An Phoblacht, May 2017

'Dissident DUP minister spy' ys la p killed politics garda

LOUISE O'REILLY TD

Make me Health Minister

anphoblacht NO Tories NO Border NO Brexit Sraith Nua Iml 40 Uimhir 5

May / Bealtaine 2017

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2 May / Bealtaine 2017

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5 Sinn Féin’s leader in the North, Michelle O’Neill MLA, National Chairperson Declan Kearney MLA and deputy leader Mary Lou McDonald TD

WESTMINSTER ELECTION YOUR CHANCE TO TELL THE TORIES WHERE TO GO

JUNE

8

Vote for equality and against Brexit

BY MICHAEL McMONAGLE VOTERS in the North are set to go to the polls once again after the British Tory Prime Minister Theresa May called a snap election for 8 June to elect MPs to Westminster.

It has been clear from the outset that the election campaign will be dominated by Brexit.

The announcement of the election took many by surprise as May herself had said just weeks earlier that she would not be calling an early election.

On Tuesday 18 April, however, the Tory leader made the shock announcement of an election.

Until that point, many commentators in the North had been speculating about the possibility of a new Assembly election if no resolution can be reached in the current talks at Stormont.

Announcing the surprise poll, Theresa May said it was prompted by the risk of divisions and splits at Westminster jeopardising the upcoming Brexit negotiations.

As soon as the election was announced, Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD took to Twitter to declare that Sinn Féin candidates would take up the challenge.

“Sinn Féin is up for that! Another chance to vote against Brexit and for progress.”

Sinn Féin’s leader in the North, Michelle O’Neill MLA, also welcomed the announcement of the election, sharing Gerry Adams’s view that it provides an opportunity to oppose Brexit and Tory austerity policies.

She said that the Tories had attempted to ignore views of the people of the North over Brexit. This poll gives people

ock Theresa May’s sh ment election announce e shows how little th Tories care for the h people of the Nort the and how far down t political agenda a are Westminster they

a chance to send a message to May and her Cabinet colleagues, she said.

“Sinn Féin opposed Brexit because it will be disastrous for the people of Ireland, our economy and our public services.

“The people of the North clearly voted to see their future in the European Union in the referendum last June – we have been blatantly ignored by Theresa May since.

“The Tory Party’s reckless Brexit agenda offers nothing to the people of the North who are being dragged out of the EU against our will.

“The Tory Party and their policies have been rejected by the people in the North in the past and will be again in this election.”

Michelle O’Neill also said the poll offers an opportunity to continue to build support for the campaign for “Designated Status for the North Within the EU” as well as oppose Brexit and reject Tory cuts and austerity.

The announcement of a Westminster election came during what was being billed as a critical period in the Stormont talks.

The fact that the announcement came while the talks were ongoing angered many.

Michelle O’Neill described it as a further indication of the Tories’ total lack of regard for the people of the North.

“Once again it showed how little the Tories care for the people of the North and how far down the political agenda at Westminster it is,” she said.

Sinn Féin National Chairperson Declan Kearney MLA said it shows the emergence of a pro-Brexit, pro-austerity alliance between the DUP and the British Government which is threatening the entire basis of the Good Friday Agreement.

“The decision by Theresa May to

May / Bealtaine 2017

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3

5 Taoiseach Enda Kenny has failed to stand up to Theresa May's Tories for the national interests of the island of Ireland

call the Westminster general election is the clearest indication that the Tory Government has now formally disengaged from the political process here,” the South Antrim MLA said.

He added that the announcement of the election shows the Tory Government “has made a strategic decision that its policy towards the North of Ireland does not include re-establishing the political institutions on the basis of equality, respect and integrity”.

He continued: “British state obligations under the Good Friday Agreement are now subordinate to the primacy of the Tories’ unionist objectives and influential opposition from the most senior

‘The Tory Party and their policies have been rejected by the people in the North in the past and will be again in this election’ echelons in Britain’s Ministry of Defence and security services against dealing with the legacy of the past.”

The Sinn Féin negotiator said it is clear that the DUP’s “Westminster team” is directing the party’s policies on Brexit.

“It is becoming more obvious that the Tories and the ‘Westminster Command’ of the DUP share a position that it would

be better not having locally-based power-sharing and all-Ireland political institutions,” Declan Kearney said.

“But, significantly, it suggests that the announced extension of the talks deadline beyond the British general election is just another fiction because they have already psychologically collapsed that next phase before it even begins.”

Sinn Féin deputy leader Mary Lou McDonald TD also said the prospect of a Westminster election and the Tories’ determination to pursue their Brexit agenda highlights the need for the Irish Government to stand up for Irish interests.

“Throughout this process, the Tory Party has set the pace,” the Dublin Central TD said.

“They called the referendum and they have pushed ahead to impose an EU frontier across Ireland.

“The impact of Brexit will be disastrous for communities, for our economy, and for public services across Ireland.

“The British Government have ignored the Irish Government and the votes of the people and the needs of our economy.

“Throughout all of this, Taoiseach Enda Kenny has failed to stand up for our national interest and failed to safeguard the Good Friday Agreement and subsequent agreements.”

She pointed out that, in the draft EU Council negotiation guidelines, Spain secured greater leverage with regard to Gibraltar than the Taoiseach achieved for Ireland and our agreements.

“Sinn Féin will fight the coming election to secure ‘Designated Special

Status for the North Within the EU’ and so ensure that there will be no EU frontier across Ireland,” she said.

“The Taoiseach must also stand up for the North to be given ‘Designated Special Status Within the EU’ and for the Good Friday Agreement in the coming European Council meeting and with any incoming British Government.”

With Brexit likely to be the defining issue of the Westminster campaign, Sinn Féin MEP Matt Carthy said it therefore creates a new platform to advance Irish unity “Brexit has highlighted, in stark terms, the undemocratic, unnatural and unjust

‘The Taoiseach must stand up for the North to be given ‘Designated Special Status Within the EU’ and for the Good Friday Agreement’ MARY LOU McDONALD

nature of partition,” the Border counties MEP said.

“Brexit and the recent Assembly election which saw the end of a permanent unionist political majority have changed the context of the argument for a united Ireland.”

The Sinn Féin MEP called on republicans to grasp the opportunity over the

5 The Tories have ignored the concerns of the people of Ireland about Brexit coming weeks of the campaign. media focus on Fermanagh & South “Despite the narrow political motiva- Tyrone, with Sinn Féin hoping to win tion behind the calling of a Westmin- back the seat from the Ulster Unionist ster election, Irish republicans must Party’s sitting MP, Tom Elliott, a former seize the opportunity to further to build soldier in the notorious Ulster Defence political progress towards a referendum Regiment.

The issue of electoral pacts – by the on Irish unity.

“It is an opportunity to reject the main unionist parties on the one hand Tory political agenda, to reassert the and anti-Brexit/pro-Remain progresNorth’s vote to remain within the EU, sive parties on the other – has created and to advance the cause of a shared, interesting scenarios across the North inclusive and united Ireland.” with discussions between parties on With the campaign already under- how to maximise the number of seats. way, attention has now fixed to specific Party leaders have been meeting constituencies and electoral battles. to discuss the possibility to pacts or As with previous Westminster accommodations but, as we go to print, campaigns, there has already been a no formal pacts have been announced.

4 May / Bealtaine 2017

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anphoblacht Editorial

WHAT'S INSIDE 9

Is glas iad na Gaeil I bhfad uainn!

12

The first casualty of tax avoidance 13

Tá sé in am dúinn athrú 14

Stormont: The end of an era – The beginning of another, Laurence McKeown 16 & 17

Easter Commemorations 2017 – Building a mass political movement, Gerry Adams 24

EU must change or risk disintegration, Matt Carthy MEP 26 & 27

Who is killing the cheese-makers?

30

'The Journey' with Joe Duffy 31

Sugarman and bankers’ sweet deals, Conor McCabe SUBSCRIBE ONLINE To get your An Phoblacht delivered direct to your mobile device or computer for just €10 per 12 issues and access to the historic The Irish Volunteer newspaperand An Phoblacht’s/IRIS the republican magazine archives

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5 'No Border, No Barrier, Respect the Remain Vote' – Vote Sinn Féin

Vote against the Tory/DUP Brexit and cuts agenda Vote for progress and equality THE TORIES’ DISREGARD for the people of the North of Ireland – unionist and nationalist – was shown in Prime Minister Theresa May’s shock announcement of an early Westminster general election after her categorically ruling it out only a few weeks ago.

The fact that her own minister tasked by her with handling the political crisis at Stormont, James Brokenshire, was kept out of the loop shows how low in political priorities we are for the English Tories in power at Westminster.

Sinn Féin was working to reach a deal with the other political parties at Stormont. However, it is plain to see that Theresa May’s Tories do not care one whit for the talks process here.

The announcement of the Westminster election has put paid to any chance of an immediate resolution which would have seen the institutions restored on the basis of equality, respect and integrity.

Post-election, there will be a massive majority for Brexit with the support of both the Labour Party and the Tories.

The British Government are intent on imposing Brexit with a resulting EU frontier across Ireland. In the Tory drive for Brexit, Ireland, our economy, our communities and our peace agreements are collateral damage.

It will be up to all of us opposed to Brexit to work together to secure special status for the North within the European Union to safeguard our hard-won agreements and try to build a progressive EU. Sinn Féin has met with other parties to discuss ways to maximise the anti-Brexit, anti-austerity, pro-rights vote. These talks are exploring the possibilities of achieving a progressive alliance in this election and those talks will continue.

The Irish Government must have a role in securing these objectives.

Contact

Layout and production: Mark Dawson production@anphoblacht.com

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So far, the Taoiseach has failed to stand with the majority of parties on this island, and failed to stand up for the national interest to secure these objectives.

The recent EU Council draft negotiation guidelines gave more leverage to the Spanish Government with regard to Gibraltar than the Taoiseach achieved for Ireland.

This election was called out of the self-interests of the Tory Party with an eye only to English voters.

Sinn Féin did not want this election but it is up for the challenge thrown down by Theresa May’s Tories.

It is an opportunity to once again say that the majority of voters are opposed to Tory policy, opposed to Brexit, and opposed to borders across Ireland.

It is an opportunity to send a message to Theresa May and Enda Kenny that we will stand up for our economy and public services, stand up for our rights as EU citizens, and stand up for our agreements.

It is an opportunity to call for the securing of special designated status for the North within the EU and for free travel and trade across Ireland.

Sinn Féin increased its vote in this year’s Assembly election by 57,000 and it is looking to maintain that momentum.

For Sinn Féin this was an all-Ireland effort with activists travelling the length and breadth of Ireland to support comrades in the North. This support will be needed again if we are to build on the Assembly success on 8 June.

AN PHOBLACHT is published monthly by Sinn Féin. The views in An Phoblacht are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Sinn Féin. We welcome articles, opinions and photographs from new contributors but contact the Editor first.

An Phoblacht, Kevin Barry House, 44 Parnell Square, Dublin 1, Ireland Telephone: (+353 1) 872 6 100. Email: editor@anphoblacht.com

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May / Bealtaine 2017

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EOIN Ó BROIN TD

5

Varadkar’s nasty and divisive ‘dole cheat’ campaign is a fraud

Not only are errors more frequent than fraud in our social welfare system, they are also costing the taxpayer more

LEO VARADKAR is “getting tough on dole spongers”. He has just launched a high-profile and hard-hitting campaign to root our social welfare fraud.

He claimed that “anti-fraud and control measures” saved the taxpayer over €500million in 2016. No detail explaining or justifying this figure was provided. Requests to the Department of Social Protection for additional information didn’t help much.

But something just doesn’t add up.

In the absence of any clarity from the minister, one has to trawl through the Department of Social Protection's Fraud and Error Surveys, the annual Comptroller & Auditor General reports and Parliamentary Questions to get some answers.

Under their Compliance & Anti-Fraud Strategy, the Department of Social Protection conducts two surveys of specific social welfare payments every year. They select a random sample, review the claims and identify possible fraud, error or change of circumstance.

The 2014 report into Job Seeker’s Allowance revealed that 2% of claims representing 1.4% of expenditure were fraudulent.

The report also found that 11% of claims were receiving an overpayment due to client or department error amounting to 1.7% of expenditure.

The 2012 Comptroller & Auditor General Report surveyed irregularities in social welfare payments over a number of years and found similarly low levels of fraud.

The report concluded that fraud in Jobseeker’s Benefit amounted to 0.1%, Child Benefit to

Something in Leo’s ‘dole fraud’ drive just doesn’t add up 0.5%, Disability Allowance to 2.1% and One Parent Family Payment to 6.7%.

In 2013, the Comptroller & Auditor General Annual Report included a section on “Welfare Overpayment Debt”. The report concluded that, from 2007 to 2011, 50% of all overpayments were due to error (44% from the client and 6% from the department), while 38% of overpayments was due to fraud.

This pattern was confirmed in a Parliamentary Question from Minister Varadkar on 31 May 2016 which stated that 21% of identified overpayments in 2015 were fraudulent, 30% in 2014 and 32% in 2013. In each of these three years, the total number of overpaid claims was between 80,000 and 90,000 with fraudulent claims falling from 27,000 in 2013 to 21,000 in 2015.

The conclusion to be drawn from figures is that the number of fraudulent claims is small and that overpayments due to errors by claimants or department staff are more significant.

The big question, of course, is how much does this cost the taxpayer?

Thankfully, Minister Varadkar’s Parliamentary

Question replies are a lot clearer than his press releases.

The same PQ from May 2016 states that the cost of all overpayments in 2015 was €115million, of which €48million was due to fraud. The figures for 2014 were €124million and €52million, and for 2013 were €127million and €61million.

So not only are errors more frequent than fraud in our social welfare system, they are also costing the taxpayer more.

While a significant sum of money is recouped each year (€82million in 2016, €80million in 2015, €82million in 2014) it is significantly less than the overpayments discovered each year. So the

5 Two faces of Thatcherism

total amount of overpayment debt owed to the state continues to rise (at €437million in 2015).

What is not clear from any of the above data is where Minister Varadkar is getting his claim that €500million was saved from anti-fraud and other control measures in 2016.

This figure is clearly not the actual amount of money saved from identifying overpayments.

Nor does it bear any relation to actual incidents of fraud in 2016.

But who cares? It makes for a good headline when launching a campaign to tackle one of society’s big problems . . . Except that on the basis of the department’s own figures, social welfare

fraud isn’t such a big problem and certainly not bigger than the issue of overpayment due to errors. Indeed, the level of detection and recovery by the department is pretty impressive.

Unfortunately, launching a campaign to root out errors rather than fraudsters just doesn’t grab as many headlines. Likewise, announcing extra staff to identify and recover overpayments from whatever source is not a big news story.

If Minister Varadkar was serious about tackling overpayments (and he should be) he would focus on errors as much as fraud and invest resources in the staff to deal with this.

But Leo’s focus is not social welfare overpayments. His eye is firmly fixed on the leadership of Fine Gael and the office of Taoiseach. To get what he wants he desperately needs headlines.

He wants to give the impression that he is taking a stand against welfare scroungers who pay for nothing and expect everything for free.

What he is really doing is wasting taxpayers’ money to stoke up prejudice and ignorance rather than investing that money in tackling the real problem.

This is right-wing Thatcherism at its very worst.

It is a mean-spirited approach which seeks to pit communities and individuals against each other for narrow personal political gain.

If this is the height of Leo Varadkar’s vision, then maybe Enda Kenny should hang around until we can put them out of power in a Dáil election.

6 May / Bealtaine 2017

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Why did senior gardaí and DPP – who knew the unstable Crevan Mackin had access to guns – release him from prison on reduced bail?

Killer of Garda Tony Golden was ‘protected Garda agent’

BY MARK MOLONEY ON 11 OCTOBER 2015, Adrian Crevan Mackin shot dead Garda Tony Golden and seriously wounded Siobhán Phillips before taking his own life near Omeath, County Louth. New evidence shows that Adrian Crevan Mackin was a Garda agent and informer, tasked with infiltrating so-called dissident republican groupings. He was out on bail at the time of the murder even though he had admitted possessing weapons and explosives.

