An Phoblacht, November 2015

Opportunities for strategic advances should be embraced

INQUESTS

DR RORY HEARNE Citizens' Government

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Fine Gael & Fianna Fáil

STRUGGLING TO FIND THE TRUTH

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IT'S ALL ABOUT THE ELECTIONS

Sraith Nua Iml 38 Uimhir 11

November / Samhain 2015

Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil back Britain's Dirty War in Ireland

2 November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

Denis O’Brien media laps up MI5 spy stories

BY MARK MOLONEY THE PUBLICATION of two reports, one by MI5 and the other by An Garda Síochána, into allegations that the IRA Army Council continues to exist were greeted by howls of outrage from Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Labour and their allies in Denis O’Brien’s Irish Independent and Newstalk radio who cherry-picked and distorted the claims contained within and swallowed – hook, line and sinker – unsubstantiated claims by a shadowy intelligence agency that was part of the conflict in Ireland.

Faux indignation across the Establishment at the allegations by MI5, the group which colluded with loyalist death squads in the wholesale slaughter of Irish citizens, also meant contradictory comments by Garda Commissioner Nóirín O’Sullivan were dismissed or relegated as they did not mesh with the prevailing narrative.

Garda Commissioner O’Sullivan said: “We have found no evidence that in this juris-

‘We have found no evidence that in this jurisdiction the Provisional Army Council continue to meet or to exist in the form that was once assumed’

Denis O’Brien

Renua leader Lucinda Creighton

Garda Commissioner Nóirín O’Sullivan

diction the Provisional Army Council continue to meet or to exist in the form that was once assumed.”

The hysterical outrage focused on allegations that former leading members of the IRA have now become involved in purely peaceful political activities as Sinn Féin members. Apparently, journalists and other political parties had been under the impression that, upon the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, former IRA members had simply disappeared off the face of the planet. Suggestions that such people may now be delivering leaflets and erecting Sinn Féin posters is apparently unacceptable.

The media commentary reached new heights

Fianna Fáil's Mícheál Martin

of ridiculousness with 12 articles criticising republicans appearing in the first eight pages of the Irish Independent on Thursday 22 October.

The OTT coverage even prompted Irish Independent journalist Colette Browne to break with the cult-like group-think which prevails at that publication and ask during an appearance on TV3: “Why the focus on Sinn Féin? The report is quite explicit that the biggest threat the country faces is from dissident republicans and nobody is talking about that.”

She went on to note that loyalist groups continue to recruit and engage in criminality, and she accused other political parties of “hyping this for party political advantage”.

Fianna Fáil leader Mícheál Martin, in his latest persona as an echo chamber for shadowy British Intelligence agencies, continued to parrot claims that the Army Council (which according to the Garda Commissioner is no longer functioning) oversees Sinn Féin strategy.

Responding to Fianna Fáil, Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams TD said: “Our leadership, the Ard Chomhairle, is democratically elected annually at our Ard Fheis. We are not accountable to any other group or organisation. Sinn Féin is the only organisation involved in the republican struggle and in republican activism. We are wedded to democratic and peaceful means. After all, we secured a peaceful and democratic way to secure republican objectives.”

Despite this, Fianna Fáil leader Mícheál Martin repeatedly argued that proceeds from criminal activity was being used to fund Sinn Féin. He

made these allegations despite British Secretary of State Theresa Villiers conceding in the House of Commons that there is zero evidence to suggest any money from criminal proceeds is being used to fund any political party.

Martin’s former fellow party TD and junior minister, Martin Mansergh, even criticised the failure of politicians or media outlets to take note of the Secretary of State’s commons. “It’s as if she never said it,” he pointed out.

Speaking on TV3’s Tonight with Vincent Browne, Sinn Féin MEP and member of Monaghan Joint Policing Committee Matt Carthy challenged Renua leader Lucinda Creighton TD to ‘put up or shut up’ over her repeated attempts to link Sinn Féin activists to criminality: “Listen, Lucinda, don’t start lecturing me,” Matt Carthy told her. “If you are accusing Sinn Féin in the Border counties of criminality then you are accusing me of being involved in criminality. Is that what you are saying?”

A floundering Creighton refused to answer the question directly and also refused four times to outline evidence or divulge the names of a single Sinn Féin activist she claimed was involved in criminality.

As the mainstream media, British Intelligence, hardline unionists and Establisment parties line up to once again attack Sinn Féin en masse, it is very clear that the real fear within these groups is not the no-longer existent IRA Army Council but the possibility that, in the next few months, Sinn Féin could be in power North and South.

It’s the elections, stupid, and all but the most naive can see it.

November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

3

MI5/PSNI ‘assessment’ of an IRA that has left the stage

Spooks spin hearsay as fact

BY JOHN HEDGES THE PROSPECT of Sinn Féin becoming part of an Irish Government that would have to be treated by Britain as an equal – and all that would entail in making Westminster accountable for the actions of its agencies, agents and death squads during the modern-day conflict – petrifies the spooks and political mandarins immersed in Britain’s ‘Dirty War’ and propaganda war down the decades.

For some of those behind the MI5/ PSNI report, Paramilitary Groups in Northern Ireland – An Assessment Commissioned by the Secretary of State, the war will never be over either for personal reasons of loss during the conflict or political opposition to the Irish republican project. For those who may question this notion, remember that the then Ulster Unionist Party leader, James Molyneaux, described the IRA cessation in 1994 as one of the most destabilising events for the Union since partition.

The MI5/PSNI-authored report shows that there are still elements of British Intelligence and other state agencies fighting a rearguard action to try and stop the rise of Sinn Féin. And if this requires the democratic framework to suffer the possible long-term collateral damage of collapsing the power-sharing institutions in the North, then so be it.

The MI5/PSNI ‘assessment’ that the IRA exists and that the Army Council exerts influence over Sinn Féin is a partisan, self-serving exercise by the British Security Service and the PSNI. Unfortunately, within the new policing dispensation, a small rump of their intelligence branch still view republicans as the enemy.

The report is clearly aimed at Irish republicans but thinly disguised with ‘analysis’ of the Irish National Liberation Army and the unionist paramilitary organisations, the Ulster Volunteer Force and Red Hand Commando, the Ulster Defence Association and Ulster Freedom Fighters, the breakway SouthEast Antrim UDA, and the Loyalist

5Secretary of State Theresa Villiers delivers the MI5/PSNI report to an overwhelmingly unquestioning Establishment media

Volunteer Force. There’s no mention of the DUP-linked Ulster Resistance, which brought in the weapons from apartheid South African and never decommissioned or disbanded, or the ‘Official IRA’, which has shot several people in Belfast and Newry in recent years and months and killed a man in Belfast last year. (The ‘dissident republican’ groups that have been heavily infiltrated by British agents are not covered by this report.)

The critical faculties of journalists feeding off this report have been jettisoned in pursuit of a juicy story with which to attack Sinn Féin.

The professed impartiality of opinion makers in the media has been shredded by their unquestioning acceptance of the credibility of its authors – the spooks of MI5 and the PSNI. Any real journalist worth their salt would have to question not only the source but examine the strength of the evidence. The MI5/PSNI report was taken and regurgitated by a compliant Irish

5 Ulster Resistance (with DUP's Peter Robinson centre) wasn't mentioned by MI5

media as fact when an even cursory scan of the ‘intelligence’ report showed it was short on facts and very long on hearsay and conjecture.

If any journalist had bothered to read down to the end and the “note on the

underpinning intelligence” and “Annex - Ml5 and PSNI intelligence-gathering sources/tools and mechanisms of oversight”, the alarm bells might have rung for any reporter concerned for their credibility.

Describing the MI5/PSNI report as ‘mischief making’, Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams said: ‘No one can control Sinn Féin but the Sinn Féin membership’

The MI5 and PSNI authors confess that their “intelligence-gathering sources/tools” include “eavesdropping in someone’s home or other premises”; “Covert Human Intelligence Sources", also known as ‘agents’, any human source able to provide secret reporting on individuals of interest; “community information”; and “open source (like the Internet)”.

So, this report compiled for the British Government for Britain’s top spy agency relies on surfing the Internet, Facebook, gossip and “secret reporting” by informers (paid agents) whose rewards and protection depend on them still being of value to the people who pay them for information on the IRA (even if there is no IRA any more!).

In its section on the IRA, MI5/PSNI claim: “PIRA members believe that the PAC oversees both PIRA and Sinn Féin with an overarching strategy.”

Now, even if you accept the claim that the Army Council and IRA members still exist (which we don’t), what individual members might “believe” is hardly the firm basis for an intelligence report.

Individual members of the US Army may think Barack Obama is part of a global Muslim plot but would that make it true?

And political opponents who stand by the MI5/PSNI ‘analysis’ have another problem when it says: “We judge this strategy has a wholly political focus. It is our firm assessment that PIRA’s leadership remains committed to the Peace Process and its aim of achieving a united Ireland by political means.”

Describing the exercise as “mischief making”, Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams said: “No one can control Sinn Féin but the Sinn Féin membership, There is a suggestion Sinn Féin is controlled by some outside body or group; we are not.”

There is no space for armed groups, he said.

“There is no space for anything other than peaceful and democratic ways of advancing political and democratic objectives.”

4 November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

anphoblacht Editorial

WHAT'S INSIDE 12

Prisoners of the Past

Ongoing discrimination against political former prisoners 14

Free Ibrahim Halawa

anphoblacht Eagarfhocal

anphoblacht

MI5 report – It’s all about elections IN TRYING TO UNDERSTAND the recent political outcry and media hysteria following the publication of MI5’s dodgy dossier on paramilitaries, the key questions are who benefits and to what ends.

The dossier is not the work of three individuals, it is clear from the covering letter that it is the views of MI5 and some elements within the PSNI, some of whom are continuing to fight battles long over and are pursuing personal vendettas. But its genesis rests with the British Government.

The agenda is clear, to damage Sinn Féin in the run-up to the elections. The election of a Sinn Féin-led government in the South is not a scenario they would contemplate.

They dread the idea of an Irish government, which would be an advocate for Irish unity and which would hold the British government to account on agreements including the failure to address the

Contact Jailed Irish teen’s case taken to EU 16 & 17

Budget reaction

Layout and production: Mark Dawson production@anphoblacht.com

NEWS editor@anphoblacht.com NOTICES notices@anphoblacht.com PHOTOS photos@anphoblacht.com

Dublin and Monaghan bombings in 1974 and the Pat Finucane murder in 1989.

So a report is produced, devoid of evidence, and its allegations become indisputable truths for those politically opposed to Sinn Féin. And the carnival of reaction kicks in with Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Labour, the UUP and elements of the media.

