An Phoblacht, March 2016

HUNGER STRIKE ANNIVERSARY

MARCH MEMORIES

MEDIA WAR AGAINST SINN FÉIN

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March / Márta 2016

DÁIL ELECTION

RADICAL RISING Ambassador Theatre, Dublin

2 March / Márta 2016

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Attempts by media to destroy party’s campaign fail

The media war against Sinn Féin

5 Sinn Féin faced a vicious media onslaught led by Independent News & Media and state broadcaster RTÉ

BY MARK MOLONEY SINN FÉIN faced a media dirty war during the Dáil general election as the Establishment rounded on the only serious electoral threat to the Golden Circles and the elites of Irish society.

Unsurprisingly, the first mud-slingers out of the traps were the Denis O’Brien-controlled Independent News and Media newspapers which launched a vitriolic and insidious campaign in an attempt to frighten voters. Sinn Féin’s Gerry Adams described it as “vindictive, personalised and untruthful”. Peadar Tóibín TD said he “could not remember any election where a newspaper group owned by a billionaire targeted one political party in such a manner”.

State broadcaster RTÉ came in for severe criticism as it slashed Sinn Féin’s election coverage following a poll in the Sunday Business Post on 14 February which showed the party gaining ground.

RTÉ claimed its constant attacks and questioning of Sinn Féin over its stance on the Special Criminal Court amounted to an unfair advantage – to Sinn Féin! And for two days the voices of Sinn Féin candidates were banned from the airways in a bizarre episode that was reminiscent of Section 31 and state censorship.

The Denis O’Brien press deployed the same tactic as it callously exploited the brutal murder of two men by criminal gangs in Dublin to accuse Sinn Féin of being “soft on crime”. The fact the killings occurred at a time when Garda numbers were at their lowest in a decade – and when the Garda station a few hundred metres from one of the attacks was closed (just

Independent News & Media boss Denis O’Brien

one of 139 shut down by the Fine Gael/Labour Government) didn’t stop the Indo from heaping blame on the opposition party of Sinn Féin.

Sinn Féin’s response was a massive online campaign to get the message out which blew the other parties out of the water. The response from the Indo was pathetic.

An irked Irish Independent Editor Fionnán Sheahan – who just happens to be husband of failed Independent candidate and vitriolic anti-republican Senator Averil Power – penned three separate articles claiming Sinn Féin “orchestrated a campaign of intimidation and bullying” against RTÉ. His fairy tale, however, was quickly exposed by actual data which showed that this campaign consisted of nothing more than a small number of Sinn Féin supporters making official complaints to RTÉ over a lack of airtime. Mocking the pitiful Indo, Sinn Féin’s Director of Elections Matt Carthy said the paper claimed Sinn Féin were “going to do everything bar take the pets off your children”.

The Independent’s coverage was routinely panned online. In fact,

Irish Independent Editor Fionnán Sheahan

Commentator Vincent Browne

Satirist Oliver Callan

research by global communications firm Edelman showed that Sinn Féin’s in-house team produced content that beat the Irish Independent behemoth in terms of engagement with social media users.

Veteran journalist and broadcaster Vincent Browne, writing in The Irish Times, described the Independent’s coverage of Sinn Féin as “reflexive air-headed hysteria”. In the Irish Sun, Oliver Callan, creator of RTÉ’s ‘Callan’s Kicks’ satire, was scathing in his criticism of the Irish media landscape: “The most alarming feature has been the ferocious campaign against Sinn Féin. The state has never witnessed such a biased agenda across all media organisations against a political party,” he said.

“The media class has a sneering attitude that those who vote for Adams’s party are more ill-informed than the average centre-right FF/FG voter. There is also a seldom-challenged view that Adams is a liability for the party on the canvass, which has zero basis in fact.”

Some of the most blatant bias was reserved for the state broadcaster, ironically one of the few media outlets

which is mandated to be impartial.

While Tánaiste and Labour leader Joan Burton required a ring of gardaí to keep protesters at bay, RTÉ was indifferent to the outright hostility which she encountered as she campaigned and instead produced puff-pieces about women in politics.

Conversely, when a man only identified as a ‘concerned citizen’ and ‘small business owner’ barracked Mary Lou McDonald TD as she spoke during a press event on Grafton Street over her party’s plans to increase tax on individual income in excess of €100,000, he was given blanket coverage.

The confrontation received unquestioning publicity on RTÉ television, radio and newspapers. It was left to An Phoblacht to expose this individual as Fergus Crawford, a top banker formerly of ACC Bank and currently running the Irish branch of Swiss-owned Sarasin & Partners, which manages assets of €16billion. Some of its services include helping clients reduce their tax liability in Ireland through the use of hedge funds located in the Channel Islands.

RTÉ and others refused to clarify their one-sided reporting.

The nadir of the onslaught came on The Late Late Show when ‘crime journalist’ Paul Williams – who was named under Dáil privilege as being one of those who had penalty points for motoring offences quashed by gardaí – outrageously described people who would vote for Sinn Féin as “the drug dealers, the killers and kidnappers, and the terrorists”!

Despite such a horrendous media onslaught, Sinn Féin has weathered the storm and come through with flying colours. The Establishment media’s fear campaign isn’t working.

March / Márta 2016

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GERRY ADAMS TD PRESIDENT OF SINN FÉIN

3

The domination of the two main parties is clearly finished. What we now need to do is to organise and get cohesion into the alternative view of how society should be ordered

We need to prove to people there is an alternative THIS was a very good election for Sinn Féin.

We went from 14 seats to (as we speak) 23 seats. We increased our representation by 60%. We also got a very good spread – there are very few regions in the state that there aren’t Sinn Féin TDs. If they weren’t elected this time they sure are going to be elected next time if they continue with the work they are doing.

that protected the people and the vulnerable and was socially equitable. We pointed out the dire social consequences for citizens.

We pointed out the homelessness crisis early on, years ago. The Government refused to deal with it and it became an emergency. As we speak, there are still people on hospital trolleys, there are still people who are homeless, there are still children sitting in school hungry. And I don’t have a sense that either Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael are serious about changing that.

What Fianna Fáil did, they had a sense that people were moving toward the Left and that people here are very decent, so they just stole the phrases which Sinn Féin have been using about fairness, decency and an Ireland for all. They did have a partial recovery of their standing but far short of where Fianna Fáil has stood in the past.

We also sought a mandate. We said to people very clearly: “We want to be in Government, we want a mandate to be in Government, but we will not be a junior partner to these major

We’re going back with an increased team, with a team of extremely high calibre – more women than before, a mixture of older people and a whole new cohort of young people. I heard the Labour General Secretary say they had lost some good comrades; well, our Dáil team has gained some very, very good comrades.

I want to thank everyone who voted for us, and I want to include those who may not have given us a first-preference but went on to give us a 2, 3, 4 or 5. I want to thank all of our candidates and commiserate with those who hit the crossbar or didn’t make it this time. The record

This was a very good Dáil election for Sinn Féin – we went from 14 seats to *23 seats * At time of going to print one count is ongoing

is that those who missed it last time stuck at it, gathered themselves – they were strategic and consistent – and made it this time.

We had two clear objectives going into this election: one was to get rid of this bad Government; the other was to prove to people that there is an alternative of which we could be a part.

On the first objective we succeeded beyond our wildest expectations – the Government was really rejected and its policies were rejected.

Now that isn’t just down to us. It also came from the fact that people suffered and decent people who may not have suffered themselves didn’t want a continuation of hospital trolleys, fewer public services, homelessness and those horror stories that everybody knows from a family member or a neighbour or some member from your community.

Did we persuade enough people about Sinn Féin and the broad Right2Change constituency?

It doesn’t appear that we did. So there’s work to be done. I see this as very much a work in progress. We can be very, very proud that we

5 Sinn Féin and others need to convince people that they can form an alternative government

are now sitting on no fewer than 23 TDs going back into Leinster House.

The realignment of Irish politics in this state took a few steps forward in this election and it’s very much in flux. The next election, if we do our job right, will see it intensify. The domination of

the two main parties is clearly finished. What we now need to do is to organise and get cohesion into the alternative view of how society should be ordered.

If you look at Sinn Féin’s Alternative Budgets, we showed there was a way of going forward

5 Sinn Féin increased its Leinster House team significantly while other candidates 'hit the crossbar'

conservative parties.” And that isn’t just being Sinn Féin-centric or tactical. It’s just being true to the people who we see are not being served by a government that would be led by Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael and which would continue with the policies we’ve seen. So it’s a principled position and being true to the mandate we’ve been given.

Whether we’re in opposition or in Government, we will stick by the principles which we got an endorsement for. And we will act in the genuine national interest.

There are people who will have voted for Fianna Fáil or even Fine Gael who want decency.

It isn’t that we need to persuade people there is a better way to do it because people believe that. It isn’t that we need to persuade people that we can afford it because people believe that as well. What we need to do is build the depth and the capacity and credibility of our party and those who have a similar view to us that we can actually form an alternative government. And that’s still work in progress.

4 March / Márta 2016

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anphoblacht Editorial

WHAT'S INSIDE 8

Let’s build on what has been achieved in Dáil election 9

Seomra Ranga is ea an Chomhairle?

11 - 13

Pat Finucane’s assassination and inquests | British Government still failing to face the past 15

Armagh women’s prison struggle told in inspiring film 16 & 17

Roll of Honour 22 & 23 UNCOMFORTABLE CONVERSATIONS

UVF ex-prisoner William Mitchell and former Belfast Mayor Alex Maskey 26 & 27

Incinerators – Indaver and the CHASE 30

anphoblacht Eagarfhocal

anphoblacht

A breakthrough election THE Dáil general election of 26 February 2016 was a breakthrough election – it broke the stranglehold of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil on power in the South and it saw Sinn Féin break new territory with a significantly increased team of TDs that places it in pole position to cahllenge the status quo.

No longer can the ‘big beasts’ of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil presume that one of them has the right to hold power as the dominant force in Government. The merry go round of power has come to a halt.

The inexorable rise of Sinn Féin and the Right2Change campaign that has emerged from the mass rallies of the Right2Water grassroots resistance is challenging the hegemony of the Golden Circles, patrons of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil.

Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour received their lowest combined support in the history of the state. In the 1990s, these three parties received over 80% of the first-preference vote – now it’s down to 56%.

Sinn Féin did have a good election – increasing its seats in the Dáil from 14 to 23 is significant, especially in the face of the vitriol poured on the party, its activists and voters by the corporate print media owned by billionaire tax exiles and their cronies.

In 1916, the Establishment media railed against republicans; in 2016, the Easter Rising centenary year, we saw history repeating itself as the anti-equality, anti-fairness, anti-republican media attacked Sinn Féin once again.

The self-aggrandisement of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil leaders has increased disillusionment about party politics amongst a long-suffering electorate, some of whom have switched to Sinn Féin; others have out their faith in self-styled Independents. ‘Independent’ has become a badge of honour for some dedicated, genuine activists (including a number who have signed up to the Right2Change Principles) but it is also a flag of convenience for self-interested mavericks who have fallen out with their parties and remain in their respective “gene pool”, waiting for the right offer to buy their vote to put Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil back into power.

It is the job of Sinn Féin activists to restore people’s faith in party politics and convince them that the road to achieving real change requires a strong, cohesive pary with a programme that complements the Right2Change Principles.

That party is Sinn Féin. Let’s get to it.

This election is over; the fight goes on.

Hunger Strike IN THIS 1916 CENTENARY YEAR, we also mark the 35th anniversary of the 1981 H-Blocks Hunger Strike.

It is a time to honour those heroic young men who gave their lives in 1981 and all the men and women who endured the suffering of hunger strikes, force feeding, prison protests and prison brutality down the centuries in Britain’s never-ending campaign to criminalise republicans.

It is a time to pay our respects to the prisoners, their families and communities but also to remember what their struggle – our struggle – was and is all about . . . a united Ireland based on the Proclamation of 1916.

“I may die, but the Republic of 1916 will never die. Onward to the Republic and liberation of our people.”

BOBBY SANDS

Release Leonard Peltier SUBSCRIBE ONLINE To get your An Phoblacht delivered direct to your mobile device or computer for just €10 per 12 issues and access to the historic The Irish Volunteer newspaper posted online weekly and An Phoblacht’s/IRIS the republican magazine archives

Contact

Layout and production: Mark Dawson production@anphoblacht.com

NEWS editor@anphoblacht.com NOTICES notices@anphoblacht.com PHOTOS photos@anphoblacht.com

AN PHOBLACHT is published monthly by Sinn Féin. The views in An Phoblacht are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Sinn Féin. We welcome articles, opinions and photographs from new contributors but contact the Editor first.

An Phoblacht, Kevin Barry House, 44 Parnell Square, Dublin 1, Ireland Telephone: (+353 1) 872 6 100. Email: editor@anphoblacht.com

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March / Márta 2016

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SLIGO/LEITRIM

WATERFORD

5

KERRY

An Phoblacht takes a trip outside Dublin City for a flavour of the GE16 counts

ON THE ONE ROAD basically his fault: “All brought on by your own actions, Gerry.”

On to Dundalk, but not without Belfast native Mickey Rogan’s tour of the rebel byways of the Royal County where he spoke fondly of how people of all parties – including Fine Gael – had done their bit for the North, from the days of the unionist pogroms and burning of Bombay Street right up to recent times.

Arriving at the Louth count centre in the Ramada Hotel in Dundalk (how we’ve come up in the world from this morning – from a doghouse to a hotel!), we bump into republican stalwart and Stakahnovite seller of An Phoblacht, Pearse McGeough, amongst the many County Louth ‘old faces’ – many new,

BY JOHN HEDGES AN PHOBLACHT went on the road on election count day for what the Twitter machine hashtagged #GE16. We hitched a ride with Sinn Féin Social Media Unit roving news video maestro Mickey Rogan and Assembly Sinn Féin Press Officer Michael McMonagle to get a taste of what was happening in a few places outside of Dublin City Centre.

First stop just after 10am on a dull Saturday morning after the Friday count was the Fingal constituency count in the spectacularly colourless venue of the Irish Kennel Club on some desolate wasteland in Cloghran, County Dublin.

The tweet by Stephanie Lord (@stephie08) watching the various count centres on RTÉ TV (“Love how #GE16 counts show us all just how

MEATH WEST

CORK

Belfast native Mickey Rogan took us on a tour of the rebel byways of the Royal County

There was no wifi in the ‘National Show Centre’ grim Irish PE halls and gyms are – like early 1980s USSR without the skilled gymnastics coaches”) could have applied to our venue too. Being told

by Seán Mag Uidhir (head of the press operation at the Stormont Assembly down to help out his all-Ireland comrades) that there was no wifi at the “National Show Centre” added to the sense of grimness.

It was far too early to make any sort of call in Louise O’Reilly’s first-time sortie for a Dáil seat as tallies were only just beginning to come in (never mind actual vote counts beginning).

We doggedly moved on to the more upmarket CityWest complex to catch up on what was happening at the counts for Dublin South West (candidates: sitting Sinn Féin TD Seán Crowe and South Dublin Mayor Sarah Holland) and Dublin Mid West (An Phoblacht columnist and South Dublin County Councillor Eoin Ó Broin).

From the outset it was clear that Eoin would top the poll and be elected on the first count ahead of

CARLOW/KILKENNY

LOUTH

OFFALY

sitting Fine Gael TD and Justice Minister Frances Fitzgerald. It was a hugely important political victory for Sinn Féin and it saw Eoin elected as the first Sinn Féin TD of the new Dáil.

Dublin South West candidates Seán ‘Jack’ Crowe and Sarah Holland took a break from watching the tallies to join in, although Jack had to wait until around 3am the following morning before he was re-elected.

The Rogan Roadshow took off again, wending its way through the winding roads of Royal County Meath to Trim for the Meath West count.

The Duke of Wellington represented Trim in the Irish Parliament from 1790 to 1797 and the small town is overshadowed by a 75-foot monument to the ‘Iron Duke’, erected two years after commanding the British Army in its famous victory over Napoleon at Waterloo in 1815. The county, however also boasts a fine rebel past and Meath West had

LIMERICK CITY

elected a Sinn Féin TD in Peadar Tóibín in 2011.

Our road crew found ourselves and Peadar and his team more at home in Trim GAA Club, where the votes were being counted. Peadar was on course to be returned so we boarded our ‘bus’ and headed off again, deciding at the last minute to defer our drop-in to the neighbouring Meath East count to make sure we got to Louth for the hoped-for re-election of Gerry Adams but also the election of the first-ever woman TD for Louth in Imelda Munster from Drogheda – another first for Sinn Féin.

It was a reluctant move as Meath East was where Darren O’Rourke mounted a strong challenge to Fine Gael TD Regina Doherty. Doherty had outraged listeners to the regional LMFM radio station when when she told Gerry Adams that the murders of his family members and three constituents by an RUC officer and unionist death squads was

younger faces too. The Press Room at the entrance to the count centre itself was packed with local, national and international news people.

Newry & Armagh MLA Megan Fearon was with us too, musing about how we’d have all this to face again in the Assembly election on 5 May. Confident that Gerry was topping the poll and Imelda was looking very likely to win a seat herself too, we headed back down the motorway to call back in to Louise O’Reilly’s count.

The team were in positive mood there too. It was going to be close but it was looking good.

As it turned out, it was after 2pm on Sunday when the Fine Gael deputy leader and former Health Minister, Dr James Reilly (who topped the poll in 2011), was counted out and Louise O’Reilly was counted in. Louise was to be one of many more.

“We are into a new era,” Gerry Adams had said in Dundalk on Saturday night. “In this election we have seen a seismic change and a realignment of politics here.”

WICKLOW

6 March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

Sinn Féin surges again

23 TDs and rising

ROBBIE SMY TH LESS THAN 20 YEARS after Sinn Féin won its first seat in the 1997 Leinster House elections, Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin was returned again in Cavan/Monaghan for a fifth consecutive win, along with 22 other Sinn Féin deputies in the party’s best performance ever in Dáil elections. Sinn Féin won 285,319 votes.

We go through the Sinn Féin results for each candidate and constituency.

5 Lynn Boylan MEP with her partner Eoin Ó Broin who won in Dublin Mid West

Connacht/Ulster Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin ran in Cavan/ Monaghan with Sinn Féin Senator Kathryn Reilly. Together they polled 5 Mary Lou McDonald stormed to 27% of first-preferences, significantly victory in Dublin Central more than the quota of 11,931 but not Councillors Mícheál Mac Donncha and Denise Mitchell, who together polled enough to take a second seat.

Donegal was merged into a 11.6% of the vote. Mícheál (a former single five-seat constituency from Editor of An Phoblacht) had 3,527 two three-seaters. Sinn Féin ran an first-preferences while Denise polled ambitious three-candidate strategy, 5,039 votes. A recount was called by with Gary Doherty joining sitting independent candidate Averil Power, TDs Pearse Doherty and Pádraig Mac with Denise elected after a mammoth Lochlainn on the party ticket. Together count on Tuesday afternoon.

Chris Andrews was the Sinn Féin they took 27.5% of the first-preferences. candidate in Dublin Bay South, contestUnfortunately, Pádraig lost his seat.

In Galway East, Sinn Féin took 5.9% ing the seat on the back of winning a of the vote, marginally down on 2011. council seat in 2014. He polled 9.5% Annemarie Roche was the Sinn Féin of the vote, nearly three times the candidate. In Galway West, 8.9% of 3.6% won in the old Dublin South East the first-preferences in this five-seater constituency in 2011 and was ‘last constituency went to Sinn Féin Senator man out’.

Dublin Central saw Mary Lou McDonTrevor Ó Clochartaigh who polled 5,755 first-preferences, narrowly missing out ald secure a seat here in 2011 in this closely-contested three-seater and on the last seat over 14 counts.

Rose Conway Walsh had 6,414 this year Mary Lou stormed in to top first-preferences in Mayo, taking 10.1% the poll with 24.4%.

In the Fingal constituency in north of the vote, up from 6.5% in 2011 but it was not enough for Rose to take a seat County Dublin, first-time candithis time round in a four-seater already date Louise O’Reilly took 8.7% of the dominated by Fine Gael’s Taoiseach first-preferences and on the following Enda Kenny and Michael Ring.

There were three seats in the new Roscommon/Galway constituency.

Claire Kerrane won 3,075 first-preferences, 6.7% of the vote. In the reconstituted Sligo/Leitrim constituency Sinn Féin ran two candidates. In Sligo, it was Chris MacManus and in Leitrim it was Martin Kenny. Together they won 17.8% of the vote and Kenny won the seat previously held by Michael Colreavy.

5 Pearse Doherty takes a selfie with his Donegal Sinn Féin team

day took the last seat, from Fine Gael’s James Reilly, Children’s Minister and Fine Gael deputy leader. Reilly was one of a series of ministers (including Labour’s Alex White and Kevin Humphreys) who lost their seats.

Eoin Ó Broin won a whopping 22.7% first-preferences in Dublin Mid West, being elected on the first count and being the first Sinn Féin TD elected in this contest. Eoin has the unique distinction of having been elected not just to the Dáil but also to South Dublin County Council and Belfast City Council.

Sinn Féin won 27% of first-preferences in Dublin North West, up from 21.7% in 2011. There was a two-candidate strategy here with local Councillor Cathleen Carney Boud running alongside sitting TD Dessie Ellis, who was re-elected for Sinn Féin.