Nine months before the killing of Garda Golden, Crevan Mackin had admitted to possession of firearms and 5 'RTÉ Investigates', part of 'Prime Time' even led gardaí to an arms dump near the Border where they recovered two raid they found threaded and capped pistols. Incredibly, despite this, Mackin pipes (which can be used for making was not charged with any firearms pipe-bombs) along with gallons of sulphuric and nitric acid which are offences.

The series of events leading up to the used in the mixing of explosives.

Mackin was arrested and interviewed killing of Garda Golden and the wounding of Mackin's partner, Siobhán Phillips, by gardaí.

The FBI also claimed they had inforpaints a murky picture where An Garda mation that Mackin was intending to import the highly-toxic poison ricin with intent to kill a Social Services officer in the North The transcripts of interviews with gardaí show that Mackin denied membership of any organisation styling itself the IRA before simply answering 27 further questions with the words “no comment”.

During a fifth round of questioning,

Mackin did admit to weapons possession and importing components parts for six firearms after a list of his PayPal transactions were shown to him.

Around this time, Mackin told detectives he had access to guns, including two Glock pistols – the type he would use to kill Garda Golden.

He also led gardaí to an arms dump at a derelict cottage in Edentubber where they recovered two Beretta 9mm pistols.

Mackin said he brought the gardaí to this arms dump in exchange for not being charged with firearms offences, and instead to only be charged with IRA membership – something he had not admitted to.

Mackin’s sister said he informed her that there was a deal with the gardaí. “‘We’ll keep you out of prison but you’ll have to do this [or that] for us’.

Why did they think Crevan was a good candidate to be a grass, or a tout, or

Crevan Mackin told Garda detectives he had access to guns, including two Glock pistols – the type he would use to kill Garda Golden

Síochána used a highly dangerous, volatile and abusive individual with serious mental health issues as an agent of the state working for the police.

Mackin had for years been on the fringes of so-called dissident republican organisations.

He went to school in Warrenpoint, County Down. In 2012, he was arrested by the PSNI for possession of extreme pornographic material. After this, he moved to north Louth where, according to his sister, he began to supply pipe-bombs and guns to dissident republican groupings opposed to the Peace Process.

On 16 January 2015, following a tip-off from the FBI in the United States, at least 16 armed gardaí from the Special Detective Unit in Dublin raided Mackin’s home in Omeath.

The FBI had provided a list of weapons which Mackin had purchased over a two-year period. Gardaí had obtained the warrant to raid Mackin’s home stating that they believed he had six firearms in his possession. During the 5 Garda Tony Golden (inset) and his funeral in Blackrock, County Louth

5 Crevan Mackin – Who was 'handling' him as an agent?

whatever word you want to put on it?” she said.

On 18 January 2015, the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions instructed gardaí to charge Mackin with IRA membership, the very offence he had not admitted.

Crevan Mackin’s solicitor, Paul Tiernan, told an RTÉ Investigates programme detailing the incredible story that he finds it “very strange” and “highly unusual” that “someone who had admitted possession of firearms and the importation of component parts for firearms, should have been treated in this way” and not charged with possession of those firearms. “In the vast majority of cases, the strongest evidence against people is their own admissions,” the solicitor said on TV. While awaiting a bail hearing, Mackin was sent to Portlaoise Prison. There he attempted to have himself placed on wings which housed prisoners of various so-called dissident republican groups. These prisoners refused to allow Mackin on their wings, suspecting him of being a spy.

Mackin’s solicitor said in an interview on RTÉ:

“He told me that he was advised to infiltrate the Real IRA in Portlaoise. He confirmed that he was brought onto the political wing but, very soon after arriving on the political wing in Portlaoise Prison, he was expelled.”

Mackin’s bail was originally posted at €20,000 but, strangely, this was quickly reduced to €5,000. He was released 10 days after his arrest.

His sister says he had confided in her that he believed he was going to be shot dead by dissident republicans for his role as a Garda informer, describing himself as “a marked man” and saying it was “only a matter of time” before they would kill him.

His sister and solicitor say he started to deteriorate mentally and became

The FBI also claimed Mackin was intending to import the ricin poison with intent to kill a Social Services officer in the North increasingly anxious and was prone to violent outbursts. He also began to regularly assault and beat his partner, Siobhán Phillips.

Two days before the killing of Garda Golden, Siobhán Phillips (21) had been subjected to a horrific and prolonged assault at the hands of the 24-year-old Mackin.

Over the course of 12 hours he punched Siobhán in the head, kicked her in the stomach, and slashed her a number of times on the arm and legs with a bread knife. Siobhán told work colleagues what happened and then contacted her father and stepmother, telling them she was terrified Mackin was going to kill her.

Mackin had also threatened to kill other members of her family, including her brothers.

Her stepmother told her that the only way anything would come of it was if she went to the Garda and made a statement.

On the morning of 10 October, a visibly frightened and injured Siobhán

May / Bealtaine 2017

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5 Numerous questions for Justice Minister Frances Fitzgerald, Taoiseach Enda Kenny and Garda Commissioner Noirín O'Sullivan Phillips – accompanied by her father and stepmother – attempted to register complaints of domestic violence and assault against Mackin at Dundalk Garda station. This is the same Garda station at which Mackin signed on as part of his bail conditions.

Siobhán’s father, Seán, says the garda they dealt with in Dundalk refused to take a statement, telling them “that girl [Siobhán] could have a brain injury or anything. I’m not going to take a statement from somebody with injuries like

Mackin’s sister said he informed her that there was a deal with the gardaí to keep him out of prison that”, before instructing them to go to Omeath as it was in that jurisdiction where the assault happened.

The family met Garda Tony Golden at the Omeath station the next day.

After taking the statement, Garda Tony Golden accompanied Siobhán and her father to the home she shared with Crevan Mackin to collect her things.

Garda Golden and Siobhán Phillips went inside while Siobhán’s father waited outside. Mackin aggressively demanded to know why the garda was there before opening fire on the pair, killing Garda Golden and horrifically wounding Siobhán Phillips with a gunshot in the head. He then turned the gun on himself.

Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD

asked for the recall of the Dáil from its Easter recess to allow the Minister for Justice to make a statement on the matter and to answer questions.

The Louth TD has written to Justice Minister Frances Fitzgerald eight times since October 2015, to the Taoiseach four times and GSOC on three occasions to raise concerns about the case.

“Given the information I provided, I would have expected Minister Fitzgerald and the Taoiseach, after a reasonable period of time, to ensure a proper investigation into the circumstances

The Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions instructed gardaí to charge Mackin with IRA membership – the very offence he had not admitted

7

5 Garda Special Detective Unit HQ, Harcourt Street which led to the shooting of Garda Golden and Siobhán Phillips took place,” he said.

The Dáil deputy described the responses from An Taoiseach and the Minister for Justice as “unsatisfactory”: “I have never received any indication that the Government was taking this matter seriously. Given that it was known by some senior figures in An Garda Síochána that Crevan Mackin had access to weapons, Siobhán Phillips and Garda Golden should not have been placed in this perilous situation.”

5 Gerry Adams repeatedly contacted An Taoiseach, the Justice Minister and the Garda Commissioner

Gerry Adams described the arrest, interrogation and subsequent treatment of Crevan Mackin as “entirely inappropriate”: “All of the families affected by this need to have truth about the circumstances of Crevan Mackin’s arrest, questioning, charging and relationship with An Garda Síochána.

“Those responsible must be held accountable and, if necessary, they must face a criminal investigation and possibly charges.”

Meanwhile, the family of Siobhán

Mackin’s bail was originally posted at €20,000 but, strangely, this was quickly reduced to €5,000 Phillips have announced that they are to sue An Garda Síochána. In a statement following the airing of the RTÉ Investigates programme on 20 April, their solicitors, Madden & Finucane, said: “These revelations raise issues of significant public importance and require an investigation at the highest level.

“We have been instructed today to issue proceedings in the High Court in Dublin and we will be writing to Frances Fitzgerald, the Minister for Justice, requesting that she immediately establish a public inquiry into the circumstances surrounding the shooting of Siobhán and the murder of Garda Golden.”

8 May / Bealtaine 2017

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‘Any attempt to use

WATER CHARGES: FIANNA FÁIL CAVE-IN TO FINE GAEL

the room granted

Cute hoors and cock-ups

by Fianna Fáil to introduce water charges through the back door will be met with the same mass campaign that dogged the previous

BY MARK MOLONEY FIANNA FÁIL have given the go-ahead for water charges through the back door despite the party pledging in its 2016 Dáil election manifesto to completely scrap the unpopular measure and Irish Water.

The Fianna Fáil retreat at the Oireachtas Water Committee came only days after sabre-rattling from the party’s Local Government spokesperson, Barry Cowen, who threatened a snap election if Fianna Fáil didn’t get their way.

The party also waited until after tens of thousands of people had marched through the centre of Dublin again as part of the Right2Water campaign – many believing that water charges were on the way out – to announce their capitulation. Organisers at the march prophetically warned activists that the campaign to end water charges was far from over.

The Fianna Fáil climbdown came in two key areas.

The first was on the continued installation of water meters in new-builds while the second will see a volumetric charge for “excessive” domestic usage of water. These two issues are seen as of high importance to Fine Gael who have been insistent on not shutting the door completely to water charges further down the road. Fine Gael still want to bring in water charges at a later

Government’ EOIN Ó BROIN TD

5 Sinn Féin TD Eoin Ó Broin with fellow Right2Water TDs from the Oireachtas Water Committee at Leinster House

date but Chief Whip Regina Doherty conceded that this attempt had been a “cock-up” and a “catastrophe”.

Speaking in the Dáil, Sinn Féin deputy leader Mary Lou McDonald accused Fianna Fáil of a “spectacular U-turn”.

She said: “Fianna Fáil have flip-flopped once again. They use their political strength to face down and thwart the will of the people. Fianna Fáil show once again that they cannot be trusted.”

She said it was typical of the type of “cute hoor” politics the public has come to expect from the party who laid the groundwork for the charges.

“There’s nothing new about what happened,” she said. “It’s been happening for decades: the ordinary people get screwed by Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil.”

Enda Kenny was quick to jump to the defence of Fianna Fáil. He claimed that they had “the courage to come to a conclusion in the interest of the

5 Fianna Fáil's Barry Cowen TD

country and move on”.

Sinn Féin’s spokesperson on Water, Eoin Ó Broin, said that while the Oireachtas Water Committee’s report was not a complete success, the Right2Water campaign could rightly be proud of the impact it has made on the debate: “The principle that domestic water services should be funded through general taxation and Government borrowing has been accepted. Denis O’Brien’s metering programme has been stopped in its tracks.

“People who were bullied into paying will get refunds. People in group-water schemes will finally be treated equally.

And, crucially, a referendum enshrining the public ownership of water and water services in the Constitution has been promised. None of this would have happened without the Right2Water movement.”

In a statement, the Right2Water

movement said that, had it not been for people power, household bills “would be in four figures” already.

“The people won, for now, on general taxation,” it said, though it warned: “But, like the bin charges, the Government are going to spend years trying to roll back on this. We at Right2Water are not happy with this outcome as there is more to do. But remember what has been achieved. Remember where we were, and how hopeless it was three short years ago. And remember also that this is very far away from what Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil, Irish Water and, most of all, the Labour Party – who did most to try to commodify our human right to water – wanted to do to us.”

Eoin Ó Broin warned the right-wing parties that the Right2Water movement will continue to hold Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael accountable on this issue: “Any attempt to use the room granted

by Fianna Fáil to introduce water charges through the back door will be met with the same mass campaign that dogged the previous Government.

We will be watching the progress of the legislation arising from the Water Committee’s report very closely.”

5 While the Oireachtas Water Committee’s report was not a complete success, the Right2Water campaign could rightly be proud of the impact it has made on the debate, Sinn Féin TD Eoin Ó Broin said

May / Bealtaine 2017

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Níor thréig na Gaeil Mheiriceánaigh a ndúchas poblachtach

Is glas iad na Gaeil i bhfad uainn!

Le Trevor Ó Clochartaigh NÍ FÉIDIR BEAG is fiú a dhéanamh don tacaíocht a thugtar sna Stáit Aontaithe don streachailt phoblachtach agus beidh gá níos mó ná riamh leis sin sna blianta beaga atá romhainn.

5 I gcuideachta Mic Léinn ón gCumann Dlí Éireannach in Ollscoil Hofstra

Bhí sé d’onóir agam i mbliana a bheith sna Stáit Aontaithe mar aoí-speisialta do na comórthaí a bhí ar siúl aimsir na Cásca. Le linn mo thuras ar Bhostún, Chicago agus Nua Eabhrach, chas mé le poblachtaigh Éireannacha, polaiteoirí, ceannairí ceardchumainn, mic léinn, eisimircigh agus Gaeil Mheiriceánacha den uile chineál.

An rud is mó a théann i gcionn orm ar na turais seo agus mé i mo ról mar urlabhraí Shinn Féin don Diaspóra, ná chomh h-eolach is atá na Gaeil anseo ar a bhfuil ag tarlú sa mbaile agus an suim atá acu i gcúrsaí.

Níl aon dabht ann, ach go bhfuil an domhan ag athrú an-sciopaí. Ó thaobh na polaitíochta

Ná déanfaimid dearmad ar na Gaeil thar lear.

Ná déanfaimid beag is fiú don ról a d’imir siad sa streachailt go dtí seo agus an tionchar a d’fhéadfadh a bheith acu sna blianta beaga atá le theacht di i Meiriceá tá an t-athrú réimeas ag cur imní ar Ghaeil nach bhfuil a gcuid páipéir ar fad acu.

Deir Méara Marty Walsh i mBostún liom nuair a chas mé leis ann áfach, nár chóir an iomarca imní a bheith ar na Gaeil céanna ach go gcaithfidh siad a bheith cúramach gan aon rud seafóideach a dhéanamh, nó an dlí a bhriseadh, mar gur beag dliteanas atá aige chun cuidiú leo má tharlaíonn sin.

Tá dream sna Stáit chomh maith a bhí iontach gníomhach sa streachailt ar bhealaí éagsúla anuas tríd na blianta agus níl an lasair ina gcroíthe siúd aon rud níos laige de bharr an t-achar ó bhaile is atá siad ná an t-achar ama atá imithe thart. Is iontach an inspioráid iad agus an méid ar thug siad suas ar son na saoirse.

Tá Gaeil eile anseo chomh maith i measc cuid de na daoine is cumhachtaí sa gcóras. Ag an gcomóradh i Mineola, Nua Eabhrach bhí mé i gcuideachta breithiúna Cúirt Uachtaraigh agus Dúiche, baill Comthionóil agus polaiteoirí eile, Ceannairí na bPóilíní agus an Bhriogáid Dóiteáin agus lucht gnó a bhfuil a saibhreas déanta acu.

Bhí bís orthu ar fad maidir leis na dúshláin agus

5 Ag bronnadh mapa pearsanta ar Mhéara Bostún Marty Walsh

na deiseanna a thagann leis an mBreatimeacht, go h-áirithe i gcomthéacs na féidearthachtaí ó thaobh athaontú na tíre.

Chas mé leis na gnáth Gaeil Mheiriceánaigh ag ócáidí agus in ionaid éagsúla freisin. Bhí mé ag caint le lucht ceardaíochta ar shuíomh tógála i mBostún agus iad ag rá go bhfuil an t-uafás oibre ann agus is beag dóchas atá acu go bhfillfidh siad abhaile sa ngearrthéarma. Easpa oibre, droch-phá agus an iomarca constaicí praiticiúla a thiomáineann an mheon atá acu deir siad.

Bhí sé d’ádh orm tamall a chaitheamh i gcomhluadar George Mitchell chomh maith agus bhí cur síos an-spéisiúil aige ar na cainteanna a bhí mar bhunús ag Comhaontú Aoine an Chéasta. Dúirt sé gur thuig sé nach comhaontú foirfe a bhí ann. Deir sé chomh maith gur ceann de na rudaí ba dheacra a bhaint amach ná gach duine a thabhairt le chéile. Bhí suas le deich dtoscaireacht páirteach sna cainteanna ar fad agus chinn air iad ar fad a chur ag suí síos le chéile ag aon phointe le linn na cúig bhliana de

5 I gcomhluadar Marty Glennon agus Paddy Dolan ag comóradh na Cásca i Mineola, Nua Eabhrach

chomhráití. Mar mhagadh, d’fhiafraigh mé dó an mbeadh fáil air as seo go ceann cúpla mí dá dteastódh sé arís agus bhí sé an-tapaidh ag rá nach mbeadh! Sílim go dtuigeann sé an sáinn ina bhfuil cúrsaí ó thuaidh.