Let’s be clear, the IRA is gone and is not coming back.

Sinn Féin members and only Sinn Féin members set party policy. And lastly, anyone involved in criminality must be dealt with by the criminal justice systems, North and South, and they have our full support in doing so.

British dirty tricks are nothing new, the reaction of the political and media establishment is nothing new. Sinn Féin will not be deflected from our historic objectives of standing up for the rights of citizens, and building an Irish Republic.

AN PHOBLACHT is published monthly by Sinn Féin. The views in An Phoblacht are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Sinn Féin. We welcome articles, opinions and photographs from new contributors but contact the Editor first.

An Phoblacht, Kevin Barry House, 44 Parnell Square, Dublin 1, Ireland Telephone: (+353 1) 872 6 100. Email: editor@anphoblacht.com

www.anphoblacht.com

NATIONAL DRAW 2015 RESULTS CRANNCHUR NÁISIÚNTA

Fine Gael/Labour government steals Fianna Fáil’s clothes 19

PRIZE 1st Prize: €15,000 TICKET NUMBER 17744 WINNER Mary O’Sullivan, Navan, Co Meath PRIZE 2nd Prize: £7,500 TICKET NUMBER 23469 WINNER Patrick Heenan, Anderstown, Belfast PRIZE 3rd Prize: €2,500 TICKET NUMBER 15158 WINNER Stephen Keenan, Cullyhanna, Armagh

55 PRIZES OF €100/£100 €/£

Uncomfortable Conversations Chairperson of the British Irish Association and Irish Rugby International Hugo Mac Neill 21

Eoin Ó Murchú

Níl na comhairli saor ó olc ach an oiread SUBSCRIBE ONLINE To get your An Phoblacht delivered direct to your mobile device or computer for just €10 per 12 issues and access to the historic The Irish Volunteer newspaper posted online weekly and An Phoblacht’s/IRIS the republican magazine archives

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NAME

Paul Nixon, Balbriggan,Dublin Kevin O’Brien, Kilkenny Peter Owens, Newcastle, Down Fianna Clarke, Omagh Larry Kenna, Drimnagh, Dublin 12 John Paul Duggin,Castleblayney, Monaghan Hugh Hague, Belturbet, Cavan Philip McGoldrick, Enniskillen, Fermanagh Joe Cassidy, Magherafelt, Derry Seamus O’Neill,Bellaghy, Derry James O’Dwyer, Thurles, Tipperary Liam Delacy, Ballynanty, Limerick Sean Lavery, Lisbon Street, Belfast Karol & Emily Farrell, Wexford Town, Wexford Lisa Burns, Newry, Armagh Helen Quinn, Ballinamore, Leitrim John Doyle, Hilltown, Down Annette Mallow, Poleglass, Belfast Eìlìs Bryson, Magherafelt, Derry Finiola Quirke, Tralee, Kerry Francie O’Rourke, Lisnaskea, Fermanagh Ellen Nelson, Cardonagh, Donegal Mary Hearty, Dundalk, Louth Declan Martin, Keady, Armagh Willie Moran, Portlaois, Laois Katie & Conal Kelly, Dunloy, Antrim Ken Weldon, Ballintemple, Cork Jean McAroy, Belfast, BT13 Gerald Connolly, Lurgan, Armagh

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2741 16505 19241 20495 19855 38645 50927 16670 30328 6463 65900 28736 43396 4269 35809 13925 2833 21454 18083 32799 35285 7657 1094 15030 27571 5945

NAME

John Cosgrove, Garrison, Fermanagh Sandra Stewart, Strabane James McLaughlin, Creggan, Derry City Sean Morgan, Ballycastle, Antrim Ciara McLaughlin, Derry Cahal McShane, Mullaghtown, Armagh Padraig McMullen, Kilmacrennan, Letterkenny Seamus Campbell, Dromore, Tyrone Alfie O’Kane, Limavady Martin Fitzpatrick, Enniskillen, Fermanagh Sinead Clery, Bohernabreena, Dublin 24 John & Mary Connelly, Draperstown, Derry John Hughes, Upper Tramore, Waterford Roisin Sheerin, Knocknacarra, Galway Elizabeth Gilmore, Randalstown, Antrim Noel Flynn, Roslea, Fermanagh T.McDermot, Fivemiletown, Tyrone Seamus O’Hara, Cushendun, Antrim James O’Brien, Drogheda, Louth Gordan Byrne, County Cork Adrian McPain, Down James Connolly R F Band, Scotland Hughie O’Connor, Clonsilla, Dublin 15 Ciara & James Boylan, Culloville, Armagh John O’Neill, Portglenone, Derry Martin Small, Ballymote, Sligo

THANK YOU FOR YOUR SUPPORT

November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

5

Le Trevor Ó Clochartaigh Fáilte mhór roimh an Bille um Pósadh, ach cath na cothromaíochta fós ar le buachan

Sea – Cothromaíocht!

BHÍ RÍMEÁD agus cathréimeachas le brath sa tSeanad le déanaí nuair a glacadh leis an mBille um Pósadh, a thugann feidhm reachtúil do chinneadh na cosmhuintire cothromaíocht pósadh a bhronnadh ar ghach saoránach.

Bhí Seanadóirí ó gach aicme polaitiúil moltach ar a chéile agus moltach ar an arm sibhialach a chuaigh i mbun an fheachtais le cothromaíocht inscne a bhuachan ó thaobh cearta pósta di. Ach, léiríonn an méid atá ag titim amach ó thaobh ionad sealadach a fháil do bhaill den lucht siúil, i ndiaidh tubaist Charraig Mhaighin, gur fada muid ón bhfís a shamhlaigh sínitheoirí Forógra na Cásca agus go bhfuil bóthar fada le siúl fós againn chuige sin.

Níl aon amhras ach go mbeidh an 22ú agus 23ú Bealtaine 2015 greannta i leabhra staire na hÉireann mar laethanta ina dtáinig muid chun aibíochta mar phobal agus an reifreann um Chomhionannas Pósta dhá reáchtáil agus móramh mór de phobal na tíre ag vótáil ina fhábhar. Bhí an fhaoiseamh agus an dearfacht a bhí le brath ón bpobal ‘LADT’ agus daoine eile nach iad, iontach suntasach agus moladh mór dhá fháil ag an ngluaiseacht pobail a bhí taobh thiar den fheachtas buacach. Is ceart moladh a thabhairt dóibh as ucht an obair a rinne siad – agus as an gcaoi a spreag siad daoine óga agus aosta chun vóta a chaitheamh ar son an reifreann úd.

Tugadh an píosa reachtaíocht seo chun cinn go tapaidh – rud nach dtarlaionn le píosaí eile reachtaíochta a bhfuil muid ag fanacht uathu le

Ach, ní h-iad pobal an lucht siuil an t-aon dream a mhothaíonn an éagcothromaíocht córachas ach an oiread. Bheadh clabhsán den chineál céanna ag daoine le míchumas, ag an dream atá anseo ar thóir dídine – go h-áirithe iad sin atá ag cur futhu sa chóras soláthar díreach.

Níl comhionannas ag na pobail tuaithe, ag ár

Ach, an scannal is mó faoin tine sin ná go bhféadfadh a leithéad a bheith tárlaithe ar bheagnach aon láthair ina a bhfuil baill den phobal lucht siúil ag cur futhú ar fud na tíre fada – ach fágfaidh muid sin go dti lá eile! Dhírigh páirtithe an rialtais ach go h-áirithe orthu féin sa diospoireacht Seanaid – ag searradh guaillí, ag moladh a chéile agus ag iarraidh teacht i dtír ar dheá-thoil an ghlúin ‘Sea-Cothromaíocht’ gan aon náire. Ach, seachas mé féin agus an Seanadóir Jillian Van Turnhout – is beag duine a d’ardaigh ceisteanna faoi cé chomh cothrom is atá Éire an lae inniu i ndáiríre. Ábhar íoróin gan dabht atá ann go raibh muid ag plé na ceiste seo agus cúigear de phobal an lucht siúil dhá chur i gcré na cille i ndiaidh tubaist Charraig Mhaighin. Bhí cúigear eile fós dhá thórramh. Muna raibh sin sách dona mar scéal, tá an chaoi a bhfuiltear ag trácht agus ag caitheamh leis an dream eile a bhí ag cónaí ar

IN PICTURES

5 Sinn Fein Ard Mhéara of Dublin City Críona Ní Dhálaigh with President Michael D Higgins and his wife Sabina sign the book of condolences in Dublin's Mansion House for the victims of the Carrickmines fire

an láthair sin ó shoin, náireach amach is amach.

Ach, an scannal is mó faoin tine sin ná go bhféadfadh a leithéad a bheith tárlaithe ar bheagnach aon láthair ina a bhfuil baill den phobal lucht siúil ag cur futhú ar fud na tíre. Tá cás i nGaillimh ina bhfuil cónaí ar chlanna den lucht siúil díreach in aice le h-ionad dramhaíola agus boladh bréan san áit an chuid is mo den am.

Suntasach sa chomhthéacs sin nach dtarraingíonn na h-údáráis áitiúla mórán den mhaoiniú anuas atá ar fáil dóibh go náisiúnta le cóiríocht a chur ar fáil don lucht siúil. Deacrachtaí áiteanna a fháil an bhfuil na pobail áitiúil sásta glacadh leo, an bhundeacracht má tá muid firinneach faoi. Ciníochas córasach a thabharfadh daoine áirithe air.

n-imirceoirí, ag dreamanna o chúlraí dúshlánacha agus cuid mhaith eile.

Agus vótáil Seanadóirí an Rialtais agus iad siud a thacaionn leo go rialta, ar son reachtaíocht agus buiséid a chinntíonn go leanann an éagcothromaiocht sin. Sea – Cothromaíocht – do chuid do na daoine!

Deireann Forógra na Poblachta: ‘Ráthaíonn an Phoblacht saoirse chreidimh agus saoirse shibhialta, cearta cothroma agus deiseanna cothroma don uile shaoránach’. Ní mhor don ghluin ‘Seo – Cothromaiocht’ anois an fhuinneamh cathréimeach úd a dhíriú ar an bhfís sin a bhaint amach do na dreamanna eile in Éirinn a bhfuil sin dlite acu.

photos@anphoblacht.com

5 'Justice for James' – Six-year-old James Doherty was shot in the head as he played in his front garden in Turf Lodge, Belfast, on 8 October 1972. He died of his injuries a week later. His family is calling on the Police Ombudsman to reopen the case and are challenging the Attorney General to order a new inquest

6 November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

New Loyalist Communities Council set up by UVF, UDA and Red Hand Commando to ‘address criminality’

Will unionist paramilitary initiative deliver?

