland to adopt the progressive policies needed to improve economic prosperity, equality and human well-being. An essential part of this is to further incentivise progressive policy-making. Take, for example, housing. Housing policy is devolved but the policy decisions associated with housing benefits fall under direction of Westminster and so they are not. Therefore, the Northern Executive could introduce rent controls on private landlords and it could invest heavily in social housing but it would not currently see the financial reward in the form of lower housing benefit costs, in that savings at this level would be made only to the British Exchequer. Here, we are missing a direct financial incentive for progressive housing policies in the North. Or take the investment in the social and economic infrastructure that the North and indeed the island needs. Sinn Féin believes that public investment should be directed towards societal goals, for instance creating higher-wage jobs and more innovative and environmentally-responsible industries. The Northern Assembly has some some limited borrowing powers for capital spending but, even if
5 Sinn Féin's Conor Murphy MP, Craigavon Deputy Mayor Catherine Seeley and Senator David Cullinane discuss 'Choices for 2015' at Westminster
it were to use these to best effect, we do not receive the full corresponding return in increased income tax, National Insurance and Corporation Tax which is generated by investing in infrastruture. Clearly, we are missing certain incentives for the Northern Executive and Assembly to adopt a progressive industrial policy and invest in better jobs. Universities offer another illustration. Increased investment in research and development along with tailored support for entrepreneurship could lead to an increase in innovative small – and medium-sized enterprises (important to creating high-skilled jobs, reversing the ‘brain-drain’ and boosting the economy) but again, the Northern Executive and the people of the North do receive the full return on its investment through increased income tax, National Insurance or Corporation Tax revenue.
All the people of Ireland would be better served within an integrated economy for the island of Ireland
This status quo means progressive policies, especially those aimed at job creation, can improve the lives of people in the North but not the capacity of the local administration to deliver public services and provide for all citizens. Comprehensive devolution of inter-related powers would provide important incentives to and ensure that we reap the full return from progressive and forward-thinking economic policies. We advocate maximum possible devolution of policy-making power over taxation. As a priority, this should include the main revenue streams of income tax, National Insurance, Corporation Tax and VAT as well as inheritance tax. This would provide the policy space needed to comprehensively rethink the North’s tax system – simplifying it, making it fairer, and using taxation in conjunction with other powers to achieve
5 SYRIZA member Stathis Kouvelakis told of a special bond between Ireland and Greece in their struggles for social and economic emancipation
March / Márta 2015
www.anphoblacht.com
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Comprehensive devolution of inter-related powers to the North’s Executive and Assembly would ensure that we reap the full return from progressive and forward-thinking economic policies
5 Assembly and Executive should have powers for when and how to borrow and invest
I
5 Fiscal devolution would allow the North to take a significantly different economic approach
5 Westminster has mismanaged the economy and overly relied on the City of London
5 British Chancellor of the Exchequer George Osborne
societal goals. This would also facilitate island-wide harmonisation. Powers to set income tax rates should include the capacity to set thresholds and bands, and flexibly move rates for certain bands.
Sinn Féin believes in a system which provides real Social Security for all as the basis for human well-being, equal opportunity and economic prosperity. Looking at the bigger picture for poverty reduction, we also propose taking active policy measures to create more jobs and develop a higher-wage economy. With a combination of real Social Security, more jobs and higher wages, many of the complex tax-credit systems which are currently used to alleviate in-work poverty would no longer be necessary. We therefore advocate comprehensive devolution in this area,including:» Child and working tax credits » Disability living allowance and attendance allowance » Income support » Incapacity benefit » Jobseeker’s allowance » Pensions
T
HE administration of Social Security spending is currently devolved but the policy is centralised. Sinn Féin believes that there is an urgent need for the Northern Executive and Assembly to assume responsibility for this area in order to move away from the current British approach to welfare, which we view as both degrading and unnecessarily complex. Excessive amounts of money are spent on administering and monitoring the system rather than on the people who need support.