Rud eile a thug an-mhisneach dom áfach, ná an suim thar na bearta atá ag roinnt mhaith ógánaithe i gcúrsaí Éireannacha. Bhí mé ag ócáidí i dhá ollscoil faoi leith ag labhairt le mic léinn dlí a bhfuil suim faoi leith acu i bpolaitíocht na hÉireann. Bíonn cuid acu in Éireann agus iad i mbun intéarnachtaí agus is maith an chúltaca a bheidh iontu siúd nuair a bheidh siad ar ais sna stáit, lán-cháilithe agus iad i mbun oibre, stocaireachta, nó polaitíochta amach anseo.

Ná déanfaimid dearmad ar na Gaeil thar lear. Ná déanfaimid beag is fiú don ról a d’imir siad sa streachailt go dtí seo agus an tionchar a d’fhéadfadh a bheith acu sna blianta beaga atá le theacht. Deir an forógra gur chóir don phoblacht an gean céanna a bheith acu ar gach mac máthair Éireannach. Ciallaíonn sé sin na Gaeil i bhfad i gcéin chomh maith.

10 May / Bealtaine 2017

www.anphoblacht.com

DUP Communities Minister’s partisanship in power questioned

Givan responsibility

5 Igniting concern: DUP Communities Minister Paul Givan happily poses while lighting an Eleventh Night Orange bonfire and (right) with unionist bandsmen celebrating renewed funding from his office

BY PEADAR WHELAN & JOHN HEDGES A SCHEME set up by Arlene Foster’s Democratic Unionist Party “to improve community halls” saw the bulk of a £2million fund being spent on Orange Order halls and has been found to be biased towards Protestant and unionist groups, according to official departmental documentation uncovered by the Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ).

The Community Halls Pilot Programme was launched last year in a blaze of publicity by the DUP leader and First Minster, Arlene Foster, with her DUP colleague, Communities Minister Paul Givan, in County Derry. The

selected venue was Salterstown Orange Hall.

Now official files obtained by CAJ show clearly that the bulk of the funding was directed towards “people of a Protestant religious belief and inferred political opinion”.

It has also been confirmed that of the 850 applicants there were 90 successful bids for funding under the scheme. Of those who met the crite-

The Community Halls Pilot Programme was launched last year by DUP leader Arlene Foster and DUP Communities Minister Paul Givan – at an Orange hall

ria laid out by the department and 5 The fisheries protection vessel ‘Banríon Uladh’ was needlessly and provocatively renamed by a DUP minister were successful, 34 are Orange halls almost undoubtedly have been flagged and two are Masonic halls. Only two with the Finance Minister, Sinn Féin’s of 60 GAA clubs that applied and two Máirtín Ó Muilleoir, and come under Ancient Order of Hibernians halls were allocated grants of £25,000.

More than £200,000 was given by Givan to community groups, Ulster Scots, cultural, educational and historical societies to carry out improvements to and upgrade Orange halls.

It is now clear that FOUR TIMES the original budget (a total of £1.9million) 5 The CAJ looked inisde the DUP minister's Community Halls Programme has been spent on a originally refused two requests in the end of March that points directly programme that was January to publish its “Screening Form”. towards a bias in the allocation of funds. originally allocated Officials ignored these requests until What is also clear from the informaas £500,000.

CAJ made an official complaint. It is tion obtained by the CAJ is that the According to only then the department posted the scheme was deliberately launched as Daniel Holder of Section 75 Screening Form on their a pilot rather than as a fully-fledged the CAJ, who website. funding mechanism that would have exposed the bias CAJ were still not satisfied and required Department of Finance scrutiny on the grounds, of fairness, in the scheme, pushed the department who released approval if it had tipped the £2million equality and transparency.

5 Sinn Féin Finance Minister Máirtín Ó Muilleoir the department a version of the Screening Form at mark or over. Such a proposal would The screening document reveals

Revelations heap more pressure on the former Communities Minister to explain how the criteria for his Community Halls Pilot Programme was set

May / Bealtaine 2017

www.anphoblacht.com

11

Gambling claim doesn’t stack up

5 DUP leader and then First Minister Arlene Foster with Paul Givan, eyes wide shut

that the programme was designed to prioritise “low-capacity organisations that have not attracted previous funding” previously on the basis that “faith groups” (such as the Orange Order) do not apply for Big Lottery funds because this is “regarded as benefiting from gambling” [see sidebar].

Other criteria stating that funding could not be used for “sporting infrastructure” is a clear intention that GAA clubs were to be excluded.

It has now emerged that up to 40 Orange lodges or halls have received in excess of £350,000 grant aid from the Heritage Lottery Fund.

The revelation heaps more pressure on the former Communities Minister to explain how the criteria for his Community Halls Pilot Programme was set.

And this isn’t the first time that Paul Givan has thrust himself into the limelight with controversial decisions.

He faced criticism when he posed for photographers with unionist bandsmen and mimicked playing a flute after he reinstated funding for marching bands in a scheme that spent double originally intended, to the tune of £300,000.

The Lagan Valley DUP man also posed for the cameras as he brazenly ignited an Eleventh Night bonfire in County Tyrone, something a Communities Minister in a power-sharing Executive might have thought twice about.

At the end of March, the Environment Department broke its eightmonth media silence to confirm that had it investigated Givan’s bonfire vanity and had offered him “advice” internally that it was “in essence, an offence”.

When he axed a £50,000 grant to the

Irish-language Líofa bursary project for young people in an email announcement two days before Christmas Day, many unionists as well as nationalists

This isn’t the first time that Paul Givan has thrust himself into the limelight with controversial decisions recognised it as a crass act of provocation, forcing its reinstatement.

But Paul Givan isn’t a loose cannon on the deck of the DUP.

5 Orange lodges or halls have received over £350,000 from the Heritage Lottery Fund, part of the National Lottery

Gregory Campbell’s mocking in the Assembly of the Irish language three years ago with his “Curry my yoghurt can coca coalyer” parody of “Go raibh maith agat, Ceann Comhairle” set the tone for the DUP’s public disdain for the Irish language and nationalists in general. His refusal to apologise (which earned him a one-day suspension from the house) copper-fastened the insult.

Last September, DUP Agriculture, Environment & Rural Affairs Minister Michelle McIlveen gratuitously changed the name of a fisheries protection vessel from ‘Banríon Uladh’ to its English equivalent, ‘Queen of Ulster’.

These are the most public manifestations of DUP disdain that had echoes in leader Arlene Foster’s statement in February that more people in the Six Counties speak Polish than speak Irish and the DUP would never agree to an Irish Language Act. That is the background against which many view her declaration on 12 April that the DUP does want to “respect and indeed better understand the language and culture which we are not a part of”.

This newly-professed respect would be most welcome if it were not accompanied with a heavily-qualified stated intention to listen “and to engage with those from the Gaelic/ Irish background, those without party political baggage or indeed demands, people who genuinely love the Irish language and don’t want to use it as a political weapon”.

It is the DUP that has used Irish as a political weapon, resisting it at every political level, from St Andrews to Stormont, including blocking an Irish Language Act.

THE CLAIM that the Community Halls Programme was set up to help groups which would not apply for Lottery funding because of a faithbased reluctance to benefit from gambling “simply does not stack up”, Sinn Féin National Chairperson Declan Kearney has said after revelations that Orange lodges and other groups which had supposedly not applied for Lottery funding did in fact do so.

Expressing his “deep concern” about the administration of the Community Halls Programme, which falls under the responsibility of the Department for Communities, the South Antrim MLA said: “It now transpires that the Randalstown Ulster Scots Cultural Society will receive £8,500 in Big Lottery funding for improvements to Randalstown Memorial Orange Hall despite already receiving £25,000 from the Community Halls Programme.

“Under a DUP minister, the Community Halls Programme budget has almost quadrupled from £500,000 to £1.9million.

By contrast, the same

minister was responsible for cynically stopping the £50,000 Líofa Gaeltacht bursary fund before last Christmas.

“Now the department itself has since admitted that funding awards from the Community Halls Programme have been allocated disproportionately in favour of applications from one section of the community. In fact, only two Gaelic athletics clubs have successfully qualified for financial assistance.”

He said that this suggests that the Community Halls Programme “has been operated on a differential basis with no regard for objective need criteria or equality”.

This, he said, is a further example of the DUP’s “cavalier approach to management of public finances”.

Kearney, one of Sinn Féin’s Stormont talks negotiators, said that any restored political institutions will depend upon transparency, fairness and equality in the governance of all public funds and decision making: “ There is no place for any form of institutionalised bigotry in terms of public policy or government.”

5 Declan Kearney MLA: 'Deep concern' about Community Halls Programme

12 May / Bealtaine 2017

www.anphoblacht.com

CONOR McCABE THE FIRST CASUALTY of tax evasion is the truth. Let me give you an example.

On 30 August 2016, an EU Commission investigation found that Ireland had breached state aid procedures by deliberately and artificially lowering the corporate tax rate paid by Apple.

It said that two separate rulings by the Irish Revenue Commissioners in 1991 and 2007 allowed Apple to be taxed in a way that “did not correspond to economic reality”.

Any tax ruling that benefits a company over its competitors is deemed to be illegal state aid under EU law.

As such, the foregone tax liability for the years covering 2003 to 2014 (estimated at €13billion plus interest) would now have to be paid by Apple and collected by Ireland.

The EU Commission can only order recovery for the ten-year period preceding the start of its investigation, meaning that any outstanding tax due from 1991 to 2002 was outside of its legal remit.

Fine Gael rejected the finding and the €13billion.

They were backed in this by Fianna Fáil, Labour and the Green Party.

By way of justification, Finance Minister Michael Noonan told journalists to “look at the small print on an Apple iPhone: it says designed in California and manufactured in China and that means any profits that accrued didn't accrue in Ireland and so I can't see why the tax liability is in Ireland”.

Unfortunately for Minister Noonan and Apple, the EU Commission did not base its investigation on the small print etched on the back of an

ates The Tax Justice Network estim rillion to that somewhere between $21t e $32trillion is hidden in offshor centres across the globe

The first casualty of tax evasion

5 Sinn Féin is taking a stand at the Dáil for Irish interests in the Apple tax scandal

iPhone but on the balance sheets, board meetings, company structure and booked sales of Apple Sales International and Apple Operations Europe, two Irish-based companies that utilised a cost-sharing

The Chair of the Sub-committee, Senator Carl Levin, found that Apple “quietly negotiated with the Irish Government an income tax rate of less than 2% [and], in practice, Apple is able to pay a rate far below even that low figure”.

This led Levin to conclude that: “Apple used cost-sharing arrangements that it has with offshore subsidiaries to shift income

Despite official claims to the contrary, Ireland is a tax haven for transnational capital

agreement with their US parent, Apple Inc, for tax avoidance purposes.

The arrangement was in place until the companies changed their structures in 2015 due to the fallout from the 2013 US Senate Permanent Sub-committee on Investigations inquiry into Apple.

5 Finance Minister Michael Noonan seems to base Fine Gael's taxation policy on the small print on the back of products

from the United States to Ireland, an effective tax haven, where it pays effectively no taxes at all.”

The EU Commission investigation was a direct result of the evidence uncovered at those hearings.

For all the high talk of defending Ireland, taking on Europe and protecting the honour of the Revenue Commissioners, the actual energy behind the Government’s rejection of €13billion in much-needed revenue was a lot more prosaic.

Despite official claims to the contrary, Ireland is a tax haven for transnational capital.

An indigenous middleman class of lawyers, economists, accountants, lobbyists and legislators

has built up over the decades to facilitate and support this network.

The tax avoidance measures used by foreign companies such as Apple, Facebook and Google are also used by Irish companies, the majority of whom pay little or no corporate tax.

The narrowing of the tax base means that the burden of paying for the running of the state, as well as meeting the interest repayments due on the bank bailout loans, has fallen for the most part on ordinary working people and their families.

This has significant consequences in terms of social cohesion and state viability, not just in Ireland but other countries as well.

The Tax Justice Network estimates that somewhere between $21trillion to $32trillion is hidden in offshore centres across the globe.

This is the system that the Irish state protects.

It does so because the interests of its middlemen in law, accountancy and finance are dependent on the survival of their niche role in this global system despite the damage it inflicts on Irish society.

Any talk of alternatives has to grasp the nettle of countering the base of the economic, political and social power of the Irish elite.

This means taking on the tax avoidance industry that sprouts like mushrooms along the banks of the Liffey.

It is not possible to build and maintain public services through wholesale tax avoidance.

That is as close to an iron law of public policy as we can get, and one all progressives should keep to heart.

May / Bealtaine 2017

www.anphoblacht.com

13

CAN THE BORDER BE MOVED TO THE IRISH SEA?

BY EOIN Ó MURCHÚ WE SEEM TO BE living in a state of suspended political animation at the moment, with the Government (and its pseudo-opposition in Fianna Fáil) mouthing the correct platitudes against a hard Border and the rest but giving no substance as what it is looking for or the context of negotiations as the Irish Government sees them.

Even worse, a compliant Euro-subservient media engages in no debate as to the options before us and how we should proceed.

By contrast, senior Establishment figures in Britain are not so reticent.

Naturally, their discussions begin with what they see as being in Britain’s interest. Nevertheless, how to avoid a hard Border in Ireland is being discussed – but with little if any input from Irish sources.

While the Liberal Democrats in Britain may be of little real significance at the moment, one of their leading elder statesmen, Vince Cable, has been explicit in declaring that a hard Border on the island of Ireland is impossible.

It would be too porous, he says, impossible to police and therefore a major obstacle to any post-Brexit deals that Britain might make with either the EU or with Ireland.

If it were just the LibDems thinking the unthinkable, it wouldn’t be too significant, but Cable’s ideas have been echoed by other senior members of the British Establishment, most notably Mervyn King, former Governor of the Bank of England.

5 Meeting in the middle: Vince Cable and Mervyn King

But, equally, such a move would strengthen the dual nature of the North: politically part of Britain for the moment but socially and economically closer and closer to the rest of Ireland.

The main unionist political parties seem unable to come to terms so far with the need for equality and parity of esteem; so, without the restoration of the institutions, the North is left without a voice.

Direct rule by Britain from Westminster is naturally unacceptable to nationalists because Britain is a critical part of the problem. And even the Fine Gael

The Irish Government needs to lay out a scenario from Ireland’s interests

5 Blair and Ahern stated there would be joint authority if no agreement

King argues that the political border between the North and South be left as it is until such time as it is changed by a Border referendum but that the

How to avoid a hard Border in Ireland is being discussed – but with little if any input from Irish sources economic border (the place where customs are checked, documentation examined to be in order, and controls effected) should be moved to the Irish Sea.

There is a precedent for this.

During the Second World War, Britain maintained such controls against all of Ireland. It was the only effective way to do it and King is arguing that the same will apply in a post-Brexit scenario.

It is patently obvious, of course, that any such proposal would have to be negotiated and agreed by the two parties involved – Ireland and Britain.

More than anything else, this is not an issue that can be left to the ‘Team Europe’ which the Dublin Government is happy to let control the negotiations.

But where would this leave the North?

Unionists would be frightened that any such move would be a slippery slope to Irish unity.

This is no pie-in-the-sky position because of the St Andrews talks which led to the sharing of power between Sinn Féin and the DUP. The minds of the DUP were concentrated by a statement from then Prime Minister Tony Blair and then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern that, in the absence of agreement, joint authority between Ireland and Britain would be established over the North instead.

What is clearly needed is to develop a coherent strategy for connecting all these threads but one in which the Fine Gael Government stops concentrating

Government in Dublin, under pressure from Sinn Féin, has declared through Foreign Minister Charlie Flanagan that such an option is unacceptable.