Sorcha Nic Cormaic was the candidate in the newly-created three-seat constituency of Dublin Rathdown.

Taking in part of the old affluent Dublin South constituency, Sorcha, who was elected to Dún Laoghaire Rathdown Council in 2014, polled 7% of first-preferences with 2,858 votes.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh and Máire Devine were the Sinn Féin team in Dublin South Central. Máire is a councillor on South Dublin County Council and Aengus has been a TD in this constituency since 2002. This was his fourth win. Together they polled 23.3% of the vote, up from 11.4% in 2011. Devine took 3,332 first-preferences and Aengus won 6,639. Together they had more than a quota but not enough to win the second seat.

There were two candidates in Dublin South West with South Dublin County Councillor Mayor Sarah Holland running alongside sitting TD Seán Crowe. At 14.3%, the Sinn Féin vote was slightly down on 2011. Seán held his seat but Sarah was eliminated after polling 2,616 first-preferences to Sean’s 6,974.

In Dublin West, Sinn Féin Councillor Paul Donnelly hit the bar again after his narrow defeat in the 2014 by-election in this constituency. Paul had 14.4% of the first-preferences, up from 6% in 2011 but it wasn’t enough to take a

SINN FÉIN ADDED NEW SEATS FOR THE PARTY IN: » Carlow/Kilkenny » Cork » Dublin » Limerick » Louth » Offaly » Waterford » Wicklow

50 Sinn Féin candidates stood across the 40 constituencies

Leinster House vote share 1997 to 2016 Year

% result

1997

2.5%

2002 2007

6.5% 6.9%

Dublin The Dublin constituency boundaries were redrawn significantly in the 2012 Boundary Commission. Across the city there were 35 seats to be won. Going into the election, Sinn Féin had four Dublin TDs elected in 2011; now the party total has increased to six.

In the newly created Dublin Bay North constituency Sinn Féin ran City

2011 9.9% 2016 13.8%

March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

7

5 Counting underway in Dundalk for the Louth constituency

5 Dessie Ellis TD celebrates in the RDS after being re-elected for the Dublin North West constituency

5Aengus Ó Snodaigh celebrates his re-election with supporters at the RDS

5 Jonathan O’Brien and Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire lifted by supporters after their elections in Cork seat against three high-profile sitting TDs in this four-seater.

Shane O’Brien won a council seat for Sinn Féin in Dún Laoghaire in 2014 and in this general election he took 5.3% of first-preferences (the party did not run here in 2011).

Leinster Kathleen Funchion has pulled off a number of firsts for Sinn Féin, beginning with being the first party representative elected to Kilkenny Borough Council in 2009 and now the first Sinn Féin TD in Carlow/Kilkenny as 8,700 vote (12.4%) helped Kathleen to the seat on the tenth count.

In Kildare North, Sinn Féin took 6.5%, with Councillor Réada Cronin winning 3,205 votes. Réada was eliminated on the eighth count. In Kildare South, Patricia Ryan won 4,267 votes, 11.6% of first-preferences, up from 6% in 2011.

The new Laois constituency returned Brian Stanley for a second term as a TD. Brian won 21.2% of first-preferences, 8,242 votes and was elected on the third count.

In Longford/Westmeath, Sinn Féin’s Paul Hogan was fourth after the first count, with 9.5% of the first-preferences, up from 7% in 2011. A full recount is ongoing in this constituency as An Phoblacht goes to press and Paul still has a chance of being there for the final seat.

Sinn Féin’s two-candidate strategy won two seats in Louth, as the party garnered 28.9% of first-preferences and Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams topped the poll (being elected on the sixth count) with Imelda Munster winning the second Sinn Féin seat on the tenth count and becoming the first woman TD for Louth.

In Meath East, Sinn Féin’s Darren O’Rourke was fourth on the first count in this three-seater with 14% of the first-preferences (5,780 votes), up from 9% in 2011. In the neighbouring Meath West, Peadar Tóibín was re-elected for Sinn Féin on the second count with 24.5% of first-preferences, up from 17% in 2011.

Offaly produced a remarkable breakthrough for Sinn Féin when Carol Nolan won a seat for the party in this threeseat constituency. Carol’s 4,804 votes gave her 10.4% of the first-preferences and she was elected on the seventh count.

5 Gerry Adams hugs Sinn Féin's Louise O'Reilly, who ousted Fine Gael deputy leader James Reilly in Dublin Fingal

5 Peadar Tóibín TD speaks to LMFM in Meath West

A full recount was called in Wexford where Sinn Féin Enniscorthy Councillor Johnny Mythen won 10.1% of the vote (7,260 first-preferences) and just missed out on a seat by 52 votes.

In Wicklow, Sinn Féin Councillor John Brady’s 16.2% of first-preferences won a first seat for the party here as he was elected on the second count.

Munster Pat Buckley held the seat that Sinn Féin Cork East won in 2011 with 10.1% of the first-preferences in this four-seat constituency. Buckley was elected on the tenth count.

In Clare, Noeleen Moran took 7.4% of the vote, all the more impressive as Sinn Féin did not stand here in 2011 and it will build towards a council seat here in 2019.

In Cork North Central, Jonathan O’Brien held his seat. Running mate Thomas Gould put in a strong performance and the combined Sinn Féin vote was at 19.5%, up from 15%. In Cork North West, Nigel Dennehy won 6.9% of the vote and was eliminated after the sixth count. Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire became the third Cork Sinn Féin TD, winning a seat in Cork South Central. Donnchadh won 12.5% of first-preferences up from 8% in 2011 and was elected on the eleventh count.

Councillor Rachel McCarthy won 8.5% of first-preferences in Cork South West, up from 7% in 2011.

All was transformed in Kerry as the two three-seat constituencies of Kerry North and Kerry South were merged into one five-seater. Martin Ferris retained the Sinn Féin seat here with 9,458 votes on the first count,

5 Seán Crowe retained the Sinn Féin seat in Dublin South West

11.9% of first-preferences for his fourth consecutive win.

Maurice Quinlivan’s 12.6% of the vote in the new constituency Limerick City constituency heralded a huge step up for Sinn Féin as the city councillor took the seat with the other three going to Fine Gael/Labour Ministers Michael Noonan and Jan O’Sullivan as well as Fianna Fáil’s Willie O’Dea. In Limerick County, Sinn Féin Councillor Séamus Browne won 7.5% of the first-preferences.

The newly-created five-seat Tipperary constituency saw Sinn Féin Nenagh Councillor Séamus Morris take 7.3% of first-preferences, going out on the fourth of seven counts.

Waterford saw another huge advance as Senator David Cullinane took 18.8% of first-preferences in this four-seat constituency, up from 10% in 2011. Cullinane was elected on the sixth count and enters the 32nd Dáil with the strongly-enhanced Sinn Féin team.

8 March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

We need to break with the past and work to create the new dynamic that Right2Change has made possible

Let’s build a new future on what has been achieved

BY EOIN Ó MURCHÚ THIS ELECTION has not been the end of the process of resistance to austerity and the policies that put the interests of the richest and most privileged above those of the ordinary working man and woman.

It is rather the beginning of a fightback that can see political parties of the Left come together with trade unions, community organisations and single-issue campaigns to make a decisive break from the stale politics of the old parties such as Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil and Labour.

The Right2Change principles which brought so many thousands out on the streets to demonstrate for a real alternative create an umbrella which allows different political forces to maintain

The Right2Change principles are an umbrella which allows different political forces to maintain their own identity and specific purpose but to unite where it matters their own identity and specific purpose but to unite where it matters in order to get change.

We can expect (as we have experienced) that the media – overwhelmingly owned by the top business interests – will use every dirty trick they can to try and split this new movement, so it is up to every party of the Left to make sure that this doesn’t happen.

As Sinn Féin is the largest single component of this new opportunity, it also has the biggest responsibility to be sensitive about the rights and identity of the smaller components while at the same time pushing to ensure that the fight for social change is linked centrally to the struggle for the completion of the fight for national freedom – for a united, independent, democratic republic.

A key question in this regard is what happens to the Labour Party.

Labour chose to put the pensions of its most senior members above the interests of the working class, and indeed above the interests of their own party – a fact that will lead many to write the party off.

Perhaps that will happen. But the tradition it represents remains an important part of the armoury of working people in their struggle for a better life.

Back in 1912, when James Connolly and other trade unionists moved a motion at the Trades Union Congress of that year to establish a political party, what they had in mind was a party that would give expression to the needs and demands of organised labour in the political field.

Sadly, the Labour Party has moved further and further away from that role – but it is a role which cannot be ignored.

To some extent, Right2Change plays that role. Only to some extent, though. The willingness of, for example, the SIPTU leadership to blind itself to the realities of a Labour Party that 5 The Right2Change principles brought tens of thousands onto the streets to march for a real alternative functioned as a junior partner to Fine Equally, the Social Democrats and the Gael has weakened the whole trades Left Independents must be confronted union and progressive movements. with the reality that no party on its own Of course, the Labour Party would can effect the change that is needed have to be completely changed to – and it certainly cannot be achieved play a positive role in the fightback by a small group trying to do a better which came into being against it and deal with the old Establishment parties which is going forward without it. But than Labour managed to do. the fightback will be strengthened if We need to break with the past and a new Labour Party can be brought work to create the new dynamic that to play its part.

Right2Change has made possible.

This is not ‘New Labour’ in the Tony Blair sense but a new Labour that goes back to its roots as a voice of organised labour.

To do this, Labour must, of course, recognise that it betrayed the working class and organised labour by joining in the austerity government.

And in this new dynamic we cannot That is a battle which must be fought ignore the democratic right of the with the remnants of Labour.

Irish people to national unity in an Equally, elements of the Left that independent state, or the threat to have remained outside the united our well-being and our future that is Right2Change campaign must be posed by the European Union’s project challenged. of creating a super-state that will elimiThe Socialist Party and Anti-Ausnate the sovereignty of nation states. terity Alliance need to abandon their We serve neither King nor Kaiser sectarian exclusiveness and join with but Ireland, but we can only do that others, especially Sinn Féin, to win by working together with respect, the progressive alternative that is comradeship and honesty with each 5 The Labour Party would have to completely change to be part of the fightback possible. other.

A key question is what happens to the Labour Party

www.anphoblacht.com

March / Márta 2016

9

Sa ceathrú cuid dár sraith ‘Ról an Stáit agus Ról an Phobail’, scríobhann An Comhairleoir Mairéad Farrell, ar comhairleoir de chuid Shinn Féin i nGaillimh í, faoin taithí atá faighte aici in earnáil an rialtais áitiúil.

Seomra Ranga is ea an Chomhairle?

Leis an gComhairleoir

Mairéad Farrell

Ó TOGHADH i mí Bealtaine 2014 mé, tá tuiscint i bhfad níos fearr faighte agam ar an ról atá againn mar ionadaithe pobail agus muid ag plé le hinstitiúidí an stáit.

Tuigim anois na bacanna a chuirtear os ár gcomhair agus muid ag plé leis an stát.

Is comhartha thar a bheith dearfach é go bhfuil ionadaíocht againn ar bheagnach chuile chomhairle sa dá chontae is tríocha, ciallaíonn sé go bhfuil deis cainte againn lenár gcuid polaitíochta a chur os comhair an phobail.

Tugann sé seans dúinn cabhrú lenár gceantracha féin agus muid ag troid i gcoinne pholasaithe míchothroma an rialtais. Ach caithfear a adhmháil freisin go gcruthaíonn sé deacrachtaí ar leith. Ach go háirithe i gcomhairlí áitiúla ar nós Chomhairle Cathrach na Gaillimhe, áit a bhfuil muid ar fad inár gcomhairleoirí nua-thofa.

Níor thuig mé go dtí gur toghadh mé an chumhacht atá ag na feidhmeannaigh i gcomórtas leis na comhairleoirí iad féin. Go deimhin, is minic go gcuireann an chomhairle seomra ranga i gcuimhne dom, na comhairleoirí mar dhaltaí scoile agus na feidhmeannaigh ina múinteoirí

ag inseacht dúinn céard is féidir agus céard nach féidir a dhéanamh. Ó am go chéile is cósúil go bhfeileann sé seo do pháirtithe áirithe mar go ligeann sé dóibh an mhilleán a chur ar na feidhmeannaigh seachas ar pholasaithe an stáit nó a gcuid polasaithe féin.

Ach tá dualgas faoi leith orainn mar phoblachtánaigh an córas sin a athrú ó bhonn agus ionadaíocht cheart a dhéanamh ar son mhuintir na tíre agus an phobail uilig as a dtagann muid.

Is fusa a rá ná a dhéanamh, áfach, go mór mór agus muid á bhrú ó chuile thaobh sa chomhairle.

Scaití is éasca glacadh leis an status quo seachas cur in aghaidh an easa. Is féidir a bheith cinnte

Scaití is éasca glacadh leis an status quo seachas cur in aghaidh an easa . . . Ach tá dualgas faoi leith orainn mar phoblachtánaigh gur tréine a bheidh an ghaoth seo ag séideadh inár gcoinne agus muid ag dul i neart ó thaobh thacaíocht an phobail chomh maith céanna.

Sa gcomhthéacs seo, tá sé ríthábhachtach go mbíonn straitéis againn mar phoblachtánaigh le bheith réitithe do na dúshláin a bheas romhainn.

Ciallaíonn sé sin go gcaithfear ár n-ionadaithe poiblí a bheith fréamhaithe san eagraíocht agus go gcothaíonn muid ceannaireacht láidir áitiúil a chinntíonn go bhfuil ról lárnach ag baill an pháirtí, ar chomhchéim lenár gcuid ionadaithe tofa, sna cinnithe a dhéanann muid in aon institiúd stáit.

10 March / Márta 2016

H-BLOCKS MEN INSPIRED NEW GENERATION

MARCH MEMORIES 1 March marks the anniversary of the beginning of the 1981 Hunger Strike.

JIM GIBNEY recalls the events leading up to that fateful anniversary.

IN THE DARK, in our hundreds, we huddled close, seeking warmth against the bitter cold and comfort from the awful news that Seán McKenna, close at hand, was also close to death.

Outside the Royal Victoria Hospital, on Belfast’s Falls Road, we had marched the few hundred yards from Sinn Féin’s offices in solidarity with Seán and in relief that none of the other prisoners had died on hunger strike.

The crowd was awash with rumours: Seán was dead, barely alive, hours to live, brought into intensive care, wrapped in a special bag made from tin foil to preserve his dropping body temperature, he would not last the night.

Outside the RVH were some of the people who had campaigned the length and breadth of Ireland in support of the prisoners. The people who visited them in the H-Blocks and Armagh women’s prison. The people who at great risk to themselves smuggled them tobacco, radios, ‘skins’ on which to write ‘comms’.

On the streets for five years, they were tired from marching. Women did not know what it was like to spend a Saturday or Sunday at home with their families. Like the prisoners, they had given it their all.

It was 19 December 1980, a week from Christmas. The previous day, the first hunger strike ended. The precise circumstances had not reached supporters. There was confusion. We hoped a just resolution could be found to end the protest. I encouraged people around me to enjoy Christmas. No prisoner had died, so Christmas was back on.

But inside me I knew another reality.

Earlier, Gerry Adams showed me a comm from Bobby Sands that had arrived from the prison the previous night. Few had read it. I was shocked by the comm, especially the sentence which starkly said a second hunger strike would start on 1 January and Bobby would lead it.

Arrangements had been made for me to visit Bobby the next day and tell him that the leadership did not want a second hunger strike, and that another way had to be found to honourably end the protest.

Bobby bounded across the floor of the visits area, a smile on his face, his hand stretched out seeking mine, the ever-present warders trailing a distance behind, finding it hard to keep up with Bobby’s pace. I could see the years on the Blanket and No Wash protests had taken their toll on him. His bearded face was gaunt and his long Rod Stewartlike hair accentuated that look.

• Mickey O’ Donnell, Bobby Sands, Gerard Rooney and ‘Tomboy’ Loudon pictured in the Long Kesh Cages

• Seán McKenna

My instruction was simple. I had to convince him that a second hunger strike could not begin as he suggested.

He had to hold the men together to allow time to further test the British and the prison authorities following the end of the hunger strike.

The negotiations during the hunger strike between Gerry Adams and the British Government had produced a document which on paper had the potential to end the prison protests in the H-Blocks and Armagh women’s prison.

The document had to be explored to its outer limits. When that point was reached the question of a second hunger strike could be reviewed.

Bobby rehearsed some of the points made in his comm. About the H-Blocks being a breaker’s yard and the need to win political status to defend the struggle. He said he would try everything to prevent a second hunger strike but it would happen and someone would die.

We parted, Bobby returning to a prison where with hundreds of others he would spend Christmas, naked but for a blanket, in a freezing cell, with a urine-soaked mattress on the floor for a bed, with the

• Hugh Rooney and Kevin Toal pictured during the ‘No Wash’ protest in Long Kesh

burden of planning a second and (as it turned out) fatal hunger strike.

Over the next three months he tried the way suggested by the leadership of the Movement but the British Government sought to humiliate the prisoners. They foolishly thought they could defeat the prisoners in the H-Blocks

and Armagh women’s prison and in turn defeat the independence struggle.

The next time I saw Bobby he was in the prison hospital, over 20 days on hunger strike. I visited him several times with his mother and sister. We spoke for the last time when he was very close to death.

• National H-Blocks/Armagh Committee press conference, Bernadette McAliskey, Jim Gibney, Fr Piaras Ó Dúill and Fergus O’Hare

They foolishly thought they could defeat the political prisoners in the H-Blocks and Armagh women’s prison and in turn defeat the independence struggle

19

81 – 2 01

6

HUNGER STRIKE ANNIVERSARY

HUNGE R THE

IKERS STR

I was shocked by the comm, especially the sentence which starkly said a second hunger strike would start on 1 January and Bobby would lead it

REMEMBER

www.anphoblacht.com

This article first appeared in An Phoblacht/Republican News on 2 March 2006

I also visited Francis Hughes, Raymond McCreesh and Tom McElwee in the Prison Hospital. Once while in there I saw Patsy O’Hara sitting in a wheelchair in a darkened cell. He smiled broadly, showing his gleaming white teeth, and waved his long arm as I passed by. So many times since I wished I had stopped a while and spoken with him.

I visited Joe McDonnell and Martin Hurson before their condition merited a move to the hospital.

As teenagers, Kieran Doherty, Joe McDonnell and I were interned together in Cage 3. In the autumn of 1976, Kieran and I were next-door neighbours on the ‘Threes’ in the Crum’s C-Wing. The following year I was released; Kieran never came home and I never saw him alive again.

These and many more memories from that time are flooding through my mind as 1 March passes, the anniversary of the start of the second hunger strike, which claimed the ten lads.

Throughout those dark, depressing eight months of the hunger strike I visited the Prison Hospital many times. I was always in the company of a relative of one of the Hunger Strikers. A prison warder was never too far away watching us. Men were dying behind closed cell doors as we walked along that single hospital corridor.

In recent times I have been back to the Prison Hospital. The company and the circumstances could not be more different. I stood in the cells where the hunger strikers died. I was with Raymond Mc Cartney MLA (who was on the first hunger strike), Sinn Féin Councillor Paul Butler (who spent 15 years of a life sentence in the H-Blocks), Rosie McCorley (who spent nine years in Maghaberry Prison), Mike Ritchie and Ciarán Mackle (members of Coiste na n-Iarchimí, the body for former political prisoners).

As a result of efforts by Sinn Féin and Coiste na n-Iarchimí, the prison is preserved for future generations to visit.

We were there inspecting the Prison Hospital to assess what maintenance work needs to be done to ensure it is properly preserved and ready for those who wish to visit it.

Armagh Women’s Prison, Crumlin Road Gaol, Long Kesh, the H-Blocks, the Prison Hospital are now monuments, historical sites, where remarkable events, some epoch making, occurred.

The British Government tried to use these prisons to break the spirit of republican prisoners. Instead, republicans broke them and inspired a generation and more to follow them in the struggle for Irish freedom.

The dead Hunger Strikers are our generation’s 1916. In Kilmainham Gaol in Dublin you can find a museum to that great event. Now at Long Kesh you can visit the Prison Hospital, a site where we lost some of Ireland’s best. Do so. It is an experience second to none.

March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

11

Commentary by Madden & Finucane Solicitors on the 26th anniversary of the assassination of Pat Finucane in Belfast

British Government remains in the dock IN LIFE, Pat Finucane used his fine-tuned legal brain to protect those arrested and held in detention from ill-treatment during interrogation. He defended those who found themselves in court facing a judicial system which was politically manipulated to the point where the accused was presumed guilty, not innocent.

Pat Finucane championed the rights of the accused and families grievously wronged by the state in controversial killings and used his formidable legal experience to curtail the excesses of the prosecution services.

He was fearless against a background of death threats from loyalists. Pat’s name was actually given to loyalists who were themselves being questioned by the RUC about serious crime.

He became a symbol of hope – a beacon of light in an era of darkness when detainees were tortured and when miscarriages of justice were routinely practised.

His assassination 26 years ago on 12 February by loyalists acting in concert with British Intelligence agencies was designed to terrorise solicitors or anyone else from challenging state-sponsored human rights abuses.

His memory and his advocacy and the circumstances of his death are as potent today in terms of their implications for society as they were when he was alive.