It is essential that the Northern Executive has full powers to borrow and invest
T IS ESSENTIAL that the Northern Executive has full authority to borrow in order to invest for the long-term. Investment as part of an industrial strategy (and emphatically not austerity) is needed to grow the local and island economy out of the downturn and build a high-pay economy. Cutting spending is not the only, or even the most effective, way of reducing public sector debt. George Osborne has shown that it is possible to simultaneously cut back drastically on spending while increasing British national debt. On the other hand, by increasing spending and investment in the right areas (those able to produce a return in human productivity, business growth and job creation and associated revenue) the fiscal gap in the North can be reduced. Sinn Féin believes that the Northern Executive and Assembly should be given responsibility for deciding when and how it is prudent to borrow in order to invest, with regard to both current spending and capital projects.
T
HE ABILITY TO collect taxes is crucial.
Progressive policies are likely to increase revenue and decrease spending on benefits and Social Security. The strong fiscal position of Nordic countries is evidence of this: a high-pay, high-investment economic model will expand the tax base and reduce the amount of money the state pays to cover the cost of low incomes and unemployment. The Northern Executive and Assembly must be able to reap the rewards of a progressive policy agenda as an incentive to take this course of action. The mismanagement of the local economy by Westminster over the past 30 years with its over-reliance on the City of London presents substantial risks to future economic stability of the North. Sinn Féin therefore advocates devolution of full revenue-raising powers and collection powers.
28 March / Márta 2015
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FÓGRAÍ BHÁIS
Nuala Fleming, Derry City DERRY LOST a true Republican activist when Nuala Fleming passed away in December after a brave fight against cancer. Her graveside oration was delivered by her comrade and friend Rose McCartney. Nuala was born in 1948 and during the 1950s and 1960s she saw how the discrimination of the Orange state impacted upon the city. Nuala’s everyday experience forged a great understanding of how poverty, unemployment and discrimination impacted on the entire community. Nuala worked in the many factories in the City’s so it came as no surprise that she joined and promoted the union to work hard for workers’ rights. As a shop steward she provided
leadership in the many battles with the factory owners and attended Civil Rights marches in the fight for rights as citizens. Rose McCartney said: “She joined Cumann na mBan in 1972 and it was then I first got to know Nuala and forged a friendship that lasted over 40 years. “Nuala was an IRA Volunteer and was well aware of the demands made of a Volunteer. In the 1970s and 1980s she was to the fore of the prison campaign against criminalisation, organising protests from the factory floor to the Guildhall Square.” As a Sinn Féin activist in the Eamonn Lafferty Cumann she engaged in campaigning, elections, representing people, and political discussion with a determined attitude that lead to
the electoral growth of Sinn Féin in Creggan, and Derry. Despite her illness she attended the unveiling of the mural to celebrate 100 years of Cumann na mBan and women’s contribution to struggle. Unfortunately, Nuala was not well enough to attend the Commemoration Dinner Dance where she was recognised for her contribution to struggle. We remember and reflect on the loss of a sister, republican, Óglach, trade unionist, activist and friend. We cherish your strength, dignity, loyalty and integrity that you brought to every aspect of your life. To Molly, Hugh, Róisín, Mary Lou, Dominic and Immelda, is extended our deepest sympathy as you mourn the loss of a kind and loving sister.