But if further elections fail to lead to the required breakthrough, what then?

Senior republican strategist Jim Gibney has argued in the Irish News that joint administration from Dublin and London would be the only way forward in such circumstances.

its efforts against Sinn Féin and instead combines to advance Irish national interests in the new evolving situation.

The first step is an open and honest debate about what is possible and how to attain it.

Mervyn King has laid out a scenario from Britain’s interest.

Is it too much to expect a government in Dublin to do the same from an Irish point of view and shift the economic Border into the Irish Sea?

EASTER COMMEMORATIONS 2017

5 Clonakilty, County Cork – The Easter Commemoration was held at Asna Square

5 Ardoyne, north Belfast – A small section of the Easter Commemoration crowd on Ardoyne Avenue

14 May / Bealtaine 2017

www.anphoblacht.com

Laurence McKeown STORMONT: THE END OF AN ERA – THE BEGINNING OF ANOTHER WHEN Martin McGuinness resigned as deputy First Minister he stated: “There will be no return to the status quo.” I doubt if even Martin had at that time foreseen the significance of those words.

They signalled the end of an era.

It’s not just Martin who is no longer present at Stormont.

There are other former Sinn Féin MLAs who decided not to stand for re-election or who were not successful.

And if the previous Assembly had lived out its full term then many of the familiar faces we still see there today would not be present either as they had previously stated their intention not to stand for election again.

What is very evident in the new team of Sinn Féin MLAs is their youth and their gender. In the recent election, not only did Sinn Féin finally overtake the SDLP in their long-held constituencies of Foyle and South Down but they did so with young women elected. Along with a new, young, female Northern leader in Michelle O’Neill, the generational changeover is well in progress.

Next year marks the 50th anniversary of the start of the Civil Rights campaign in the North. They were simple demands: the right of everyone to have a vote (some at the time had multiple votes whilst others had none) and an end to discrimination in housing and employment.

It’s hard to believe that, almost 50 years later, when nationalists argue that there should be respect and regard for their native language the response from the leader of unionism is that it can be placed on a par with Polish and are told: “If you feed a crocodile it will keep coming back and looking for more.”

What unionism still fails to realise is that it no longer gets to ‘feed’ anyone, nor decide who eats, or who sits at the table. That era has long since gone.

Martin McGuinness throughout his almost ten years in office tried to encourage unionism to join with him in dealing with the legacy of our past (and not just the conflict) and to create justice and equality for all.

In what was probably his last broadcast interview (with SFTV, on the Sinn Féin Facebook page) he spoke about how he recognised that for some republicans

What unionism still fails to realise is that it no longer gets to ‘feed’ anyone, nor decide who eats, or who sits at the table

he had gone further along that road than many would have wished. That’s true. But Martin was able to go that length specifically because he was Martin, and especially because of his IRA background.

Yes, he had personal charisma, good manners, charm, and a friendliness that endeared him to others but it was his leadership ability, honed by his years in the IRA, that ‘allowed’ him to go that extra mile.

That willingness to reach out to the unionist community was never recognised for what it was. Nor was it reciprocated. I was surprised, therefore, to read David Trimble’s letter to Martin just before he died.

I have to confess that I never expected Trimble to be so gracious when he wrote: “You reached out to the unionist community in a way some of them were reluctant to reach out to you.”

And he ends his letter with these words: “There are many today, as we sit with the clock ticking down to the deadline for getting the institutions up and running again, who think that if you were at the helm we would face this prospect with greater optimism.”

I think it unfortunate that such words were not publicly stated earlier by the leaders of unionism. We would surely be in a much different place today if they had been. But I think it incorrect for David Trimble to believe that Martin’s presence in the post-election talks would have led to a different result. That’s not to take away from the man that Martin was and the influence he had but at the time of his resignation he, and many other nationalists, realised that the existing set-up at Stormont had long outlived its day.

It was, most definitely, the end of an era.

5 The demands of the Civil Rights campaign – rejected by the unionists in power – were simple enough

6 Martin McGuinness resigned and in came Michelle O'Neill, a new, young, female Northern leader

It had been an era in which many republicans such as Martin who had lived through the conflict felt more of a need to reach out to others as a result of that conflict. We have lived through it, we have carried the coffins, we have been in the prisons and been on the run, and therefore we wanted so much to ensure that the Peace Process worked.

The new generation of republicans now emerging were not involved in that conflict nor in many cases even born then. They therefore feel no need whatsoever to ‘apologise’ on behalf of others or ‘excuse’ the actions of the IRA. They don’t feel any need – nor should they – to ‘go that extra mile’. That era has well and truly gone.

The nationalist community in the March Assembly election witnessed unionism finally lose its political majority in the North and Sinn Féin coming to within one seat of becoming the largest political party. That is a massive psychological blow to unionism and a major boost to the new emerging, energetic, confident, articulate, well-educated generation of young nationalists.

It is the beginning of a new era.

The new generation of republicans now emerging were not involved in the conflict nor in many cases even born then

May / Bealtaine 2017

www.anphoblacht.com

May is

15

'Green Ribbon Month'

MARY LOU McDONALD

MAY is “Green Ribbon Month”. This worthy campaign run by SeeChange aims to get people talking about mental health problems.

Sinn Féin will be playing its part too and I am encouraging our TDs, senators, MLAs, councillors and all our membership to talk openly about mental health. We want to play our part destigmatising mental health and we can start the process simply by talking about it.

Everybody has physical health and while you can exercise and eat well to take care of that, we have mental health too. It is a sad fact that many people, North and South, are affected by depression, anxiety, addiction, and so much more either directly or through the suffering of a family member of friend.

One in four people will suffer a mental illness at some point in their lives.

External factors such as austerity, unemployment, rural isolation and lack of services can

One in four people will suffer a mental illness at some point in their lives

5 Mary Lou McDonald wants to keep mental health front and centre for the entire month of May

help advance the much-needed reform in mental health services.

There are many areas of mental health that can be discussed during a campaign like this.

For each week in May we will base our discussion and activities around a specific theme: youth mental health, women’s mental health, men’s mental health, and the mental health of our elderly citizens.

Mental health of those often marginalised by society (such as Travellers, young people in care, refugees and migrants and many others) will also be discussed.

I want to keep mental health on the agenda for the entire month of May. Along with my 5 Pat Buckley TD (Sinn Féin junior spokesperson colleagues Pat Buckley TD (junior spokesperon Mental Health & Suicide Awareness) and Sena- son on Mental Health & Suicide Awareness) and tor Máire Devine (Sinn Féin Seanad spokesperson Senator Máire Devine (our Seanad spokesperon Health & Wellbeing) son on Health & Wellbeing), we will be raising

also play a major negative role in the mental health of an individual and of society as a whole.

So, this May, Sinn Féin is running a “30 days of May” campaign and we are inviting republicans across Ireland to do something every day in May on mental health (even if it is something as simple as reaching out to someone, a friend or a family member, who just wants to share a problem).

While I am encouraging people to take time in May to help foster well-being in Ireland, Sinn Féin will also be focusing on the gaps in mental health services. We will be publishing policy and legislative proposals that will address those glaring gaps in services. These are proposals which will

FOLLOW THE JOURNEY:

issues on mental health both in the Dáil and in the Seanad.

We will be meeting stakeholders and will be hosting events dealing with the major issues around mental health within our adopted themes of youth, men’s, women’s and elderly mental health.

The success of this campaign lies with the ordinary people of Ireland being inspired to become involved.

There are many ways to contribute.

First off, if you do something positive on the topic of mental health this May – be it an event,

We can help destigmatise mental health by talking about it an article or a picture of your Green Ribbon – make sure to post it to social media with the hashtag #30DaysofMay. Secondly, if you have an issue, a piece of work or something else that you think we should focus on during May, make sure to send it to your local Sinn Féin representative or the Sinn Féin Leinster House Mental Health team.

Finally, wear your Green Ribbon, available from SeeChange.ie As the old Irish proverb goes, “Ní neart go cur le chéile”, and when it comes to mental health, Sinn Féin believes that only by coming together at community levels, speaking out and working hard on this topic will the mental health on the island of Ireland be improved for the better.

#30DaysofMay

#MentalHealthMatters

16 May / Bealtaine 2017

www.anphoblacht.com

Gerry Adams speaking at the Easter Rising Commemoration in Carrickmore, County Tyrone

Building a mass political movement for positive change across this island LIKE THOSE in Dublin in Easter 1916 who rose against the British Empire and proclaimed the Irish Republic, the men and women of Tyrone and other parts of the North of our generation took on the formidable military might of the British state after the pogroms of 1969.

With courage and determination, our family members, our friends, neighbours and comrades challenged one of the best-equipped armies in the world.

Over almost three decades they fought it to a standstill.

Among that number was Martin McGuinness.

Like those we honour today, Martin was a freedom fighter, a political activist, a peacemaker, an Irish republican who believed that the course we have charted will achieve Irish reunification.

Nineteen years ago, when I last stood at this commemoration, Sinn Féin held just two Westminster seats: one in West Belfast, the other in Mid Ulster. We had one Dáil seat.

Today we have 23 TDs, seven seanadóirí, four MPs, four MEPs, 27 MLAs, and 250 councillors.

We now receive more votes than any other party on this island.

Sin mar a d'fhás Sinn Féin ar fud an oileáin.

By using this political strength intelligently and strategically we can advance our republican objectives. This is our strategy for change. Martin McGuinness understood this and worked hard to achieve it. Sinn Féin and Irish republicanism is stronger today because of him.

But if Martin were here he would be the first to tell us we cannot sit on our hands.

Ni féidir linne bheith rómhuiníneach.

We have to get bigger, stronger, better organised. We have a lot of work still to do. As I said at Martin’s graveside, don’t mourn him, celebrate his life. So too with our patriot dead. Celebrate their lives but, most important of all, organise and mobilise.

That is the only fitting legacy for Martin and for all of those whose lives we honour today.

Through all of the years of war and politics and building the peace, the republican base in Tyrone and across this island has never let us

5 Gerry Adams: 'The republican base in Tyrone and across this island has never let us down'

down. The people never let us down. They didn’t let us down in 1998 or in 2017.

Like another Carrickmore republican, Joe McGarrity 100 years earlier, Tyrone republicans have confidence in our struggle. It is no accident that our new leader in the North, Michelle O’Neill, is a Tyrone woman.

None of us are naive. We know today that there are those in the British system, and within the leaderships of unionism, who resent the significant progress that has been made.

The Renewable Heat Incentive scandal, the allegations from within the DUP of corruption

and fraud, and the arrogant refusal of that party to honour previous commitments led Martin to resign as deputy First Minister. In doing so he sacked Arlene Foster.

The Assembly election that followed has brought about seismic political change. The unionist electoral majority is gone. The unionist majority in the Assembly is gone.

The Orange State is gone also. Who got rid of it? You and tens of thousands more like you.

But Sinn Féin has not come this far just to come this far. Rights threaten no one. We now have the potential to build progressive political

alliances with other parties to tackle the inequalities in our society.

Of course, unionism can regroup on a negative axis. Unionists are still the majority in the North.

Their leaders could reverse their recent electoral setbacks. Already there is talk of another unionist electoral pact.

Unionism could also embrace a more inclusive way forward.

The current talks process has paused.

But let me be very clear – it is the British Government’s intransigence on legacy issues and the DUP’s rejection of the principles of equality, parity of esteem and of rights that have made it more difficult to reach a deal.

Sinn Féin wants a deal. But if there is no deal then there has to be an election.

The role and responsibility of the Irish Government must be to assert that an election is the only legal course open to the British Government if the current talks fail to elect an Executive.

In this context the progressive parties in the Assembly should not fear an election. It will be an opportunity to strengthen those parties that are for a Bill of Rights, who want a Civic Forum, who believe in marriage equality, and who support an Irish Language Act. And that’s what this is all about – rights for everyone, based on equality: women’s rights, religious rights, the right to be free from sectarianism and poverty, the rights of victims of the conflict. They cannot be left out or left behind.

None of these rights threatens anyone– except for the bigots and naysayers and begrudgers.

MAKING POLITICS IN THE SOUTH In the meantime, Enda Kenny is hanging on as the Taoiseach of a minority government simply because Fianna Fáil is not yet ready for a general election.

But as we have seen in recent days with the controversy around water charges and the crisis in policing and justice, an election could happen at any time.

Is é Sinn Féin an fíor fhreasúra sa Dáil.

EASTER COMMEMORATIONS 2017

5 Dublin, Glasnevin – Michelle O'Neill and Mícheál Mac Donncha with re-enactors

5 Andersonstown, west Belfast – Conor Wickham 5 Galway, Eyre Square – Councillor Mairéad Farrell chairs the lays a wreath at the 'B' Company monument commemoration at the memorial statue to Liam Mellows

May / Bealtaine 2017

www.anphoblacht.com

17

5 Gerry Adams: 'Building a mass political movement for positive change across this island remains an urgent task for all our activists'

Sinn Féin is challenging the Government over the crises in health and housing, the sell-off of NAMA’s Northern loan book, and on the Garda scandals and water charges.

The partnership government of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil is about protecting the status quo.

They take the side of the landlords against tenants, the bosses against the strikers – the elites against the citizens.

This has to change.

But republicans need to understand that Sinn Féin cannot contest a general election in the South unless we are very clear that we want to be in government. That means a step-change in our thinking. It means creating an active culture that moves Sinn Féin into and prepares us for being in government on republican terms.

Building a mass political movement for positive change across this island remains an urgent task for all our activists.

BREXIT Brexit presents the greatest threat to the people of this island at this time.

Without doubt, Brexit on English terms will see the imposition of a hard economic border

on the island of Ireland.

While Sinn Féin has many concerns about the EU and its lack of equality and accountability, we are against Brexit for the North.

Cosnóidh sé jabanna.

It will impact badly on agriculture and the agri-food industry.

Brexit also threatens to rip the Good Friday Agreement asunder. This places a huge onus on the Irish Government to uphold the democratic vote in the North to remain. It also requires the Taoiseach to actively campaign for the North to have a ‘Special Designated Status Within the EU’. This is the only way to protect Irish interests within the EU. So far, the Taoiseach has failed to do this.

IRISH UNITY MAKES SENSE The cause of uniting Ireland is not the property of any one grouping or party.

Sin seasamh leanúnach Shinn Féin go dtí an lá atá inniu ann.

Alongside our campaigning and outreach activity we are currently exploring the possibility of establishing a Dáil Committee on Irish Unity.

This could bring forward proposals for what a united Ireland might look like and how the Irish state needs to plan for reunification across all areas of the economy and society.

There is also a need to discuss a referendum on Irish unity as set out in the Good Friday Agreement – a need to agree on how this can be held and how it will be won.

That will require the support of other parties and Independents in Leinster House and Sinn Féin looks forward to discussing this with everyone there.

We will also endeavour to persuade unionism of the merits of an agreed Ireland.

The opportunities for real change are within our grasp. The old certainties are gone. The grip of the old parties is loosening, North and South.

THE CHALLENGE FOR UNIONISM The future well-being of our unionist neighbours is a matter of deep concern for us.

Sinn Féin wants the unity of Orange and Green based on equality.

That is the challenge facing the new leader of the Ulster Unionist Party and of the DUP leadership. Arlene Foster needs to reflect over this

5 Derry City – An occasion with added poignancy as republicans count Martin McGuinness amongst our great leaders

Easter time on whether she wants to reinforce unionist separation, segregation from the rest of us, or whether she seizes the opportunity to bring unionism in a new direction to respect diversity and end division.

RENEWAL Easter is a time for renewal. For redemption.

For rebirth.

A new generous unionist approach will be embraced and met with flaithiúlacht from Sinn Féin and other progressives.

However, if what we have seen from the DUP in recent times continues, that will only guarantee that there will be no DUP First Minister and no return to the status quo at Stormont.

So, DUP and UUP – it’s over to you.

Sinn Féin is up for the challenge.

We extend the hand of friendship as we commit ourselves again to complete the work of previous generations, the work of those we remember, the work of our leader Martin McGuinness.

Bígí linn.

Ar aghaidh linn le chéile.

Join the Rising.