And his example has inspired other lawyers to become human rights advocates for families seeking the truth about the killing of a loved one. For many, Pat Finucane is their role model.

Every week we see evidence of this as solicitors battle for truth in the coroners’ courts for the families whose loved ones were killed by loyalists in collusion with state forces. The most recent example is that of Seán Brown from Bellaghy whose inquest has been deliberately delayed by the refusal of the police to disclose essential material – a delay which is undermining attempts to develop levels of confidence in a new policing dispensation.

But it is not just Pat Finucane’s legal legacy and the manner of his killing that has kept alive the issues of truth, collusion and human rights.

The heroic stance of his wife Geraldine in the campaign for justice for almost three decades has ensured that the British Government remains in the world dock accused of state-sponsored killings through collusion with loyalist death squads.

At a conference organised by the Relatives for Justice to mark Pat Finucane’s killing, Geraldine told a large crowd that during the last 26 years of searching for the truth she has never been given a “final answer”.

She has faced nothing but “more and more questions” about the killing which have yet to be answered. She told the audience that until she receives satisfactory answers, “I have no intention of stopping.”

The circumstances surrounding Pat Finucane’s killing: the cover-up; the refusal by successive British Governments to allow and participate in a public independent inquiry into the killing (despite assurances that they would accept Judge Cory’s recommendations to do so) were scrutinised at the conference by an academic,

Pat Finucane’s assassination 26 years ago by loyalists acting in concert with British Intelligence agencies was designed to terrorise solicitors or anyone else from challenging statesponsored human rights abuses Three loyalists directly involved in the killing were state agents; an agent used files given to him by the British Army and RUC Special Branch to target Pat Finucane; the gun used in the shooting was a UDR-issued weapon

5 Geraldine Finucane addresses the conference organised by Relatives for Justice to mark the 26th anniversary of the assassination of her husband Pat

Professor Mark McGovern, by the award-winning journalist John Ware and Pat’s close friend and legal partner, Peter Madden.

From these three different professional and experienced perspectives they explored the scale of collusion.

The facts are irrefutable, appalling and astonishing.

Three loyalists directly involved in the killing were state agents; also an agent used files given to him by the British Army and RUC Special Branch to target Pat Finucane; the gun used in the shooting was a UDR-issued weapon.

Furthermore, following a private briefing by the Chief Constable of the RUC and the head of the Special Branch, a member of the British Cabinet publicly accused solicitors as being “unduly sympathetic” to the IRA. Collusion, they said, was systemic and institutional and operated inside what Mark McGovern called a “culture” carefully fostered at the highest political and military levels on the basis that its existence could be easily denied.

Peter Madden forensically dismantled the de Silva report which reviewed collusion into the solicitor’s killing and tried to undermine the established and compelling evidence which led David Cameron to describe the assassination as involving “shocking levels of collusion”.

John Ware said the many unanswered questions about the killing of Pat Finucane could only be found in an independent public inquiry.

Something the British Government steadfastly fears.

5 Members of the wider Finucane family with representatives of Relatives for Justice

12 March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

Westminster refuses to open MI5, British Army and RUC conflict files

BRITISH GOVERNMENT STILL FAILING TO FACE THE PAST

BY PEADAR WHELAN THE FAMILY of Pat Finucane was attending the annual Pat Finucane Anniversary Lecture in Belfast on Thursday 11 February, the eve of the 27th anniversary of the assassination of human rights lawyer Pat Finucane by a unionist death squad operating with British Government agents within its army and police. At the same time, and in the same city, British Secretary of State Theresa Villiers was trying to throw a smokescreen around the British Government’s refusal to step up to the mark in dealing with the past.

Conservative Party minister Villiers was under pressure over her statements that Westminster will not disclose information on the past actions of MI5, the British Army or the RUC (particularly in relation to collusion with unionist pro-British

Conservative Party minister Theresa Villiers was under pressure over her statements that Westminster will not disclose information on the past actions of MI5, the British Army or the RUC, especially involving collusion with unionist death squads

death squads) due to “national security” interests.

She consequently used her University of Ulster speech to deflect attention away from revelation after revelation which have shredded Britain’s portrayal of its role in the North as ‘honest broker’ by dismissing crimes by its forces as the actions of some proverbial ‘bad apples’.

Her statement generated enormous anger among those attending the Pat Finucane Anniversary Lecture held in Belfast’s Europa Hotel.

Villiers claimed in her speech that she was challenging the “pernicious counter narrative” that sought to “displace responsibility from the people who perpetrated acts of terrorism and place the state at the heart of nearly every atrocity that took place . . . be it through collusion or misuse of agents and informers”.

Her rejection of the evidence that problems with inquests stem from lack of commitment on the part of the Government or the police was itself dismissed as contrary to the evidence.

5 British Secretary of State Theresa Villiers

Inquests impasse – Britain under pressure as North’s top judge promises specialist unit THE NORTH’S most senior judge is to set up a specialist unit to deal with dozens of controversial conflict-related inquests that are long overdue.

Lord Chief Justice Sir Declan Morgan made his announcement during an unprecedented meeting with the relatives of people killed in the conflict.

Accompanying him were the recently-appointed Presiding Coroner Justice Adrian Colton and Sir Reginald Weir, whose review of 56 inquests involving the deaths of 97 people has just concluded.

During his review, Judge Weir was scathing in his criticism of the British Government and in particular the Ministry of Defence whom he accused of “thumbing their nose” at coroners presiding over conflict-related inquests involving the British Army.

During the hearing on 29 January in Belfast into the SAS killings of the four IRA Volunteers in Clonoe, County Tyrone, in February 1992 – Kevin Barry

O’Donnell, Seán O’Farrell, Peter Clancy and Patrick Vincent – Lord Justice Weir voiced his frustration over the refusal of both the British military and the PSNI to produce information for the courts, the families of the men and their legal teams as well as their continual foot dragging designed to delay the legal process.

The court was told that the issue of the security vetting of papers between the Ministry of Defence (MoD) and the PSNI was one reason why inquests were being stalled.

Judge Weir also pointed the finger at the British Government’s refusal to provide the finance to fund inquests: “The MoD is not short of money. It is busy all over the world fighting wars and it’s about to buy more submarines with nuclear warheads, so it’s not short of money.”

The inquest system, he said, “is obviously very low on their list of priorities”.

5 Lord Chief Justice Sir Declan Morgan

The judge also expressed concern after it emerged that video footage of the scene of the SAS ambush site was being sold at a “loyalist market”.

At an earlier hearing into the unionist killing of IRA Volunteer Gerard Casey after it emerged that the MoD “may have found documents connected to the shooting”, Judge Weir exclaimed in frustration at the lack of co-operation or professionalism: “I am not asking someone who owns a sweet shop to deal with this. I don’t understand how you people work.”

Last year, Justice Minister David Ford authorised the Courts & Tribunals Service to recruit “investigative support” for coroners dealing with what has become known as “legacy inquests”.

Sir Reginald Weir’s review was announced by Lord Chief Justice Sir Declan Morgan in October 2015, just a month before he was appointed President of the Coroners’ Courts.

Sir Declan said he wanted to assure

the families of those who were killed that he was “fully committed to doing all that I can, within my sphere of influence and with the resources at my disposal, to ensure that justice is delivered”.

He also warned, however, that it could be “many years” before most of the cases could be dealt with.

A mere nine legacy cases have been heard during the course of the past five years – 13 cases in total in the past 10 years.

In November 2014, Sir Declan warned that inquests into deaths involving allegations of state collusion and cover-up could go on until 2040 unless the coronial inquests system was changed.

Running parallel with Justice Weir’s review is the continuing controversy over the question of how to deal with the past.

Hopes were high that a mechanism to deal with legacy issues would have been agreed in the latest round of talks

March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

13

5 Westminster says it will not disclose information on past actions by MI5, the British Army or the RUC – particularly in relation to unionist death squads

5 The British Government is refusing to release files on the Dublin and Monaghan bombings

In her most disingenuous remarks, Villiers asserted that the British Government and its agencies were willing to “give full disclosure of all relevant documents to the Historical Investigations Unit without any redactions . . . that is everything . . . all we have which relates to the cases HIU will investigate”.

In what can only be seen as ‘felon setting’, however, Villiers added the proviso that the dispute is not about whether the HIU will have access to all the information it needs. It will, she claimed but added ominously: “The dispute is about onward disclosure from the HIU.” Is the British minister implying that the families or their representatives will put people’s lives at risk?

The statement by Theresa Villiers generated enormous anger among those attending the Pat Finucane Anniversary Lecture being held across the city that same night

5 Human rights solicitor Pat Finucane

The two internationally-renowned human rights lawyers who were the main speakers at the Pat Finucan Anniversary Lecture – Frank La Rue, a human rights lawyer from Guatemala and a former UN Special Rapporteur on the Freedom of Expression; and Paul Seils, a Scottish human rights lawyer and Vice-President of the International Centre for Transitional Justice in New York – were both dismissive of the British argument that “national security” is a justifiable argument for withholding information from families.

Accusing the Secretary of State of trying to block the release of documents from the Public Records Office,which are already widely available, Sinn Féin MLA Gerry Kelly scoffed at her “bizarre claim that disclosing such information

could compromise security despite the fact that many legacy cases are more than 40 years old and the issue of protecting current methodologies has been dealt with, as outlined in our two options papers presented to both governments”.

The even more outlandish claim by the Tory minister that HIU information could go to “Islamist terrorists who want to attack our whole way of life” was answered by Brian Gormally, Director of the Committee on the Administration of Justice, who said: “The Secretary of State’s arguments do not match her demands. She wants a blanket national security veto to be exercised by a politician like herself. That is disproportionate and contrary to human rights.”

‘The MoD is not short of money. It is busy all over the world fighting wars and it’s about to buy more submarines with nuclear warheads, so it’s not short of money’ – Judge Weir

5 The four IRA Volunteers killed in Clonoe, County Tyrone, in February 1992 – Kevin Barry O’Donnell, Seán O’Farrell, Peter Clancy and Patrick Vincent

that resulted in the signing of the ‘Fresh Start’ document in December last year.

Families and advocacy groups such as Relatives for Justice and the Pat Finucane Centre expressed their disappointment and anger over the failure to reach agreement, especially as the mechanisms built around the Historical Investigations Unit for a truth recovery process were largely in place since the parties agreed them as part of the 2014 Stormont House Agreement.

The possibility of progress being made was scuppered by the British Government who insisted that their

“national security” interests would trump all others.

Writing in September 2015 in reply to the NIO’s policy paper on the SHA, Daniel Holder, Deputy Director of the Committee on the Administration of Justice, said: “The Stormont House Agreement is crystal clear that the planned Historical Investigations Unit which will take on legacy investigations into Troubles deaths will be ‘independent’ of everyone else, including Government.

“The United Nations Human Rights Committee as recently as July reminded

London it needed to ensure the HIU was independent, and singled out the area of ‘disclosure’, which refers to what information the HIU is to have powers to get hold of, but also what it is then allowed to do with it.”

Holder maintained that Villiers was also intending to set aside “the normal line of accountability to the Policing Board” if she deems an issue of “national security” is involved.

The question that needs to be asked is whether Villiers’s views from last September indicate that, come hell or high water, the British Government

always intended to play the “national security” card to prevent an open and thorough examination of the past, and particularly its own central role.

Sinn Féin National Chairperson Declan Kearney responded to Secretary of State Villiers by rejecting her statement that there is a disproportionate focus on state actions.

“That is a bogus claim,” he said.

“Theresa Villiers’s speech at the Ulster University has deepened, not lessened, the impasse stopping progress on dealing with the past.

“The fact is that the British state has tried to absolve and distance the actions of its forces and agents from having any responsibility for the conflict and the suffering experienced by all sides.

“Lifting a block on information about the actions of state forces and agents

over 40, 30 or 20 years ago poses no threat to British national security by any definition.

“There is no actual or arguable way in which disclosure about the involvement of British soldiers in the Ballymurphy Massacre; the role of unionist paramilitary state agents in the Dublin/ Monaghan bombings; or the assassination of Pat Finucane by unionist state agents could undermine British national security in the present-day geopolitical context.

“Margaret Thatcher personally approved and presided over numerous state-sanctioned assassinations.

“The national security pretext is about trying to keep the focus of information disclosure away from Downing Street and the most senior levels of British state decision making.”

14 March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

Far Right tries to capitalise on immigration fears

BY MARK MOLONEY CHAOTIC SCENES surrounded Dublin’s O’Connell Street in February as members of an extremist far-right organisation were chased off the streets by anti-fascist activists after a failed attempt to hold an anti-Islam rally in the capital to try and launch an Irish branch of Germany’s PEGIDA (“Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamisation of the West”).

5 Members of the English Defence League pose with weapons in front of a UVF flag

Running clashes took place on the fringes of a larger and entirely peaceful anti-racist rally on Dublin’s O’Connell Street called to oppose the bid by anti-immigrant group Identity Ireland to set up a PEGIDA organisation in Ireland.

PEGIDA has been involved in large marches in Dresden and other German cities against Islam

Identity Ireland held a joint press conference with Tommy Robinson, founder of the notorious street hooligan group the English Defence League and in support of what it calls “Judeo-Christian culture”. PEGIDA, however, has also faced determined opposition in Germany.

The “brains” behind the attempted launch of the Irish branch of PEGIDA are shadowy (and tiny) Identity Ireland and its leader, Peter O’Loughlin.

Identity Ireland has attempted to play on public fears about immigration by claiming that 90% of asylum seekers are “bogus”. It wants Ireland to leave the EU and an end to immigration, coupled with the “deportation of all illegal and criminal migrants”.

O’Loughlin first appeared on the scene when he ran as an Independent candidate during the 2014 European elections in Ireland South, taking

5 Identity Ireland leader Peter O'Loughlin contested the 2014 European election in Ireland South

just 1% of the vote. He later contested the Carlow/ Kilkenny by-election, taking 1.4% of the vote.

Identity Ireland officially launched in July 2015 in Buswells Hotel in Dublin. Its launch, which coincided with the fourth anniversary of the massacre of 77 people by far-right Norwegian extremist Anders Behring Breivik, was disrupted by protesters who accused them of being little more than a thinly-veiled racist group. Identity Ireland denied it had chosen the date to coincide with the anniversary of the Norway attacks.

Other notable members of Identity Ireland are Ted Neville, a veteran of the Immigration Control Platform and who contested elections

between 2002 and 2011 as an Independent on an anti-immigration ticket in Cork South Central, never achieving more than 1.5% of the vote.

In one press release shortly before the failed PEGIDA launch, Identity Ireland let its mask slip when it seemed to accidentally include part of email correspondence in a press statement in which it described Dr Ali Selim, head of the Islamic Cultural Centre in Dublin and a vocal opponent of Islamic terrorist groups, as a “dangerous man” adding: “The sooner we fuck him into the Irish Sea the better.”

So desperate is Identity Ireland to find others who share its views on immigration and Islam that it is willing to cosy up to groups in Britain who are outrightly hostile to Irish people. Identity Ireland even held a joint press conference with Tommy Robinson, founder of the notorious street hooligan group the English Defence League and now an organiser for PEGIDA in Britain. The EDL has been involved in street violence against minorities in Britain and in stoking anti-Irish racism. This included attempts by the EDL to disrupt a Cairde na hÉireann event in Liverpool to remember Irish trade unionist Jim Larkin.

The EDL also has links to loyalist groups in the North of Ireland. In 2011, men claiming to be part of the EDL’s Birmingham

rally, Sinn Féin Dublin MEP Lynn Boylan told demonstrators: “We need to be extremely vigilant about the insidious creeping of racist policy into the mainstream.

“It is the responsibility of each and every one of us to call out racism where and when we see it. That includes discriminatory policies against Travellers. It is everyone’s responsibility to stand up and speak out wherever it raises its ugly head, whether that is on social media, public transport, our workplaces or our schools.”

And on the streets.

Notable members of Identity Ireland include Ted Neville, a veteran of the Immigration Control Platform

5 Sinn Fín's Lynn Boylan MEP speaks at the anti-racist rally in Dublin

Division posted photos online showing them posing with firearms in a room adorned with EDL and Ulster Volunteer Force flags.

Speaking at February’s anti-racist

5 A protester in Dublin shows her opposition to Pegida

March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

15

Armagh women's prison struggle told in inspiring film

5 Thousands show their support for the prisoners in Armagh Jail

BY PEADAR WHELAN A KIND OF SISTERHOOD, the award-winning film produced by Michelle Devlin and Claire Hackett, is a heart-stopping account of the struggle faced by the many republican women who fought their way through the North's prison system during the conflict.

Denied political status in early 1972, women such as Brenda Murphy, Susan Loughran and the now deceased Bridie McMahon joined their male comrades on hunger strike and won the “Special Category” status that was in reality political status.

They protested alongside the 'Blanketmen' in the H-Blocks and again when the 1980 Hunger Strike began Mairéad Farrell (later shot dead by the SAS in Gibraltar in 1988), Mairéad Nugent and Mary Doyle also went without food.

In January 1980 and again in 1992, in two of the most notorious incidents in the North's prison history, riot squads consisting of male prison wardens were sent in to the republican wings and attacked the women.

Throughout all of this, the solidarity and comradeship of the women kept them going.

They were republicans and their commitment kept them strong and they were together. “It was a kind of sisterhood,” says Liz McKee, who was dubbed “Elizabeth the First” by the British tabloid press when she was interned in 1973, the first of 31 republican women jailed without trial.

During the conflict, many republican women saw the inside of British prisons and while no definite number has been arrived at it is believed, poignantly, that 1981 women were imprisoned.

A Kind of Sisterhood is their story

The film was shown last year during Prisoners' Day as part of Belfast's Féile an Phobail and the New Lodge Festival but it deserves to be seen by a much wider audience, and not just a republican audience.

In an emotional interview, Brenda Murphy is strong and determined. Speaking of the prison system, she says: “A little humanity would have went a long way.”

During her second term in Armagh, bizarrely on protest demanding the same political status she won on hunger strike during her first term, she was pregnant.

A Kind of Sisterhood highlights the women's courage and resistance using their own voices

5 POWs in Armagh Jail drilling for their Easter Commemoration

Forced to live in their own urine, faeces and menstrual blood, the stench of women's cells became nauseating and forced a visiting Cardinal Ó Fiaich to almost pass out.

Author Nell McCafferty describes the conditions in Armagh Jail as “barbaric” and declares that the situation in the jail was a “feminist” issue, to the consternation of some Irish and British self-styled feminists.

On International Women's Day, however, many feminist activists travelled to Armagh and staged solidarity protests within earshot of the prisoners.

Strip searching was also used as a tactic against the women to “humiliate, intimidate and dehumanise”, them according to Brenda Murphy.

In March 1992, after Armagh Jail was mothballed and the women were transferred to Maghaberry, County Antrim, riot squads burst into the women's

She gave birth in Craigavon Hospital while handcuffed to a bed.

The prison authorities wouldn't allow her to keep her daughter with her as she was on protest so Brenda was forced to “sign her out like a piece of property”.

The naked sectarianism and brutal nature of the regime became apparent in January 1980 when, after they held a commemoration in honour of Volunteer 'Dee' Delaney killed on active service, riot squads invaded their wing and beat the women.

When the authorities refused to allow the women to slop out they effectively forced them onto to a 'No Wash' protest akin to that being undertaken in the H-Blocks.

Brenda Murphy gave birth in Craigavon Hospital while handcuffed to a bed

5 Volunteer Mairéad Farrell photographed during the 'No Wash' protest

5 Protests against the treatment of women POWs

cells, dragging the prisoners out before putting them in armlocks and forcibly stripping them naked.

According to west Belfast woman Rosie McCorley (now a member of the Assembly): “We endured a brutal sexual assault.” She maintains that it was the new governor “trying to assert his authority”.

While Liz McKee speaks of the relationships in the prison down the years as “a kind of sisterhood”, another prisoner, Rosena Brown, in her poem Fenian, written for a community arts project, says: “My da sang about the 'bold Fenian men' so I didn't mind being called a Fenian. I just held my head up. I am a bold Fenian woman.”

A Kind of Sisterhood captures and explores so many of the aspects of life for women in jail and highlights their courage and resistance using their own voices.