Nancy McAuley, Cavan and Antrim THERE was a great sadness from Cavan to north Antrim as Nancy McAuley passed away on 28 November. Originally from County Cavan, Nancy made her home and raised her family in Loughgiel, County Antrim. A lifelong republican, Nancy is still remembered fondly by the big kids of the parish for her curries, apple crumble and custard and other delights while she was the chef at the local St Patrick’s Primary School. Among the mourners at Nancy’s farewell were members of the local Sinn Féin cumann and the North Antrim Comhairle Ceantair. Along with her family, they gave her a very solemn tribute before she was moved to St Patrick’s Chapel, Loughgiel, for her funeral. As the tribute was given, a copy of An Phoblacht from below her pillow that she hadn’t finished reading before she died was rested in with her along with her national flag and an Easter Lily. No matter how ill Nancy became, she always insisted on doing as much as she possibly could for her local Sinn Féin cumann. She canvassed both locally and nationally, attended fundraisers and Ardfheiseanna, was an avid reader of An Phoblacht, and will be ever-remembered for always volunteering to sit in polling stations from dawn till dusk. For her efforts during his campaign last year, the newly-elected councillor from Loughgiel gave her an Ash Sliotar Clock, handcrafted locally by Scullion Hurls. The local cumann were humbled and touched to discover that her family, knowing how proud she was of it, included the clock in the Gifts of the Offertory Procession. Nancy was fiercely proud of her parish and a devoted supporter of
Marty Crudden, Fermanagh
the local hurling club, the Loughgiel Shamrocks GAC. She was terribly disappointed that in 2012 when Loughgiel reached the All-Ireland Senior Club Final that she was not well enough to attend Croke Park on St Patrick’s Day. True to his word, Loughgiel full-forward Liam Watson brought the Tommy Moore Cup
to Nancy’s home. The photo taken took pride of place in her living room. Nancy will be sadly missed by all, particularly by her husband P. J., daughter Anne-Marie, and son Michael. Our heartfelt sympathy to them and all her family, comrades and friends.
BORN on 4 November, 1922, Martin Joseph Crudden, or Marty as he was known to his friends, was a lifelong republican. He lived the entirety of his life along the Cavan/ Fermanagh border in the townland of Drumherrif near the village of Kinawley, County Fermanagh. Conscious from an early age that partition and the imposition of the Orange State were a serious injustice, Marty saw firsthand how partition divided his own historic parish of Kinawley, with Swanlinbar now in the 26 Counties and Kinawley in the North. For men like Marty this wasn’t an acceptable arrangement at all. He would meet his wife Annie and together they would rear a family of seven. Marty became involved in the Civil Rights movement and while he was dedicated heart and soul to the causes of Civil Rights and Irish republicanism it was never at the expense of family life. Developing a strong friendship with fellow Fermanagh activist Tom Flatly, Marty worked hard for the cause and comrades alike. The tragic accidental death of Tom Flatly came as
a serious blow to Marty as it was to the broader Movement. Continuing the balancing act of being the best activist and father that he could be, Marty joined the local H-Blocks committee. It was men and women like Marty who laid the groundwork for the elections of Bobby Sands and Owen Carron upon Bobby’s death. Marty continued to support the Republican Movement and the advancement of the people’s rights through many further years of activism. He was a familiar face outside the chapel in Kinawley, 20 yards from an RUC/British Army base, selling An Phoblacht. He was a regular attendee at Bodenstown and organised bus trips from his beloved Kinawley. Later in life, Marty saw the value of and supported the Peace Process. As long as his health permitted, this proud republican would be at his local Easter commemoration. Marty is sadly missed but forever remembered as dedicated republican and a stalwart of republicanism in Fermanagh.