Up the Republic! An Phoblacht abú!

5 Belfast, Milltown Cemetery – Listening to Pearse Doherty TD deliver the main address at the Easter Commemoration

18 May / Bealtaine 2017

www.anphoblacht.com

When he was Health Minister, Fianna Fáil’s Brian Cowen famously referred to the Department of Health as “Angola” as there’s “landmines everywhere”. So who on earth would want that job? Louise O’Reilly TD does.

I want to be the Health Minister with an all-Ireland NHS

BY JOHN HEDGES LOUISE O’REILLY TD is straight talking, as Fianna Fáil TD Niall Collins (among others) has found out the hard way during a Dáil debate on workers' rights when she tore him off a strip for heckling her in a video moment that went viral.

“Deputy Collins,” the former trade union official hit back, “I did not come in here to do what your mother should have done and put manners on you. Will you please allow me to speak?”

She was no less forthright when she sat down with An Phoblacht.

“I want to be Health Minister,” she says without any equivocation and stares at me, waiting, inviting the inevitable question – ‘Why?’ “I can see the potential in our health service for change. The only person who can do this is the Minister for Health and that’s a job I would love.”

Sinn Féin’s plans have been developed in consultation with nurses, doctors, allied medical and support staff and families up and down the country, she says: “So we know they will work; we just need a chance.

“I want to be the next Health Minister – the one that makes change happen.”

As an active member of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Health and the Committee on the Future of Health Care, does she have any sympathy for the Health Minister with the job at the moment, Fine Gael's Simon Harris.

“No,” is the unhesitating response. “He’s made it worse. I don't have any problem with him personally – it's his politics and the direction he is (or isn't) taking the health service that has such an impact on the communities we are elected to represent that I have a serious issue with.

“Fine Gael have plenty of right-wing, privatisation ideology but they are bereft of new ideas.”

The report card for this minister is not good but the report cards for previous ministers – “including Mícheál Martin, let’s not forget” – wasn’t good either, Louise insists.

“How many Health Ministers have we heard from Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil and Labour down the years telling us that they know what’s wrong with the health service in the South but perpetuate a system that clearly doesn’t work?

“Sinn Féin has the vision to transform the system.

“Healthcare is a jig-saw with many pieces that need to fit together but you’ve got to have the vision, the will and the wherewithal to make that happen otherwise patients and staff will suffer.”

One of the big issues is hip and knee replacements and what is called elective surgery because it’s not an emergency, she says.

MEETING FAMILIES AND FRONTLINE STAFF

LOUISE and fellow Sinn Féin Oireachtas members are engaged in an intensive round of public forums and face-to-face meetings with frontline staff to put forward the party’s proposals but, most importantly, to listen and learn from families and health service professionals.

The TD for Fingal in County Dublin says it’s “really important” for policy-makers to learn from the direct experience of delivering the service every day – everyone else who battles to keep the system working – from nurses and doctors, to diagnostic staff and care assistants to the people in the canteen preparing the meals and the admin staff, the glue that holds it all together.

So far, they’ve been in Donegal, Sligo, Galway, Westmeath, Kerry, Wicklow, Cork and Clare.

Other venues will include Waterford and Offaly.

She said they had met “a fantastic bunch of ladies” who clean Portiuncula Hospital in Ballinasloe General & Maternity Hospital (one of the hospitals in the Galway & Roscommon University Hospital Group).

They said that, even though many politicians had visited there, this was the first time that any senior political figure with responsibility for health policy had made a point of wanting to speak to the support staff in the hospital.

SAVE OUR

HEALTH SERVICE 7.30pm Thursday February 23rd Arklow Bay Hotel

John Brady TD Louise O'Reilly TD

www.sinnfein.ie/health

Increase the number of hospItal beds by 500 - cost €153 million Rationale:

just a bed problem; there There were 862 less hospital beds in 2015 than in 2008. This is not packages and insufficient are insufficient staff in the acute hospital system, insufficient exit Sinn Féin, through nursing home beds or home care options. The HSE have advised is €306k, which is inclusive parliamentary question, that the annual running cost for one bed costs. It is a fully of staffing, theatres, laboratories, non-clinical staffing and other running absorbed cost.

employ 600 addItIonal front lIne staff IncludIng speech and language therapIsts, occupatIonal therapIsts, physIos and psychologIsts - cost €30.4 million Rationale:

The persistent under-resourcing of primary and community care means hospital when they should and could be cared for in the community.

Nurses,doctors, healthcare workers!

Join with Sinn Féin in working for a National Health Service for Ireland.

people end up in

establIsh an emergency department taskforce on a permanent basIs Rationale:

There needs to be a constant monitoring, assessment and overview of the Emergency Department situation nationwide, with a view to ensuring dissemination of adequate funding and resources where it is needed. But the taskforce must also be given the power to ensure that their recommendations are implemented.

Speakers will include:

Sinn Féin Health Spokesperson

when you know you’re going to be short-staffed and not have the beds to transfer people to?"

sInn féIn proposals for addressIng overcrowdIng In emergency departments

Liadh Ní Riada MEP Issued by John Brady TD

www.sinnfein.ie/health

0612

“In Sligo, we met parents who have a huge issue in trying to access Child & Adolescent Mental Health Services for their kids. Families are literally crying out for help.”

When Sinn Féin has been talking to nurses and midwives around the country, frontline workers are concerned not only about the lack of recruitment but problems with staff retention.

While money is obviously an important factor in

workers’ lives, it’s not the only one, she points out.

“A lot of nurses are getting burned out in the health service by the way it’s being run at the moment. We have to give them a long-term vision with early contracts, sufficient planning and resources and an agreement that we will make this a good place that you want to work in and to stay in.

“Who wants to go to work in A&E every day

AN ALL-IRELAND NHS Sinn Féin’s vision is to deliver an all-Ireland National Health Service “where it’s not just a good place to be treated but where it’s a good place to work” An all-Ireland NHS isn't simply a nice aspiration – it makes common sense on a small island such as ours with a population of six million.

“If you ask anyone in Donegal about an all-Ireland health service, they will tell you, in no uncertain terms, that they don't recognise the Border when it comes to health care.”

People there want access to services in Altnagelvin where there's a service level agreement because it's nearby and it is an efficient use of resources. It's a prime example of how an all-island health service works.

“Cancer doesn't stop at the Border.”

And the new children's hospital won't function without the critical mass from both sides of the Border, she says.

The collapse of the power-sharing Executive at Stormont has stalled plans for an all-island health conference that Louise O'Reilly and

May / Bealtaine 2017

www.anphoblacht.com

19

5 The trolley crisis could be dramatically eased by Sinn Féin’s Alternative Budget costed proposal to open up 500 fully-staffed beds, says Louise O'Reilly

“We have a brand new primary care centre being built in Balbriggan, a town with a massive population explosion and huge waiting lists, which is very much needed and appreciated – except that there is going to be no new staff for this shiny new centre.”

It will be staffed “from existing resources”, Louise has been told by the Health Service Executive. “And that’s for all 14 of the primary care centres, not just Balbriggan, to be opened in the next 18 months. No additional staff. When Sinn Féin says ‘invest in primary care’ we mean not just the buildings but the people needed to deliver primary care.”

TROLLEY CRISIS AND WAITING LISTS 5 Fine Gael Health Minister Simon Harris

5 Fianna Fáil's Mícheál Martin was Health Minister

“If you put to one side the quality of life and daily impacts on these people, many of whom are in an extreme amount of pain but don’t qualify as an emergency, they need to be treated at some time. Until then, they are going to be attending their GP, taking time off work, turning up in A&E, and needing pain relief – costing the

state money all the while. So let’s find a more effective way to get them better.”

PRIMARY CARE Primary care is an area the Government is failing to get to grips with, she says, citing her own Fingal constituency as an example.

The trolley crisis could be dramatically eased

by Sinn Féin’s Alternative Budget costed proposal to open up 500 fully-staffed beds, she maintains.

She has already met Health Minister Simon Harris to discuss Sinn Féin’s single integrated waiting list system called “Comhliosta”. It's based on a system “that has been proven to work in Portugal”.

“Under the current system, waiting lists vary drastically across our hospitals. Patients do not know where they stand on the list or how long they will be waiting. People waiting for similar procedures can wait different lengths of time depending on which hospital they have been referred to.”

She expressed incredulity that the system in the 26 Counties is “paper-based in this day and age” and explained:

“We would introduce a new IT system – based on the one in use in the Portuguese NHS – which would generate new maximum waiting times by transferring those on the list from hospitals that are struggling to meet demand to those that are in a better position to perform the procedure more timely.

“This would have to be done in conjunction with a major programme of investment in our public hospital system, including beds and staff numbers which is where Minister Simon Harris’s plan falls down.

“That is why Sinn Féin, in our health policy published ahead of the general election in February 2016, proposed a massive €3.3billion investment in our health services.

“Others opted for massive tax cuts for the wealthy, which is why the Health Minister does not have the money to solve the hospital waiting list crisis.

“Two million euro a week on agency nurses is a choice that the Health Minister makes when we could invest that in creating direct posts that would save around a third of that money. The minister has even acknowledged to me in Dáil debates that agency nurses do not represent good value for money.”

Sinn Féin argues for increased investment in health via a reformed taxation system but even the current spending could be better utilised, Louise O’Reilly insists.

“When we see 400, 500 or 600 patients on trolleys – that’s people already suffering pain and stress – there’s a reason for that.”

5 Sinn Féin Stormont Health Minister Michelle O'Neill with Professor Raphael Bengoa at the launch of the 'Health and Wellbeing 2026 – Delivering Together' vision

outgoing Health Minister Michelle O'Neill were planning but she hopes to get this back on track as soon as possible.

She warns that Brexit will have a huge impact on health service delivery and she has been dismayed by the lack of statistics held by the Department of Health in Dublin about the number of people from the 26 Counties being treated by the NHS in England, Wales and Scotland.

A 32-county health service has been developing “because it's necessary”, Louise O'Reilly says.

“Separate to any politics, this is an island and it doesn't make any sense to cut off a chunk of the population or to replicate services and administration.

“It's not an ideological position; it's a very practical position to have a 32-county health service.”

5 Louise O'Reilly at the Irish Blood Transfusion Service

20 May / Bealtaine 2017

www.anphoblacht.com

Partition and the South Longford by-election

THE South Longford by-election of May 1917 is principally remembered as one in which a republican prisoner was elected on the slogan “Put him in to get him out” but equally important in achieving a republican victory at the polls was the renewed threat by the British Government to partition Ireland.

David Lloyd George had become British Prime Minister in December 1916. Earlier that year, in the wake of the Rising, he had assured unionists that, if the suspended Home Rule Bill became law when the First World War was over ,the unionist-dominated North-East of Ireland would be excluded. The partition of Ireland had first been proposed by the British Government in 1914.

Three years later, in early 1917, Lloyd George raised once more the prospect of what James Connolly had called “dismembering Ireland”.

The British Prime Minister was playing a double game. The United States was about to enter the First World War on the side of Britain and France. To help ensure full American commitment Lloyd George wanted to placate opinion in the US which was critical of British repression in the wake of the Rising.

In a speech in the House of Commons on 7 March he admitted that “centuries of brutal and often ruthless injustice” had driven “hatred of British rule into the very marrow of the Irish race”. He spoke of Home Rule before the war ended – but only for “that part of Ireland that clearly demands it”. To placate the Conservatives and unionists in his Cabinet, he said that to place the north-eastern counties “under national rule against their will” would be “an outrage”.

Back in 1914, John Redmond and his Irish Parliamentary Party had agreed to the idea of some temporary form of partition but now, under pressure after the Rising, the executions and the jailing of hundreds of nationalists, and having lost the Roscommon by-election to Count Plunkett, the Redmondites walked out of the House of Commons in protest against Lloyd George’s speech.

It was in this context that a vacancy occurred for the constituency of South Longford. It was a stronghold of the Irish Parliamentary Party.

Following the victory of Plunkett, some saw South Longford as another opportunity to defeat Redmond and advance the ideals of the 1916 Rising. Others were cautious, at least initially, including Eamon de Valera, then a prisoner in Lewes Jail in England, who feared a setback at the polls. A fellow Lewes prisoner, Thomas Ashe, argued that a prisoner candidate should be put forward.

The bold move of standing a prisoner candidate was in line with the growing militant mood in Ireland.

The anniversary of the Rising had been commemorated in spite of British military repression. Prosecutions for meetings, speeches, displaying the Tricolour and singing rebel songs were commonplace and freedom of the press was non-existent. Many republicans were still in English prisons such as Lewes and Aylesbury, where Constance Markievicz

BY MÍCHEÁL Mac DONNCHA

Remembering the Past

was held. Following his release from Frongoch Internment Camp, Michael Collins was emerging as a leader and he was a prime mover in having Lewes prisoner Joseph McGuinness nominated to stand in South Longford.

At Easter 1916, McGuinness had fought in Commandant Ned Daly’s First Battalion in the Four Courts area. Originally from Roscommon, he worked in the United States and in Longford before opening a drapery business in Dublin.

His ten-year sentence by the court martial had been commuted to three years. A convinced separatist, McGuinness opposed the idea of contesting the election but was nominated anyway.

The Redmondite candidate described Sinn Féin as “a self-destructive policy advocated by men who were never known to do a day’s work for Ireland”.

West Belfast Redmondite MP Joe Devlin said the issue was “whether they were in favour of a self-governed

John Redmond

5 Joseph McGuinness (hatless, above man wearing straw hat) is congratulated by well-wishers on his arrival and (right) McGuinness in Volunteer uniform

Ireland or a hopeless fight for an Irish Republic”. John Dillon, reflecting how far the Redmondites had gone to embrace the Empire, said the choice was self-government with “a continued connection with Great Britain” or “an Irish Republic and complete separation from the British Empire”.

On the eve of the poll, a manifesto against partition was published and signed by three Roman Catholic archbishops and 15 bishops, three Protestant bishops, as well as county council chairs and other public figures.

The manifesto declared: “To Irishmen of every creed and class and party, the very thought of our country partitioned and torn as a new Poland must be of heart-rending sorrow.”

In such a close election this was a decisive intervention. Polling day was on 9 May and Joe McGuinness won by only 37 votes. He won despite an outdated electoral register, the local strength of the Redmondite party and press hostility.

The Times of London described it as “a most damaging defeat” for the Redmondites and added that “no settlement based on the temporary or permanent partition of Ireland can have the smallest chance of success”.

The Irish Times said the partition proposal was now “dead as a doornail and any government which should try to resurrect it would show itself incredibly ignorant or insanely contemptuous of the solitary conviction which now unites all political parties in Ireland”.

Tragically, the British plot to partition Ireland was not dead and would be revived by Lloyd

George three years later. In May 1917, though, republicans celebrated the South Longford election victory and the British government contemplated what the Manchester Guardian described as “the equivalent of a serious British defeat in the field”.

May / Bealtaine 2017

www.anphoblacht.com

21

Tá ceart agat í a labhairt; ach níl ceart agat go dtuigfí thú!

GO TEOIRICIÚIL tá ceart ag saoránaigh gnó leis an stát ó dheas a dhéanamh tré Ghaeilge, ach mura bhfuil Gaeilge ag stáitsheirbhísigh i rannóga faoi leith cén chaoi féidhm a bhaint as an “gceart”?

Go teóiriciuil leis ta an scéal níos measa ó thuaidh mar níl aon dualgas ar bith ar an gcoras freastal ar lucht labhartha na Gaeilge cheal Acht Teangan.

Ach i ndairíre is beag difir atá le haithint idir an da dlínse.

Tá gach eagras poiblí ó dheas in ainm’s scéim a léiriú le dothain oifigigh le Gaeilge a bheith ar fail don obair.

Ach ní luann 10% dena heagrais an scéal seo beag nó mór, agus níl pleananna earcaíochta suntasacha fógraithe ag an gcuid is mó den chuid eile.

Ar ndóigh d’éirigh an t-iarchoimisinéara teangan, Seán Ó Cuirreáin as a phost mar agóid in aghaidh fhaillí is neamhshuim an rialtais ó dheas don scéal.