BY PEADAR WHELAN “ANY GENUINE MOVE towards disbandment would be positive,” said Sinn Féin's Gerry Kelly, responding to the loyalist initiative launched on Tuesday 13 October in Belfast.

Spokespersons for the three main unionist death squads – the Ulster Volunteer Force, Ulster Defence Association and Red Hand Commando – unveiled the new Loyalist Communities Council with the stated intentions of tackling criminality and addressing social and educational disadvantage in loyalist communities.

“We eschew all violence and criminality,” said the joint declaration rubber-stamped at a press conference attended by loyalist leaders

The elephant in the room is that these unionist gangs (responsible for killing more than 50 people since they called their ceasefires in 1994) still operate and have been involved in violence, criminality and drugdealing – and unionist politicians' eyes have hardly blinked Billy Hutchinson for the UVF-linked Progressive Unionist Party and Jackie McDonald for the UDA Jonathan Powell, Tony Blair's former Chief of Staff and a key figure in the Irish Peace Process, has been working with the still-proscribed organisations in developing this new formation along with UKIP MLA David McNarry.

Powell flew in for the launch to add weight and credibility to the initiative. He said “it was

a mistake to leave loyalism out in the cold” and insisted that the formation of the council was “a process, not an event”.

He reiterated that the Loyalist Communities Council would address criminality from loyalist paramilitaries.

“The misuse of loyalism for criminal purposes will not be tolerated,” he said before adding “the real test will be in how these undertakings are implemented.”

Indeed.

The Loyalist Communities Council will be made up by two members of each of the UVF, UDA and Red Hand Commando groups and will be chaired by the former senior aide to David Trimble, David Campbell.

As with nearly all loyalist initiatives, there is an accompanying 'wish list' and this one is no different.

According to media reports, in return for their move away from criminality, drug dealing, extortion and protection rackets, loyalists are seeking an input into future political talks, an end to “historic prosecutions” (thought to be specifically linked to the case of UVF “supergrass” Gary Haggarty, who is in custody at a secret location where he is said to have given the PSNI 10,000 pages of evidence implicating senior UVF and PUP members

5 Jonathan Powell with PUP leader Billy Hutchinson (left) and UDA leader Jackie McDonald

in murder and other offences), and additional community jobs and funds, including community based education and retraining projects.

The elephant in the room is that these unionist gangs (responsible for killing hundreds of people during the conflict, plus more than 50 killed since they called their ceasefires in 1994) still operate and have been involved in violence, criminality and drug-dealing – and unionist politicians' eyes have hardly blinked.

So at a time when the unionists have contrived a crisis over the IRA – which has gone away – we have DUP MP Jeffrey Donaldson giving a

5 Loyalist figures listen to Tony Blair’s former Chief of Staff Jonathan Powell at the launch of the new Loyalist Communities Council

masterclass in understatement when he says the new Loyalist Communities Council could be a positive step towards a more normal society.

“The fact that three paramilitary groups have given their backing to this initiative is a positive statement of intent that they are prepared to look at how we can move forward,” he opined.

Yet just last week, before news of this initiative leaked out, the UDA linked The Loyalist magazine, warned that the “UDA are still in existence and won't be leaving any stage”.

Many commentators saw the statement as a threat yet the DUP maintained that it would not “shy away” from working with such groups.

Presumably that means raising tensions up at Ardoyne over Orange marches and justifying the existence of 'Camp Twaddell'.

And as Gerry Kelly reminded us in his statement, the UDA shot Brian McIlhagga dead in Ballymoney, County Antrim, in January.

The UVF killed Bobby Moffat on the Shankill Road in May 2010 and the UVF in east Belfast was behind incessant attacks on the homes of residents of the nationalist Short Strand area.

Nor should it be overlooked that the renegade South East Antrim Brigade of the UDA has not signed up to this initiative.

Those involved in the breakaway unit have been responsible for numerous killings in the area that stretches from Glengormley in north Belfast to Antrim Town, including the death of 20-year-old postman Daniel McColgan. Daniel's recent inquest heard of suspicions that his killers were protected by the PSNI and that crucial evidence has gone missing).

This Loyalist Communities Council initiative should be welcomed although ­with all the above in mind – it comes with a big health warning.

November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

7

Opportunities for strategic advances should be embraced, not squandered

BY DECLAN KEARNEY SINN FÉIN NATIONAL CHAIRPERSON

IN A PIECE of political context-setting for the next Dáil general election, Taoiseach Enda Kenny recently told a European audience there had been a bloodless coup in Ireland and that the Central Bank Governor had said troops would be deployed around banks to justify his Coalition’s acquiescence with the Troika’s austerity programme.

Earlier this year, there was an actual attempt at a political coup d’état in Greece, driven by the political and economic elites dominating the EU. Drawing an analogy with the overthrow of Salvador Allende’s government in Chile in 1973, SYRIZA MEP, Stelios Kouloglou said during a visit to Ireland in April that a concerted effort was underway to remove the SYRIZA government – with banks instead of tanks.

The anti-democratic character and unswerving allegiance to austerity ascendant within the EU is now intervening again in the democratic process of Portugal. The political establishment there has rejected the electoral mandate of the Socialist Party, Left Bloc and the Communist Party to form a Left coalition.

President Cavaco Silva said he would not be able to give power to “anti-European partisan forces”. That was in response to Angela Merkel’s assertion that an anti-austerity government would be a “very negative” development.

There is no surprise in any of this. The conservative Right are now on an offensive across Europe to entrench inequality as a means of social control.

A new battle of ideas is now in play over how and in whose interests the political economy of Europe should be organised.

As a result, new balances of forces have emerged.

That is in evidence with recent election results in Catalonia, Portugal, and a surge in electoral support for the Scottish National Party, whose expanded membership now constitutes 2% of Scotland’s population.

A sea change has occurred within the British

5 Serious political engagement and discussion has taken place under the umbrella of Right2Change Labour Party and its membership has grown to the economic elites they represent, Sinn Féin exceed 500,000 members. Politically, the British poses the greatest threat to the status quo, Labour leadership now endorses an unambigu- North and South. ous anti-austerity political programme.

The political establishments, capital and The elections in Britain next May have the banking interests have identified Sinn Féin’s potential to intensify this realignment in British growth as a strategic challenge to their hegemony. politics with strengthened An all-island economy opposition to the Tories’ austerunder democratic control ity agenda. does not suit the EU and A referendum on a British i n te r n a t i o n a l f i n a n c e exit from Europe will create an capital. opportunity to further populaSinn Féin in government rise the politics of anti-ausNorth and South would be terity and democratising of counter to those interests.

However, a critical mass the EU. of support will be required In Ireland, as the Southern general election and a probable to bring about political conditions whereby Northern Assembly election in Sinn Féin could support May 2016 draw closer, progressive and democratic forces here a Programme for Governneed to take stock. ment that delivers republiIn February of this year I can objectives in economic, suggested in An Phoblacht that, in strategic political, constitutional and social terms. terms, politics here was moving towards a That presupposes a unity on the Irish Left tipping point which could result in republican, which shifts the electoral centre of gravity towards Left and progressive parties and organisations forming a coalition government with republican, gaining the political power for change.

Left and progressive programmes at its heart.

That, of course, cannot be taken for granted.

I have already called for serious political For the British and Irish governments and discussions between political activists, trade

Political discussions and agreement are needed on the required political and electoral alliances

IN PICTURES

unionists and others on the ideas and strategies essential to achieve that.

Recently, such engagement has occurred in the South under the umbrella of the Right2Change campaign. This process resulted in the launch of the Right2Change Ten Policy Principles and a fiscal framework.

Sinn Féin’s Ard Chomhairle has endorsed both.

A similar process should be taken forward in the North.

The Equality Coalition, trade unions, business and voluntary organisations have all suggested economic and social benchmarks for a future Programme for Government in a properly-functioning, power-sharing Executive. These important contributions should be included in the current negotiations.

The potential exists to solidify a political realignment in the South. Political discussions and agreement are needed on the required political and electoral alliances.

This will be challenging, given the history of political sectarianism and division across the Irish Left and trade union movement. But here’s the reality check: the Irish conservative right-wing – having colonised social democracy – has got its act together.

There should be political agreement to maximise transfers between candidates who support the Right2Change principles and fiscal framework.

That will mean agreeing appropriate electoral strategies and building popular support and momentum on this approach for change.

The Irish progressive Left has to consider carefully the consequence of failure to successfully challenge the dominance of Irish conservatism and its allegiance to EU Troika ideology.

It also needs to recognise and apply strategic lessons from the recent experiences of Greece, Catalonia and Portugal.

Electoral and political realignment should be our shared aim with decision-making conducted in a spirit of maximum pragmatism, maturity and fraternity.

The progressive Left in Ireland has an opportunity in the next general election to make important strategic and political advances. It should be embraced, not squandered.

photos@anphoblacht.com PHOTOS: AIDAN McFAUL

5 Sinn Féin hold a candlelit vigil outside the National Monument at 16 Moore Street, the last headquarters of the Provisional Government in 1916, and call on the Government to protect the battlefield site

8 November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

Domestic violence victims abandoned by Fine Gael/Labour ministers

5 One refuge in Tallaght is facing closure due to lack of financial support while another is already stretched to capacity

Women’s refuge denied Government support faces closure by Christmas

BY MARK MOLONEY A REFUGE in Tallaght which takes in women and children escaping domestic violence and abuse will be forced to close its doors before Christmas due to a total lack of funding from Tusla – The Child & Family Agency.

Housing charity Respond says it can no longer keep the Cuan Álainn facility (which is currently home to 9 adults and 18 children) open without state assistance. And with a crisis in social housing, families needing the facility will have nowhere else to go.

Speaking to An Phoblacht, Mayor of South Dublin Sarah Holland of Sinn

‘If those women are put out in the midst of this housing crisis, there is absolutely nowhere for them to go’ Féin hit out at the Government’s lack of action: “This is a transitional facility until somewhere permanent can be found for these families. It’s a safe place for women and their kids. Respond simply don’t have the money to keep it going. It costs about €350,000 per year and it has been running since 2012 without any state help whatsoever,” she explains.

Sarah says there has been no change in the stance by the Department of Children and the current residents will be put out of the facility by Chrismas

5 Sinn Féin Councillor Louise Dunne

5 Mayor of South Dublin Sarah Holland speaks to An Phoblacht

unless funding is made available.

“They’re getting very desperate.