March / Márta 2015
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I nDíl Chuimhne
All notices and obituaries should be sent to notices@anphoblacht.com by Friday 13 March 2015
1 March 1983: Volunteer Eddie DYNES, North Armagh Brigade. 3 March 1991: Volunteer Malcolm NUGENT, Volunteer Dwayne O’DONNELL, Volunteer John QUINN, Volunteer Noel WILKINSON, Tyrone Brigade. 4 March 1972: Volunteer Albert KAVANAGH, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion. 6 March 1988: Volunteer Mairéad FARRELL; Volunteer Dan McCANN; Volunteer Seán SAVAGE, GHQ Staff. 7 March 1990: Sam MARSHALL, Sinn Féin. 8 March 1971: Volunteer Charles HUGHES, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion. 9 March 1972: Volunteer Gerard CROSSAN, Volunteer Tony LEWIS, Volunteer Seán JOHNSTON, Volunteer Tom McCANN, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion. 12 March 2003: Volunteer Keith ROGERS, South Armagh Brigade. 14 March 1972: Volunteer Colm KEENAN; Volunteer Eugene McGILLAN, Derry Brigade. 14 March 1988: Volunteer Kevin McCRACKEN, Belfast Brigade, 1st Battalion. 15 March 1974: Volunteer Patrick
McDONALD, Volunteer Kevin MURRAY, Tyrone Brigade. 16 March 1988: Volunteer Caoimhín Mac BRÁDAIGH, Belfast Brigade, 1st Battalion. 17 March 1975: Volunteer Tom SMITH, Portlaoise Prison. 22 March 1987: Volunteer Gerard LOGUE, Derry Brigade. 23 March 1972: Fian Seán O’RIORDAN, Fianna Éireann. 23 March 1975: Fian Robert ALLSOPP, Fianna Éireann. 23 March 1993: Peter GALLAGHER, Sinn Féin. 25 March 1972: Volunteer Patrick CAMPBELL, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion. 25 March 1993: Volunteer James KELLY, Derry Brigade. 27 March 1973: Volunteer Patrick McCABE, Belfast Brigade, 3rd Battalion. Always remembered by the Republican Movement. FARRELL Mairéad, McCANN Dan, SAVAGE Seán. In proud and loving memory of Volunteers Mairéad Farrell, Dan McCann and Seán Savage who were murdered in Gibraltar on 6 March 1988. Always
Comhbhrón McGARVEY, Patsy (Castlederg). Deepest sympathy to the family, friends and comrades of ‘Big
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Patsy’. Fondly remembered by his friends in Dublin’s north inner city.
Life springs from death and from the graves of patriot men and women spring living nations Pádraig Pearse
remembered by Mary and clan. FARRELL Mairéad. Murdered by the British state on 6 March 1988. “Everyone tells me I’m a feminist. All I know is that I’m just as good as others, and that especially means men. I am definitely a socialist and I’m definitely a republican. I believe in a united socialist country, definitely socialist. Capitalism can offer our people nothing and yet that’s the main interest of the British in Ireland.I am oppressed as a woman, and I’m also oppressed as an Irish person. Everyone in this country is oppressed and yet we can only end our oppression as women if we end the oppression of our nation as a whole. But I don’t think that that alone is enough. This isn’t the first time that women have been seen as secondary but women today have been through so much that they won’t just let things be. I hope I’m still alive when
the British are driven out. Then the struggle begins anew.” Your words have lost none of their relevance. I salute you, Mairéad. Always remembered by Jenny (Farrell). FARRELL, Mairéad. In memory of our comrade Mairéad, murdered by the British state on 6 March 1988. “Our dearest possession is life. It is given to us but once, and we must live it so as to feel no torturing regrets for wasted years, never know the burning shame of a mean and petty past; so live that, dying, we might say: all my life, all my strength were given to the finest cause in all the world – the fight for the liberation of humanity” - Nikolai Ostrovsky. Always remembered by Cumann Mulvoy Campbell Sinn Féin, Galway City East. HUGHES, Mary. In proud and loving memory of Sinn Féin activist Mary Hughes, who died on 27 February 1999. Always remembered by Mary and clan. McNEILL. Bob (London and Toome). Always remembered by his family, friends and comrades in West London Republican Support Group, Hammersmith, London. O’BRIEN, Edward. In proud and
» Notices All notices should be sent to: notices@ anphoblacht.com at least 14 days in advance of publication date. There is no charge for I nDíl Chuimhne, Comhbhrón etc.
loving memory of our son and brother Ed, who died on active service in London on 18 February 1996. Lovingly remembered by parents Miley and Margo, and sister and brother Lorraine and Gary. O’BRIEN, Edward. In proud and loving memory of Ed O’Brien, who was killed on active service in London on 18 February 1996. Always remembered by Ann. O’BRIEN, Edward. In proud and loving memory of Volunteer Ed O’Brien, who died on active service in London on 18 February 1996. Always remembered by Tony Duncan. O’BRIEN, Edward. In proud and loving memory of our friend and comrade, Volunteer Ed O’Brien, who died on active service in London on 18 February 1996. “There is no easy walk to freedom anywhere.” Never forgotten by the Volunteer Ed O’Brien Sinn Féin Cumann, Gorey, north Wexford. O’BRIEN, Edward. Remembering Volunteer Ed O’Brien, Óglaigh na hÉireann, who died on active service in London on 18 February 1996. Stephen & Agnes McCann, County Tyrone.