So watch out for it when it goes on show near you and for additional information contact belfastfilmfestival.org

1969 Republican Roll of Honour | L 2nd BATTALION VOLUNTEER

Liam McParland

November 6th, 1969

BELFAST BRIGADE

VOLUNTEER

Jimmy Steele

VOLUNTEER

Paul Fox

John McErlean

VOLUNTEER

Laurence Marley

VOLUNTEER

Seamus Bradley

Seán Bailey

VOLUNTEER

Edward McDonnell

VOLUNTEER

Brendan Davison

VOLUNTEER

Michael Quigley

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Jackie McIlhone

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

December 1st, 1975

February 13th, 1976

1st BATTALION

August 9th, 1970

Tony Henderson

VOLUNTEER

February 15th, 1976

VOLUNTEER

October 16th, 1976

VOLUNTEER

April 4th, 1971 VOLUNTEER

Terence McDermott October 2nd, 1971 VOLUNTEER

Martin Forsythe

October 24th, 1971

Peter Blake

October 27th, 1970

Tom McGoldrick

October 27th, 1970 VOLUNTEER

Charles Hughes March 8th, 1971

James McGrillen Paul Marlowe VOLUNTEER

Tommy Tolan July 27th, 1977

June 28th, 1972 VOLUNTEER

Francis Hall

August 30th, 1973

Danny O’Neill

January 7th, 1972 VOLUNTEER

Albert Kavanagh March 4th, 1972

January 17th, 1980

VOLUNTEER

February 23rd, 1981

VOLUNTEER

John Rooney

VOLUNTEER

Seán Johnston

Tony Campbell

March 9th, 1972

August 4th, 1985

VOLUNTEER

Tom McCann

VOLUNTEER

Brian Dempsey

VOLUNTEER

Thomas Kane July 6th, 1976 VOLUNTEER

Danny Lennon

August 10th, 1976 VOLUNTEER

Brendan O’Callaghan

April 23rd, 1977 VOLUNTEER

Dan Turley

June 9th, 1983 VOLUNTEER

Tom McGill

February 28th, 1986

March 9th, 1972 VOLUNTEER

Patrick Campbell March 25th, 1972 VOLUNTEER

Robert McCrudden August 3rd, 1972 VOLUNTEER

Michael Clarke

August 11th, 1972 VOLUNTEER

Jimmy Quigley

September 29th, 1972

October 10th, 1972

Margaret McArdle June 7th, 1987 VOLUNTEER

Kevin McCracken March 14th, 1988 VOLUNTEER

Caoimhín Mac Brádaigh

March 16th, 1988 VOLUNTEER

Patricia Black

November 15th, 1991 VOLUNTEER

Frankie Ryan

November 15th, 1991 VOLUNTEER

Pearse Jordan

November 25th, 1992

John Donaghy VOLUNTEER

Joseph McKinney October 10th, 1972 VOLUNTEER

Stan Carberry

November 13th, 1972 VOLUNTEER

Francis Liggett

January 18th, 1973 VOLUNTEER

Edward O’Rawe April 12th, 1973 VOLUNTEER

Joseph McKenna May 16th, 1973 VOLUNTEER

Patrick Mulvenna August 31st, 1973 VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

April 4th, 1994

September 22nd, 1973

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

John O’Rawe Jimmy Roe

August 12th, 1996

James Bryson

Martin Skillen

August 3rd, 1974

VOLUNTEER

Tony Ahern

VOLUNTEER VOLUNTEER

May 10th, 1973 VOLUNTEER

Dermot Crowley

July 21st, 1972

VOLUNTEER

James Sloan

May 2nd, 1987 VOLUNTEER

Proinsias Mac Airt

April 17th, 1973

VOLUNTEER

Seán McKee

February 3rd, 1999 3rd BATTALION VOLUNTEER

Michael Kane VOLUNTEER

James Saunders VOLUNTEER

Billy Reid VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

May 18th, 1973 VOLUNTEER

Frederick Leonard May 7th, 1974 VOLUNTEER

Séamus McCusker October 31st, 1975

Tony Nolan

December 8th, 1971 VOLUNTEER

Gerald McDade

December 21st, 1971 VOLUNTEER

Joseph Cunningham February 10th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

Jim Mulvenna

VOLUNTEER

Laurence Montgomery

Robert Dorrian Joseph Magee

January 13th, 1976 DOWNPATRICK VOLUNTEER

Vivien Fitzsimmons February 10th, 1973 NEWCASTLE VOLUNTEER

June 21st, 1978

VOLUNTEER

David Russell

Antoine Mac Giolla Bhrighde

VOLUNTEER

John McDaid

Francis Bradley

VOLUNTEER

James Kelly

Ethel Lynch

Jim Gallagher VOLUNTEER

Brian Coyle

June 30th, 1976 VOLUNTEER

Dennis Heaney June 10th, 1978 VOLUNTEER

Pat Harkin

October 2nd, 1978 VOLUNTEER

Patsy Duffy

May 28th, 1981 VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Damien Brolly Dec 30th, 1991

DUBLIN VOLUNTEER

July 17th, 1976 VOLUNTEER

January 15th, 1983 VOLUNTEER

Martin Doherty

VOLUNTEER

ENGLAND

Mick Timothy

January 26th, 1985 VOLUNTEER

May 5th , 1992 VOLUNTEER

May 21st, 1994

VOLUNTEER

Richard Quigley

VOLUNTEER

June 27th, 1970

VOLUNTEER

December 2nd, 1984

(PARKHURST PRISON)

VOLUNTEER

July 8th, 1970

VOLUNTEER

December 6th, 1984

James McDade

November 14th, 1974

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Brian Fox

June 27 th, 1970

Joseph Coyle

Thomas Carlin Eamonn Lafferty

April 21st, 1984

Ciaran Fleming Danny Doherty Willie Fleming

VOLUNTEER

Michael Gaughan June 3rd, 1974 VOLUNTEER VOLUNTEER

August 18th, 1971

December 6th, 1984

December 21st, 1974

James O’Hagan

VOLUNTEER

Charles English

VOLUNTEER

Francis Stagg

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

August 19th, 1971

Colm Keenan

August 6th, 1985

Tony Gough

February 22nd, 1986

Samuel Hughes April 7th, 1972

Frankie Donnelly

VOLUNTEER

Eugene McGillan

VOLUNTEER

Philip McFadden

January 21st, 1975

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Patrick O’Hagan

“ Life springs from death and from the graves of patriot men and women spring living nations.” – Pádraig Mac Piarais

September 9th, 1985

December 24th, 1982

Thomas McCool

October 23rd, 1979

VOLUNTEER

Raymond McLaughlin

VOLUNTEER

Eamonn Bradley

March 14th, 1972

April 7th, 1972

July 17th, 1976

Christy Harford

May 28th, 1981

VOLUNTEER

January 21st, 1975

VOLUNTEER

Peter McElcar

August 25th, 1982

DERRY BRIGADE

Martin McKenna

VOLUNTEER

Colm Daltun

George McBrearty

January 5th, 1979

Charles McCrystal

Feb 18th, 1986

VOLUNTEER

John Kelly

John Stone

VOLUNTEER

Patrick Cannon

February 21st, 1972

January 5th, 1979

December 2nd, 1984

November 24th, 1978

Phil O’Donnell

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Michael Meenan

VOLUNTEER

July 8th, 1972

June 21st, 1978

February 7th, 1982

PORTADOWN

Julie Dougan

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Danny McMullan

Charles Maguire

VOLUNTEER

June 21st, 1978 VOLUNTEER

June 24th, 1974

VOLUNTEER

James Sheridan

Pauline Kane July 21st, 1973

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

February 21st, 1972

Rosemary Bleakley

January 18th, 1978

Denis Brown

February 21st, 1972

VOLUNTEER

Jackie McMahon

VOLUNTEER

Gerard Steele

Laura Crawford

December 1st, 1975

Trevor McKibbin

Jackie Mailey

Gerard Bell

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

February 21st, 1972

Bridie Dolan

Joseph Surgenor

April 17th, 1977

December 18th, 1971

DONEGAL

February 9th, 1975

Frank Fitzsimmons

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Gerard Craig

May 17th, 1976

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

October 16th, 1976

December 18th, 1971

December 3rd, 1973

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

September 1st, 1973

January 13th, 1976

VOLUNTEER

August 9th, 1971

Joe Walker

John Bateson

March 25th, 1993

Anne Marie Petticrew

Martin McDonagh

Patrick McAdorey

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

August 11th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

October 16th, 1976

December 18th, 1971

December 7th, 1974

Anne Parker

VOLUNTEER

James McDaid

December 29th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Brian Smyth

VOLUNTEER

Martin Lee

VOLUNTEER

Maura Meehan

James McCann

October 28th, 1987

December 7th, 1974

October 23rd, 1971

October 23rd, 1971

March 27th, 1973

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

October 30th, 1974

Tony Campbell

Patrick McCabe

James Carr

November 28th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Dorothy Maguire

February 4th, 1973

January 8th, 1992

Harry Burns

BELFAST

February 3rd, 1973 VOLUNTEER

John Brady

June 24th, 1974

July 28th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

Finbarr McKenna

May 15th, 1971

VOLUNTEER

September 14th, 1986

July 14th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Patrick Maguire

CORK

February 4th, 1973

February 6th, 1971

October 10th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

June 25th, 1986

VOLUNTEER

October 6th, 1972

May 6th, 1988

Hugh Hehir

May 28th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

September 4th, 1970

VOLUNTEER

Jim McKernan

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Daniel McAreavey

COUNTY DERRY

VOLUNTEER

CUMANN NA mBAN

March 9th, 1972

April 5th, 1976

CLARE

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Liam Hannaway

November 8th, 1974

Seán McDermott

Eddie McSheffrey

Séamus Cassidy

James Burns

November 15th, 1974

November 28th, 1972

Thomas Begley

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Tony Lewis

October 23rd, 1993

VOLUNTEER

July 1st, 1980

VOLUNTEER

Gerard Fennell

October 28th, 1987

VOLUNTEER

June 25th, 1973

February 2nd, 1981

March 9th, 1972

Paddy Deery

Joseph Downey

Terence O’Neill

Gerard Crossan

April 9th , 1974

VOLUNTEER

September17th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Daniel Burke

July 25th, 1988

VOLUNTEER

Martin Engelen

July 15th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

Gerard Logue

March 22nd, 1987

VOLUNTEER

James Reid

Kevin Delaney

VOLUNTEER

July 31st, 1972

May 28th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

April 2nd, 1987

Joseph Fitzsimmons

Louis Scullion

VOLUNTEER

John Finucane

August 11th, 1971

May 28th, 1972

April 25th, 1979

Séamus Simpson

Tony Jordan

June 28th, 1972

May 28th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

Billy Carson

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

April 7th, 1972

March 14th, 1972

John Starrs

May 13th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

May 31st, 1986 VOLUNTEER

August 9th, 1986

VOLUNTEER

(WAKEFIELD PRISON)

February 12th, 1976

HONOUR IRELA PATRIOT DE WEAR AN EASTE

They died for Irish freedom | F

r | Liosta Laochra na Poblachta 2016 Edward O’Brien

VOLUNTEER

Mairéad Farrell

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

February 18th , 1996

Diarmuid O’Neill

September 23rd , 1996

FIANNA ÉIREANN FIAN

Gerald McAuley August 15th, 1969 FIAN

Michael Sloan

January 11th, 1972 FIAN

Eamon McCormick January 16th, 1972 FIAN

Gerry Donaghy

January 30th, 1972 FIAN

VOLUNTEER

March 6th, 1988

Dan McCann

March 6th, 1988 VOLUNTEER

Seán Savage

FIAN

Seán O’Riordan March 23rd, 1972 FIAN

Michael Magee May 13th, 1972

Séamus Twomey

September 12th , 1989

June 12th, 1993 VOLUNTEER

Patrick Kelly

June 11th, 1997

LIMERICK VOLUNTEER

Patrick Sheehy

January 2nd, 1991

LONG KESH VOLUNTEER

July 16th, 1972

July 2nd, 1974

FIAN

Hugh Coney

Bernard Fox

December 4th, 1972

Francis Dodds

May 3rd, 1974

VOLUNTEER VOLUNTEER

James Moyne

January 13th, 1975 VOLUNTEER

Henry Heaney

FIAN

Seán Bateson

December 4th, 1972

Michael Marley

November 24th, 1973 FIAN

Robert Allsopp March 23rd, 1975

June 4th, 1978 VOLUNTEER

June 7th, 1990 VOLUNTEER

Pól Kinsella

December 13th, 1994

H-BLOCK MARTYRS

August 29th, 1975

Bobby Sands

FIAN

Kevin McAuley

November 6th, 1975 FIAN

James O’Neill

February 12th, 1976 FIAN

Paul McWilliams August 9th, 1977 FIAN

John Dempsey July 8th, 1981

VOLUNTEER

May 5th, 1981 VOLUNTEER

Francis Hughes May 12th, 1981 VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Jack McCabe

December 27th, 1971 VOLUNTEER

Thomas O’Donnell May 17th, 1973

IRELAND'S OT DEAD EASTER LILY

August 22nd, 1972 VOLUNTEER

Brendan Quinn

December 24th, 1973 VOLUNTEER

Edward Grant VOLUNTEER

March 1st, 1983

VOLUNTEER

February 10th, 1973

February 23rd, 1985

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

David Devine

Eddie Dynes

July 21st, 1973

PORTLAOISE

VOLUNTEER

Declan Arthurs Séamus Donnelly

SLIGO

VOLUNTEER

Francis Rice

February 19th, 1992

Colum Marks

April 10th, 1991

VOLUNTEER

Kevin Coen

TYRONE

January 20th, 1975

VOLUNTEER

Denis Quinn

VOLUNTEER

Joseph MacManus

July 3rd, 1972

February 5th, 1992

SOUTH ARMAGH VOLUNTEER

Michael McVerry

November 15th, 1973 VOLUNTEER

Seán Boyle

February 1st, 1975

VOLUNTEER

Francis Jordan

VOLUNTEER

Hugh Heron

October 16th , 1972 VOLUNTEER

John Patrick Mullan October 16th, 1972 VOLUNTEER

Eugene Devlin

December 27th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

May 8th, 1987 VOLUNTEER

May 8th, 1987 VOLUNTEER

Tony Gormley May 8th, 1987 VOLUNTEER

Eugene Kelly May 8th, 1987 VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Pádraig McKearney

Seán Campbell

Seán Loughran

VOLUNTEER

Brendan Watters

VOLUNTEER

December 6th, 1975

VOLUNTEER

June 25th, 1973

NORTH ANTRIM

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Gerard McGlynn

August 30th, 1988

VOLUNTEER

Séamus Harvey

August 30th, 1988

January 16th, 1977

VOLUNTEER

August 11th, 1973

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Robert Carr

April 1st, 1980

August 8th, 1984

VOLUNTEER

Phelim Grant

February 5th, 1972 VOLUNTEER

Charles McCann

February 5th, 1972 VOLUNTEER

Henry Hogan

February 21st, 1984

December 6th, 1975

May 13th, 1973

June 25th, 1973

James Lochrie Peter Cleary

April 15th, 1976

Séamus Harvey

Peadar McElvanna June 9th, 1979

Patrick Carty

August 11th, 1973

Daniel McAnallen August 16th, 1973

May 8th, 1987 VOLUNTEER

Gerard O’Callaghan May 8th, 1987 VOLUNTEER

Séamus Woods

VOLUNTEER

Gerard Harte VOLUNTEER

Martin Harte

February 6th, 1989

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

November 29th, 1989

VOLUNTEER

Jim McGinn

December 15th, 1973

Dessie Grew

December 30th, 1990

VOLUNTEER

October 9th, 1990

VOLUNTEER

Eugene Martin

VOLUNTEER

Patrick McDonald

VOLUNTEER

Martin McCaughey

VOLUNTEER

Kevin Murray

VOLUNTEER

Noel Wilkinson

VOLUNTEER

John Quinn

VOLUNTEER

April 4th, 1989

NORTH ARMAGH

April 8th, 1996

Michael Crossey

May 21st, 1981

December 17th, 1971

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Charles Agnew

John Francis Green January 10th, 1975 VOLUNTEER

Terry Brady

July 13th, 1981

December 5th, 1975

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

August 8th, 1996

March 15th, 1974

VOLUNTEER

Eugene Martin

SOUTH FERMANAGH

Seán McKearney

March 12th, 2003

VOLUNTEER

December 15th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Peter McNulty

VOLUNTEER

May 24th, 1991

Pádraig O Seanacháin August 12th, 1991

Tommy Donaghy August 16th, 1991

Bernard O’Hagan

September 16th, 1991

Pat McBride

February 4th, 1992

Danny Cassidy April 2nd, 1992

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Dwayne O’Donnell

Peter Gallagher

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

May 1st , 1993

Paul Duffy

Brian Campbell

December 4th, 1983

VOLUNTEER

James Carlin

VOLUNTEER

Colm McGirr

VOLUNTEER

March 3rd, 1991

March 3rd, 1991

Tony Doris VOLUNTEER

June 3rd, 1991 VOLUNTEER

Pete Ryan

August 26th, 1972

December 4th, 1983

June 3rd, 1991

VOLUNTEER

Eugene Toman

VOLUNTEER

August 26th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

William Price

VOLUNTEER

Danny McCauley

m | Fuair siad bás ar son saoirse na hÉireann

Eddie Fullerton

Malachy Carey

January 26th, 1972

November 11th, 1982

Sam Marshall

Malcolm Nugent

November 11th, 1982

Martin Curran

Tommy Casey

VOLUNTEER

November 11th, 1982

August 20th, 1981

John Davey

February 14th, 1989

VOLUNTEER

August 8th, 1981

Mickey Devine (INLA)

Paddy Brady

November 16th, 1984

Sheena Campbell

Lawrence McNally

Seán Burns

Jeff McKenna

Paddy Loughran

March 3rd, 1991

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

Peter Corrigan

VOLUNTEER

June 3rd, 1991

SOUTH DOWN

(PARKHURST PRISON)

February 4th, 1992

February 26th, 1978

December 10th, 1975

Seán Ó Conaill October 1st, 1977

March 3rd, 1991

Neil Lafferty

April 26th, 1986

Maire Drumm

October 28th, 1976

October 9th, 1990

April 26th, 1975

August 1st, 1981

Gervase McKerr

Liam Ryan

VOLUNTEER

Séamus McElwain

(LEICESTER PRISON)

October 9th, 1976

May 13th, 1974

May 13th, 1974

Louis Leonard

Kevin Lynch (INLA)

David Kennedy

March 15th, 1974

Noel Jenkinson

March 7th, 1990

November 26th, 1973

Gerard Casey

July 16th, 1976

VOLUNTEER

James Joseph Connolly

August 16th, 1973

Fergal Caraher

June 5th, 1976

October 26th, 1990

February 29th, 1988

Peter Rodden

Paul Best

February 18th, 1976

August 30th, 1988

VOLUNTEER

December 7th, 1987

April 24th, 1974

November 8th, 1982

VOLUNTEER

Desmond Morgan

SINN FÉIN Jim Murphy

VOLUNTEER

Brian Mullin

Brendan Burns Brendan Moley

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Peter Clancy

February 16th, 1992

October 25th, 1982

February 29th, 1988

Declan Martin

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Patrick Vincent

February 16th, 1992

July 7th, 1988

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Patrick Quinn

February 16th, 1992

Derek Highstead

Jim Lynagh

May 8th, 1987

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Kevin Barry O’Donnell

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October 18th, 1974

June 4th, 1975

February 16th, 1992

Colm Mulgrew

Kevin Kilpatrick

Michael Hughes

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Seán O’Farrell

Paddy Kelly

May 8th, 1987

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Patsy O’Hara (INLA)

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February 23rd, 1985

May 18th, 1975

Keith Rogers

Thomas McElwee

Michael Devine

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VOLUNTEER

August 2nd, 1981

VOLUNTEER

Brendan Seery

March 17th, 1975

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Kieran Doherty

February 23rd, 1985

August 14th, 1974

November 22nd, 1971

Martin Hurson

Paul Magorrian

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VOLUNTEER

May 21st, 1981

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

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Charlie Breslin

Tom Smith

Malachy Watters

Joe McDonnell

Alphonsus Cunningham

December 17th, 1984

Patrick McKeown August 27th, 1974

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Leo O’Hanlon

Seán McIlvenna

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Raymond McCreesh

July 8th, 1981

GHQ STAFF

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Noel Madden

February 21st, 1984

FIAN

James Templeton

August 22nd, 1972

November 6th, 1974

FIAN

Seán Hughes

VOLUNTEER

December 24th, 1973

Patrick Teer

FIAN

VOLUNTEER

Patrick Hughes

Oliver Rowntree

FIAN

September 20th, 1972

August 9th, 1972

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Michael Motley

VOLUNTEER

Joseph McComiskey

Colm Murtagh

August 22nd, 1972

Teddy Campbell

Tobias Molloy

Peadar Mohan

February 1st, 1981

LAOIS

FIAN

July 9th, 1972

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

VOLUNTEER

John Dougal

June 5th, 1975

NEWRY

September 9th, 1973

June 11th, 1972

Seán McKenna

VOLUNTEER

FIAN

Joseph Campbell

VOLUNTEER

March 6th, 1988

David McAuley

February 19th, 1972

MONAGHAN

July 13th, 1984

VOLUNTEER

June 4th, 1991

October 16th, 1992 Dec 12th, 1992

March 24th, 1993

Alan Lundy

Pat McGeown

October 1st, 1996

anphoblacht compiled 19th March 2016

• Vol. Jim O’Hanlon, Belfast • Vol. Terry Toolan, Belfast • Vol. Jackie Mooney, Belfast • Vol. Michael Neil, Belfast • Vol. John Joe Martin, Leitrim • Vol. Colm Mulvihill, Leitrim • Cathy McGartland, Belfast (Cumann na gCailíní) • Vol. Gerry McKiernan, South Armagh • Vol. Paddy Mulligan, Lisnaskea • Vol. Jimmy Connolly, Fermanagh • Vol. Stevie Scullion, Belfast • Vol. Jackie McCartan, Belfast • Vol. James E McKenna, Roslea • Vol. Charlie McGlade, Dublin • Vol. Joe Buckley, Dublin • Vol. John Joe McGirl, Leitrim • Vol. Bridie O’Neill, Belfast • Vol. Liam McDonagh, Belfast • Vol. Tim McGarry, Donegal • Vol. Liam Mullholland, Belfast • Vol. Francie McGirl, Leitrim • Vol. Packie Duffy, Monaghan • Vol. Tim Daly, Monaghan • Vol. Damien McFadden, Donegal • Vol. Mick Sheehan, Dublin • Vol. Bob Smith, Dublin • Vol. Paddy McManus, Belfast