If those women are put out in the midst of this housing crisis, there is absolutely nowhere for them to go. Landlords aren’t accepting Rent Allowance. Private rental accommodation isn’t the option and there are only 36 empty social housing units in the whole county – and they have all been allocated. There’s 9,000 people on the social housing list.”

Mayor Holland describes recent claims by the Fine Gael/Labour Government that local authorities are not stepping up to the mark in terms of social housing as “a load of

5 Environment Minister Alan Kelly

nonsense”. She says this year there was a seven-month delay in funding for homelessness from the Department of the Environment: “So they’re telling the media that the money is available but they’re not handing it over to the local authorities.”

Sarah is critical of Environment Minister Alan Kelly, who accused local councils of having a “not in my back yard” attitude to social housing.

“That’s a load of rubbish. There are 40 social housing units going to be built at the bottom of my own street,” says Sarah, pointing out of her sittingroom window. “I campaigned to have them there and it was voted through

by all parties with the exception of Fine Gael. So they certainly can’t accuse us of NIMBYism.”

A second women’s refuge in Tallaght is also under incredible pressure.

Sarah Holland says herself and Councillor Louise Dunne have been working closely with the Saoirse refuge which simply does not have the capacity to accommodate those who need help.

“They had to turn away 81% of women who came to them for help last year – that’s 491 women and children. That is shocking in this day and age. They just don’t have the facilities to cope.

“The Government needs to stop turning a blind eye to the most vulnerable people in our society. It may not be worth any votes to them but it’s their job to help these women and children.”

November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

Fine Gael and Labour crush 1916 Rising holiday

BY JOHN HEDGES FINE GAEL AND LABOUR have shot down a proposal by Sinn Féin TD Aengus Ó Snodaigh for a ‘Republic Day’ to be celebrated as a public holiday every year on 24 April, the anniversary of the 1916 Easter Rising.

Introducing his Bill to establish Lá na Poblachta, the Dublin TD said in the Dáil: “Many nations have a day or event in their history which for the present-day citizen captures

the spirit of that nation. I believe in the many such episodes of bravery, foresight and selflessness in Irish history, the 1916 Rising stands out and therefore this is the appropriate day to celebrate and commemorate as Ireland’s national day.”

The Bill also called for what was described by historian and author Ó Snodaigh as probably the most important part of the Bill, the establishment of a Bórd Lá na Poblachta. This would organise events “in commemoration and in appreciation” of the contribution to the Irish nation over the centuries “by many who gave their lives and liberty in the pursuit of an Irish nation free from

5 Sinn Féin TD Aengus Ó Snodaigh

9

‘Many nations have a day or event in their history which for the present-day citizen captures the spirit of that nation’ the occupation of a foreign power”.

He said part of its role it would be to raise awareness, encourage an understanding of, “and create a discourse around the ideals contained in the key revolutionary documents of Irish republicanism and of the events leading up to the declaration of the Irish Republic contained in the Proclamation of the Irish Republic read

by Pádraig Pearse at the front of the GPO on 24 April 1916”.

Fine Gael and Labour ministers had openly opposed the move and the Bill was defeated in the Dáil by 82 votes to 37.

1916 sign goes up in O’Connell Street as Government tries to stop GPO light show THE planning and operation of Sinn Féin’s ambitious 2016 programme continues apace with the signage for “Revolution 1916, The Original and Authentic Exhibition” going up on the Ambassador Theatre on Dublin’s O’Connell Street and already attracting huge attention as preparations for staging the exhibition begin onsite.

A request to Communications Minister Alex White for permission to use the facade of the GPO to stage “The Rising 2016 Son et Lumiere” over five nights on the actual anniversary of the

‘The Rising 2016 Son et Lumiere’ over five nights on the actual anniversary of the Rising Rising resulted in speculation in the Irish Times that permission was to be denied ahead of any official statement.

This led to an exchange in the Dáil between Aengus Ó Snodaigh TD (Sinn Féin National Commemorations Chairperson) and Minister White, who denied any responsibility for the GPO. But Bartle D’Arcy, Sinn Féin National Programme Co-ordinator for Centenaries Commemorations, said that the party had been in touch with An Post since last February.

“We have, on their instruction, met with the Office of Public Works and 5 Gerry Adams outside the Ambassador Theatre, home to 'Revolution 1916, The followed the advice from Dublin City Council Events Section to meet the Original and Authentic Exhibition'

5 Government moves against Sinn Féin commemorative plans for GPO

Government Ireland 2016 team, who don’t have anything planned for these dates,” Bartle explained.

“To begin the planning process on this large-scale event, Dublin City Council required a letter from ‘the Building’ – which is the remit of the Communications Minister.”

Now he has received a letter from An Post refusing the use of the GPO “which we are querying because this was not their position last February”.

He added: “This event was head and shoulders above anything in the state programme with an imaginative and innovative use

www.revolution1916.ie

of the GPO as a backdrop to telling the story of the 1916 Rising using modern sound and light technology.

“It is fully funded and designed to be a free event for the people of Ireland and visitors from abroad to witness on O’Connell Street over five nights in 2016 a tribute to the historic events that occurred there one hundred years ago.”

Aengus Ó Snodaigh said: “It would promote Dublin and Ireland for tourism purposes in this unique centenary year and I hope the Communications Minister would see sense and not play politics with it.”

10 November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

LONGBOAT QUAY

Avoid a Priory Hall

BY COUNCILLOR CHRIS ANDREWS WIDESCALE BREACHES of fire safety regulations, a lack of regulatory oversight, residents at risk of being evacuated from their homes, a bill for works running to millions of euros and a local authority failing to live up to its responsibilities – not Priory Hall but Longboat Quay, a 300-unit apartment complex in Dublin’s Docklands.

Lessons should have been learned from the experience of Priory Hall and the scandalous handling of its out-workings by the various authorities and stakeholders whose number one priority should have been the protection of residents and their homes, but it appears not.

Just a few short years later, here we are again in the midst of another crisis resulting from the same laissez-faire ‘Celtic Tiger’ era regulatory mindset that has been the root cause of so many of our economic and social problems over the past decade.

The demand being placed on residents of Longboat Quay to foot bills of upwards of €18,000 each to fund remedial fire safety works is utterly unrealistic.

5 Residents of Longboat Quay have been asked to stump-up as much as €18,000 each 5 Mary Lou McDonald TD and Councillor Chris Andrews with Longboat Quay residents

All of the stakeholders – including Dublin City Council, NAMA and the Docklands Development Authority, as well as the Minister for the Environment (who cannot shirk his responsibility on the matter despite his best efforts) – must be compelled to find a solution to the problems identified.

Solutions can be found if the political will exists.

Firstly, a solution for funding works at the complex must be found. This is more than doable.

Receivers acting as agents of NAMA control 18 apartments in the complex, the sale of which

would more than adequately cover the cost of the remedial works required. In addition, the Docklands Authority still has access to funds and a short-term loan could be provided by the Department of the Environment or NAMA to cover the costs of works before the sale of apartments in receivership are realised.

Secondly, a full audit of residential developments in the Docklands needs to be carried out without delay so that owners can be protected and those whose buildings have no issues can be given a clean bill of health to protect the value of their homes.

The fact that apartment owners in nearby

Gallery Quay are still waiting for major repairs to be carried out to address dampness and water ingress issues indicates that there is a pattern

Solutions can be found if the political will exists of poor building standards in the Docklands, particularly in units constructed as social and affordable housing and which the Longboat Quay development contains a sizeable number of.

Common sense must prevail and quickly.

Another Priory Hall scenario has to be averted.

RIVERWALK COURT

Meath’s Longboat Quay one of Ireland’s fastest growing towns (Ratoath’s population grew six-fold, from 1,096 to 7,456, between 1996 and 2006) were supposed to be an exciting new start for young couples and families. Instead, the experience has been a living nightmare – a story of the consequences of Celtic Tiger era of unbridled greed and ‘light touch’

BY COUNCILLOR DARREN O’ROURKE STATUTORY INSPECTIONS of the 26 apartments and four commercial units at the Riverwalk Court development at Ratoath, County Meath, will give residents there an indication of what their future holds in a complex they know is falling apart and that fails to meet the most basic fire safety standards. Still, for almost seven years now, they have been struggling to get any of the responsible parties or authorities to take any notice.

It wasn’t supposed to be like this.

The properties, built in 2002/2003 in

Residents shouldn’t be left to foot the bill to bring their homes up to a standard fit to live in regulation amounting to ‘no touch’ regulation. Fire Safety Certificates were issued off the plans, there was no inspection regime, there was no ‘sign-off’. There didn’t have to be.

The years that followed have been a daily battle to ensure that the builder, the developer, the insurance company

5 The Riverwalk Court development in Ratoath and the local authority live up to their bought were defective. They believe responsibilities. Many of those parties they shouldn’t be left to foot the bill (including developer Saltan Properties to bring their homes up to a standard and its principal Michael Ryan) made fit to live in. They are right. considerable profits on the Riverwalk Recent media and political attentransaction. They have done every- tion has given them hope that they thing in their power to avoid liability. will finally get a fair and just resoluResidents contend that they weren’t tion. They are settling in for the next to know that the properties they phase of their long battle.

November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

BY EOIN Ó MURCHÚ OVER A YEAR AGO, the veteran housing campaigner Fr Peter McVerry stated that he had never seen the situation as bad as it was then. “We are even, at this stage, beyond crisis,” he said.

Since then, of course, the situation has got markedly worse and the “tsunami of homelessness” that he predicted then has come to pass as family after family find their homes repossessed or are forced out as rents go up while rent support stays below the amount needed.

By any standards, this is a crisis – a virulent social crisis which truly calls into question the whole basis of the state. After all, a state which cannot provide decent, affordable housing for its citizens cannot be called democratic, no matter how many elections it holds.

A government which gave billions to rescue profligate banks and save the whole European banking system should start giving priority to its own citizens in need of housing But, faced with the crisis, what has the Government done?

Various spokespersons, particularly Environment Minister Alan Kelly, have made eloquent speeches about it but very little tangible has actually happened.

The simple fact is that people need housing, social housing, and there is just not enough to meet that demand.

But instead of building the houses needed, the Government is content to produce plans which, they hope, will incentivise the private sector to build them instead.

IN PICTURES

11

emergency, and a government which gave billions to rescue profligate banks and save the whole European banking system should start giving priority to its own citizens, providing financial support for those faced with losing their homes, introducing rent controls and tenants rights, and building social housing on a scale of 25,000 a year.

This figure, incidentally, would still mean it would take five years to end the housing crisis but it would radically alter the hopes and aspirations of those whose lives are being wrecked by the fear and uncertainty of threatened homelessness.