Agus deir a comharba, an Coimisinéar reatha, Rónán Ó Dómhnaill, nach bhfuil an scéal feabhsaithe ar chor ar bith ina dhiaidh.

Ní nach íonadh mar sin go mbíonn rialtas Bhaile Átha Cliath ciúin go maith faoi Acht Teangan ó thuaidh

EOIN Ó MURCHÚ

Seán Ó Cuirreáin

Rónán Ó Dómhnaill

– i bhfianaise nach gcuireann siad an tAcht ó dheas i bhféidhm.

Seo go deimhin argóint atá dhá dhéanamh go forsúil ag Ciarán Ó Coigligh, ollamh le Gaeilge ach atá anois ag taobhú go poiblí leis an DUP. Fiú más ceist an ghinmhillte atá taobh thiar de sheasamh Uí Choigligh ar son an DUP, is piléir ina gcath i gcoinne chearta gaeilge iad na hargóintí a luann Ó Coigligh.

Ach mar is iondúil tá lucht na Gaeilge ag fanacht ina dtost. Bíonn muid ró-bhéasach le agóid a dheanamh, le cáineadh a dheanamh, le raic a thógáil.

Nach bhfuil sé in am duinn, thuaidh agus theas, raic a thógail, bheith go fírinneach dearg le fearg agus cur isteach ar obair an stáit, ó thuaidh nó ó dheas, go dtí go bhfaigheadh muid ár gcearta – i bhfírinne is ní hamháin go teóiriciúil.

EASTER COMMEMORATIONS 2017

5 Belfast, Bone – A salute to Ireland's patriot dead in Oldpark

5 Cork City – Matty Carthy MEP at the Republican Plot at St Finbarr's Cemetery 5 Clonakilty – The annual Easter Commemoration was held at a sunny Asna Square, County Cork

5 Clondalkin, County Dublin – Newly-elected West Belfast MLA Órlaithí Flynn was guest speaker

5 Belfast – Remembering Blanketman Brendan 'Benny' Lynch on a rainy Falls Road

5 Monaghan – Sinn Féin TD Martin Ferris addresses the Easter Commemoration in Latlurcan Cemetery

22 May / Bealtaine 2017

www.anphoblacht.com

Another Europe is possible Treo eile don Eoraip

Funded by the European United Left/ Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) Aontas Clé na hEorpa/Na Glasaigh Chlé Nordacha Crúpa Paliminta – Parlaimimt na h Eorpa

Majority of MEPs acknowledge ‘special circumstances’ of Ireland in Brexit Euro Parliament debate N the European Parliament on 5 April, 516 of the 699 MEPs present voted in favour of a resolution on Brexit negotiations with Britain which outlined the EU’s commitment to the Peace Process and opposition to a hard Border.

The resolution reads that the EU “recognises the unique position and special circumstances confronting the island of Ireland” and is “especially concerned at the consequences” of Brexit for Ireland.

It “insists on the absolute need to ensure continuity and stability of the Peace Process” and it will “do everything possible to avoid a hardening of the Border”.

During the debate, GUE/NGL President Gabi Zimmer assessed the impact Britain’s exit from the EU would have and what must be done. She said “the rights of the EU citizens who reside in the UK, and UK citizens in the EU and the North of Ireland, must be guaranteed”.

“Now, in the 21st century, we cannot allow a hard Border to emerge in the EU. “I never want to see walls and fences going up again inside the EU,” the German MEP said.

GUE/NGL’s Brexit co-ordinator, Martina Anderson MEP, evoked the memories of the late

Brexit negotiations must preserve all EU citizens’ rights and Good Friday Agreement, say MEPs deputy First Minister in the North of Ireland, Martin McGuinness, by telling the European Parliament plenary: “Martin McGuinness met with virtually every signatory of the joint resolution and asked three

things from you: that you preserve the Good Friday Agreement in all its parts; that there would be no hardening of the Irish Border; and the unique circumstances and special status of Ireland would be supported.

“This is why we associate ourselves with this resolution. We feel now that the European Parliament is a partner to the people of the North of Ireland.”

The Ireland North MEP added: “Despite the fact that we support the joint resolution, we all have to recognise that this is not the Europe we want or that the people need. We need an open and critical debate on the future of Europe – something that the resolution also calls for.

“Together we can shape a better Europe, a more social Europe and a more democratic Europe - a Europe of Equals.

“To the European Council I’d say – it’s over to you.”

5 GUE/NGL’s Brexit Co-ordinator, Ireland North MEP Martina Anderson

Financial Framework Review ‘missed opportunity’

GUE/NGL MEPs’ fact-finding visit to Ireland A ‘TASK FORCE’ of GUE/NGL MEPs from across Europe visited Ireland at the end of March to see the impact of Brexit at first hand.

The MEPs were on a two-day fact-finding mission organised by Irish MEPs Martina Anderson and Matt Carthy.

The MEPs making up the task force included Gabi Zimmer (President of the GUE/NGL Group), Marisa Matias from Portugal, Josu Jurasti from the Basque Country, Lidia Senra from Galicia, and Giorgios Karatsioubanis, a representative of SYRIZA from Greece.

Following their arrival at Dublin Airport, they travelled north in a minibus emblazoned with the message “No Border, No Barriers, No Brexit” for a series of meetings on both sides of the Border.

The group met with representatives of Newry, Mourne & Down District Council in Newry itself

The minibus was emblazoned with ‘No Border, No Barriers, No Brexit’

alongside local business and civic leader before travelling to Carrickmacross on the other side of the Border to meet members of Monaghan County Council and local business and agricultural representatives.

At both meetings they heard how the imposition of a hard border by the British Government against the democratic will of the people of the North would devastate local communities.

On the Friday, the delegation travelled to Belfast to meet community groups before meeting MLAs at Stormont Parliament Buildings.

LIADH NÍ RIADA has described the Multi Annual Financial Framework Review (MFF) voted on in Strasbourg at the start of April as “a missed opportunity”.

The MFF sets a seven-year budget that cannot be exceeded.

The Ireland South MEP said the review could have been a catalyst for real change in the Parliament and could have heralded a return to the social partnership the European Union was originally intended to be.

“What was needed in this review was a sea change in priorities and this has not happened,” she said.

She said that youth unemployment is still a huge issue across Europe.

“Disenchantment from young people towards the European institutions is growing because Europe is not doing what it was set up to do – provide a platform for social progress.

“Given the recent toxic Brexit vote, this review was a chance to take stock and address the real fears that people have about the EU. “If we are going to build a better Europe, then a different road needs to be taken. Political leadership and courage is needed to direct us towards a Europe that will deliver for all of its people – a Europe that will deliver real social progress in areas of health, housing education and employment.

“This is the purpose that the EU was set up for. Instead it has become a vehicle to serve big business first and people second. It sees increased spending on borders, military and security while social programmes are cut.

“This is wrong, it must end and people’s faith in Europe must be restored.”

May / Bealtaine 2017

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Matt Carthy

Martina Anderson

Liadh Ní Riada

Lynn Boylan

23

www.guengl.eu

are MEPs and members of the GUE/NGL Group in the European Parliament

Fisheries conference hosted by Liadh Ní Riada IRELAND SOUTH MEP Liadh Ní Riada has warned that small Irish coastal communities will soon become little more than “open-air museums” unless action is taken to safeguard smaller fishing fleets and invest in their growth.

She made the claim at a conference she hosted in the European Parliament at the very end of March under the title 'Inequality in Fisheries'.

MEPs from across Europe joined Liadh along with representatives from the Irish and European fishing industries, as well as Martin Kenny TD, Senator Rose Conway and Senator Trevor Ó Clochartaigh to discuss the crisis facing smallscale fishing communities.

Among the issues discussed was the havoc being wreaked on the Irish industry by factory ships and “super trawlers” which Liadh Ni Riada, who sits on the EU Fisheries Committee, described as “floating factories of destruction, environmental decay and symbols of corporate interference and all that is wrong with the quota system”.

The Ireland South MEP said: “They have nets larger than Croke Park, which trawl continuously, hoovering up everything they come into contact with, including dolphins, sharks and all manner of marine life. They then

‘Super trawlers have nets larger than Croke Park’ discard less-valuable fish in favour of the more profititable catch.

“If indigenous fishing industries are to have any hope of surviving then International Transferable Quotas and relative stability have to be reviewed.”

At the moment, the Irish industry is only processing around 5% of total catch in Irish waters, she said.

“Vessels who land all their Atlantic catches in Irish waters should have to process in Ireland.”

5 MEP Liadh Ní Riada chairs the conference discussion 'Socio-Economic Consequences on Local Fishing and Coastal Communities and the Case for Small-Scale Fisheries' with panellists Martin Kenny TD (Sligo/ Leitrim), Senator Trevor Ó Clochartaigh (Galway), João Almeida of the Union of Northern Fishworkers and Fisheries Trade Unions Federation, and Manuel Chedas, a fisherman from the small trawler sector

Left should lead visible campaign for rejection of Fiscal Compact MEP Matt Carthy has called on the Left in Ireland and across the EU to develop a visible campaign for the rejection of the Fiscal Compact in anticipation of the scheduled Council vote on whether or not to incorporate the Fiscal Compact into the EU Treaty at the end of this year. The vote has to be unanimous.

Matt Carthy is a member of the European Parliament’s Economic & Monetary Affairs Committee.

Speaking in a debate on the Economic and Monetary Union in Strasbourg hosted by GUE/ NGL, the Ireland North West MEP said: “In my view, Brexit poses not only risks but opportunities when it comes to creating impetus

Rejection by one or more states would have a significant political impact for fundamental change in macroeconomic governance and policy in the EU.” 5 Ireland North West MEP Matt Carthy He said that we are starting to see some cracks in the pro-austerity position of the EU “In the Irish state it poses a major obstacle to elite since the Brexit vote, in addition to the an effective resolution to deep crises in housing, broader soul-searching going on among social homelessness and health – in addition, of course, democrats and conservatives. to the utter lack of political will to resolve these “We had the statement from the Commission problems on the Government’s side. last November urging a ‘positive euro area fiscal “At the end of this year, the Council will have to stance’ and the unusual backdown, to a certain vote on whether or not to incorporate the Fiscal extent, on sanctions on Portugal and Spain over Compact into the EU Treaty or not.

“As a very minimal demand, the Left should excessive deficits.

“We’ve also seen important shifts in the lead a campaign against the Fiscal Compact once-unshakeable ideology of the elite in Europe being made permanent and incorporated into and internationally with organisations such as the Treaty. the IMF, for example, questioning neoliberalism.”

“A rejection by one or more states would He continued: have a significant political impact in promot“The Fiscal Compact, which tightened the ing the debate about the dead-end of austerity straitjacket of the Stability and Growth Pact in and developing an alternative macroeconomic 2011, has been an unmitigated disaster. framework.”

5 MEPs Matt Carthy, Martina Anderson, Liadh Ní Riada and Lynn Boylan in the European Parliament with 'The Case for the North to Achieve Special Designated Status Within the EU'

Young people ‘marginalised by punitive policies’ THE FAILURE of EU projects such as the Youth Guarantee and the punitive measures of successive Irish governments are destroying the lives of young people, Dublin MEP Lynn Boylan has said.

Lynn, who is a substitute member of the European Parliament’s Committee on Employment and Social Affairs, said that the inability of the EU to successfully roll out projects such as the Youth Guarantee in conjunction with member states has left young people in an extremely precarious position.

“There is insurmountable evidence that, since the beginning of the financial crisis, young people have been indiscriminately attacked through punitive policy measures and left in an extremely marginalised position.

“A cursory glance at the difficulties they face

reveals such marginalisation. Young people are over twice as likely to be unemployed than the national average. They have suffered welfare discrimination because of their age and they

People under 34 in Ireland ‘currently face the worst life prospects in generations’ have emigrated in higher numbers than any other age group.”

People under 34 in Ireland “currently face the worst life prospects in generations”, the Dublin MEP said.

24 May / Bealtaine 2017

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Matt Carthy MEP

Matt Carthy is a member of the European Parliament’s Agriculture and Rural Development (AGRI) Committee, and the Economic and Monetary Affairs (ECON) Committee.

EU must change direction or risk disintegration IT TOOK a shipping clerk on the quays of Antwerp to expose the reality that King Leopold’s ‘Belgian’ Congo, a supposedly benevolent empire built by a man lauded by anti-slavery groups, was actually a brutal colony built on slavery.

There are figures in present-day Brussels intent on building a new empire. They too use benevolent language to disguise a dangerous truth.

After the back-slapping of the recent Treaty of Rome anniversary celebrations, it’s time to take a hard look at the EU, where it is going, how it works and how it has changed.

In 1973, Ireland joined the European Economic Community (EEC), ostensibly a free trade organisation.

Today the EU is a political union where many in key positions – such as EU Commission President Jean Claude Junker and senior MEP and former Prime Minister of Belgium Guy Verhofstadt – seek a federal state with tax-raising powers and an EU army.

Since my election as an MEP three years ago, I have been struck by the extent to which many at senior levels within the EU are committed to creating a federal European superstate.

The huge level of corporate lobbying in Brussels would make a Washington DC insider blush.

There are 30,000 lobbyists in Brussels alone with lobbyists estimated to impact on over 70% of legislation.

The Brussels elite is deeply interconnected with corporate and financial interests.

ECB President Mario Draghi came to Brussels from Goldman Sachs, while former EU Commission President Jose Manual Barroso went straight from Brussels to work for Goldman Sachs.

The European Ombudsman has reopened an inquiry into Mario Draghi’s membership of ‘The Group of Thirty’, a body that includes executives from several senior private banks.

Today’s EU is wedded to neoliberal policies which

even many within the International Monetary Fund (IMF) now admit are flawed.

These have created widespread hardship as austerity, deregulation and privatisation undermine the social function of states and the rights of workers.

Increasingly, people across Europe are uncomfortable with the EU’s direction. This is manifested in the growth of far-right parties who exploit people’s real concerns regarding the direction of the EU. Such groups fill a gap created by the failure of progressive parties to defend the rights of nation states and their citizens.

for further integration. But it now appears it is prompting some to demand an acceleration of this process.

Federalists see Brexit as an opportunity to reform the EU, in the words of Guy Verhofstadt, “in the model of the American federal government”.

Verhofstadt has also call for a ‘defence’ where: “The soldiers of the European Army will wear the same uniform with the same EU insignia.”

More and more people struggling in low-paid, precarious work with increasingly privatised public services and declining social protections are alienated from the European Union The European federal project was clearly rejected when people in France and the Netherlands voted down the proposed EU Constitution in 2004.

The response of the EU establishment was to ignore democracy and reframe the constitution into a Lisbon Treaty which wasn’t put to electorates other than in Ireland (and we know how that went!).

More and more people struggling in low-paid, precarious work with increasingly privatised public services and declining social protections are alienated from the European Union.

Some assumed that Brexit would prompt a much-needed rethink in Brussels regarding the push

6 Right-wing parties across Europe are exploiting people’s real concerns about the direction of the EU

Meanwhile, Mario Monti, Chair of the EU High Level Group on Own Resources, is bringing forward proposals to enable the EU to directly raise tax revenue.

Some of Sinn Féin’s political opponents have sought to portray our opposition to Brexit as a change in policy from our previous opposition to the Lisbon Treaty. It is not.

The Lisbon Treaty was a bad deal for Ireland. Brexit is also bad for Ireland. Sinn Féin opposed both and we are to the forefront of the campaign to minimise the negative implications of Brexit.

We have demanded “Special Status for the North of Ireland Within the EU”, reflecting the democratic wishes of the voters there.

Fine Gael and their allies in Brussels see more federalism and less democracy as the answer to everything.

But the people of Ireland (and indeed of Europe) don’t want an EU superstate.

Sinn Féin and the progressive Left across Europe seek a different Europe and a change of direction.

Powers will have to be returned to states. Brussels will have to be cleaned up. The federalists will have to be reined in.

The European Union must become a co-operative union of nation states committed to working together on issues such as climate change, migration, trade and using our common strengths to improve the lives of citizens.

If it does not, EU disintegration becomes a real possibility.