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IMEACHTAÍ | EVENTS DUBLIN
TOM SMITH COMMEMORATION (40th ANNIVERSARY)
Tuesday 17 March – Assemble 2:30pm at Berkeley Road Church, Dublin 7, parade to Glasnevin Cemetery. _____ Speakers: Dessie Ellis and Nicky Kehoe.
MEATH
‘Cork Kevin’ O’Leary laid to rest THE FUNERAL of Cork-born republican activist ‘Cork Kevin’ O’Leary took place in west Belfast on Friday 16 January. Kevin died suddenly on Sunday 11 January. Kevin was a member of the Greater Andersonstown Safer Neighbourhood Project (GASNP)
and members of the group acting as guard of honour escorted his Tricolour-draped coffin from his home on the Glen Road. Among those attending the funeral were West Belfast MP Paul Maskey, MLAs Alex Maskey and Rosie McCorley, Cúige Úladh Chair
Bobby Storey as well as a number of local councillors. Members of the Mairéad Farrell Republican Youth Committee attended in a show of solidarity with Kevin’s family as his sons Seamus and Darren are members of the committee as well as being
involved in the GASNP. Kevin’s brother, Chris, a Sinn Féin councillor in Cork, addressed mourners after the Requiem Mass in St Matthias’s church and thanked the many people who helped the family through the difficult week they had.
SINN FÉIN 10th ANNUAL DINNER DANCE
8pm Friday 20 March – Headfort Arms Hotel, Kells, Co Meath _____ Honorees: Jimmy Lynch (Kentstown) and Seamus O’Kane (Skreen) _____ Music by Martin McGuinness. Táille €30
30 March / Márta 2015
BETWEEN THE POSTS
www.anphoblacht.com
BY CIARÁN KEARNEY
THE GENERATION GAME
5 The O'Donovan Rossa club in the changing room at Croke Park; Joe McKelvey, one of the four martyrs executed by the Free State government in December 1922 ; and a guard of honour in Milltown, January 2013
HEADSTONES in Milltown Cemetery have been witness to many strange happenings over the decades. It must be one of the few graveyards in Ireland where people have entered alive only to meet violent death. On the Monday morning after Valentine’s weekend 2015, a less gruesome but significant event occurred unseen by passersby. Several hurlers from the O’Donovan Rossa club in Belfast made a visit that morning to Milltown. They went to pay their respects to past club members and teammates. There was no fanfare; no spectacle. The spy cameras which used to survey the graveyard have long since disappeared, just like the
The Rossa players made their way from one grave to another with the all-Ireland trophy which they triumphantly carried home from Dublin the previous night British Army/RUC installation which they used to adorn. So, quietly, the Rossa players made their way from one grave to another with the trophy which they triumphantly carried home from Dublin the previous night: the All-Ireland Intermediate Club Hurling title. As the club name suggests, O’Donovan Rossa CLG is steeped in the heritage and history of the Irish nation. Dedicated to the memory of Irish revolutionary Jeremiah O Donovan Rossa, the Belfast Gaelic club was established in 1916. One of the club founders was Joe McKelvey, himself an IRA Volunteer and one of the commanders in the occupation of the Four Courts during the Civil War. Belfast native McKelvey was later captured and killed by Free State forces. Emblazoned on the club crest is the historic battlecry “Crom Abú”. At its inception, membership of the club was originally restricted to members of the
Irish Volunteers. Hostility visited upon members of O’Donovan Rossa in Belfast in the early days of its existence is difficult to accurately recount. Books such as Michael McLaverty’s Call My Brother Back give some hint of the menacing atmosphere in a city coming to terms with the violence of partition. It stands to recall this and the more recent history of conflict before returning to the club’s new chapter. That new chapter was written by a team of hurlers many of whom were born after the 1994 cessation. Several
IN PICTURES
were schooled at Bunscoil Phobail Feirste, Belfast’s first Irish-medium school founded and fostered by the Gaels of the district within sight of Rossa’s pitch. Team mentors and management included people who faced the worst of the political conflict. No one knows more than this band of people how difficult it was to build a team of all-Ireland champions. Years of planning; months of training; hundreds of hours of practice. And, in the final analysis, chance and fortune can still intervene against such sustained endeavour.