In this context, it is more than ironic that over €43million has been collected in housing levies for social purposes but remains unused.

The failure to use these funds or make the local authorities use them shows the shallow hypocrisy of a government that talks

Declare a

HOUSING EMERGENCYNOW

But the private sector builds houses for profit, not to meet social needs.

And the provision of social housing directly built by local authorities has all but disappeared, down from 67% of houses built in the 1960s to less than 3% now.

A n d th e n u m b e r s on the social housing waiting lists continue to escalate, with over 130,000 families or i n d iv i d u a l s n e e d i n g housing now.

In the meantime, recognising that building the homes needed would, with the best intentions, take many years, action is urgently needed to defend tenants’ rights, and to protect renters from spiralling rent increases and unfair evictions.

While Alan Kelly again plucks the strings of his heart, he does nothing to bring in new protections for those renting.

The Government argues that rent controls would drive private providers of rented

Environment Minister Alan Kelly

accommodation out of the market and so would make things worse.

There are two points to be made about this.

Firstly, what are they going to do with the houses they currently put out for rent? Those who invested in buy-to-let units need to rent them to cover their costs.

Secondly, even if such measures acted as a disincentive to new providers or rented accommodation coming into the market, it would be two or three years before it could have a marked effect on supply, and by that time a progressive programme of social house building would have created a situation in which private renting was not needed on a mass scale.

Back in the 1960s, the Dublin Housing Action Committee forced the Government of the day to declare a housing emergency and release the funds for a mass building programme.

The present housing crisis demands the declaration of another such

photos@anphoblacht.com

58

The provision of social housing directly built by local authorities has all but disappeared, down from 67% of houses built in the 1960s to less than 3% now

about homelessness but does nothing to resolve it.

While the Government does its best to spin Budget 2016 to trick voters into believing that some miraculous recovery has been created, the reality of the housing scandal – and the health scandal, and the disability scandal, and the failure to provide Traveller accommodation scandal, and all the other scandals – belie their claims.

The next election provides the opportunity to campaign for the declaration of a housing emergency and concrete action to put the needs of the people in front of the greed of the speculators and prosperous.

EDENTUBBER Annual Commemoration

th

Cuimhneachán Bliantúil

Éadan Tobair

1957 - 2015

Sunday November 8th, 2015 5 Remembering Reamonn – The 30th anniversary commemoration of IRA Volunteer Reamonn Mac Lochlainn in the Lake of Shadows Hotel, Donegal. Pictured are Martina Anderson MEP, John McLaughlin, Mary Mac Lochlainn (Reamonn's wife), Laurence Arbuckle, Gerry Mac Lochlainn and Pádraig Mac Lochlainn TD (Reamonn's son)

At 2.30pm - Prominent Speaker Funccon aaerwards in The Carrickdale - Music by Setanta Fáilte Roimh Cách

12 November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

In 1998, the Irish and British governments pledged to ‘continue to recognise the importance of measures to facilitate the reintegration of prisoners into the community’ Discrimination against republican and unionist political ex-prisoners contradicts Agreements

BY JOHN LOUGHRAN

Prisoners of past the

MARTIN NEESON, a republican political ex-prisoner, has been granted permission by the Belfast High Court to challenge a decision from the Stormont’s Department of Finance and Personnel that he was unsuitable for continued employment as a landscape gardener with conservation volunteers in west Belfast despite performing his duties without incident for the preceding 18 years.

The basis of his challenge was that the Department of Finance and Personnel acted “irrationally and unfairly in relying upon a conviction that was 40 years old in assessing the applicant’s character and suitability for continued employment”.

Restricted travel, restricted employment opportunities, barriers to adoption and purchasing of some goods and services define a life of exclusion for ex-political prisoners. This was compounded by the precedent established in the SPAD (Special Advisers) Bill which in effect sought to institutionalise discrimination against political ex-prisoners.

Engaging with this legacy question of political ex-prisoners in no way dilutes the need to engage with the pain, hurt and loss of all victims.

That too is central to engaging with legacy. The issue of ongoing discrimination against political ex-prisoners, however, provides an insight into the wider challenge of how this society comprehensively engages with the reintegration into society of members of non-state armed groups.

In 1998, the Irish and British governments pledged to “continue to recognise the importance of measures to facilitate the reintegration of prisoners into the community by providing support both prior to and after release, including assistance directed towards availing of employment opportunities, retraining and/or reskilling, and further education”.

Eight years later, as part of efforts to restore the power-sharing Executive in the St Andrews Agreement (2006), it was again stated: “The Government will work with business, trade unions and ex-prisoner groups to produce guidance for employers which will reduce barriers to employment and enhance reintegration of former prisoners.”

It is evident that, despite explicit commitments in the Good Friday Agreement (1998) and latterly 5 Republican prisoners are released as part of the the St Andrews Agreement (2006), little progress Good Friday Agreement

has been made to remove the barriers to participation in civic society for political ex-prisoners.

This contrasts with the hundreds of millions of pounds paid to state actors, particularly former RUC officers who benefited handsomely from the Patten severance scheme.

The same questions remain as to how to engage with the legacy of imprisonment and its continued impact through discrimination.

How are these men and women reintegrated back into community and public life?

Many of the political ex-prisoner groups, republican and loyalist, make a significant contribution to building the future. Many are acutely aware of the efforts of Coiste na n-Iarchimí, the republican ex-prisoners’ network, in terms of leading internal dialogues, and outreach to loyalism and British armed forces personnel. They have been actively involved in managing the peace, involved in providing support programmes to ex-prisoners and their families, and providing key services to those experiencing hardship through provision of welfare advice.

There is no doubting that Martin Neeson, like many thousands of republican and unionist ex-prisoners, feels the personal burden of unresolved and unhonoured political commitments to deal with barriers to employment for ex-prisoners.

Twenty years into the Peace Process, hard questions need to be asked about where are the “measures to facilitate the reintegration of prisoners into the community by providing support both prior to and after release”?

Furthermore the question needs to be asked of Stormont departments within our power

5 Former POWs now MLAs: Martin McGuinness, Carál Ní Chuilín, Gerry Kelly and Jennifer McCann

sharing Executive why is discrimination against ex-political prisoners being tolerated despite outstanding peace process commitments?

If we are serious about building a shared future, surely it is now also time to end designation of political ex-prisoners as a Section 75 group, which would basically mean they cannot be discriminated against on basis of past imprisonment.

The denial of rights to political prisoners is an equality issue – a human rights issue that requires resolution.

Twenty years into the Peace Process, hard questions need to be asked about where are the ‘measures to facilitate the reintegration of prisoners into the community by providing support both prior to and after release’?

November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

13

GARDA SHOOTING OF RONAN MacLOCHLAINN

The scene 17 years ago after the shooting near Ashford, County Wicklow

INQUIRY TO REPORT IN NOVEMBER

CONTROVERSY surrounding gardaí shooting dead “dissident republican” Ronan MacLochlainn near Ashford, County Wicklow, in 1998 during a cash-in-transit robbery and alleged breaches of police procedure in the follow-up investigation has led to the Irish Government conceding a Commission of Investigation that has to report to the Minister for Justice by 20 November 2015.

Ronan MacLochlainn (28), from Ballymun in Dublin, was killed by armed detectives during an attempted security van robbery by what the mainstream media has dubbed “the Real IRA” on Friday 1 May 1998, the day of the unofficial Garda strike action, “the Blue Flu”.

The Garda ambush was a joint operation by the Emergency Response Unit and the National Surveillance Unit.

Although MacLochlainn was carrying a handgun and the five others with him were armed, no shots were fired by the raiders. Nevertheless, 12 shots were fired by three gardaí as MacLochlainn tried to escape by commandeering a passing car. He died from a single bullet wound to the chest. The National Surveillance Unit garda who fired the fatal shot was shot dead accidentally by a colleague three years later.

A 2009 inquest jury returned a verdict of “death by misadventure” but MacLochlainn’s partner, Gráinne Nic Gibb, has waged a determined campaign to uncover the truth of what happened that day.

In 1999, she took a civil case against the state, seeking damages for “unlawful, wrongful and intentional

killing and assault and for negligence and breach of duty”. In 2006, the state claimed privilege in relation to certain police documents.

She then took a case to the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), alleging the state failed to carry out an effective official investigation into the fatal shooting in accordance with the terms of Article 2 of the Convention.

In her submission to the ECHR, Gráinne Nic Gibb made several complaints, including that the coroner

5 Gráinne Nic Gibb holds a picture of her partner Ronan – she is determined to uncover the truth

5 Ivor Callely – A concerned witness wrote to the then Fianna Fáil TD and was later called on

by Garda detective chief superintendents who she says suggested that she would say nothing more about her complaints

refused to order that certain documents be disclosed by the police or that a commanding officer or a garda in the unit actually involved in the operation be called to give evidence.

The ECHR agreed but the case was struck out on the grounds that a Commission of Inquiry by the Irish Government would meet Ireland’s obligations under the Convention.

The Commission of Inquiry, with its sole member being Mary Rose Gearty SC, began in July 2014 and opened public hearings on 8 September this year.

It has heard contradictory statements from gardaí involved in the operation and that National Surveillance Unit cars had not only left the scene immediately afterwards (corrupting the forensic integrity of the crime scene) but this important fact had been withheld from investigators.

A passing woman motorist who said she had to take cover with the five children with her (ranging from two years to 12 years) told the Commission that she was so concerened about a number of events that day that she wrote to Ivor Callely, then her local Fianna Fáil TD. Two detective chief superintendents then called to her home three months after the shooting.

Care worker Aisling Gray was asked if she knew anyone in “the IRA” and it was suggested that she would say nothing more about her complaints to Ivor Callely.

“They told me I was lucky to be alive, that the people involved [in the security van raid] were the same people who did the Omagh bomb,” in which 29 people were killed in 1998 by the group called the “Real IRA”.

“I was terrified, I felt very intimidated. I was on the couch and they seemed to be towering over me.

“They told me they hoped they wouldn’t be hearing any more about the incident. They said, ‘We’re not going to hear any more about this, are we?’

“I was to be quiet and not to talk about it – that’s what I took from it.”

‘Dissident republican’ Ronan MacLochlainn was shot dead by armed detectives during an attempted security van robbery on Friday 1 May 1998, the day of the unofficial Garda strike action, ‘the Blue Flu’

14 November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

5 Lynn Boylan MEP and the four Halawa sisters prepare to leave from Dublin Airport. (Right) Somaia Halawa holds a note written by her brother Ibrahim and smuggled out of a Cairo prison

IBRAHIM HALAWA Amnesty ‘Prisoner of Conscience’ facing death penalty in Egypt

Jailed Irish teen’s case taken to European Parliament following his arrest in Egypt, outlined the horrific conditions in Egyptian prisons and the torture and human rights abuses, including mental and physical torture, by the state’s security forces.