2016 ROLL OF REMEMBRANCE • Vol. Rita McGlynn, Dublin • Vol. Mick Murray, Dublin • Vol. Terry Clarke, Belfast • Vol. Seán Rehill, Leitrim • Vol. Gary Toner, South Armagh • Vol. Patrick Rooney, Roslea • Vol. Tom Cahill, Belfast • Vol. JB O’Hagan, Lurgan • Vol. Jimmy Drumm, Belfast • Vol. Barney McFadden, Derry • Vol. Paddy O’Hagan, Tyrone • Vol. Johnny Copeland, Belfast • Vol. Danny O’Hagan, Belfast • Vol. Barney McKenna, Belfast • Vol. Seán Campbell, Tyrone • Vol. Anne McCoy, Toome • Fian Neil McCrory, Belfast • Vol. Eddie Brophy, Belfast • Vol. Seán O’Neill, Belfast • Vol. Kathleen Thompson, Belfast • Vol. Kathleen Carmichael, Belfast • Vol. Con McHugh, Belfast • Vol. Paddy Mullan, Derry • Vol. Jim Friel, Derry

• Vol. Harry McCartney, Armagh • Vol. Joe Cahill, Belfast • Vol. Marie Wright, Belfast • Vol. Hugh Duffy, Derry • Vol. Liam Casey, South Derry • Vol. Raymond Wilkinson, Belfast • Alfie Hannaway, Belfast • Tony Curry, Belfast • Mary Hughes, Belfast, Sinn Féin • Joe Ennis, Cavan, Sinn Féin • Jackie Callaghan, Belfast, Sinn Féin • John Huddleston, Belfast, Sinn Féin • Pat O’Hare, Belfast, Sinn Féin • Margaret McKenna, South Derry, Sinn Féin • Gerry Loughran, Monaghan, Sinn Féin • Harry Crawford, Belfast • Mary McGreevy, Belfast • Geraldine McMahon, Belfast • Paddy Shanahan, Dublin • Gerry Campbell, Belfast • Gonne Carmichael, Belfast • David Thompson, Belfast, Sinn Féin • Joe McGilloway, Derry, Sinn Féin • Matt Devlin, Tyrone, Sinn Féin

• Brendan Dorris, Tyrone, Sinn Féin • Vol. Daithí Forde, Wexford • Vol. Kevin Fallon, Leitrim • Philip McDonald, Monaghan • Vol. Francie Caraher, South Armagh • Vol. Kevin Caherty, South Armagh • Brian Campbell, Newry • Vol. Siobhán O’Hanlon, Belfast • Vol. Eileen Hickey, Belfast • Vol. Billy Reid, Belfast • Vol. Robert Murphy, Belfast • Vol. Gerald Fearon, South Armagh • Vol. Liam Farrelly, South Armagh • Vol. Jackie McGrane, Dundalk • Vol. Eamonn McCann, Lurgan • Vol. Eugene McMahon, Fermanagh • Vol. Cathal Quinn, Tyrone • Patsy McMahon, Tyrone, Sinn Féin • Barney McAleer, Tyrone, Sinn Féin • Michael Ferguson, Belfast, Sinn Féin • Mary McGuigan, Ardoyne • Sally Kearney, Turf Lodge • Geordie Shannon, Turf Lodge • Vol. Martin Meehan, Belfast

• Vol. Owen McCaughey, Tyrone • Vol. Mickey McAnespie, Tyrone • Benny Connolly, Dublin • Brian O’Gorman, Dublin • Jim Hyland, Laois • Vol. Brian Keenan, Belfast • Vol. Eugene Cosgrove, Fermanagh • Vol. Joan Foster, Fermanagh • Vol. Pat Lynch, South Armagh • Marie Moore, Belfast, Sinn Féin • PJ Branley, Donegal, Sinn Féin • Dessie McNulty, Donegal, Sinn Féin • Éamon MacThomáis, Dublin • Robert Sloan, Dublin • Ivan Barr, Strabane, Sinn Féin • Charlie McHugh, Castlederg, Sinn Féin • Eddie Keenan, Belfast • Michael Mulrine, Donegal • Seamus Flynn, Belfast, Sinn Féin • Vol. Marshall Mooney, Belfast • Frank Kelly, Dublin • Eugene O’Neill, Donegal • Vol. Peter Hamilton, Belfast • Vol. Patrick Markey, Belfast • Vol. Robert McMahon, Belfast • Vol. Declan McCloskey, Belfast An Phoblacht, March / Márta 2016

Caith Lile na Cásca – Tabhair ómós do laochra na hÉireann | Honour Ireland’s patriot dead – Wear an Easter Lily Téigh chun do chumhneachán Cásca áitiúl | Attend your local Easter commemoration

Poblacht na hÉireann Rialtas Sealadach Phoblacht na hÉireann le mhuintir na hÉireann The Provisional Government of the Irish Republic to the people of Ireland A FHEARA AGUS A MHNÁ NA hÉIREANN : In ainm Dé agus ghlúnta na marbh óna bhfaigheann sí a seantraidisiún mar náisiún, tá Éire, trínne, ag gairm a clainne chun a brataí agus ag bualadh buille ar son a saoirse.

Tar éis di eagar agus oiliúint a chur ar a cuid fear trína heagraíocht rúnda réabhlóideach, Bráithreachas Phoblacht na hÉireann, agus trína heagraíochtaí míleata oscailte, Óglaigh na hÉireann agus Arm Cathartha na hÉireann, tar éis di a riailbhéas a thabhairt go foighneach chun foirfeachta agus feitheamh go rúndaingean leis an bhfaill í féin a fhoilsiú go tráthúil, tá sí ag glacadh na faille sin anois, agus le tacaíocht óna clann atá ar deoraíocht i Meiriceá agus ó chomhghuaillithe calma san Eoraip, ach ag seasamh di ar a neart dílis féin ar an gcéad ásc, tá sí ag bualadh buille agus í lándóchasach go mbéarfaidh sí bua.

Dearbhaímid gur ceart ceannasach dochloíte é ceart mhuintir na hÉireann ar dhílse na hÉireann agus ar chumhacht gan chosc ar chinniúint na hÉireann. Forghabháil an chirt sin atá á himirt le fada ag pobal agus rialtas eachtrannach, níor mhúch sí an ceart sin ná ní féidir é a mhúchadh go brách ach le díothú mhuintir na hÉireann. Gach glúin dár tháinig, dhearbhaigh muintir na hÉireann a gceart ar shaoirse agus ar fhlaitheas náisiúnta; sé huaire le trí chéad bliain anuas a dhearbhaigh siad faoi airm é. Ag seasamh dúinn ar an gceart bunaidh sin agus á dhearbhú arís dúinn faoi airm os comhair an tsaoil, fógraímid leis seo Poblacht na hÉireann ina Stát Ceannasach Neamhspleách agus cuirimid ár mbeo féin agus beo ár gcompánach airm i ngeall lena saoirse, lena leas agus lena móradh i measc na náisiún.

Dlíonn Poblacht na hÉireann, agus éilíonn leis seo, dílseacht mhuintir uile na hÉireann, idir fhir agus mhná. Ráthaíonn an Phoblacht saoirse chreidimh agus saoirse shibhialta, comhchearta agus comhdheiseanna dá saoránaigh uile, agus dearbhaíonn gur rún di féachaint chuig séan agus sonas an náisiúin uile agus gach páirte de, clanna uile an náisiúin a chaomhnú go cothrom, gan beann aici ar na difríochtaí ar chothaigh Rialtas coimhthíoch go cúramach iad agus a dheighil mionlach ón tromlach san am a chuaigh thart.

Go dtí go dtiocfaidh an uain, de neart ár n-arm, Rialtas Náisiúnta buan a bhunú, a dhéanfaidh ionadaíocht do mhuintir uile na hÉireann agus a thoghfar le vótaí a cuid fear agus ban uile, déanfaidh an Rialtas Sealadach, a bhunaítear leis seo, gnóthaí sibhialta agus míleata na Poblachta a riar ar iontaobhas thar ceann na muintire.

Cuirimid cúis Phoblacht na hÉireann faoi choimirce Dhia Mór na nUilechumhachtaí, a n-impímid A bheannacht ar ár n-airm, agus guímid gan aon duine a bheas ag fónamh sa chúis sin easonóir a tharraingt uirthi le mílaochas, le mídhaonnacht ná le díbhearg. Ar uair seo na cinniúna, ní foláir do náisiún na hÉireann a chruthú lena mhisneach agus lena riailbhéas, agus le toil a chlainne iad féin a íobairt mar mhaithe leis an gcoiteann, gur fiú é an dán ró-uasal dá ngairtear é.

IRISHMEN AND IRISHWOMEN: In the name of God and of the dead generations from which she receives her old tradition of nationhood, Ireland, through us, summons her children to her flag and strikes for her freedom.

Having organised and trained her manhood through her secret revolutionary organisation, the Irish Republican Brotherhood, and through her open military organisations, the Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizen Army, having patiently perfected her discipline, having resolutely waited for the right moment to reveal itself, she now seizes that moment, and supported by her exiled children in America and by gallant allies in Europe, but relying in the first on her own strength, she strikes in full confidence of victory.

We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible. The long usurpation of that right by a foreign people and government has not extinguished the right, nor can it ever be extinguished except by the destruction of the Irish people. In every generation the Irish people have asserted their right to national freedom and sovereignty; six times during the past three hundred years they have asserted it in arms. Standing on that fundamental right and again asserting it in arms in the face of the world, we hereby proclaim the Irish Republic as a Sovereign Independent State, and we pledge our lives and the lives of our comrades in arms to the cause of its freedom, of its welfare, and of its exaltation among the nations.

The Irish Republic is entitled to, and hereby claims, the allegiance of every Irishman and Irishwoman. The Republic guarantees religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens, and declares its resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and of all its parts, cherishing all of the children of the nation equally, and oblivious of the differences carefully fostered by an alien Government, which have divided a minority from the majority in the past.

Until our arms have brought the opportune moment for the establishment of a permanent National Government, representative of the whole people of Ireland and elected by the suffrages of all her men and women, the Provisional Government, hereby constituted, will administer the civil and military affairs of the Republic in trust for the people.

We place the cause of the Irish Republic under the protection of the Most High God, Whose blessing we invoke upon our arms, and we pray that no one who serves that cause will dishonour it by cowardice, inhumanity, or rapine. In this supreme hour the Irish nation must, by its valour and discipline, and by the readiness of its children to sacrifice themselves for the common good, prove itself worthy of the august destiny to which it is called.

Arna shíniú thar ceann an Rialtais Shealadaigh, | Signed on behalf of the Provisional Government,

THOMAS J. CLARKE SEAN Mac DIARMADA THOMAS MacDONAGH P. H. PEARSE EAMONN CEANNT JAMES CONNOLLY JOSEPH PLUNKETT

March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

19

SPECIAL 1916 CENTENARY EDITION

BOOK REVIEWS BY MICHAEL MANNION

Manchester’s 1916 martyrs and Arthur Griffith Hidden Heroes of Easter Week: Memories of Volunteers from England who joined the Easter Rising

Their lives are traced from their formative years until their eventual deaths, with the main body of work devoted to Easter 1916.

This is an absolute gem, full of interesting narrative and packed with

fascinating anecdotes which paint a very real picture of both ordinary life and momentous events.

The mood of the time is ably illustrated by stories such as that of the Cunard White Star Line in November 1915 refusing to carry 700 Irishmen from Liverpool to America to ensure they would be available to fulfil their ‘patriotic duty’ and join the British Army.

Fascinating pen pictures of the Rising itself emerge, Michael Collins was “aggressive . . . lacking elementary knowledge” and unpopular, according to Irish Volunteer Joe Goode.

The volume is packed with insights such as these. Wonderfully researched and beautifully written, it is one of the most enjoyable books I’ve seen for some time and really deserves to have as wide a readership as possible.

Do try and obtain a copy, and you’ll be glad you did.

Hidden Heroes is available from hiddenheroesofeasterweek.wordpress. com, Amazon and Kindle.

and Mozambique, that his humanity really begins to show.

Arthur Griffith may well have been something of a charisma-free zone, but he is without doubt a fascinating individual.

Born into a relatively poor family in inner city Dublin, he grew up in a tenament building in Upper Dominick Street. He was largely self-educated, having left formal education at the age

of 13. He was a voracious reader and keenly interested in self-improvement as well as youthful protest politics. His views were a product of these formative years which, it has to be remembered, were the 19th, not 20th, century. As the author states: “His life began in 1871, not in 1917.”

Dr McGee ably charts Griffith’s progress amongst the myriad of political, social and cultural organisations that proliferated in Irish society at this time. The slightly chaotic overlap of these groups, often with diametrically opposing agendas, explains much of the background to Griffith’s sometimes eclectic beliefs. Unusually for his time, his main contention against Britain was not one of cultural domination but economic and fiscal control purely in Britain’s interests.

The complexity of Griffith’s contribution, character and legacy is best illustrated by the fact that the author’s conclusion runs to 49 pages. This book serves to illuminate a character that is described as “representing a past that no longer seems to suit . . . and so has been necessarily airbrushed out of Irish history”. This scholarly tome firmly restores him as an important figure in the formation of the modern state.

By Robin Stocks

IT WOULD BE A PITY if the excellent and very readable Hidden Heroes of Easter Week, with its original research as a self-published work, was lost in the deluge of books from commercial publishing houses on the 1916 Rising.

It’s a page-turner.

Hidden Heroes is an examination of the part played in the Easter Rising by Volunteers from England and Scotland.

Whilst the Tan War was mostly credited to Munster and Dublin, the Easter Rising is often seen as Dublin’s alone.

As a consequence, the actions of the hundred or so Volunteers who travelled from England and Scotland have long been overlooked. This book helps to redress that balance.

The book follows the lives of two Volunteers from Manchester and a Cumann na mBan member from Dublin who subsequently married one of them.

Arthur Griffith

By Owen McGee

EVERYONE KNOWS a few facts about Arthur Griffith. He founded a political movement called Sinn Féin, he was instrumental in securing the signing and ratification of the Treaty, he was a pillar of the nascent Free State Government – and that’s probably about it.

Some people may know that he was a vocal advocate of the “dual monarchy” idea along the lines of the Austro-Hungarian Empire (two separate parliaments under the auspices of one monarchy). In most other respects, he remains an enigma to the vast majority of Irish people.

This new biography shines a light on many aspects of Arthur Griffith’s life but is frustratingly reticent on others. This is basically a political and economic history as much as a biography. It is packed with fine research and detailed analysis and interpretation of the evolution of Arthur Griffith’s political views, and how he sought to exercise them.

What it is not is a personal biography of the man as an individual human being with an emotional as well as a political dimension. It is only when writing about Griffith’s travels in southern Africa, through Zanzibar

anphoblacht SPECIAL 1916 CENTENARY EDITION 2016

RRP €3.50 / £3

EASTER RISING

19 16 Éirí Amach na Cásca

‘We went out to break the connection between this country and the British Empire and to establish an Irish Republic JAMES CONNOLLY

IDEAL FOR SELLING AT YOUR EASTER COMMEMORATIONS AND CENTENARY EVENTS INCLUDING: • Introduction by Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams • Full chronology of events • 1916 Ceannairí | Biographies of the leading men and women who took part in the rising

• Seven Days, Seven Men, Seven Hills | By Éamonn Mac Thomáis, republican activist, writer and historian

• Women in struggle | by Máire Comerford, a lifelong republican who witnessed central events in 1916-23

• Map and description of the main battles and major events • The Rising outside Dublin • Stop press! Censorship and the media reaction to Easter 1916 • Roger Casement | 1916 rebel and a national hero on the Faroe Islands

CENTENARIES SERIES BOOKS

• Internationalists in the Easter Rising | Scandinavian

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rebels in the GPO and Kiwi squaddies in Trinity College

58 Parnell Square, Dublin 1. Tel: (00 353 1) 814 8542 THREE SHOUTS ON A HILL Éamonn Mac Thomáis

THREE SHOUTS ON A HILL is a short collection of essays by the celebrated writer, TV personality and acclaimed historian Éamonn Mac Thomáis, a staunch republican whose involvement in the Republican Movement spanned four decades.

Born in Dublin into a staunchly republican and, as he described it himself, Larkinite family, A fervently republican in the Connolly tradition, Éamonn joined the Irish Republican Army as a young man and was an active republican throughout his life.

It was while he was a political prisoner in Portlaoise in 1974 that Éamonn’s first book, Me Jewel and Darlin’ Dublin, was published by O’Brien Press. Éamonn continued his association with the republican family following his release and played a role in the campaign in support of the H-Blocks Hunger Strikers in Long Kesh in 1980 and 1981.

Three Shouts on a Hill is a series Éamonn had written for An Phoblacht/Republican News in an era of state censorship, combining his wealth of knowledge of Irish and republican history with commentary on contemporary events almost a decade before the advent of the World Wide Web and when wordsmiths such as Éamonn earned their reputation through dedication, painstaking research in countless books and journals, and sheer hard work.

Three Shouts on a Hill is a window into Ireland’s history at a turbulent and tragic time.

Available from:

THREE SHOUTS ON A HILL

An Phoblacht, Kevin Barry House, 44 Parnell Square, Dublin 1, Ireland Email: sales@anphoblacht.com Phone: (01) 8726100 Mobile: (+353) 87 230 1882

Éamonn Mac Thomáis

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20 March / Márta 2016

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COUNTDOWN TO THE RISING

The Sovereign People

5 1932 Arbour Hill and Mountjoy POWs – Front row: Seán Mulgrew, Brian Corrigan, John M. O'Connor, Seán O'Farrell, M. Sherry. Front seated: R. Stephens.

Second row: George Gilmore, Charlie Gilmore, Frank Ryan, Thomas Breen, T. J. Ryan, George Mooney, Thomas O'Drisooll. Back row: Seán McGuinness, J. O'Shea, Claude O'Loughlin, James Hannigan

Frank Ryan rededication A REDEDICATION CEREMONY for the granite tombstone of IRA Volunteer, An Phoblacht Editor and Spanish Civil War officer Frank Ryan refurbished by Friends of the International Brigades in Ireland, the Limerick International Brigade Memorial Trust and the Ryan family was attended by a wide cross-section of anti-fascists and republicans (including current An Phoblacht Editor John Hedges) in February.

The Irish-language inscription on the tombstone notes that Frank Ryan was born in Elton, County Limerick, in 1902, and bears the legend: “He fought for freedom in this country and in Spain.”

The event was chaired by Manus O’Riordan, son of Spanish Civil War fighter Mick O’Riordan RIP and now Ireland Secretary of the International Brigade Memorial Trust. The crowd – flying flags of the Spanish Republic, the Basque Country and Catalonia – was addressed by the Deputy Mayor of Dublin, Independent Councillor Cieran Perry, and Charlotte Ryan Wetton, grandniece of Frank Ryan.

Singer Andy Irvine, a patron of the Limerick International Brigade Memorial Trust, performed his Ballad of Frank Ryan.

Ger McCloskey of the Limerick International Brigade Memorial Trust read Elegy for Our Dead by Ernest Hemingway.

In the main oration, Manus O’Riordan paid tribute to all the Irish brigadistas who went to fight fascism in Spain.

He pointed to an earlier oration by him on the ‘Ireland and the Spanish

Civil War’ website (irelandscw.com) as “a sustained polemic in defence of the honour of Frank Ryan – a James Connolly republican socialist”.

Frank Ryan was captured by Italian fascists in Spain before being allowed to go to Germany on 10 June 1940 – “neither as a prisoner nor as a Nazi collaborator” – in an arrangement brokered by the Irish Government and endorsed by Éamon de Valera. Ryan was to die in Dresden four years later.

His body was repatriated to Ireland and laid to rest in Glasnevin Cemetery on 22 June 1979.

Manus had said: “He proclaimed that he was fighting against fascism in Spain in order to prevent its triumph in Ireland. And there was none braver in that good fight.”

One illustration of Frank Ryan’s bravery was testified to by his comrade Bob Doyle, who recalled the argument about the anti-fascist prisoners’ right to refuse to give the fascist salute.

“But,” as Bob also said, “the threat that we would be shot for refusal to comply with the order quickly changed our minds. We gave the salute. Only Frank Ryan refused, stating ‘Only when a pistol is placed against my forehead’ would he obey.”

The ceremony at Glasnevin ended with the singing of The Internationale followed by Amhrán na bhFiann.

Many of the crowd then travelled into Dublin City Centre for a public talk by the Stoneybatter & Smithfield People’s History Project with Manus O’Riordan and Harry Owens about Bob Doyle – The Life and Times of a Local Revolutionary.

establishment in Ireland has drawn ‘THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE’ was the little or no attention to the politics last of the four political pamphlets of Pearse. They prefer the myth of on Irish freedom that Pádraig Pearse a religious and nationalistic fanatic, wrote between December 1915 and as most recently portrayed in March 1916. This final essay is his most significant and most enduring. It RTÉ’s Rebellion drama. Pearse’s is still highly relevant in its discussion preface to The Sovereign People

BY MÍCHEÁL of democracy, the right of the people was striking: Mac DONNCHA to the ownership of Ireland and all its “This pamphlet concludes the resources, and their right to decide examination of the Irish definition how property should be held. of freedom which I promised in While Pearse did not go as far as the ‘Ghosts’. For my part, I have no Marxism of James Connolly, he was more to say. P. H. Pearse, St Enclearly influenced by him. His concept of democda’s College, Rathfarnham, 31st March, 1916.”