Last autumn, whilst playing club hurling at a younger age group, one of the team’s most prodigious scoring talents was cut down in a foul tackle. After collapsing on the pitch that day and being taken to hospital, his family learned he had sustained serious internal wounds and required surgery. Now he was back in competitive hurling and playing in an all-Ireland final. Another young player on the team went to Dublin on mid-term break from school. Six days before the match in Croke Park he was involved in a
car crash. Two days later, still recovering from the road traffic collision, he was involved in another accident. Come the time for the match itself, he was ready to perform. Whilst others had their own personal focus for the occasion, this young player had a simple word written across the inside of his left forearm: “Alive”. For that was the essence of this day for him. Had fate taken another twist, he might not even have joined his teammates on the coach. This resilient spirit won the day over opponents from London comprised of hurlers from Kilkenny, Tipperary and
One of the O’Donovan Rossa founders was Joe McKelvey, himself an IRA Volunteer and of the commanders photos@anphoblacht.com one in the occupation of the Four Courts during the Civil War
5 Martin McGuinness says he has 'immense pride' in AP McCoy after the jockey announced he is retiring after 25 years
Galway. In fact, the London side Kilburn Gaels scored two stunning goals in the second half. It might have been easy to lose heart or composure at that point but that didn’t happen. The young team performed as a strong unit. Before leaving the pitch at the end, I spoke to several players. Some had relations who had played in Croke Park previously and I reminded one: “You’re the third generation of Armstrongs to hurl here.” A post-cessation generation, unfettered by conflict, might shape their own resplendent sporting destiny. Rossa’s renewal has rekindled that hope. That Monday morning after the game, the winds around Milltown might easily have whispered the words of Seamus Heaney from Requiem for the Croppies: “The hills blushed soaked in our broken wave. They buried us without shroud or coffin. And in August . . . the barley grew up out of our grave.”
March / Márta 2015
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5 Sinn Féin activists on the streets of Belfast collecting signatures for the 'Acht na Gaeilge anois' campaign
Irish state reveals its contempt for Irish language rights BY EOIN Ó MURCHÚ THE SHEER CONTEMPT for the Irish language on the part of this Fine Gael/ Labour Government (and indeed at times an apparent blind hatred of it and its significance for a free Irish people) is becoming more and more apparent. Neither of the two ministers in the Department of the Gaeltacht who have primary responsibility for Irish language matters can actually speak the language. (Minister of State Joe McHugh – a decent man in many respects – has, however, taken a crash course in the language that gives him enough to read out a speech.) Even worse is the decision reported in the Irish Times by Harry McGee that Gaeltacht Minister Heather Humphreys has requested that the role of the language in the 1916 Rising, and the renaissance of the Irish people associated with it, should be downplayed and relegated to a minor position. And at the recent Stormont House talks, the Irish Government representatives made no effort whatsoever to support Sinn Féin’s call for immediate implementation of the commitment to a Language Act in the North as agreed years ago at the St Andrew’s talks. While Stormont Minister of Culture, Arts and Leisure Carál Ní Chuilín begins a consultation process on this Act, Dublin remains silent – indifferent and non-supportive. This hostile stance by the Government – even though Taoiseach Enda Kenny is himself an Irish-speaker who sent his children to Gaelscoileanna for their education – is no aberration but is reflected in the attitude of the state itself. Thus we see the names of state bodies changed to remove any association with the Irish language (as Bord Gáis for example becomes Gas Networks Ireland), while, at a more practical level, the Department of Education continues to resist the growing demand for Irish-medium education throughout the state.