Irish MEP Martina Anderson said she believes the attitude from the Irish Government would be a lot different and more urgent if the Irish citizen facing the death penalty was named Peadar or Mícheál.

Chris Ward, who represented Australian journalist Peter Greste of the Al Jazeera news organisation who was imprisoned in Egypt, said diplomatic pressure from Australia was key in securing the

BY MARK MOLONEY IN BRUSSELS

THE CASE of Irish teenager Ibrahim Halawa – imprisoned in Egypt awaiting trial for more than two years and facing the death penalty – was brought before the European Parliament in Brussels in October.

The teenager was arrested for taking part in protests in Cairo while in Egypt visiting family members. The protests were in opposition to the overthrow of the legitimately-elected Government by the Egyptian Army. He is facing a mass trial with more than 400 other prisoners but the trial has been repeatedly postponed.

Amnesty International has declared Halawa a ‘Prisoner of Conscience’ who has been detained

Human rights organisations and legal representatives were united in their description of the mass trials taking place in Egypt as little more than a farce “solely for peacefully exercising his right to freedom of expression and assembly”.

Ibrahim’s four sisters – Omaima, Fatima, Somaia and Khadija– along with his former teacher, Codie Preston, legal team, human rights activists and friends took part in the delegation organised

by Dublin MEP Lynn Boylan which met Irish and European MEPs at the Brussels Parliament.

5 The 'Free Ibrahim Halawa' delegation at the European Parliament in Brussels

Addressing Irish MEPs from all groupings, Ibrahim’s sister Somaia held up a handwritten letter from her brother smuggled out of jail: “This is our communication with Ibrahim. He smuggles letters to my mum through the wire barrier during visits. The Irish Government keeps coming out and talking about his welfare. Well, I’m sorry, he is being destroyed mentally and physically day by day,” she said.

Calling on the Irish Government to do more, Somaia continued: “The more pressure the Irish Government puts on the Egyptian Government the more it will lead to a positive result and hopefully Ibrahim back home.”

Human rights organisations and legal representatives were united in their description of the mass trials taking place in Egypt as little more

than a farce – and in their criticism of the failure of the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs to place adequate pressure on the Egyptian Government to release this young Irish citizen.

Legal representative Darragh Mackin of KRW Law was also critical of the lack of direct communication from the Irish Government with the Halawa family. He said there is a sheer lack of criminal justice or fair trials in Egypt and therefore it was time for the Irish Government to intervene: “There is absolutely no evidence against Ibrahim. It is of great concern to us that he would be faced with such a serious penalty in a situation where there is no evidence. It is only in the most exceptional case where lawyers would appeal to a government to intervene in another jurisdiction.”

Mohamed Soltan, who went on hunger strike

MEP Martina Anderson said the Irish Government would be more urgent if the Irish citizen facing the death penalty was named Peadar or Mícheál reporter’s release. He warned that, in Ibrahim’s case, waiting for a conviction at a mass trial before acting is fraught with risk.

Speaking on her return to Ireland, Lynn Boylan MEP called on all Irish parties to work together on securing the Firhouse teenager’s release.

“This is not a political football. This is literally a matter of Ibrahim’s life. Mohamed Soltan is living proof that intervention from government has positive results and I will continue to pursue this case until we get Ibrahim home. I once again ask the Irish Government to engage with those who want to help.”

November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

15

SINN FÉIN POLICY CONFERENCE FACES CHALLENGES OF POWER

Unite's Michael Taft

5 Sinn Féin election candidates pictured at the Gresham Hotel in Dublin

Eager for election and battle of ideas

BY JOHN HEDGES IN THE WEEK that Sinn Féin TDs launched their Alternative Budget, the party’s hard-working Policy Unit hosted one of the most interesting conferences on developing national policy on housing, healthcare, childcare and the way back from austerity.

As Gerry Adams left Sinn Féin Head Office to walk across O’Connell Street to the conference venue at the Gresham Hotel, news was unfolding of the Carrickmines fire tragedy in which ten people perished. It was an event he insisted on focusing on in RTÉ and TG4 morning interviews about the Sinn Féin event.

Headings for the conference sessions on Saturday 10 October focused on four key policy areas for Sinn Féin: » Ending austerity and delivering a fair recovery » Housing Ireland » Policy Priorities on the Road to Universal Healthcare » Putting Children First – Sinn Féin Childcare Policy Policy development by its nature cannot stand still and the 300-plus activists and policy makers from all over Ireland respectfuly listened to challenges by expert speakers who differed with some small elements of Sinn Féin policy but generally recognised that this was a progressive, growing party that will play a significant role in government in Ireland, in the South as well as the North.

Those expert speakers included:» Michael Taft, Research Officer with Unite the Union, and Aidan Gough, Strategy and Policy Director of InterTradeIreland; » Simon Brooke from the Clúid Housing Association; » Sara Burke, health policy analyst, Irish Independent columnist, RTÉ commentator, and author of Irish Apartheid: Healthcare Inequality in Ireland; » Siobhán Fitzpatrick, head of the Early Years organisation, and Eimear Carron who sits on the Longford County Childcare Committee.

‘In the battle of ideas, Sinn Féin is proposing policy choices for citizens that are rooted in our republican principles of fairness and equality and inclusiveness’ Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams TD

Each section was opened by and heard from Sinn Féin Policy Unit specialists Sinéad Ní Bhroin (Fair Recovery), Joanne Spain (Housing), Miriam Murphy (Health), and Áine McCabe (Childcare).

Opening the day-long discussions amidst ongoing speculation about the date of the Dáil general election, Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams said that it wasn’t surprising that the Taoiseach wasn’t being straight with his Labour Party partners because “he wasn’t straight with the electorate and has broken every commitment he made after his government was formed”.

He continued: “Michael McGrath of Fianna Fáil was right when he said that the Government had adopted Fianna Fáil policy on the economy. What he failed to say was they also adopted Fianna Fáil policy on health and have sustained the chaos in our health services, as well as in housing, emigration and education. ”Sinn Féin is presenting thoughtful, costed and effective alternative policies to tackle the issues this Fine Gael/Labour Government has failed to resolve and in many instances has made worse.

“In the battle of ideas, Sinn Féin is proposing policy choices for citizens that are rooted in our republican principles of fairness and equality and inclusiveness and which are drawn from the Proclamation – the mission statement of modern Irish republicanism.

“In this election republicans should be outlining what kind of society we wish to build and what a real recovery should look like.

“Tá muintir na tíre seo ag iarraidh díospóireacht ceart faoin pholaitíocht.

“That is what this conference is really all about.

“At its core, politics is about choices and the interests that you seek to represent.

“Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil and, to their shame, the Irish Labour Party are representing the interests of the privileged few in Irish society.

“Their policies reflect this.

“Sinn Féin, on the other hand, stands with families, with workers and indeed with those who may be better off but who believe Ireland can and should do better as a society.

“Creideann muid go smior go gcaithfidh an geilleagar freastal ar na daoine agus ní a mhalairt.

“We believe that citizens are entitled to secure jobs with decent pay and conditions; adequate housing and quality public services.

“That belief and that vision is what must guide the important task of policy development.”

Sinn Féin believes that cronyism and greed can be replaced with fairness and hope, Gerry Adams said.

“Sinn Fein wants to be in government to improve the quality of life for families.

“We want to deliver progress on jobs, housing and health.

“Sinn Féin is not a debating society. We are very, very serious about achieving these objectives.

To do that means being in government with a programme for government which advances this agenda. Before we get to that point however, we must have a coherent, realistic and robust policy platform.”

And laying down the gauntlet to the Taoiseach to “stop the game playing”, Gerry Adams said he should call an election now.

“Sinn Féin is ready.

“We are confident that our policies will stand up to scrutiny.

“We are eager for a genuine battle of ideas.”

Sinn Féin's Sineád Ní Bhroin

Simon Brooke of Clúid Housing Association

Sinn Féin's Joanne Spain

16 November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

Fine Gael/Labour Budget ‘straight from the Fianna Fáil playbook’ BUDGET 2016 – unveiled by the Fine Gael/ Labour Government in the Dáil on 13 October – has been described by Sinn Féin as “straight out of the Fianna Fáil handbook – how to bribe people with their own money”.

After Finance Minister Michael Noonan and Public Expenditure Minister Brendan Howlin had jointly delivered Budget 2016 on behalf of Fine Gael and Labour respectiveley, Sinn Féin deputy leader Mary Lou McDonald said it was worth taking stock of their record in power.

“The picture that emerges is one worthy of any Tory-minded administration anywhere in the world,” the Dublin Central TD said.

“Those that have borne the brunt of what are euphemistically referred to as ‘economic corrections’, are families and workers on low and middle incomes, people relying on social protection and citizens relying on public services.

“The big winners have been the wealthiest sections of society, those that believe in low wage or poverty wage competition, and those that wish to cannibalise public services for private gain.

“Far from offering protection, your government has exposed families and workers to an obscene jamboree of cutbacks, waiting lists and broken promises. Living from day to day, week to week, month to month just about making ends meet.

“You promised a democratic revolution but you have presided over a series of democratic somersaults and contradictions that leave this economy and our citizens damaged and vulnerable.”

Pearse Doherty, Sinn Féin’s Finance spokesperson, denounced it as a Budget “for the elites, for multinationals and for high-earners”. He said it is anti-sustainable growth, it is anti-investment, and it is anti-public services.

5 Brendan Howlin's and Michael Noonan's Budget benefited the most-well-off in society

He excoriated the Government, and in particular Labour for failing to live up to its election promises, reminding them of their “Every Little Hurt” election ads, Pearse Doherty said: "In the closing days of the 2011 election, Labour strategists reduced their entire campaign to a single message – elect us and in government we’ll soften the sharpest edges of Fine Gael.

“Far from putting manners on your coalition partners, ye have become more Fine Gael than Fine Gael themselves.

“That is until it was your own head on the block – and lo and behold your glorious leader, Labour’s very own Countess of Grantham,” he said in a jibe at Joan Burton, “is throwing her weight around like there is no tomorrow.

“It appears your demands most moderate are, you only want to save your own hides.”

Addressing the Fine Gael/Labour collective, he said: “Today you tell us that your ambition for frontline services is that they make do with what they have, and you stand over your policy to starve health, education and childcare of the resources necessary to deliver public services we can be proud of, and that are conducive to growth.