May / Bealtaine 2017

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25

Sinn Féin MPs meet Irish Diaspora, supporters – and unionists – in series of public forums

‘Opening the Debate on Irish Unity’ in England and Scotland

BY JOE DWYER

5 Tour organiser Joe Dwyer with Francie Molloy MP IN THE WEEKS before British Prime Minister Theresa May surprised everyone by calling a Westminster general election, Sinn Féin MPs were engaged in an extensive series of public meetings across England and Scotland under the banner of “Opening the Debate on Irish Unity”.

The opening phase covered the cities of London, Manchester, Liverpool, Edinburgh, and Glasgow, with Cairde na hÉireann’s organisational strengths in Scotland and in Liverpool 5 Sinn Féin Newry & Armagh MP Mickey Brady in Liverpool proving invaluable. was known as “the capital of Ireland”. commemoration along the Scotland Plans to extend the range of venues The Liverpool-Irish community came Road. at public request had to be suspended out in numbers to the Sunday briefdue to the Tory leader’s snap election SCOTLAND ing in St Michael’s Irish Centre. Mickey announcement.

Threats to staff at venues, to organ- 5 Councillor Mairéad Farrell and Paul Maskey MP in London at the start of the tour Brady fielded numerous questions and the discussion teased out the possibili- isers and the public in general by ahead with huge help again from opening up the evening’s discussion LONDON and Q&A: The tour kicked off on 4 April with a ties of what a united Ireland could look hardline unionists, anti-independence Cairde na hÉireann.

In Edinburgh (11 April), the threats “My father was born in Glasgow, standing-room-only audience packing like and what it will tangibly deliver for elements and street thugs attached to the Scottish Defence League were and protests were accompanied in the Gorbals. Nearly every family all its people. into the Irish Centre in Camden.

The previous day, Saturday, Mickey followed up with menacing protests by attempts to have the meeting in Ireland has some connections to They were there to hear West abandoned through fire alarms being Scotland and with the Irish commuTyrone MP Pat Doherty and Galway had joined Banna Fliuit Learpholl (the in Scotland.

Nevertheless, successful forums set off to try and have buildings evacu- nity within Scotland.”

Liverpool Irish Patriots Republican Flute City Councillor Mairéad Farrell.

The following day, the tour was in Pat Doherty explained the intention Band) on their annual Easter Rising in Edinburgh and Glasgow still went ated but all to no avail.

The Neanderthal hooligans of the Glasgow where 50 protesters turned up of the tour, saying that Sinn Féin has SDL failed to deter even the pension- in another failed bid to shut the meeting resolved that not only will the party ers’ Bible class that was taking place down, a meeting that included contrihave this debate in Ireland but that in the same building as the Irish unity butions from unionist perspectives. it will have it “within our Diaspora”, Francie Molloy reflected: meeting was being held. particularly in England, Scotland, North Francie Molloy MP said it was “It was disappointing that a small, America and Australia. especially encouraging to see so negative grouping felt the need to MANCHESTER many people turn out, given the object to our presence here in Scotland Three days later and Newry & circumstances.

– after all, who has anything to fear Armagh MP Mickey Brady was in the Francie told the audience before from a debate?

Ulster Gallery of the Irish World Heritage “Indeed, members of the unionist Centre in Manchester. community actually did join us and Noel Gallagher of the band Oasis contributed to the discussion. They once remarked: expressed their opinions and even “Manchester was just a great place to received a round of applause for attendbe – everyone I knew was second-gening. Now, we might not have converted eration Irish.” them but we want to have that kind The building’s foyer featured a of rational discussion with everyone.” display of Long Kesh POW craftwork and a photo exhibition on the lives of STARTING POINT sisters Constance Markievicz and Eva Paul Maskey, MP for West Belfast, Gore-Booth. declared at the launch of the tour: The evening’s discussion once again “The campaign for a united Ireland saw a considerable turnout from the needs to continuously attract allies and local community who were engaged to build on its existing support. This in giving feedback as well as hearing is why we, as the Sinn Féin MP team, firsthand from the Newry & Armagh have set ourselves the challenge of MP about the current political situation. engaging Irish communities, politicians, trade unionists and other progressive LIVERPOOL individuals right across our neighbourThat weekend, on Sunday 9 April, ing offshore island.

Mickey was in Liverpool for one more “We want them all in the debate.” stop on the tour.

He made an appeal to the Irish in Another famous musician summed Britain: up the Irish character of the Mersey“Whether you are second-generation, side city. third-generation or even fourth-generJohn Lennon was in New York, before ation Irish, whether you’ve been there a Bloody Sunday protest there, when he for a long time or are newly arrived, reminded the media that he came from 5 Francie Molloy addresses mettings in Edinburgh (top) and Glasgow, defying join us in plotting a pathway forward.

Liverpool – and in England, Liverpool unionist gangs “No part is too great or too small.”

‘Whether you are second-generation, third-generation or even fourthgeneration Irish, whether you’ve been there for a long time or are newly arrived, join us in plotting a pathway forward’

WHO IS KILLING ROBERT ALLEN THE ?

S R E K A M E CHEES

26 May / Bealtaine 2017

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GOAT FARMER Elizabeth Bradley is a cheesemaker in Ballybrommel in the flatlands below Mount Leinster, in east Carlow. A few kilometers away in Shillelagh, under the gaze of the mountains in west Wicklow, dairy farmer Tom Burgess uses a portion of his summer milk to make cheese.

Farmers returned to cheese-making in the 1900s and within two generations Irish cheeses were back on the shelves

They make two of the most aromatic cheeses in Europe: one with goat’s milk, one with cow’s milk. In industry parlance they are artisanal, making hardly enough to mark the shadow of an impression in the billions of exports in dairy products. That is because they sell to local markets.

And that is one of their problems.

They have other problems that have nothing to do with making and selling cheese. These problems are shared by most cheese-makers across Europe, especially artisanal producers who are not concerned with packaging and supermarkets, with dairies, commerce and exports, and with the glossy promotional images of farmers and cheese that have nothing to do with reality.

They are people who like to stay small and be very good at what they do.

Cheese-making in Ireland was an ancient activity. It was part of the fabric of society. Michael

Ó Sé, writing about old cheeses (and other milk products) in The Journal of the Cork Historical & Archaeological Society in 1948, referred to the traditional coagulants used in cheese-making.

Binit (calves' rennet) and binit uain (lambs' rennet) were used as animal rennets, and mothan (bog violet) as a vegetable rennet. Sadly, this tradition died with many of the old ways. For several hundred years, Irish cheese-making was just another myth.

By referring to the old methods, using the same raw materials, farmers returned to cheese-making in the 1900s and within two generations Irish cheeses were back on the shelves. Bord Bia, in their promotions for farmhouse cheese-making, noted the fact: “The cheese-makers developed their craft

5 Tom Burgess's cheddar 'melts well, cooks well'

and enthusiastic friends, enlightened local chefs and shopkeepers put in orders for cheeses and the amateurs slowly evolved into professionals. Experience and knowledge passed to other interested farms and gradually a new food culture began to emerge.”

In Ireland, says Bord Bia, our farmhouse cheeses are unique to each producer, expressing terroir in the true sense of the word: “This has the advantage of allowing for innovation and creativity while still respecting the values of traditional cheese-making.

“Our European neighbours find it hard to believe that each cheese is only produced on one farm and is the result of the passion and dedication of one family.

“The personality of the cheese-maker is often reflected in aspects of their cheese: from the wild and unpredictable to the precise and consistent.

The large range of Irish farmhouse cheeses now available is exceptional considering the youth of the industry and the small size of our island.”

Elizabeth Bradley has just collected 500 litres of raw cow’s milk from a dairy farmer in Bagnelstown. She will pay the fixed market rate of 39 cents a litre.

“Most dairy farmers will not sell their milk to small cheese-makers because they are afraid of any consequences,” she says, driving back to her small farm with the milk in tow. She pumps the milk into her 500-litre vat, adds the starter culture and gradually brings the milk up to 32ºC. Several hours later, the curds of cheese rest in containers under a press.

MAKING CHEESE ADDING THE RENNET CUTTING THE CURDS TASTING THE CURDS PUTTING THE CURDS INTO CONTAINERS ⑤ PRESSING THE CHEESE ① ② ③ ④

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②

May / Bealtaine 2017

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Over in Shillelagh, Tom Burgess explains why the grass is the hero of his Irish cheddar.

“It is made from grass-fed milk; other cheddars are not made from grass milk. So my cheddar is a yellow colour. English cheddars are white. It is still-growing grass; living, a natural environment.”

His 150 cows graze 200 acres. They calve in February and March and milk through the summer when the grass is growing. Milking is stopped in November and December. For that reason he realised he needed a product with a long shelf-life and decided on cheddar.

“There was already a demand for cheddar and I felt the customer would move on to a stronger cheddar and pay more for a better sample. It melts well, cooks well. People know cheddar. It fitted my production profile, which was seasonal production.

“It is a mature cheddar so I make the whole year’s production and then I store it. We make about 200 to 250 kilos a day over 80 days. That’s 16 tonnes and we are still increasing. We are selling it but we would like to put it in the supermarkets where it will sell in volume.”

He employs two people to make the cheese.

“I am able to pay them, instead of working on my own, the milk lorry arriving in the middle of the night, and still make a sustainable living out of my cattle.”

The Moo Man film-makers, Andy Heathcote and Heike Bachelier, might come to Ireland to feature the work of raw milk cheese-makers.

After the success of their film about Sussex dairy farmer Steve Hook and his small organic raw milk business, it is no surprise to hear that the next stage of the process – cheese-making – is on their agenda.

③

Rules that do not apply to raw milk cheese-makers in France, Italy or Switzerland are being applied to Irish cheese-makers Andy Heathcote was drawn to the story of Errington Cheese. They were forced to close their business after the authorities in Scotland implicated them in an outbreak of ecoli and Andy decided that the wider issue of bacteria in raw milk cheese should be looked into.

His initial investigations tell him that there are numerous agendas and for those reasons there are genuine fears for raw milk cheese-makers like Bradley and Burgess.

Rules that do not apply to raw milk cheese-makers in France, Italy or Switzerland (where raw milk cheeses are celebrated as part of a regional food culture that attracts tourists and customers) are being applied to Irish cheese-makers.

Dubliner Ben Sherwood has just finished his thesis on the future of raw milk cheese in Ireland.

He is optimistic about Irish cheese but not sure about the future.

“We could end up losing all our raw milk cheese-makers unless we do something,” he says. “There don’t seem to be many new cheese-makers. Between 1995 and 2015 we lost about two-thirds of our raw milk cheeses.”

Elizabeth Bradley has another theory.

“Part of it is the fact that there are very few people depending solely on raw milk cheeses for a livelihood so they’re not going to take the risk.”

Ben Sherwood wonders whether the Food Safety Authority of Ireland (FSAI) is taking a lead

④

from the Food & Drug Administration in the USA, where soft raw milk cheeses are not allowed.

“You cannot sell or import two-month-old raw milk cheese.”

This policy is part of the precautionary principle and the FSAI believes it serves the public by being cautious. Earlier this year, supermarkets removed a pasteurised cow’s milk brie from their shelves. “As a precautionary measure, SuperValu is recalling batches of Wicklow Blue, due to the possible presence of Listeria monocytogenes,” the FSAI stated in a public announcement.

In 2005, University College Cork food sciences professor Alan Kelly surveyed food scientists on the public understanding of food risk issues and messages, and found that these experts had “little confidence” in the public’s understanding of food risk issues: “The public under-assesses the risk associated with some microbiological hazards and over-assesses the risk associated with other hazards such as genetically modified organisms and bovine spongiform encephalopathy.”

They also said that the “media tend to communicate information that is misleading”.

Another reason for the FSAI’s concern.

During his student years, Ben Sherwood worked part-time in a shop with a specialist cheese counter. It gave him a window into the world of cheese consumers. “Only a small minority who come into the shop come up to the cheese counter,” he says. “People who know their cheeses

⑤

27

know what they want. They have their favourites, the ones they are familiar with. Then there are people who haven’t a clue but want to learn. Those are the best moments: that small interaction and the change in people’s outlook that one piece of cheese can make. They are the key to improving our culture.”

At the street markets across the country it is the same. Some people buy the cheeses they know, while other people want to know more about cheese. If the seller is also the cheesemaker they are in luck.

“I think people do care,” says Elizabeth Bradley, “but are bombarded with information, have very busy lives, and huge demands from the complex system around them.”

There is, according to Ben, a blissful ignorance about cheese.

Despite attempts by the state through Bord Bia and others, such as Sheridan’s cheesemongers, to promote Irish cheese, the medium does not convey the message.

Something is wrong.

Who is killing the cheese-makers? We all are, if you believe those who care about cheese, and raw milk cheese in particular.

From those in authority who display a “terrible arrogance” to those in the artisanal food sector who appear to be ruled by “arrogance and fear” to the consumer who has a “blissful ignorance” and sees food as an entertainment rather than a culture.

28 May / Bealtaine 2017

The

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WILLIAM FRANCIS ROANTREE (1828 – 1918)

Forgotten Fenian Leixlip

THE 100th anniversary of the death of 'Forgotten Fenian' William Francis Roantree occurs in February 2018. The Tom Kealy Sinn Féin Cumann in Celbridge-Leixlip, north Kildare, has been busy on the streets with a leafleting campaign

from

in this 150th anniversary year of the Fenian Rising in building public awareness of this historic connection in advance of a major commemorative event to be held in Leixlip with members of his family coming from Australia to take part.

WILLIAM FRANCIS ROANTREE was born in 33 Main Street, Leixlip, County Kildare, in 1828, regarded by his contemporaries as one of the best organisers and finest figures in the movement and one of the most colourful of the Fenian leaders.

In 1853, after the Gorta Mór, he emigrated to America in search of adventure and fought in Nicaragua in the late 1850s after serving in the American Navy.

He joined the Fenian Brotherhood in New York around 1860 and soon became a trusted lieutenant in the organisation.

On his return to Ireland in 1861, he joined the Irish Republican Brotherhood. He was appointed head or ‘Centre’ of the Leixlip ‘Circle’, as the district unit was called.

The Leixlip Circle soon became one of the largest in the country and was said to comprise more than 2,000 members. It was John Devoy who introduced Roantree to the undercover work of recruiting members for the Fenians in the British Army, an assignment he was highly successful until he was arrested in a police swoop of September 1865. The trials took up much of 1866 and 1867 and Roantree was sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment.

Regarded by the authorities as one of the most dangerous and committed of the Fenians, Roantree served time in Richmond and Mountjoy before being moved to England in 1866, initially to Pentonville in London. From there he was moved to Portland, where he was put to work in the prison stone quarries. His health broke down and he was transferred to Woking Prison Infirmary, from which he was amnestied and exiled in January 1871 on the steamship Russia.

His wife and two small children joined him in Cobh from where he sailed to the United States to start a new life.

He continued to take an active part in republican activities and he joined John Devoy’s new Clan na Gael movement as an enthusiastic organiser in Pennsylvania.

In Philadelphia, he helped to raise funds for the famous Catalpa voyage that succeeded in rescuing six Fenian prisoners from Freemantle Jail in the British penal colony of Western Australia in 1876.

In 1877, he was one of a small group of Fenians chosen to accompany the remains of John O’Mahony back to Ireland for burial. In Dublin, Cardinal Cullen refused to let the remains into the Pro-Cathedral. Roantree, still a flamboyant figure and mounted on a white horse, marshalled the huge funeral on its way to Glasnevin Cemetery.

The following year he gave the welcoming address to Michael Davitt when he visited Philadelphia.

William Roantree returned to Ireland sometime around 1900 and secured a job with Dublin Corporation.

In 1909, he gave the oration at the erection in Glasnevin of a memorial to his old leader, James Stephens. In his speech he expressed the hope that “before long, suitable memorials shall

5 The Fenian Executive with several leading Fenians, including William Francis Roantree (middle right)

be erected over the mortal remains of Bellew McManus, O’Mahony and others of the faithful and the few who lived and died for Ireland who lie here sleeping together in this cemetery in neglected graves”. By a twist of fate, it was to be exactly one hundred years before his own memorial was to be unveiled in 2009.

William Francis Roantree’s last hurrah was still to come though.