The next public document that Pearse signed racy in The Sovereign People has been described was the Proclamation of the Irish Republic. The by his biographer Joost Augusteijn as one which Democratic Programme of the First Dáil Éireann “made all kinds of arrangements to organise society possible, even a socialist form” (Patrick Pearse, issued on 21 January 1919 quotes directly from The Sovereign People. Here we carry key exThe Making of a Revolutionary, 2010). tracts.

Little wonder that the political and academic

Remembering the Past

NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE involves national sovereignty. National sovereignty is twofold in its nature. It is both internal and external. It implies the sovereignty of the nation over all its parts, over all men and things within the nation; and it implies the sovereignty of the nation as against all other nations.

The nation’s sovereignty extends not only to all the material possessions of the nation, the nation’s soil and all its resources, all wealth and all wealth-producing processes within the nation. In other words, no private right to property is good as against the public right of the nation. But the nation is under a moral obligation so to exercise its public right as to secure strictly equal rights and liberties to every man and woman within the nation. The whole is entitled to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole, but this is to be pursued exactly for the end that each of the individuals composing the whole may enjoy happiness and prosperity, the maximum amount of happiness and prosperity consistent with the happiness and prosperity of all the rest.

One may reduce all this to a few simple propositions: • The end of freedom is human happiness.

• The end of national freedom is individual freedom; therefore, individual happiness.

• National freedom implies national sovereignty.

• National sovereignty implies control of all the moral and material resources of the nation.

No class in the nation has rights superior to those of any other class.

No class in the nation is entitled to

FOR

Pádraig Pearse

James Connolly

privileges beyond any other class except with the consent of the nation. The right and privilege to make laws or to administer laws does not reside in any class within the nation; it resides in the whole nation, that is, in the whole people, and can be lawfully exercised only by those to whom it is delegated by the whole people. The right to the control of the material resources of a nation does not reside in any individual

JUST €10

or in any class of individuals; it resides in the whole people and can be lawfully exercised only by those to whom it is delegated by the whole people, and in the manner in which the whole people ordains.

A nation may determine, as many modern nations have determined, that all the means of transport within a nation, all its railways and waterways, are the public property of the nation to be administered by the nation for the general benefit. A nation may go further and determine that all sources of wealth whatsoever are the property of the nation, that each individual shall give his service for the nation’s good, and shall be adequately provided for by the nation, and that all surplus wealth shall go to the national treasury to be expended on national purposes, rather than be accumulated by private persons.

There is nothing divine or sacrosanct in any of these arrangements; they are matters of purely human concern, matters for discussion and adjustment between the members of a nation, matters to be decided upon finally by the nation as a whole; and matters in which the nation as a whole can revise or reverse its decision whenever it seems good in the common interests to do so. I do not disallow the right to private property; but I insist that all property is held subject to the national sanction.

And I come back again to this: that the people are the nation; the whole people, all its men and women; and that laws made or acts done by anybody purporting to represent the people but not really authorised by the people, either expressly or impliedly, to represent them and to act for them do not bind the people; are a usurpation, an impertinence, a nullity.

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www.anphoblacht.com 5 Charlotte Ryan Wetton, grand-niece of Frank Ryan, speaks at Glasnevin

and get exclusive access to a series by Mícheál Mac Donncha chronicling the road to the 1916 Rising as seen through the pages of 'An tÓglach – the Irish Volunteer' from 24 April 1915 to 22 April 1916

March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

BELFAST EASTER PARADE TO BE

‘COLOURFUL, SPECTACULAR AND FITTING TRIBUTE TO OUR PATRIOT DEAD’

5 Rosie McCorley MLA with Bartle D'Arcy and Pat O' Hagan who have carried out sterling work in putting together the National Exhibition to mark the centenary of the 1916 Rising

JOE AUSTIN of the Belfast 1916-2016/ Ag Fíorú na Poblachta committee has told An Phoblacht that this year the city’s Easter commemoration events marking the centenary of the Rising will be spectacular and colourful and will be a fitting tribute to our patriot dead and their families.

Austin (spokesperson for the National Graves Association) and Belfast Sinn Féin Chair Sam Baker outlined the monumental efforts being made by the Ag Fíorú na Poblachta committee to ensure the this year’s Easter Parade, which will begin at the original starting point at 5 Síle Darragh speaks at the launch of the South and East Belfast 1916-2016 Divis Street, will follow a route bedecked Commemoration programme of events centre are well under way. with the national flag and bunting as Another innovative project underwell as other banners honouring the taken by the 2016 committee is for a men and women of 1916 “and those “Freedom Trail” in which plaques will who died in the decades since partibe erected to mark the involvement of tion such as Volunteer Tom Williams”.

Belfast republicans in the Rising.

The two Belfast republicans also One such plaque will be unveiled highlighted the work to be done on in honour of Winifred Carney in the Belfast’s famous International Wall, house in the Whitewell area of north which will transform the wall into an Belfast where she died. Carney was a artwork celebrating 100 years of resisclose associate of Connolly and fought tance to British rule. by his side in the GPO. “We will have a huge banner along Carney’s contribution to feminist the road celebrating the life and work of politics will also be marked in a drama James Connolly, who left his indelible being staged in the Women’s Rememleft-wing mark on the politics of repubbrance Garden in the Roddy McCorley licanism in Belfast where he worked Club on 12 March. The drama is part of to organise the trade unions between a full day of events marking Interna1910 and 1913.” tional Women’s Day and highlighting Belfast also plans to unveil a statue in the links between women’s liberation honour of Connolly on Good Friday and and national liberation. to open a James Connolly interpretative

Aitheantas do Bhua Chúba is ea Cuairt Bharack EOIN Obama CÉIM thábhachtach is ea cuairt uachtarán Mheiriocá, Barack Obama, go dtí Cúba atá le reachtáil níos déanaí sa mí seo.

Le blianta ó tháinig muintir Chúba i gceannas ar a dtír féin tá bac eacnamúil is polaitiúil curtha i bhféidhm ag na Stait Aontaithe i gcoinne na tire – is na réabhlóide – sin.

Bhí suil mhór ag na Meiriceánaigh ach go háirithe th’éis titim an Aontais shóivéidigh – a d’fhág Cúba leis féin – go dtitfeadh an tír as a chéile is go mbeadh na Meiriceanaigh in ann forlámhas a fháil arís ar an tír sin a bhí ina sampla chómh spreagúil is bródúil sin do thíortha eile na Meiriceá Laidnigh.

Ní mar sin a thit cúrsaí amach, ámh, cé gur chothaigh an Bac an-chuid deacrachtai don phobal beag cróga seo.

Ach anois, ce go bhfuil na forsaí is frithbheartaí ar fad i Meiriocá ag cloí leis an sean-námhadas tá reimeas Obama – ag deire a ré uachtarántachta – i ndiaidh admhail nach féidir Cúba a chloí.

Tá caidreamh taidhleóireach tosaithe arís idir an dá thír, is tá Obama ag fógairt a aitheantas do Chúba leis an gcuairt seo.

Mar sin fhéin tá an Bac Trádála i n-aghaidh Chúba fós i bhféidhm, mar tá vóta dearfach ag teastáil ó Chómhdháil na Stát Aontaithe le

21

Ó MURCHÚ

críoch a chur leis an mBac. An fhaid is atá móramh ag na Poblachtanaigh sa gCómhdhail ní bheidh aon vóta dearfach ann.

Tá Obama ag cur leis an socrú idir an dá thír ámh leis an gcuairt seo, is cheana féin tá na mílte de ghnáthMheiriceánaigh ag taisteal go dtí an tír chun í a fheiceáil iad féin.

Cinnte tá baoil sa méad seo, sa gcaoi go bhféadfadh airgead tirim tíocht isteach sa tír go tiubh, agus bolscaireacht Mheiriocá leis, agus an Bac Trádála a bheith i bhféidhm ag an am céanna.

Ach creideann Páirtí Cumannach Chúba go bhfuil an Reabhlóid sách láidir is préamhaithe i measc an phobail gur féidir tíocht slán óna baoil seo. Sular fada, creideann siad, beidh ar an gCómhdháil freisin aitheantas a thabhairt do Réabhlóid Chúba.

Osclóidh deire a chur leis an mBac deiseanna forleathana le forbairt breise a dhéanamh sa tír, go heacnamúil is eile.

Comhartha mar sin is ea an chuairt seo gur eirigh leis an Cubánaigh an lámh in uachtar a fháil sa deire mar gheall ar a gcuid crógachta is diongbháltachta ar son na Réabhlóide.

Tá sé caoga sé bhliain ó fuair na reibiliúnaigh an chumhact sa tír sin.

Go maire siad an chéad caoga sé bhliain eile!

Barack Obama

22 March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

UNCOMFORTABLE CONVERSATIONS

Historical events properly understood can inspire the living ALEX MASKEY MLA Sinn Féin Mayor of Belfast 2002–2003 REPUBLICANS recognise the importance of commemorating those who lost their lives in conflict.

We believe there is a need for everyone living on the island of Ireland to be able to take part in remembering the victims of wars and conflicts in which their loved ones sacrificed their lives.

It is our desire to respect their memory, to acknowledge the hurt and loss experienced by the families of those injured and killed and to recognise the bravery and honour with which many have served.

The cost to previous generations, whose sense of duty or moral values involved them in making great sacrifices, should not be forgotten. The horror of war should not detract from the dignity of their service and suffering.

The time has come to engage in a mature debate around how various sections of our society can commemorate their loved ones in an inclusive way.

Part of the journey from conflict must include an examination of how we, as a people, can collectively discuss ways in which our individual experiences and traditions can be recognised and respected by each other.

A meaningful examination of how we can all remember our loved ones in an inclusive way – which recognises but respects the different role they may have played – is an essential part of this process.

THIS TEXT (14 years old in June) was the basis of a Mission Statement that I published within three weeks of being elected the first Irish republican Mayor of Belfast.

That Mission Statement set out the basis as to how Sinn Féin would use my year in office to address the issue of commemorations – and, in particular, the annual City Hall Somme Commemoration.

One week later, on 1 July 2002 – accompanied by a team of Belfast Sinn Féin councillors and activists – I laid a laurel wreath at the World War I Cenotaph at Belfast City Hall in memory of all Belfast citizens who died in conflict.

As an Irish republican I have a republican view of history. I am a separatist. I am anti-imperialist. I am anti-sectarian. I am for the unity of Ireland and its people and for the political independence of a unitary all-Ireland state – a new and agreed Ireland of equals.

However, it is incumbent on political leaders, from whichever political outlook, to stretch themselves; to attempt to seek common ground when approaching the memory of the dead. For us all to recognise the worth and the integrity of those killed in war and conflict as perceived, honoured and commemorated by those they left behind; to identify with the grief, the hurt and the suffering as something we all share; an approach based on common humanity.

In 2002, I expressed the hope that we could as a society find a way to remember without necessarily

5 July 2002 – Mayor Alex Maskey and other Sinn Féin members of Belfast City Council return to City Hall after laying a laurel wreath at the Cenotaph

all agreeing with the war aims and objectives of those combatants that fought and died. Let’s not forget that many also felt a great sense of betrayal by one side or another. I sought to find a common ground which, over time, we could willingly acknowledge and share.

The question must be asked if as a society we are anywhere close to that point.

There are indeed benchmarks as to how civic commemorative events can be reshaped and remodelled. For example, the formal Somme resolution endorsed unanimously in Belfast City Council each year has changed beyond recognition to include everybody lost in conflict. This is more inclusive and embracing of differing political and historical narratives.

The current event at the Cenotaph by its very nature won’t attract everybody in the city, and I wouldn’t argue that we necessarily should change that. But if civic leaders are serious about reconciliation and genuinely remembering all those that lost their lives, then they do need to host an event that everyone can take part in.

We are now well into an extremely important Decade of Centenaries. Much good work has gone into ensuring civic institutions step up to the mark in terms of treating all of the allegiances, nuances and emotional content with the respect that they deserve.

I ask people to look at initiatives and gestures from the likes of Martin McGuiness as deputy First Minister and Mitchel McLaughlin as Assembly Speaker as proof of where Sinn Féin is at when it comes

‘A meaningful examination of how we can all remember our loved ones in an inclusive way (which recognises but respects the different role they may have played) is an essential part of this process’ – 2002, Sinn Féin Mayor of Belfast, Alex Maskey

5 Martin McGuinness meets with Britain's Queen Elizabeth

to approaching these important milestones – and their reconciliation potential.

In concluding I’d like to use the language that ended my speech in June 2002: “Historical events properly understood, especially in a divided society, can be a source of inspiration for the living.

“We are the inheritors of the past. Each generation writes its own history. Let not our children accuse us of distorting history, thereby perpetuating divisions, when we have the chance of establishing a new beginning.

“Let us seek to ensure that the history we bequeath to our children enhances all of their lives.”

March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

23

UNCOMFORTABLE CONV ERSATIONS

Uncomfortable actions would speak much louder than words

WILLIAM MITCHELL

Project Director, ACT Initiative conflict transformation programme with former UVF combatants

5 Within unionism there is a regard that republicans have a view that we are all only objects

IT IS FOUR YEARS since Sinn Féin’s Declan Kearney called on republicans to be courageous “and embrace the discomfort of moving outside our political and historic comfort zones”.

In his An Phoblacht article “Uncomfortable conversations are key to reconciliation” (2 March 2012), the conciliatory undertone of listening unconditionally, consideration for being apologetic and making new compromises, being willing to be persuaded and exploring how to heal divisions in our society, encouraged those of us within unionism intent on moving our faltering process forward, to sit up and take notice.

Since then, a number of engagements whereby loyalists and republicans have participated in ‘Uncomfortable Conversations’ with each other have taken place. Whilst this is crucial to communities seeking to reconcile after conflict, the key element missing in Kearney’s article – the one which may engender greater confidence within unionism and “define engagement in terms beyond what suits” republicans – is action.

Conversation as some sort of preparatory approach to seeking new understandings is characterised by each party being ‘open’ to the other. This requires acceptance from both that a point of view, opinion, belief or perspective is worthy of consideration and thus genuine.

Conversations, uncomfortable or otherwise, are necessary for interacting with each other. However, they should not be framed by prejudgements or our own fixed understandings of the ‘other’. Instead, by seeking to discover other people’s standpoints (without necessarily agreeing with them, and not being concerned with winning the argument) we create new understandings and human well-being is advanced.

In my experience, republicans are willing to participate at engagements of ‘Uncomfortable Conversations’ when they are ‘armed’ with their preconceived, single-narrative monologue. In doing so, they name the

5 Declan Kearney – Words must be followed by action which demonstrates pluralism, says William Mitchell

world as they see it, through their lens, through their articulation of history and, as such, genuine dialogue is denied to unionists at such engagements who see it through a different lens.

If Declan Kearney, as Sinn Féin National Chairperson, is genuine in calling on all republicans intent on nation building through dialogue by “using new language and making new compromises to create trust”, then action which demonstrates pluralism is required.

Dialogue is supposed to create new understandings which develop praxis – the creative, productive action which is inclusive of the ‘other’ as subjects, not reaffirm ‘fixed’ positions which need defending.

Within unionism, particularly those defined as loyalists, there is a regard that republicans have a view that we are all only objects. As such, dialogue in this context falls short of being emancipatory. The Freirean concept of critical consciousness considers it reasonable to be constantly questioning and recreating the world we live in.

This crucial year in our ‘Decade of Centenaries’ is influential in the present lives within both our communities

It cannot be that republicans call for pluralism while systematically dismantling the vestiges of all that is British

of a significant number of our population intent on creating their present through the heritage, culture, traditions and history of our past.

The altering of the critical consciousness of unionists requires action from republicans which extends beyond Uncomfortable Conversations.

It cannot be that republicans call for pluralism while systematically dismantling the vestiges of all that is British.

It cannot be that republicans demonstrate patriotism to the Irish Tricolour while decrying the legitimacy of all that is Orange.

It cannot be that republicans claim to cherish “all the children of the nation equally” while denying the rights of those children from the unionist community.

Given that we are wrestling to deal with the legacy of our past, republicans are well positioned to ‘break new ground’ if they would cease procrastinating. Dispense with the isometric politics of everything being equal yet opposite.

Unionists are continually told by republicans that we are not the enemy. Instead, we learn, the new enemy is deprivation, social injustice, inequality and so forth.

This being so, republicans could foster reconciliation within unionism if they stop ‘speaking out both sides of their mouths’.

Uncomfortable conversations are not what are required.

We have had decades of these. Uncomfortable actions would speak much louder than words.

WILLIAM MITCHELL is Project Director of the ACT Initiative, a conflict transformation programme with former UVF loyalist combatants. A former political prisoner, he was incarcerated for 13 years in Long Kesh and since his release has been a community activist. He has written extensively about the motivations of young men from within loyalism during the worst period of our conflict 1972 to 1975. His doctoral thesis, “Eighteen and a half years old – Ordinary young men, extraordinary times”, was completed at Ulster University in 2011.

To see more go to – www.anphoblacht.com/uncomfortable-conversations

24 March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

Another Europe is possible Treo eile don Eoraip Lynn Boylan MEP calls for paid leave for those experiencing domestic violence SINN FÉIN MEP Lynn Boylan has urged the European institutions and EU member states to introduce a statutory right to paid leave to workers who are experiencing domestic violence.

Lynn was speaking in the European Parliament’s Employment and Social Affairs Committee, where she presented a Committee opinion on the links between poverty and gender.

The Dublin MEP said: “This is a valuable new idea that has been introduced in Australia and the United States and I want to use my voice here to place this firmly

Aontas Clé na hEorpa/Na Glasaigh Chlé Nordacha Crúpa Paliminta – Parlaimimt na h Eorpa

Gaelscoil students making milestone visit to European Parliament GAELSCOIL STUDENTS will be visiting the European Parliament in March as guests of Liadh Ní Riada MEP to celebrate Seachtain na Gaeilge 2016.

“Since my election to the European Parliament in May 2014,” Liadh said, “I have made every effort to promote, protect and end the derogation faced by the Irish language.

“Seachtain na Gaeilge is the opportunity to celebrate our language and the contribution it has made towards our culture and identity.

‘Important we recognise the pressure domestic violence places on women who are trying to maintain their employment and their economic independence’ on the agenda of the European Parliament, and indeed on the agenda of the Irish Government.

“It is important that we recognise the pressure that domestic violence places on women who are trying to maintain their employment and their economic independence. This economic independence in fact plays a crucial role in their ability to escape situations of domestic violence. Women who have exhausted paid leave are at risk of losing their jobs, losing their security and becoming more at risk of poverty.”

Lynn Boylan pointed out that legislation has been introduced in some US states such as Washington that ensures workers who experience domestic

Funded by the European United Left/ Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL)

violence can take leave to attend medical appointments or court hearings, to move house or seek a place in a women’s shelter.

“This is not paid leave, but it is a start,” Lynn said.

“I will be campaigning strongly for the European Parliament to support the adoption of this proposal over the coming months and I look forward to working with women’s organisations and unions across Ireland to achieve this.”

Lynn Boylan MEP will be lead a delegation to Brussels in March around the issue of paid leave for those experiencing domestic violence.

First-ever young people to make use of Irish-language facilities at invitation of Liadh Ní Riada MEP Therefore I am proud to invite these students to the European Parlamentarium to be the firstever young people to make use of the Irish-language facilities.”

A member of the European Parliament’s Committee for Culture and Education, Ms Ní Riada said: “The students will get the opportunity to step into the shoes of a Member of the European

Parliament and (in imaginary political groups) will discuss issues such as water solidarity and micro-chipping and will need to find a compromise in order to legislate.

“This will all be done through the medium of Irish and I am delighted to be taking this initiative forward, particularly in the momentous year of 2016. It is vital that our young people are supported and encouraged throughout their education but in particular with their command of languages.

“Irish language needs are not being met in Ireland or Europe. Irish should not be continually given second class status.”

Martina Anderson MEP to publish opinion on implementation of rights of persons with disabilities IN THE COMING DAYS, Sinn Féin MEP Martina Anderson will publish an opinion to the disability sector on the shortcomings of the implementation of the rights of persons with disabilities within the EU. Martina is lead negotiator of the file on behalf of the Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs Committee.

Speaking after co-hosting a hearing on the subject in the European Parliament, she said: “Given that our rights are unequivocal, and some are absolute, the implementation and protection of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Persons with Disability recommendations has to be equally unequivocal. EU citizens are no exception to this rule.

“80 million European citizens live with some form of a disability so access to essential services must be absolute.

I have identified a number of shortcomings within the

‘80 million European citizens live with some form of a disability so access to essential services must be absolute’

implementation of rights of the persons with disabilities within the EU which have been reiterated by representatives from the sector that I have engaged with, both in Ireland and in Brussels.

“We need enhanced awareness within the European Parliament today but we also need the Council and the Commission to action awareness raising too. There is no doubt that the EU is still lacking in these areas.