“Today’s Budget holds no resemblance to the Proclamation or to the Democratic Programme.

“You have not delivered equal rights and equal opportunities to all Ireland’s citizens. In fact, you have resolved to only pursue the happiness and prosperity of the top 14% – stuffing

Sinn Féin Budget 2016 proposals capital inveStment prOgramme

tOtal: €400 million

Spending

Overall Balance Sheet

REPAIR €million Delivering

€million Tax

Tax Tax Income

1,110.7

Tax Spend

-815

net Tax Increase

295.7

Overall Balance Sheet

REbuIld REnEw

A FA i r r ecov ery

Téarnamh coThrom a shol áThar

295.7

Expenditure

-1,395.7

Capital

-400

Cost €25.45m

dealing with the Crisis in the Health System - page 25-26

Cost €383m

Putting Key Resources back into Education - page 26-27

Cost €180.19m

Supporting Parents, Investing in Childcare - page 28

Cost €238.28m

Tackling Income Inequality - page 29-30

Cost €289.92m

Protecting Communities - page 30

Cost €21.7m

Establish an Equality and Budgetary Advisory Body - page 30

Cost €1.1m

Irish Language and supporting the Gaeltacht - page 39

Cost €5.95m

Frontline Workforce - page 30

Cost €20m

Savings Spend Tax netIncome Expenditure Tax

341.12 €million -1,736.82

-815

Capital net Tax Increase

295.7 -400

Expenditure

Capital

1,500 341.12

Spend

-1,736.82

net Expenditure

-1,395.7

Balance

Spend

-400

Fiscal space

1,500

Saves €15.28m Saves €5.59m Saves €5.59m Saves €21.45m Saves €21.45m €130m

As of the abolition of medicines water charges withdraw the Water 2%part reduction in branded Conservation Grant

Saves €130m €36m

Regulation of the Financial Sector Phased withdrawal of private school annual state subsidy over five years

Saves €70m Saves €20.6m

Phased withdrawal of private school annual state subsidy over five years 2% reduction in branded medicines

Saves €20.6m Saves €36m

Wind-down JobBridge Scheme Regulation of the Financial Sector

Saves €7.9m Saves €70m

double current Trading Online Voucher Scheme for 2016 - page 37

Cost €2.73m

Greater use of JobsPlus (5,000)

Lansdowne Road Agreement/Haddington Road Agreement - page 31

Cost €267m

Provision for demographics - page 31

Cost €300m

Saves €5.6m Saves €7.9m

Saves €28.7m Saves €5.6m Saves €28.7m

taX Spend

tOtal: €815 million

taX Spend

tOtal: €815 million

Easing the burden on families, workers and businesses

-1500 €million 295.7

-1,395.7

-400

-1500

Abolition of the Property Tax

Easing the burden on families, workers and businesses

Cost €440m

End water charges Abolition of the Property Tax

Cost €210.5m Cost €440m

Take workers earning €19,572 or less out of the uSC End water charges

Cost €93m Cost €210.5m

Introduce Tax Credits for the Self Employed Take workers earning €19,572 or less out of the uSC

Cost €39m Cost €93m

Increase employee & employer PRSI bands in line with Sinn Féin’s €1 Introduce Tax Credits for the Self Employed per hour increase to the national Minimum Wage

Cost €21.5m €39m

Increase employee & employer PRSI bands in line with Sinn Féin’s €1 Making the Gaeltacht more affordable per hour increase to the national Minimum Wage

Cost €4.5m €21.5m

Encouraging Entrepreneurs Abolish administration fee from VRT Export Repayment Scheme

Cost €5m Cost €1m

Abolish administration fee from VRT Export Repayment Scheme Making the Gaeltacht more affordable

Cost €1m Cost €4.5m

Extend the 50% relief for indigenous Craft Beer to 35,000 hectolitres Encouraging Entrepreneurs

Cost €0.5m Cost €5m

Extend the 50% relief for indigenous Craft Beer to 35,000 hectolitres Sinn Féin Alternative Budget - October 2015

Capital

Saves €15.28m

As part of the abolition of water charges withdraw the Water Reduce General Government Expenditure Conservation Grant

Cost €1.5m

Expenditure Fiscal space Savings

tOtal: €341.12 million

Introduce a Living Wage across the civil service - page 36

-1,395.7 1,110.7

Tax Spend Spend

Tax

SavingS

Greater use of JobsPlus (5,000) Cancel Gateway Scheme

oCtobER 2015

Balance

tOtal: €341.12 million

Cancel Gateway Scheme Wind-down JobBridge Scheme

SInn FéIn AltERnAtIvE budgEt 2016 | CáInAISnéIS ChomhRoghnACh ShInn FéIn

Expenditure

SavingS

Reduce public sector pay and pensions of the highest earners in the public sector Reduce public sector pay and pensions of the highest earners in the Reduce Oireachtas pay (€75,000 TDs, €60,000 Senators) and public sector allowances including the Taoiseach and Ministers (by 50% on portion of Reduce Oireachtas salary over €75,000)pay (€75,000 TDs, €60,000 Senators) and allowances including the Taoiseach and Ministers (by 50% on portion of Reduce General Government Expenditure salary over €75,000)

tOtal: €1736.82 million

Homelessness and refuge services - page 24

€181.9million into their pockets through USC reductions while throwing a few crumbs from the table to everyone else.”

This is not the future that the women and men of 1916 envisioned for their country, the Donegal TD said.

“Today’s Budget offered this Government a real opportunity to finally break from the failed politics of the last 20 years; instead you have copper-fastened it.”

Detailing where the Government had made the wrong choices and explaining the choices that Sinn Féin would have made to benefit the majority, Pearse Doherty said: “Let us be very clear about who benefits in the main from this Budget.

“Fifty per cent of workers in Ireland earn €28,500.

“So when you tell us that your Budget seeks to alleviate the taxation pressure on salaries of around €70,000, what you are in fact telling the people is that this Budget is targeted towards the top 14% of earners.

“There is a deep inequity in Ireland’s taxation system. “€181.9million of tax reduction are going to the top 14% of earners.

“The bottom 10% of earners spend 30% of their income on direct and indirect taxes. The top 10% spend 29% of their income on direct and indirect taxes.

“This is the outcome of your previous Budgets where you moved taxes on income to flat indirect regressive taxes.

“It is because of this deep inequity that Sinn Féin has committed to ending the Water Charges and abolishing the Family Home Tax. “Tá ceann amháin de na rátaí pá is isle againn anseo in Éirinn sa domhan forbatha, agus tá

9

10 10

Cost €0.5m

November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

17

5 Pearse Doherty, Gerry Adams, Mary Lou McDonald and Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin launch Sinn Féin's Alternative Budget in Dublin

Sinn Féin has set out a detailed and ambitious political alternative that puts investment centre-stage – investment in services, in infrastructure, and in small businesses.

All of this can be delivered through fair and sustainable taxation, Pearse Doherty tells the Dáil

taX Yield

tearcfhostaíochta agus neamhshláine post le feiceáil go forleathan.

“The best you could rustle up for the low-paid is a meagre increase of 50 cent in the Minimum Wage and you remain mute on the need for a Living Wage “In real terms there has been no increase in the Minimum Wage since 2007.

“Sinn Féin would increase the Minimum Wage by €1 per hour (bringing a full-time Minimum Wage up to €19,572 a year) and we would increase employee and employer PRSI bands in line with this increase.

“We support the introduction of the Living Wage and as the largest employer the state should lead the way. We have provided for the introduction of a Living Wage across the Civil Service, and want to see this extended across the public sector as well as all commercial and non-commercial semi-state bodies.

“It is a nonsense for anyone on the Government benches to claim that this Budget is a

Budget with families and small businesses in mind.

“It is Budget for the elites, for multinationals and for high-earners. It is anti-sustainable growth, it is anti-investment, and it is anti-public services.”

He said that Sinn Féin has set out a very different vision to the Government parties and Fianna Fáil.

“We want to deliver a fair recovery – one that invests in Ireland’s future for the long-term and for the benefit of all.

“We will deliver a recovery that ensures all children experience equality of opportunity, be it in their education, in their access to supports and services and in their career choices as they pass into adulthood.

“We want to grow an economy that is rooted in fair play. Where workers earn a decent wage and small businesses can flourish and expand.

“This cannot happen by chance, and without a stable and fair tax base we cannot provide the necessary investments in education, childcare,

Case Studies - Sinn Féin Budget 2016 ** Case Studies - Sinn Féin Budget 2016 Case Studies - Sinn Féin Budget 2016 * Married, one child, one self-employed earner donal and Mary married living a home they in dublin with one child 15. donal as Married, one child, one self-employed earner Donal and Mary areare married living in a inhome they own inown Dublin with one child aged 15.aged Donal works as works carpenter carpenter earning €40,000. Donal will benefit from a tax credit as a self-employed earner to the value of earning €40,000.

Donal will benefit from a tax credit as a self-employed earner to the value of €500.

An increase donal and Mary are married living in a home they own in dublin with one child aged 15. donal works asin €500. An increase in their child benefit of €60 (€5 per month).Tax credit for their son who will attend Irish Married, one child, one self-employed earner carpenter earning €40,000.

Donal will benefit from tax credit asattend a self-employed earner to Abolition the value of of their child in benefit of €60 (€5ofper month).Tax credit for their son who will Irish the College in the summer of 2016 College the summer 2016 of €190.

Abolition ofa the property tax saves family €420. of

tOtal: €1,110.7 million

Case Studies - Sinn Féin Budget 2016 * Case Studies - Sinn Féin Budget 2016 *

Capital and Property Taxes Re-introduce the second home charge and increase to €400 per annum

Yield €110m

Increase Capital Gains Tax (CGT) on passive investments by 2% to 35%

Yield €0

Increase Capital Acquisitions Tax by 3% to 36%

Yield €31m

€500.

An increase in their benefit offamily €60 by (€5 per month).Tax credit for their son who will attend Irish water charges €260.child Income increases €1,430. €190.

Abolition ofsaves theare property tax saves €420.

Abolition of water charges saves €260. donal and Mary married living inthe a home they own in dublin with one child aged 15. donal works as College in the summer of 2016 of €190. Abolition of the property tax saves the family €420. Abolition of Income increases by €1,430. carpenter earning €40,000.

Donal will benefitbyfrom a tax credit as a self-employed earner to the value of water charges saves €260. Income increases €1,430.

Income: €40,000 €500. An increase in their child benefit of €60 (€5 per month).Tax credit for their son who will attend Irish

College in the summer of 2016 of €190. Abolition of the property tax saves the family €420. Abolition of Income: €40,000 water charges saves €260. tax Income increases by €1,430.