According to the late Professor TP O’Neill, who carried out much research on this period and on the reminiscences of contemporaries, Roantree managed to make his way down to O’Connell Street from his lodgings in Gardiner Street when the Easter Rising broke out. The 88-year-old made his way as far as the front of the GPO, where he is said to have shouted advice and good wishes to the rebels inside.

William Francis Roantree died in February 1918. His funeral in Glasnevin was attended by the Lord Mayor, Larry O’Neill, and numerous old Fenians. Also present were Count Plunkett and Joe McGuinness of Sinn Féin, recently successful

in the by-elections of North Roscommon and South Longford respectively. His grave was in a plot owned by the Caseys of Leixlip, his wife Isabel’s people, unmarked and unnamed until 2009.

Sinn Féin Councillor ÍDE CUSSEN and the members of the Tom Kealy Sinn Féin Cumann thank Michael Kenny of Leixlip for the historical reference papers drawn on in their public awareness campaign.

May / Bealtaine 2017

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I nDíl Chuimhne 1 May 1993 Alan LUNDY, Sinn Féin.

2 May 1987 Volunteer Finbarr McKENNA, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion.

3 May 1974: Volunteer Teddy CAMPBELL, Long Kesh.

5 May 1981: Volunteer Bobby SANDS, H-Block Martyrs.

5 May 1992: Volunteer Christy HARFORD, Dublin Brigade.

6 May 1988: Volunteer Hugh HEHIR, Clare Brigade.

7 May 1974: Volunteer Frederick LEONARD, Belfast Brigade, 3rd Battalion.

8 May 1987: Volunteer Declan ARTHURS, Volunteer Séamus DONNELLY, Volunteer Tony GORMLEY, Volunteer Eugene KELLY, Volunteer Paddy KELLY, Volunteer Jim LYNAGH, Volunteer Pádraig McKEARNEY, Volunteer Gerard O’CALLAGHAN, Tyrone Brigade.

10 May 1973 Volunteer Tony AHERN, Cork Brigade.

12 May 1981: Volunteer Francis HUGHES, H-Block Martyrs.

13 May 1972: Fian Michael MAGEE, Fianna Éireann.

13 May 1972: Volunteer John STARRS,

Life springs from death and from the graves of patriot men and women spring living nations PÁDRAIG PEARSE Derry Brigade.

13 May 1973: Volunteer Kevin KILPATRICK, Tyrone Brigade.

13 May 1974: Volunteer Eugene MARTIN; Volunteer Seán McKEARNEY, Tyrone Brigade.

15 May 1971: Volunteer Billy REID, Belfast Brigade, 3rd Battalion.

16 May 1973: Volunteer Joseph McKENNA, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion.

17 May 1973: Volunteer Thomas O’DONNELL, GHQ Staff.

17 May 1976: Volunteer Jim GALLAGHER, Derry Brigade.

18 May 1973: Volunteer Seán McKEE, Belfast Brigade, 3rd Battalion.

18 May 1973: Volunteer Francis RICE, South Down Brigade.

21 May 1981: Volunteer Patsy O’HARA (INLA), Volunteer Raymond McCREESH, H-Block Martyrs.

21 May 1994: Volunteer Martin DOHERTY, Dublin Brigade.

24 May 1991: Eddie FULLERTON, Sinn Féin.

28 May 1972: Volunteer Martin

ENGELEN, Volunteer Joseph FITZSIMMONS, Volunteer Edward McDONNELL, Volunteer Jackie McILHONE, Belfast Brigade, 3rd Battalion.

28 May 1981: Volunteer Charles MAGUIRE, Volunteer George McBREARTY, Derry Brigade.

31 May 1986: Volunteer Philip McFADDEN, Derry Brigade.

Always remembered by the Republican Movement.

DOHERTY, Martin. In proud and loving memory of Volunteer Martin ‘Doco’ Doherty, Dublin Brigade, Óglaigh na hÉireann, who was murdered at the Widow Scallan’s on 21 May 1994 by a UVF death squad intent on massacre. There is a place in our heart that is yours alone, a piece of our love only you can own, deep in our hearts your memories are kept to love and cherish and never forget.

Always and proudly remembered by Ben, Bernie, Robert and Ciarán.

DOHERTY, Martin. In proud and

Comhbhrón McGUINNESS. Deepest sympathy to Martin’s wife Bernie; sons Fiachra and Emmet; daughters Fionnuala and Gráinne; and grandchildren and the entire McGuinness family on the untimely death of Martin. He will be

loving memory of Volunteer Martin ‘Doco’ Doherty, Dublin Brigade, Óglaigh na hÉireann, who was murdered by loyalists at the Widow Scallan’s pub on 21 May 1994. As near as a heartbeat, as close as a prayer, whenever we need you, you will always be there, you’re just a memory or part of the past, you’re ours to remember as long as life lasts.

Lovingly remembered by his brothers and sisters.

DOHERTY, Martin. In proud and loving memory of Volunteer Martin ‘Doco’ Doherty, Dublin Brigade, Óglaigh na hÉireann, who was shot dead by loyalists at the Widow Scallan’s pub on 21 May 1994. Think of him as living in the hearts of those he touched, for nothing loved is ever lost, grieve not for him, speak not of sorrow, although his eyes saw not his country’s glory, the service of his day shall make our tomorrow. Always remembered by Ann and Caroline.

DOHERTY, Martin. In proud memory of Volunteer Martin ‘Doco’ Doherty,

Dublin Brigade, Óglaigh na hÉireann, who died at the hands of a loyalist death squad on 21 May 1994. His selfless actions are an inspiration to all republicans. Remembered with pride by the Clarke, Smith & Doherty Sinn Féin Cumann.

DOHERTY, Martin. In proud and loving memory of Volunteer Martin ‘Doco’ Doherty. Always remembered by the McCabe/Quigley Sinn Féin Cumann, Ballymun.

GRAY, Kevin. In proud and loving memory of our friend and comrade Kevin, whose anniversary occurs at this time. Never forgotten by the Halpenny, Worthington, Watters Sinn Féin Cumann, Dundalk.

KEENAN, Brian. In proud and loving memory of Volunteer Brian Keenan, who died on 21 May 2008. I may die, but the Republic of 1916 will never die. Onwards to the Republic and the liberation of our people – Bobby Sands. Always remembered by Ann O’Sullivan.

MARLEY, Laurence. In memory of Volunteer Laurence Marley, who was killed on 2 April 1987. Loved and missed by Manuel, Anna and family.

All notices and obituaries should be sent to notices@anphoblacht.com truly missed by republicans all over the world for all the hard work he has done for all the people. May he rest in peace. From Mícheál Hennessy and the Ahern & Crowley Sinn Féin Cumann, Cork City.

McGUINNESS. Deepest sympathy to the McGuinness family on the death of our comrade Martin. An inspiration to us all. From the Halpenny, Worthington, Watters Sinn Féin Cumann, Dundalk.

EASTER COMMEMORATIONS 2017

5 Tyrone – Councillor Barry McNally speaks at Frank Ward's grave in Carrickmore

5 Newry, County Down – Eoin Ó Broin TD gives the main address

5Armagh – MEP Martina Anderson at the Crossmaglen Easter Commemoration

» Notices All notices should be sent to: notices@anphoblacht.com There is no charge for I nDíl Chuimhne, Comhbhrón, etc.

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5 Belfast National Graves Association Committee 2016/17 were involved in the organisation of local Easter commemorations PHOTO: Bronagh Wilson

5 Derry City Cemetery – Unveiling of the headstone to former IRA Volunteer and Sinn Féin Press Officer Dale Moore by Martina Anderson MEP and Dominic Doherty with Dale's family and friends

30 May / Bealtaine 2017

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'The Journey' with Joe Duffy ACTOR COLM MEANEY – of Star Trek, The Damned United and The Snapper fame – plays the late Martin McGuinness in a new film entitled The Journey, directed by Nick Hamm and written

by Colin Bateman.

The Journey is based on the story of how Martin McGuinness and former DUP leader Ian Paisley (played by Timothy Spall) formed a political partnership and personal friendship which significantly advanced the Irish Peace Process and helped to transform the political landscape in the North.

Meaney was a guest on RTÉ’s Late Late Show (7 April) where he spoke to Ryan Tubridy of his admiration and respect for the late Martin McGuinness.

When the actor challenged the failure of the Irish and British media to show any objectivity over the years, towards one of the greatest political leaders of our time, Tubridy made a rather weak defence of his media colleagues, squawking that Martin “got a good send-off”.

It was one of a number of Irish media happenings in which some journalists could no longer contain the knee-jerk anti-republican reactions that have marked their careers.

SEÁN Mac BRÁDAIGH

5 'The Journey' with Colm Meaney as Martin McGuinness and Timothy Spall as Ian Paisley

CALLING JOE’S BLUFF Joe Duffy sought to stir the pot by making an issue on RTÉ Radio One of the headstone on Martin McGuinness’s grave.

He lined up callers to the programme who would object to the fact that Martin’s previous service as an IRA Volunteer was, appropriately and unsurprisingly, recorded (as was his past roles as an MP, MLA and minister – none of which he was at the time of his death either).

The usual mantra for certain Southern critics of republicanism that “There is only one legitimate army in this state” was trotted out, including by Duffy himself. But this had no relevance to Martin’s headstone. The Irish Defence Forces

5 RTÉ’s Joe Duffy – No IRA Volunteers in 1916?

never set foot in Derry! The armed conflict there was between the British Army and the IRA. Duffy went on to parrot the meaningless mantra of RTÉ and other broadcasters that not all Northern nationalists took up arms against the state – did all nationalists in 1916 or in the Tan War take up arms against the British? I don’t think so, so what is their point?

Nearing a state of hysteria at the articulate defence by caller Liam Mac Conmidhe of Martin McGuinness, the suitability of his headstone and the reality of life in Derry, Joe Duffy resorted to rewriting history, spluttering that there were “no IRA Volunteers in 1916”!

Meanwhile, as hundreds of thousands of

SFRY speak at Young European Left summit in Athens THE Young European Left (YEL) network met in Athens in April, with delegations from Sinn Féin Republican Youth, SYRIZA (Greece), Labour Youth (Ireland), HDP (Turkey), JERC (Catalonia), Bloco de Esquerda (Portugal), Junge Linka (Germany), 5 Sinn Féin Republican Youth Education Officer Rachel Coyle addresses the YEL Podemos (Spain) and Vasemmiston“We want to build a movement will make for a more streamlined and uoret (Finland). that brings more uniformity to Left unified Left alternative that is vital Delegate and Sinn Féin Republican campaigns across Europe. in the face of an emboldened and Youth Education Officer Rachel Coyle “Having campaign demands that are strengthening Right. said the meeting was constructive relevant and achievable in all countries “We must develop a stronger, more and important:

republicans gathered throughout Ireland over the Easter weekend to honour the men and women of 1916 and all those who fought for Irish freedom, coverage of this unique spectacle was, well, non-existent in the hermetically-sealed echo chamber that is RTÉ.

IRISH TIMES GUFF The Irish Times of Saturday 8 April carried a big spread with the eye-catching headline: “The ex-IRA men: ‘United Ireland? It’s all guff’.”

The article was based on interviews with a handful of handpicked anti-Sinn Féin “ex-IRA hard men” who obligingly said a united Ireland won’t happen.

Here’s an idea for the Irish Times – how about interviewing some of the thousands of former IRA Volunteers who are rock solid behind Sinn Féin’s political strategy and who don’t just believe a united Ireland will happen but are working day and daily to make it happen?

Now that would be news in the Irish Times.

5 Sinn Féin Republican Youth meet Young European Left comrades in Athens

coherent Left narrative,” Rachel said.

“Instead of allowing the differences within the Left to divide us, we must

‘Instead of allowing the differences within the Left to divide us, we must learn to see them as strengths’ learn to see them as strengths. It reflects the conviction of our individual movements.”

The meeting coincided with the SYRIZA Youth Congress, which was addressed by Rachel Coyle.

She told delegates about Sinn Féin Republican Youth’s commitment to building internationalism in an effort to challenge the deep and widening democratic deficit at the heart of the EU project and its domination by a neo-liberal agenda.

“As our enemies operate beyond borders, the Left must do so too,” Rachel said.

She later told An Phoblacht that the Congress SFRY address “contextualised Sinn Féin’s position on Brexit and its commitment to Irish unity” as well as the importance of strong, vibrant youth movements for social change.

May / Bealtaine 2017

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Sugarman and bankers’ sweet deals

BY CONOR McCABE THE recent appearance of whistleblower Jonathan Sugarman in front of the Oireachtas Finance Committee raises once again the role of Ireland’s ‘light-touch’ regulatory system in the 2008 bank crisis.

The lack of proper oversight and enforcement was a key element in the spiral of events that led to the Irish people bailing out five banks to the tune of €74billion, with a net final cost of between €30billion and €40billion once NAMA is finished its work.

Sugarman worked for Unicredit in the International Financial Services Centre in Dublin. In 2007 he noticed regulatory breaches in terms of the amount of funds the bank had to meet its debts. He reported this to the Financial Regulator, who looked at the issue and decided that it did not merit any action.

At the same time, a German bank, Depfa, was experiencing serious difficulties regarding its own liquidity (the amount of ‘liquid’ or cash-equivalent funds it had on hand to meet its debt obligations). In October 2008, Depfa applied to be part of the Irish Bank Guarantee but this was rejected. Its parent company, Hypo Real Estate, was eventually bailed out by the German state with over €140billion in direct funds, credit lines and guarantees.

The lack of Irish financial regulatory oversight and enforcement that Sugarman encountered was not a managerial oversight but was, in fact, official state policy. It eventually led to a system failure but this a consequence of the actual, conscious design of the system. Government ministers frequently boasted about the ‘lighttouch’ rules. It was a key element of the state’s foreign direct investment strategy.

In March 2007, then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern gave a speech in New York where he sold Ireland as a place where statutory compliance was intentionally weak in order to attract business. When Jonathan Sugarman walked into the Central Bank on Dame Street to report a liquidity breach in an IFSC bank he was effectively telling the authorities that their entire industrial strategy was wrong and heading for disaster. They must have thought

Sugarman noticed regulatory breaches in terms of the amount of funds the IFSC bank had to meet its debts

Taoiseach Bertie Ahern sold Ireland as a place where statutory compliance was intentionally weak in order to attract business

he was from Mars. Meanwhile, the Irish people will be paying off the bank bailout until 2054.

And what of those who designed a system that led to such a cataclysmic turn of events?

Pensioned-off and living easy lives, with little by way of genuine reform.

When debates are held about building a progressive alternative to Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour, the discussion – with good reason – tends to focus in on issues such as health, housing, education, transport and infrastructure.

The recent appearance of Sugarman brings us back to the realisation that public reform and genuine enforcement need to be kept on the table. The consequences of not doing so are too fundamental to be ignored.

CONOR McCABE is author of Sins of the Father: Tracing the Decisions that Shaped the Irish Economy.

EASTER COMMEMORATIONS 2017

5 Leitrim – Colour party at Fenagh Cemetery where newly-elected MLA Jemma Dolan was the speaker

5 Ardoyne, north Belfast – Veteran republicans Gerard McGuigan (right), Jackie and Betty Haughey with the 'young' ex-Blanketman Rab McCallum

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IN PICTURES

Sraith Nua Iml 40 Uimhir 5 – May / Bealtaine 2017

photos@anphoblacht.com

5 Martin McGuinness's headstone is unveiled by Mary Lou McDonald, Raymond McCartney and Elisha McCallion with Martin's family

5 Members of the Belfast-based Mairéad Farrell Republican Youth Committee meet for a Q&A with a group of former British Army soldiers now involved in Veterans for Peace

5 Sinn Féin on the march in April's Right2Water protest in Dublin – See page 8

5 Campaigners from across the country travelled to Stormont in protest against Brexit to coincide with the Westminster Government's triggering of Article 50 to start the EU withdrawal

5 Young Gaeilgeoirí affected by cuts to groups providing after-schools services through the medium of Irish take to the streets in a determined but good-humoured protest at the Belfast City Centre headquarters of the Education Authority which administered the cuts