“These issues must be addressed immediately and fully, and that has not been the case. The opinion that I will present on behalf of the Civil Liberties Committee is made up of contributions from the sector through engagements I have had and therefore I am confident it will lead to some positive changes.”

March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

25

www.guengl.eu

BY JEMMA DOLAN IN BRUSSELS

Concerns over moves to create ‘European Super State’ PEOPLE must be must be cognisant of the “very worrying moves” towards the creation of a “European Super State”, Ireland North-West MEP Matt Carthy has said.

Matt, who is a Member of the Economic and Monetary Affairs Committee in the European Parliament, said: “There is a very rapid and disquieting move towards the creation of a European Super State which for the most part is going unchallenged.

“As it stands, every action that is happening within the EU is a never-ending grab for power and control with the Banking Union, Monetary Union, Digital Union, Energy Union, Fiscal Union, Customs Union, Political Union and the fact that the EU elites routinely ignore every legal and constitutional obstacle in its way in order to increase their power. Now we even have the Military Union.

“Every economic indicator is pointing towards another financial crisis and both the Irish Government and so-called EU leaders are wilfully choosing to ignore these indicators and critiques from esteemed economists. Whether such an ostrich response is born of wilful neglect or myopia, it warrants serious alarm.”

Matt Carthy said that in his capacity as a member of the ECON Committee, he has particular concerns about the Capital Markets Union.

will take us back to a pre-financial crisis time.

“This is of serious concern and I have tabled a number of legislative amendments to alleviate the negative intentions and to help ameliorate the impact that these regressive provisions will have on the ordinary citizen.

“Sinn Féin is committed to continuously challenging this ongoing agenda. This global strategy of domination is not a new phenomenon, instead it forms part of the dominant neo-liberal

Martina Anderson

‘Every action that is happening within the EU is a never-ending grab for power and control’

“This is particularly dangerous and is only going to get bigger and bigger.

“Within the Capital Markets Union, there is currently a huge attempt to revive securitisation and there have been a number of reports on the last couple of the EU plenary agendas moving this agenda forward. The Capital Market Union

economic philosophy which removes essential economic, fiscal and political decisions from the people.”

He said that Sinn Féin MEPs intend to challenge this phenomenon by mapping an ‘Alternative to Austerity and Inequality’.

Sinn Féin MEPs will be engaging with “trade unions, community and civic organisations and like-minded progressives in the political arena in order to counter the plans that the financial elites have for the modern state. We will stand with the ordinary citizen,” Matt Carthy said.

Liadh Ní Riada

100 MEPs sign petition to remove Kurdish PKK from ‘terrorist’ list MORE THAN A HUNDRED members of the European Parliament – including Sinn Féin’s four MEPs as members of the GUE/NGL group – have launched a signature campaign for the removal of the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) from the EU list of “terrorist organisations”.

The MEPs stressed that achieving a peaceful and democratic solution to the Kurdish issue in Turkey is under serious threat as violence is escalating

‘Similar to the situation in Northern Ireland, a peaceful solution will be reached involving all concerned parties’ and poses severe risks to the stability of Turkey as well as for the Middle East.

“In Turkey we are more and more facing an outbreak of violence which pushes back the idea of a peace process and weakens the fight against Daesh,” a petition spokesperson said.

The appeal stresses: “The European Union – represented by the High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy but also the European Council – the UN and the USA have already called for peace in

Turkey. In this context, it is a fact that the proscription of the PKK is standing in the way of the establishment of peace, dialogue and negotiations. The PKK’s proscription also facilitates the infringements of human rights, allows the curtailing of freedom of thought and freedom of the press.

“Kurds are an important part of the political struggles in the Middle East (as proven by the Kobani resistance) and a peaceful solution to the Kurdish question in Turkey is not possible without negotiations with the PKK, which, we underline, former Prime Minister and current President Erdogan did already accept.

“Similar to the situation in Northern Ireland, a peaceful solution will be reached involving all concerned parties.”

As well as Sinn Féin MEPs Martina Anderson, Lynn Boylan, Matt Carthy and Liadh Ní Riada, other MEP signatories include Gabi Zimmer (President of the GUE/NGL group of which Sinn Féin MEPs are members, and Die Linke, Germany), Jean Lambert, Molly Scott Cato and Keith Taylor (Green Party of England & Wales), Alyn Smith (Scottish National Party), and Josep-Maria.Terricabras (Republican Left of Catalonia).

Lynn Boylan

Matt Carthy are MEPs and members of the GUE/NGL Group in the European Parliament

26 March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

Indaver and the CHASE in Cork Harbour

ROBERT ALLEN THE GOOD CITIZENS of Cork are getting ready for another mighty battle. They will face an old foe, one who will test their tried and trusted experience as shapers of opinion and makers and breakers of political careers.

On 13 January, Indaver lodged an application with An Bord Pleanála. It was, the Belgian waste management corporate said, “for a piece of strategic infrastructure” in Ringaskiddy, in the confines of Cork Harbour.

The opposition to Indaver’s scheming these past 16 years are well used to the dodging and dealing. Calling a “toxic incinerator” by another name has never assuaged them. And so it is.

“The infrastructure in question,” said Indaver, continuing to avoid the dreaded word “is a 240,000 tonnes per annum waste-to-energy facility,” before finally admitting that it is a “waste incinerator with energy recovery for the treatment of household, commercial, industrial, non-hazardous and suitable hazardous waste”.

And, once again, this is no mere burner.

“Indaver’s proposed development, valued at €160million, is the type of strategic infrastructure Ireland needs. Our waste-to-energy technology treats non-recyclable waste as a resource and recovers electricity and other valuable materials from it. Waste-to-energy produces an indigenous energy resource.”

Calling a toxic incinerator ‘a piece of strategic infrastructure’ won’t assuage opponents The voice is Limerick-born John Ahern, Indaver Ireland’s managing director. He, more than the corporate itself, is the foe, because the people of Cork who don’t like incinerators or wasteto-energy facilities don’t like him. They have good reason.

They thought they had him beat the last time around, only to come to the sad conclusion that they had only won a battle and that the war was set to resume any time soon.

That time is now, and this time the rules of engagement, the method of deployment and the strategy of war are going to be very different.

Once it was about air quality, environmental health, social disturbance and things called dioxins.

Now it is about EU policy, national plans, social infrastructure, sustainable systems, waste strategy and personal grudges. And closing the loop!

The deadline for submissions to An Bord Pleanála to express concern or regret is 9 March.

Sometime after that, the opposing antagonists will meet in a large room to debate anything and everything, the past and the present, and, whether they want to or not, an issue that is no longer relevant.

Still burning after all these years 5 Communities living in the midst of toxic burners could face a range of illnesses

Incinerators in the bad old days were about toxic emissions, that and nothing else. Throughout the 20th century, these emissions, known variously as persistent organic pollutants or products of incomplete combustion, terrorised rural and urban communities across the world. A community living in the midst of a toxic burner could expect a range of illnesses, from sore throats to life-threatening cancers and nasty conditions like endometriosis, which afflicted Seline Hanrahan, the wife of John Hanrahan, who fought a mighty battle against an American pharmaceutical company over their faulty incinerator.

Those days are gone. Incinerators still emit chemicals that affect the hormonal systems of humans and animals but the background levels are minimal.

Now it is about closing the loop.

After years of obfuscation, the bureaucrats in the EU now want to see a circular economy “where the value of products, materials and resources is maintained in the economy for as long as possible” and waste is minimised. People with eco-social and green sensiblilities were laughed at two and three decades ago when they suggested that the waste cycle could and should be closed. Now the EU sees the closing of the loop as one more strategy that will “develop a sustainable, low-carbon, resource-efficient and competitive economy”.

Being Wise With Waste, a 2010 EU brochure on the future of waste in European society, understated the task that faced EU members.

Waste management policies, they declared,

ASPECTS OF CIRCULAR ECONOMY Enforcement of waste shipments regulation: 2015 Better implementation of EU waste legislation: 2015 Innovation for circular economy through smart specialisation: 2016 Initiative on waste-to-energy: 2016 Standards for secondary raw materials: 2016 Reduction of chemicals of concern in products: 2016 Development of common methodology to measure food waste: 2016 Utilisation of waste foods for animal feed: 2016 Material-efficient recycling of electronic waste: 2016 Good practice in waste collection systems: 2017 Recycling of biomass and bio-based materials: 2018-2019

should seek “to reduce the environmental and health impacts of waste and improve Europe’s resource efficiency”: “The long-term goal is to turn Europe into a recycling society, avoiding waste and using

The deadline for submissions to An Bord Pleanála is 9 March unavoidable waste as a resource wherever possible. The aim is to achieve much higher levels of recycling and to minimise the extraction of additional natural resources. Proper waste

March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

27

5 John Ahern of Indaver Ireland

5 Incinerators still emit chemicals that affect humans and animals but the background levels are minimal

management is a key element in ensuring resource efficiency and the sustainable growth of European economies.”

A circular economy based on zero waste that supports sustainability and economic growth?

That still sounds far too utopian.

There is nothing in Irish society that suggests we are ready for a sustainable future, whether in food or in waste. “From Zero to Hero” would make a good slogan for a society that places a sustainable system at the heart of its waste management and resource recovery, not least its economic recovery.

The authors of Towards a Circular Economy: A Zero Waste Programme for Europe, a 2014

look backwards you will never look forwards.

Ahern will argue that he is a forward-thinking executive and willing to embrace new ideas and schemes that resolve the issues of society, but his job right now is about making money for his shareholders.

That it might also be about something else is for him to explain. Right now he knows that his company is in pole position to deal with the waste that is created in Irish society because no one in central or local government wants to adopt the EU model for a circular economy. No one wants to close the loop, except John Ahern

in his own way.

There is little evidence in the past activity of the collection of groups and individuals around Cork Harbour and in Cork City who oppose incineration that Indaver’s application will receive a challenge that does not drag up past issues.

Cork Harbour Alliance for A Safe Environment (CHASE) members have made it clear time and time again that they oppose incineration because of the perceived impact on health.

And Indaver are prepared for that, because they know it is unlikely they will receive positive challenges from anyone CHASE employs to act

After years of obfuscation, the bureaucrats in the EU now want to see a circular economy European Commission document, are clear about the economic benefits: “A better use of resources could represent an overall savings potential of €630billion per year for European industry.”

A circular economy, they insist, would boost the EU “by creating new markets and new products and creating value for business”. The caveat is obvious: “Companies are continually working to improve resource management but they are held back by a range of market barriers.” And, it should be added, by bad bureaucracy and meaningless management.

John Ahern is an astute, extremely tough and uncompromising industrialist prone to the lateral thinking that make people like him managing directors of corporate subsidiaries. He will tell you he also wants to close the loop. In fact, he will insist that one method of doing so is wasteto-energy technology. And the EU agrees – at least for the time being.

A resource-efficient society is not on his or his company’s agenda. The idea of resource (and waste) management was too scary for Irish society in the 1990s, and nothing has changed in the quarter of a century since. If you always

for them at the oral hearing. If someone is able to demonstrate that waste-to-energy incineration is no longer viable in early modern 21st century European society, or that it contradicts EU policy, it would be a paradigm shift for Irish environmental politics to accept that the issue is holistic within an ecological, economic and social framework.

That would be a far-reaching move for a group that remains trapped by past injustices. They also know that an oral hearing is not the place for a debate on the EU’s action plan for a circular economy, because that debate will always take

A circular economy based on zero waste that supports sustainability and economic growth – utopian? place elsewhere. They might find someone who will argue that the absence of a national waste plan that mirrors the aims and ambitions of the EU is the issue. More than likely the inspector with An Bord Pleanála might rule such comment inadmissable.

CHASE are now stuck between a rock and a hard place. No doubt they will employ the same tactics that served them well in the past.

They will harangue politicians of all colours and threaten them with their mandates. And they will complain that it is unfair that Ringaskiddy and Cork Harbour should be the location for an incinerator that will threaten their lives and livelihoods. It will all be in vain.

Ultimately, Indaver Ireland will be given permission to build their “strategic infrastructure” and John Ahern will finally have won a war he promised himself he would never lose.

5 There is opposition to incineration from people who say it will threaten their health and livelihoods

CLOSING THE LOOP Two-thirds recycling municipal waste by 2030 Three-quarters recycling packaging waste by 2030 Harmonised recycling rates throughout the EU Industrial symbiosis – by-products into raw materials Economic incentives for manufacture of greener products Recovery and recycling schemes for electronic products

28 March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

1916 EASTER COMMEMORATIONS 2016 Please check www.anphoblacht.com or www.sinnfein.ie for updates or changes

THIS LIST is correct at the time of going to press and as speakers are still being confirmed for many areas.

Please check the An Phoblacht website for updates as well as your local press.

ARMAGH

Saturday 26 March 10.30am – Maghery, Wreath Laying Ceremony 12.30pm – Portadown, Speaker: John O’Dowd 4.00pm – Killeen, Wreath Laying Ceremony 4.40pm – Jonesborough, Wreath Laying Ceremony 5.00pm – Dromintee, Speaker: Megan Fearon 6.30pm – Mullaghbane, Speaker: Michelle Gildernew Sunday 27 March 9.30am – Crossmaglen, Speaker: Megan Fearon 10.00am – Keady, Wreath Laying Ceremony, Speaker: Cathal Boylan 10.45am – Tullysaran, Wreath Laying Ceremony, Speaker: Cathal Boylan 11.30am – Derrymacash, Speaker: Catherine Seeley 2.00pm – Ballymacnab 2.30pm – Lurgan 4.30pm – Cullyhanna, Speaker: Megan Fearon Monday 28 March 11.00am – Blackwatertown, Wreath Laying Ceremony 1.30pm – Camlough, Speaker: Conor Murphy 2.00pm – Armagh City, Speaker: Cathal Boylan 5.45pm – Belleek, Speaker: Megan Fearon

BELFAST

Friday 25 March 7.00pm – Ormeau Road, Fian Jim Templeton Memorial, Speaker: Máirtín Ó Muilleoir Saturday 26 March 2.30pm – Whitewell, Speaker: Gerry Kelly 4.00pm – Memorial Garden, Market Area, Speaker: Máirtín Ó Muilleoir 5.30pm – Short Strand, An Tine Beo, Speaker: Niall Ó Donnghaile 5.30pm – South Link Memorial Gardens, Andersonstown, Speaker: Alex Maskey 5.30pm – Colin, Twinbrook Memorial, Speaker: Jennifer McCann Sunday 27 March 11.00am – Carrick Hill, Wreath Laying Ceremony, Speaker: JJ Magee TBC – Clonard Martyrs Memorial Garden, Wreath Laying Ceremony 11.30am – Main Commemoration (Assemble Divis Tower), Speaker: Gerry Adams Monday 28 March 12 noon – Newington, Wreath Laying Ceremony, Speaker JJ Magee 1.00pm – New Lodge, Speaker: Carál Ní Chuilín Tuesday 29 March 1.00pm – Ardoyne, Speaker: Gerry Kelly 3.00pm – New Barnsley, Speaker: Pat Sheehan

CAVAN

Sunday 27 March 2.30pm – Cavan Town

The Republic guarantees religious and civil liberty,

CARLOW/KILKENNY

Sunday 6 March 3.00pm – Ballinabranagh, Co Carlow – Nurse Kehoe Commemoration Sunday 13 March 3.00 – Carlow Town – Michael O’Hanrahan Commemoration Sunday 20 March 3.00pm – Tullow, Co Carlow – Thomas Traynor Commemoration Saturday 26 March 3.00pm – Bagenalstown, Co Carlow – Fr Bibby Commemoration

equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens, and declares its resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and of all its parts, cherishing all of the children of the nation equally

CLARE CORK

Saturday 26 March 7.30pm – Bantry

Sunday 27 March 12 noon – Dungiven, Speaker: Cathal Ó hOisín 2.00pm – Westland Street, Derry City, Speaker: Raymond McCartney 2.30pm – The Loup, Speaker: Michelle O’Neill WREATH LAYING CEREMONIES

10.30am – Maghera; 10.45am Coolcalm; 10.45am Newbridge; 11.40am Lavey; 11.45am Dunloy; 12 noon Bellaghy 12.15pm Loughgiel; 1.00pm Shantallow, Racecourse Road; 1.00pm Waterside, Rose Court; 1.30pm Creggan, Central Drive; 1.30pm Bogside, Lecky Road; 1.30pm Brandywell.

Monday 28 March 2.30pm – Swatragh, Speaker: David Cullinane

DONEGAL

Saturday 26 March 1.00pm – Buncrana, Speaker: Albert Doherty Sunday 27 March 9.00am – Drumkeen, Wreath Laying Ceremony 10.00am – Donegal Town, Clar, Wreath Laying Ceremony 10.30am – Glencolmcille, Speaker: Noel Jordan 11.00am – Aughnashinan, Speaker: Gerry McMonagle 12 noon – Drumoghill, Speaker: Gerry McMonagle 12 noon – Castlefinn, Speaker: Gary Doherty

GALWAY

Saturday 26 March 1.00pm – Galway City, Castlegar, Wreath Laying Ceremony 3.00pm – Eyre Square, Galway City 6.00pm – Oranmore, Wreath Laying Ceremony Sunday 27 March 12 noon – Athenry 1.00pm – Ros Muc 2.00pm – Ballinasloe

Sunday 27 March 12.30pm – Main Commemoration, Tralee

KILDARE

Saturday 26 March 2.00pm – Athy

DERRY & ANTRIM

3pm – Glenariff; 4pm Glenravel; 5pm Rasharkin, 5.30pm Cargin, 6.15pm Moneyglass;

Sunday 27 March 3.30pm – Arney, Speaker: Pádraig Mac Lochlainn

KERRY

Sunday 27 March 11.00am – Youghal 11.00am – Clonakilty 12.30pm – Bandon 2.00pm – Cork City

WREATH LAYING CEREMONIES:

FERMANAGH

Monday 28 March 2.30pm – Ard Béar Cemetery, Clifden, Wreath Laying Ceremony 3.00pm – Clifden, Connemara 5.00pm – Tullycross

Sunday 27 March 2.00pm – Drumcliff, Ennis

Saturday 26 March 3pm – Park Village, Speaker: Raymond McCartney

Monday 28 March 3.00pm – Deans Grange, Dún Laoghaire

We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible 12 noon – Gweedore, Speaker: Pearse Doherty 3.00pm – Main Commemoration, Ballybofey, Speaker: Pearse Doherty Monday 28 March 12.30pm – Carrigart, Speaker: Mick Quinn 3.00pm – Pettigo, Speaker: Seán Lynch 3.00pm – Fanad, Speaker: Mick Quinn

DOWN

Saturday 26 March 6.00pm – Downpatrick Sunday 27 March 12 noon – Patrick Street, Newry City 3.15pm – Down Road Car Park, Newcastle, Wreath Laying Ceremony 4.00pm – Lower Square, Castlewellan, Speaker: Chris Hazzard

DUBLIN

Friday 25 March 1.00 – Kilmainhem to Arbour Hill, Speaker: Gerry Adams Saturday 26 March 10.00am – City Quay, Wreath Laying Ceremony 3.00pm – Crumlin Sunday 27 March 2.30pm – Main Commemoration: Assemble Moore Street

Monday 28 March 11.00am Donaghcomper – Wreath Laying Ceremony

2.30 – Ballinlough 4.00 – Longwood Monday 28 March 12 noon – Drumree 2.00 – Ashbourne

MONAGHAN

Saturday 26 March 7.00pm – Inniskeen, Wreath Laying Ceremony Sunday 27 March 3.30pm – Monaghan Town Monday 28 March 12 noon – Scotshouse, Speaker: John Feeley 2.30pm – Clones, Speaker: John Feeley

OFFALY

Sunday 27 March 3.00pm – Tullamore, Speaker: Barry McElduff

ROSCOMMON

Sunday 27 March 3.00pm – Ballaghaderreen

SLIGO

Sunday 27 March 3.00pm – Sligo Town

TIPPERARY

Sunday 27 March 11.30am – Golden Village

TYRONE

LEITRIM

Saturday 26 March 1.00pm – Ardboe, Wreath Laying Ceremony 3.00pm – Coalisland, Speaker: Bobby Storey

LIMERICK

Sunday 27 March 7.00pm – Carrickmore, Speaker: Gerry Kelly

Sunday 27 March 3.00pm – Drumshanbo, Speaker: Francie Molloy Saturday 26 March 3.00pm – Athea Village Sunday 27 March 11.45 – Limerick City

LONGFORD

Sunday 27 March 2.30pm – Ardagh

LOUTH

Saturday 26 March 12 noon – Quay Street, Dundalk, Wreath Laying Ceremony 2.00pm – Knockbridge, Wreath Laying Ceremony Sunday 27 March 12 noon – St Peter’s Church, Drogheda 2.30pm – Market Square, Dundalk

MAYO

Sunday 27 March 10.00am – Achill Island 3.00pm – Ballina

MEATH

Saturday 26 March 4.00pm – Oldcastle, Wreath LayingCeremony Sunday 27 March 12 noon – Slane, Wreath Laying Ceremony 12 noon – Ardbraccen 2.00 – Navan, Wreath Laying Ceremony

For other Tyrone commemorations: www.tyronecommemorations.com

WATERFORD

Saturday 26 March 3.00pm – Waterford City Sunday 27 March 12 noon – Portlaw, Speaker: David Cullinane 2.30pm – Waterford County

WESTMEATH

Monday 28 March 2.30pm – Athlone

WEXFORD

Thursday 24 March 7.30pm – New Ross Saturday 26 March 12.30pm – Riverchapel, Wreath Laying Ceremony 6.00pm – Ballymore, Wreath Laying Ceremony Sunday 27 March 2.30pm – Wexford Town Monday 28 March 12 noon – Murrintown 3.30pm – Enniscorthy

WICKLOW

Monday 28 March 11.30 – Bray

Attend your local Easter commemoration | Téigh chun do chumhneachán Cásca áitiúl Honour Ireland’s patriot dead – Wear an Easter Lily | Caith Lile na Cásca – Tabhair ómós do laochra na hÉireann

March / Márta 2016

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I nDíl Chuimhne 1 March 1983: Volunteer Eddie DYNES, North Armagh Brigade.