5 Ministers in the Department of the Gaeltacht, Joe McHugh and Heather Humphreys
5 Sinn Féin Stormont Minister of Culture, Arts and Leisure Carál Ní Chuilín MLA
In the Dublin suburb of Clondalkin, for example, there are three Irish-language naíonraí or crèches which cater for 120 children. There are two Gaelscoileanna, with three classes between them, which can accommodate 90 children. This leaves 30 children whose parents want an Irish-medium education for their children unable to get one. Most interestingly, it is working-class communities – in Dublin, Cork, Galway, Limerick and in small towns through the state – that want Irish to be a central feature of their children’s lives and the so-called independent Irish state which opposes it. No wonder they don’t want the 1916 commemorations to mention Irish.
The Gaeltacht itself is shrinking by the day, with more and more families there turning to English to speak to their children. Why? Because they can see that the state is hostile to Irish and believe that their economic future lies in becoming like the rest of the country. The Twenty-Year Strategy for Irish (brought in by Éamon Ó Cuív, Bertie Ahern and Brian Cowen) is openly ignored while the Government gets on with the job of making this ‘a great little country’ for bankers to do their business in, for Shell to seize our gas assets in, for German banks to be paid by Irish workers deprived of jobs and prospects. The question is what are Irish speakers going to do about this! Of all the Dáil parties, Sinn Féin is alone in making the Irish language a central issue, but the demands for Irish language rights – including the right of EVERY Irish child to have an Irish-medium education – are demands that should be put to all parties and Independents. If Irish speakers remain silent, or confine themselves to moaning between themselves, the civil servants and policy formers will continue to ignore them, and continue to whittle away rights won in previous times. It is imperative to get rid of this anti-Irish Government as soon as possible, a Government that daily commits economic treason against the Irish people compounded by social and cultural treason. But we must equally make sure that the next Government will restore the rights of Irish speakers
and reverse the anglicisation policies currently underway. The revival of Irish is central to the revival of the Irish people, which national freedom and economic development is all about. ••••••••••••••••••••••••
AN IRISH TIMES diary piece by Miriam Lord on 14 February reports that Fine Gael TD Gabrielle McFadden started a weekly Ciorcal Comhrá morning coffee break in the Dáil “to shoot the breeze through Irish”. The Fine Gael TD is quoted as saying, “People kept calling me a Shinner and I didn’t like that. Sinn Féin has kinda taken the language over in the Dáil,” before adding somewhat contradictorily: “I want to take it back off them because it belongs to all of us.” The idea that the language belongs to everyone seems as lost on the Irish Times as it is on Fine Gael. The headline reads: “Gab McFadden tries to rescue Irish from SF.” That sums up the Establishment’s attitude to Irish.
National Rally – Dublin 2pm Saturday 21 March
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Honour Ireland's Patriot Dead Wear an Easter Lily
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IN PICTURES
5 12-year-old Leah O'Brien's fantastic monologue about Hunger Striker Bobby Sands is to be published in the Young Writers' Anthology 2015
photos@anphoblacht.com
5 South Down Sinn Féin members join 25,000 people in Downpatrick campaigning to protect local health services
5 Rosie Brennan and Mary Lou McDonald TD launch 'Jake's Law' Bill for lower speed limits in housing estates
5 Members of Dublin Sinn Féin hold a vigil outside the GPO in memory of human rights lawyer Pat Finucane on the 26th anniversary of his assassination in Belfast by British Government agents
5 Protesters at the Dáil show their support for the new Greek Government after the Irish Government lined up with EU elite and failed to back Athens
5 Sinn Féin launch their National Programme of Events for the centenary of the 1916 Rising at Wynn's Hotel on Abbey Street, Dublin, where there were re-enactors dressed as Volunteers, Cumann na mBan, and Pádraig Pearse who recited the Proclamation. Pictured is Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD with re-enactor Dave Swift – See page 3
5 Senator David Cullinane and Upper Bann Westminster candidate Councillor Catherine Seeley meet with young people in London during a conference on the North
5 Rosie McCorley MLA joins a protest at Stormont calling for the NHS to be protected from TTIP legislation