3 March 1991: Volunteer Malcolm NUGENT, Volunteer Dwayne O’DONNELL, Volunteer John QUINN, Volunteer Noel WILKINSON, Tyrone Brigade.

4 March 1972: Volunteer Albert KAVANAGH, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion.

6 March 1988: Volunteer Mairéad FARRELL; Volunteer Dan McCANN; Volunteer Seán SAVAGE, GHQ Staff.

7 March 1990: Sam MARSHALL, Sinn Féin.

8 March 1971: Volunteer Charles HUGHES, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion.

9 March 1972: Volunteer Gerard CROSSAN, Volunteer Tony LEWIS, Volunteer Seán JOHNSTON, Volunteer Tom McCANN, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion.

12 March 2003: Volunteer Keith ROGERS, South Armagh Brigade.

14 March 1972: Volunteer Colm

All notices and obituaries should be sent to notices@anphoblacht.com by Friday 12 March 2016 KEENAN; Volunteer Eugene McGILLAN, Derry Brigade.

14 March 1988: Volunteer Kevin McCRACKEN, Belfast Brigade, 1st Battalion.

15 March 1974: Volunteer Patrick McDONALD, Volunteer Kevin MURRAY, Tyrone Brigade.

16 March 1988: Volunteer Caoimhín Mac BRÁDAIGH, Belfast Brigade, 1st Battalion.

17 March 1975: Volunteer Tom SMITH, Portlaoise Prison.

22 March 1987: Volunteer Gerard LOGUE, Derry Brigade.

23 March 1972: Fian Seán O’RIORDAN, Fianna Éireann.

23 March 1975: Fian Robert ALLSOPP, Fianna Éireann.

23 March 1993: Peter GALLAGHER, Sinn Féin.

25 March 1972: Volunteer Patrick CAMPBELL, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion.

25 March 1993: Volunteer James KELLY, Derry Brigade.

Life springs from death and from the graves of patriot men and women spring living nations PÁDRAIG PEARSE 27 March 1973: Volunteer Patrick McCABE, Belfast Brigade, 3rd Battalion.

Always remembered by the Republican Movement.

FARRELL, Mairéad; McCANN, Dan; SAVAGE, Seán. In proud and loving memory of Volunteers Mairéad Farrell, Dan McCann and Seán Savage, who were murdered in Gibraltar on 6 March 1988. Always remembered by Mary and clan.

HAMILTON Peter (Skeet). In proud and loving memory of our friend and comrade Skeet. Never forgotten by the Halpenny, Worthington, Watters Sinn Féin Cumann, Dundalk.

Comhbhrón KENNA. The Halpenny, Worthington, Watters Sinn Féin Cumann, Dundalk, extend deepest sympathy to the Kenna family on the death of their

29

beloved mother Eileen. May she rest in peace.

MATTHEWS. The Halpenny, Worthington, Watters Sinn Féin

Cumann, Dundalk, extend their deepest sympathy to the wife and family of Eamon ‘Skinner’ Matthews. I measc laochra na nGael go raibh sé.

HAMILTON Peter (Skeet). In loving memory of our friend Skeet. Missed every day. From Paddy and Catherine Agnew, Dundalk.

KELLY, Jimmy. In proud and loving memory of Óglach Jimmy Kelly, South Derry Brigade, Óglaigh na hÉireann.

Murdered by pro-British agents on 25 March 1993. No farewell words were spoken, No time to say goodbye, You were gone before we knew it. Always remembered with pride by your father, brother and sisters.

KELLY, Jimmy. In proud and loving memory of Óglach Jimmy Kelly, South Derry Brigade, Óglaigh na hÉireann, who was murdered by a pro-British death squad on 25 March 1993. Always remembered by the McPeake family, Tullyheron, Maghera.

KELLY Patsy. In loving memory of our friend and comrade Patsy Kelly, whose anniversary occurs at this time.

Always remembered by the Halpenny, Worthington, Watters Sinn Féin Cumann, Dundalk.

» Notices All notices should be sent to: notices@anphoblacht. com at least 14 days in advance of publication date. There is no charge for I nDíl Chuimhne, Comhbhrón etc.

McNEILL, Bob. In loving memory of Bob McNeill (London and Toome).

Always remembered by family, friends and comrades in the West London Republican Support Group, Hammersmith, London.

MAGEE, Joseph. In proud and loving memory of our dear brother Volunteer Joseph Magee, 3rd Battalion, Óglaigh na hÉireann, killed on active service 21 February 1972. Remembering you is easy, we do it every day. It’s just the pain of losing you that never goes away. Always remembered by his loving sister Betty, brothers Michael (Canada) Emmanuel (Australia) and families. Our Lady, Queen of Peace, pray for him.

MAGEE, Joseph. In proud and loving memory of my brother in law and our uncle Volunteer Joseph Magee, 3rd Battalion, Óglaigh na hÉireann, killed on active service 21 February 1972.

While Ireland holds these graves, Ireland unfree shall never be at peace. Proudly remembered by Conn McVarnock and family.

» Imeachtaí There is a charge of €10 for inserts printed in our Imeachtaí/ Events column. You can also get a small or large box advert. Contact: sales@anphoblacht.com for details.

USA and Canada to highlight their vital role in the Rising

BY RITA O’HARE Queens is organised by Clan na nGael every year and will be of particular interest this year, as will be the gathering at the Mineola Monument.

A dinner organised by Irish Northern Aid and Clan na nGael will be held in New York on 23 April.

In Pearl River, Rockland, in Buffalo, in Albany and many other areas in New York State there will be events to mark this anniversary.

AMERICA

1916 RISING

A ND THE

IN the United States and Canada, events will be held across the North American continent to mark the vital part played in the 1916 Easter Rising by Ireland’s exiled sons and daughters.

In the years preceding 1916, five of the seven signatories of the Proclamation were in America to seek support and raise funds for the planned rebellion .

Through John Devoy, Joseph McGarrity and others in the Irish Republican Brotherhood and Clan na nGael, contacts were made with people across America who responded in an unprecedented way to the call to help Ireland strike for her freedom.

100 years later, this generation of Irish-Americans, Irish-Canadians and friends of Irish freedom are recalling the 1916 Rising with pride in the part played by the Diaspora and others that it inspired.

It was described in America as “a blow struck to British prestige from which she would never recover”.

There will be big events attracting crowds, prestigious events with celebrities in attendance, lectures by historians and writers, unveiling of monuments, readings of the Proclamation, re-enactments of historical events, and many, many more modest but no less significant and heartfelt gatherings marking the Rising with the dignity and respect it deserves.

AMERICA THE The commemorationAND committee in 1916 RISING Rhode Island haveA story raised theandfunds of passion loyalty, to and commitment erect a monument bravery to the Rising at the Famine Memorial in Providence. They have organised lectures, an exhibition and readings related to the Rising.

New York will have many events over the year, cultural and political, from plays and concerts to parades and commemorations at some of the sitesProduction relatedby to the Rising.

An Phoblacht The Easter commemorations at the Fenian Plot in Calvary Cemetery in

Dr Ruan O’Donnell

Design and layout by Mark Dawson

America and the 1916 Rising cover4.indd 1

24/03/2015 13:37

New Bedford, Massachusetts, will be marking the Rising at their Friendly Sons dinner in March and with the laying of a wreath at the Celtic Cross on the seafront which recalls the famous Catalpa rescue from Australia.

In Philadelphia, the home of Joseph McGarrity and the very cradle of Irish republicanism in America, all groups have come together to organise a fitting tribute. A march on 24 April will go from the Famine memorial to Independence Hall, where the American Declaration of Independence and the Proclamation will be read.

Friends of Sinn Féin are sending speakers to as many of the celebrations as possible and will host two events in New York on 23 and 24 April in the historic

People across America responded in an unprecedented way to the call to help Ireland strike for her freedom Cooper Union where James Connolly once spoke.

Friends of Sinn Féin have produced a small booklet, America and the 1916 Rising, by Dr Ruan O'Donnell, which has been widely distributed and there are several exhibitions being displayed around the country and in Canada.

The exhibitions and accompanying portraits of the leaders of the Rising and of ‘Women of the Rising’ (produced

by Mark Dawson of An Phoblacht with Friends of Sinn Féin USA) have been seen at meetings, conferences and events in many cities.

In Cleveland, Ohio, a play about 1916 written and performed by activists has been so well received that it has travelled to other areas, including Detroit.

A popular feature of events has been

5 Joseph McGarrity and Bulmer Hobson shared a passion for Irish culture and writing – McGarrity was central to the planning of the rebellion, raising considerable sums of money to buy arms for the Volunteers

the historical re-enactments with people wearing the uniforms and clothes of the day .

One of the most imaginative and lasting memorials will be in Springfield, Massachusetts, where the city is planting a garden as a living testimonial to those who fought for Ireland’s freedom.

And in Washington DC, the Irish American Unity Conference are going to have the park where the statue of Robert Emmet stands dedicated to his name.

San Francisco’s St Patrick’s Day Parade has named the seven signatories as Honorary Grand Marshals and there will be events on Easter Sunday and on the historic date of 24 April organised by activists there.

Friends of Sinn Féin Canada have meetings and commemorations in Ottawa, Montreal, Toronto, Calgary, Vancouver and Edmonton.

There are so many events all across

North America that ther is not enough space here to acknowledge them all but Sinn Féin takes this opportunity to commend and thank the Irish-American and Irish-Canadian organisations and Diaspora who are making sure that the

The San Francisco St Patrick’s Day Parade has named the seven signatories as Honorary Grand Marshals international dimension to the Rising is fittingly remembered.

There will also be a large attendance from America in Ireland for the 1916 centenary events here.

• For updates, news and photographs, see FaceBook – Friends of Sinn Féin USA and Friends of Sinn Féin Canada.

30 March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

At 72 YEARS OF AGE, Leonard Peltier is suffering from an aneurysm yet is still being held in a maximum security prison under a regime of controlled movement and total lockdown.

This is his statement

sent out from Coleman US Penitentiary in Florida on the 40th anniversary of his arrest in in British Colombia, Canada: “Greetings, everyone.

“Today at 11am, in Hinton, BC, Canada, I was arrested 40 years ago. As Jim Morrison of

the Doors said: ‘I have been down for so damn long, will some of you good people come and get me?’

“Thanks to everyone for all you have done to try get me home. I love the hell out of you.”

American Indian Movement leader has been in prison 40 years – longer than Nelson Mandela

TIME FOR THE RELEASE OF LEONARD PELTIER IS NOW

forces, including representatives of the Ballymurphy Massacre justice campaign. Sinn Féin MLAs Gerry Kelly and Carál Ní Chuilín also attended.

In an interview with An Phoblacht later, both women spoke about the broader political struggle for Native Americans especially the struggle around language and the way in which Native Americans are educated within a system that promotes government reading of history.

“There is no Indian history in our schooling,” said the women, who recounted how they had to fight to have the US Government change the name of what they called “The Custer Massacre” to the Battle of the Little Big Horn.

Thunder Hawk and Cuee ob Mani described as “colonisation” the process

BY PEADAR WHELAN NATIVE AMERICAN activist Leonard Peltier has just completed 40 years’ imprisonment in United States prisons and the campaign to have him released is taking on ever more urgency as his health deteriorates.

This was the message brought to Ireland on the weekend of 5 February as activists Madonna Thunder Hawk and her daughter Marcella Gilbert or Cuee ob Mani (Walks With Her Sisters) outlined their efforts to persuade US President Barack Obama to release the ageing prisoner.

Peltier says he was wrongly convicted of the deaths of two FBI agents killed in a confrontation on the Pine Ridge Reservation, South

Nelson Mandela, Mary Robinson, Desmond Tutu, Hollywood star Robert Redford and musician Peter Gabriel have all called for Peltier’s release Dakota in 1975. Amnesty International believes political factors may have influenced the way in which the case was prosecuted and is calling for his release on humanitarian grounds and in the interest of justice.

Under United States legislation, a President, on ending his term in the White House and leaving office, has the power to grant clemency to any prisoner.

Most Presidents exercise this power.

In the hope of pressurising Obama to release Peltier, his supporters are engaged in an international effort and rallying support for his cause. They have already gained the support of many internationally-renowned figures, including Archbishop Tutu and former Irish President Mary Robinson. Nelson Mandela called for Peltier’s release.

5 Freedom for Peltier panel with Danny Morrison, Madonna Thunder Hawk, Geri Timmons and Fr Gary Donegan

Figures in the arts and music world such as Hollywood star Robert Redford and musician Peter Gabriel have also endorsed the campaign.

In Ireland, US citizen Geri Timmons is working closely with the Belfast human rights law firm Ó Muirigh Solicitors to promote the campaign for clemency.

On Friday 5 February, the eve of Peltier completing 40 years in prison, a panel discussion was held in St Mary’s Teacher Training College on the Falls Road in Belfast.

The panel included Madonna Thunder Hawk, writer and broadcaster Danny Morrison, Fr Gary Donegan from

Holy Cross Monastery in Ardoyne, and Geri Timmons. Marcella Gilbert also made a number of informative contributions.

In the audience were many leading human rights activists from across Belfast. Among them were families of people killed by state

5 Sinn Féin’s Jim Gibney presents a copy of the book written by H-Blocks ‘Blanketmen’, Nor Meekly Serve My Time, to Madonna Thunder Hawk and Marcella Gilbert

For more information on the campaign go to www.irelandforpeltier.ie

A President ending his term in the White House has the power to grant clemency to any prisoner where the settlers took the Indian lands land and forced them onto reservations.

“They forced the English language on to our people and forced a spirituality and believe system onto us that undermined our culture.”

The activists also outlined how they are constantly under threat from the federal government because the reservations they were forced onto were barren, dry lands that were seen as useless at the time but are now quite often found to be rich in natural resources.

“The lands that we now have are rich in oil, coal, uranium and other minerals, so we are in constant battles as the government try get their hands on these resources,” they said. “Of course, we won’t benefit from the exploitation of these resources.

“The politicians in Washington still have a ‘frontier mentality’ – they want to drive us off the land and take the resources for themselves. The Indians don’t matter to them.”

March / Márta 2016

www.anphoblacht.com

31

5 Nigel Smyth of the Confederation of British Industry in the North

5 Contributors to the discussion on the implications for human rights of a Brexit

Human rights threatened

by British European exit

5 Caoilfhionn Gallagher, public law specialist with Doughty Street Chambers

BY PEADAR WHELAN A BRITISH EXIT from the EU would pose a serious threat to human rights in the North and undermine the Good Friday Agreement, a major conference in Belfast hosted by Sinn Féin MEP Martina Anderson heard on 29 January.

Labour MEP Claude Moraes, Chair of the Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs Committee of the European Parliament, speaking to An Phoblacht ,warned: “People don’t understand the linkages between the Human Rights Act (HRA) and the Good Friday Agreement.”

He believes a British withdrawal from Europe will see the replacement of the RHA with a British

‘People don’t understand the linkages between the Human Rights Act and the Good Friday Agreement’

Chair of European Parliament Civil Liberties Committee

Claude Moraes MEP

Bill of Rights which will have “big implications” for human rights.

Moraes praised Sinn Féin’s MEPs who, he said, are doing “a good job in raising political concerns” about a ‘Brexit’ and the threat to civil liberties.

According to a paper presented to the conference by solicitors from two famous human rights law firms – Kevin Winter’s KRW Law in Belfast and the Doughty Street chambers in London – the

5 Pádraig Mac Lochlainn TD with Belfast Sinn Féin group – he described the British Tories as having a 'slash and cut' mentality

5 Brian Gormally of the Committee on the Administration of Justice

current British Government has declared that it will “scrap” the Human Rights Act 1998.

The threat, contained in the Conservative general election manifesto, also stated that a Tory government would introduce a “British Bill of Rights which will restore common sense to the application of human rights in the UK”.

This in turn, according to the legal paper, will restrict the role and influence of the European Court of Human Rights in British law and treat its judgments as advisory only and would clearly undermine the authority of the Court’s demand for Article 2 compliant inquiries into state killings in the North.

Representing Relatives for Justice at the conference was Andrée Murphy, who said: “The families we work with depend on the Human Rights Act for any kind of remedy and in the absence of any mechanism for truth and justice the courts are the only place where they can get any acknowledgement of what they endured.”

Given that the Good Friday Agreement is an international agreement signed by the Irish Government it is welcomed that the Minister for Foreign Affairs Charlie Flanagan has agreed that the protection of human rights is a key principle underpinning the agreement.

The lawyers’ document quotes him saying: “As a guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement,

on community and social projects that depend on EU funding for their existence.

“David Cameron has stated that a referendum is likely to take place as early as September 2016

the Irish Government takes very seriously our responsibility to safeguard the Agreement . . . The fundamental role of human rights in guaranteeing peace and stability in Northern Ireland must be fully respected.”

Earlier in the day, the economic consequences of a British withdrawal were discussed with the North’s Agriculture Minister Michelle O’Neill stating clearly: “Brexit would be catastrophic and the agri-food sector across the whole island would suffer.

“The farming community and agriculture would lose £2.5billion of financial support and funding and the Tories have shown no interest in supporting rural communities.”

Nigel Smyth, Chair of the North’s Confederation of British Industry (CBI), worried that the North would be exposed to trade barriers and border controls.

He feared ‘Brexit’ would “lead to the loss of £1billion a year” from the North’s economy.

Describing the conference “a good start in the debate”, Sinn Féin MEP Martina Anderson said: “Europe needs serious and radical democratic reform, however, we believe that a British withdrawal from the European Union would have serious implications for Ireland, North and South, with the possible return of border controls and adverse effects on the economy, trade, agriculture as well as the impact it would have

‘The farming community and agriculture would lose £2.5billion of financial support and funding and the Tories have shown no interest in supporting rural communities’ Sinn Féin Agriculture Minister

Michelle O’Neill MLA

and therefore it is imperative that the Irish people are made aware of the disastrous implications this could have for our island as a whole.”

parade invite:Layout 1

Comóradh Chéad Bliain d’Éirí Amach na Cásca | 100th Anniversay of the Easter Rising A day of celebration and pagentry with horse drawn carriages, period dress, uniforms, authentic memorabilia from 1916, bands and music making it a day to remember for everyone.

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LÁ CEILIÚRTHA• LÁ COMÓRTHA• DAY OF CELEBRATION • DAY OF COMMEMORATION The National Graves Association would like to personally invite you to this year’s Easter Parade to celebrate the 100th Anniversary of the Easter Rising and to commemorate Ireland’s patriot dead.

Full programme of Events: 1916-2016 Centenary Shop, 189 Falls Road, Belfast BT12 6AF Facebook – Rising2016Belfast Twitter – @Belfast1916

Sunday 27th March

Parade assembles at Divis Tower 11.30am and leaves for Milltown Cemetery 12.00pm

MAIN SPEAKER: GERRY ADAMS

Comóradh Chéad Bliain d’Éirí Amach na Cásca 100th Anniversay The Easter Rising

Easter Parade 2016

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IN PICTURES

5 The grand nephew and grand niece of executed 1916 leader and signatory of the Proclamation of the Irish Republic, Seán Mac Diarmada, unveil the new mural to him in Belfast's Clonard Street. Also present were Sinn Féin politicians Jim McVeigh, Mary McConville and Fra McCann as well as local actor Tony Devlin who recited Mac Diarmada's last letter to his family

photos@anphoblacht.com

5 Outgoing Sinn Féin TDs Michael Colreavy and Sandra McLellan are presented with slate versions of the Proclamation from Sinn Féin's Leinster House team to thank them for their service in the 31st Dáil

5 Sinn Féin's Mickey Brady and Justice for Ballymurphy Massacre Families with Liverpool Hope Irish Society and Pranay Raj Shakya, Vice President of Education at Liverpool Hope Student Union

5 Gerry Kelly presents Volunteer Ed O'Brien's father Mylie with a stone to be laid on the young Volunteer's grave at the annual commemoration in Gorey, County Wexford

5 Sinn Féin National Chairperson Declan Kearney welcomes a large crowd to Crumlin, Antrim for a discussion on the Next Steps for Irish-Medium Education

5 Jim Monaghan and Rose Dugdale were part of the huge 80,000 at the Right2Change rally in Dublin on the weekend before the election

This will be a day of celebration and pagentry with horse drawn carriages, period dress, uniforms, authentic memorabilia from 1916, bands and music making it a day to remember for everyone.

Sunday 27th March Parade assembles at Divis Tower 11.30am and leaves for Milltown Cemetery 12.00pm Main Speaker: Gerry Adams