Self-employed credit: +€500

INCOME: €40,000

Abolished Property tax: +€420 Child Benefit increase: +€60 Self-employed tax credit: +€500 water Charges: +€260 Income: €40,000Abolished Abolished Property tax: +€420 College tax Credit: +€190 Child Benefit increase: +€60 Abolished water Charges: +€260 College tax +€190 total income Self-employed taxCredit: credit: +€500increase: €1,430 child aged 15. donal works as donal and Mary are married living in a home they own in dublin with one Abolished Property tax: +€420 Child Benefit +€60 carpenter earning €40,000.

Donalincrease: will benefit from aincrease: tax credit as a self-employed earner to the value of total income €1,430 Abolished water Charges: +€260 €500. An increase in their child benefit of €60 (€5 per month).Tax credit for their son who will attend Irish College tax Credit: +€190 donal and Mary are married living in a home they own in dublin with one child aged 15. donal works as

Married, one child, one self-employed earner Married, oneINCOME child, one INCREASE: self-employed€1,430 earner TOTAL

Excise duties & Levies Increase betting shop tax to be applied to customer to 3%

Yield €50m

duty on Liquid nicotine for e-cigarettes

Yield €8.3m

Increase excise duty on a packet of cigarettes by 20c

Yield €26m

Increase Bank Levy from 35% to 45%

Yield €44m

Introduce a 5% Sugary Sweetened drinks Tax

Yield €49m

College in the summer of 2016 of €190. Abolition of the property tax saves the family €420. Abolition of carpenter earning €40,000. Donal will benefit from a tax credit as a self-employed earner to the value of water charges saves €260. Income increases by €1,430. total income €1,430 €500. An increase in their child benefit of €60 (€5 per increase: month).Tax credit for their son who will attend Irish College in the summer of 2016 of €190. Abolition of the property tax saves the family €420. Abolition of Income: €40,000 water charges saves €260. Income increases by €1,430.

Married with two children, both PAYe workers John and Aine are married in a home they own in donegal.

John works as a forklift driver on €40,000 and Married withlivingtwo children, both PAYe workers Self-employed tax credit: +€500 Income: €40,000

Aine works in a care home earning €20,000. They have two children aged 18 and 19 both in college.

Abolished Property tax: +€420 John married living increase: in aAbolition home they own in donegal.

JohnAbolition works asof a water forkliftcharges driver on€260. €40,000 and Child Benefit John and and Aine Aine are will benefit through: of+€60 the property tax €315.

Reduce Abolished water Charges: Aine in a care home earning €20,000.

They children 18 and 19 in college. +€260 third works level student contribution fee Credit: by €1,000+€500 (€500have x 2).two Their incomeaged is increased byboth €1,575.

College tax +€190 Self-employed tax credit: John and Aine will benefit through: Abolition of the property tax €315. Abolition of water charges tax: €260. +€420 Reduce Abolished Property Child Benefitfeeincrease: +€60x 2). Their income is increased by €1,575. third bya€1,000 (€500own Abolished +€260and Johnlevel and student Aine arecontribution married living in home they in donegal. John works aswater a forkliftCharges: driver on €40,000

Married with two children, both PAYe workers

Income Tax Increase tax paid on income over €100,000 by 7 cent in each euro

total1:income Income €40,000 Income €1,430 2: €20,000 College tax Credit: +€190 increase:

Yield €283m

Aine works in a care home earning €20,000. They have two children aged 18 and 19 both in college.

Income 1: €40,000 Income 2: €20,000 John and Aine will benefitProperty through: Abolition of the property tax €315.

Abolition of water charges €260. Reduce Abolished tax: +€315 total income €1,430 Reduced thirdbylevel fee: +€1,000 third level student contribution fee by €1,000 (€500 xincrease: 2). Their income is increased €1,575.

Abolished water Charges: +€260 Abolished Property tax: +€315 Reduced third level fee: +€1,000 Abolished water Charges: Income 1:+€260 €40,000 Income 2: €20,000 total income increase: €1,575

PRSI Introduce new 15.75% rate of Employers PRSI on portion of salary in excess of €100,000

Married with two children, both PAYe workers Married with two children, both PAYe workers

Yield €267.4m

Abolished Property tax:income +€315increase: €1,575 total Reduced third level fee: +€1,000 Johnand andAine Aine aremarried married livinginCharges: inaahome homethey they ownininDonegal. donegal.John John works a forklift driver €40,000 Abolished water +€260 John are living own works asasa forklift driver onon €40,000 andand Aineworks worksininaacare carehome homeearning earning€20,000. €20,000.They Theyhave havetwo twochildren childrenaged aged1818 and both college.

Aine and 1919both in incollege.

John and Aine will benefit through: Abolition of the property tax €315. Abolition of water charges €260. Reduce totalofthey income increase: €1,575 Johnand andAine Ainewill arebenefit married living inAbolition a home in donegal.

John worksofaswater a forklift driver€260. on €40,000 John through: theown property tax €315.

Abolition charges Reduceand third level student contribution fee by €1,000 (€500 x 2). Their income is increased by €1,575.

Ainelevel works in a care home earning They xhave third student contribution fee by€20,000. €1,000 (€500 2). two children aged 18 and 19 both in college.

John and Aine will benefit through: Abolition of the property tax €315. Abolition of water charges €260. Reduce Their income is increased by €1,575.1: €40,000 Income 2: is€20,000 third level student contribution Income fee by €1,000 (€500 x 2). Their income increased by €1,575.

Tax Evasion Increase Revenue Commissioner’s activity to target tax evasion

Yield €25m

Abolished Property tax: +€315 Income 2: €20,000 1: €40,000 Reduced third fee: +€1,000 INCOME 1: Income €40,000 INCOME 2:level €20,000 Abolished water Charges: +€260

Pensions Reduce the ‘earnings cap’ for pension contributions from €115,000 per annum to €60,000

Yield €135m

Standardise the relief at which tax back can be claimed, beginning with a reduction to 35% in 2016

Yield €82m

Abolished Property tax: +€315 Reduced third level fee: +€1,000 total income Abolished water Charges: +€260 increase: €1,575

* If the household is registered with Irish Water the total income increase will be reduced by €100.

total incomeINCREASE: increase: €1,575 TOTAL INCOME €1,575

* If the household is registered with Irish Water the total income increase will be reduced by €100.

12 12

* If the household is registered with Irish Water the total income increase will be reduced by €100.

12 Sinn Féin Alternative Budget - October 2015

11 12 12

* If the household is registered with Irish Water the total income increase will be reduced by €100.

* If the household is registered with Irish Water the total income increase will be reduced by €100.

health and infrastructure to secure stability and sustainable growth.”

Pearse Doherty ended his passionate assault on the Fine Gael/Government’s record and policies with the words: “Thousands of families have no roof over their heads, homeless people are literally dying on our streets, the health system is on the verge of collapse, child poverty is on the rise and a Labour coalition government has managed to deepen inequality on a scale not seen for decades.

“Sinn Féin has set out a detailed and ambitious political alternative that puts investment centrestage – investment in services, in infrastructure, and in small businesses. All of this can be delivered through fair and sustainable taxation.

“We hold dear the values and aspirations of the 1916 leaders and we are committed to seeing them delivered upon in 2016.”

• Pearse Doherty’s Budget 2016 Dáil speech on Facebook has had more than 110,000 views.

living alone, retired and on state pension living alone, retired and on state pension living retired and on pension Josephine 76alone, is retired, living in her own home in Cork City. state Josephine from: Abolition of water living alone, retired and on statebenefits pension charges €160.alone, Abolition of property tax €283.

Increase Fuel state Allowance by 3 weeks, worth a total of €60. living retired and on pension Josephine76 76isisretired, retired,living living inher herown ownhome home inCork Cork City.Josephine Josephinebenefits benefits from:Abolition Abolitionofofwater water Josephine in in City. from: Josephine is retired, living infor heraown home inallowance, Cork City. Josephine benefits €9.50 per76month to provide telephone equalling €114 perfrom: year.Abolition of water charges Josephine 76 isAbolition retired, living in her own homeIncrease in Cork City.

Josephine by benefits from: Abolition ofof water charges€160. €160. property tax€283. €283.

FuelAllowance Allowance weeks, worth total €60. charges Abolition ofofproperty tax Increase Fuel by 33weeks, worth aatotal of €60.

Josephine 76income isAbolition retired, living in by her own home in Cork City. benefits from: Abolition of Josephine’s increases €617. charges of property tax €283.

Increase Fuel by 3year. worth a total ofmonth €60. to €160.

Abolition of property tax €283.

Increase Fuel Allowance byJosephine 3Allowance weeks, aweeks, total of €60. €9.50 perwater €9.50 per€160. month provide foraatelephone telephone allowance, equalling €114worth per €9.50 per month totoprovide for allowance, €114 per charges €160.

Abolition of property tax €283.

Increase equalling Fuel Allowance by 3year. weeks, worth a total of €60. €9.50 per to provide forby aequalling telephone allowance, provide for amonth telephone allowance, per year. equalling €114 per year.

Josephine’s income increases €617. €114 Josephine’s income increases €617. €9.50 per month to provide forby abytelephone Josephine’s income increases €617. allowance, equalling €114 per year.

Josephine’s income increases by €617 Josephine’s income increases by €617.

Abolished Property tax: +€283 Increase Fuel Allowance: +€60 Abolished water Charges: +€160 telephone Allowance: +€114 AbolishedProperty Property tax: +€283 +€283 IncreaseFuel Fuel Allowance: +€60 Abolished Increase Abolished Propertytax: tax: +€283 Increase FuelAllowance: Allowance: +€60 +€60 Abolishedwater waterCharges: Charges: +€160 telephone Allowance: +€114 +€160 telephone Allowance: +€114 Abolished tax: +€283 Increase Fuel Allowance: +€60 total income increase: €617 AbolishedProperty water Charges: +€160 telephone Allowance: +€114 Abolished water Charges: +€160 telephone Allowance: +€114 totalincome income increase:€617 €617 total total incomeincrease: increase: €617 total income increase: €617

TOTAL INCOME INCREASE: €617

College graduate, unemployed College graduate, unemployed College Michael has just graduate, graduated from NUIGunemployed and is unemployed. Michael will benefit from an additional €40 College graduate, unemployed per week in his jobseekers’ payments.unemployed Michael won’t have to pay water charges for his accommodation College graduate, Michaelhas has just graduated from NUIG and unemployed.

Michael willbenefit benefit from anadditional additional €40in his Michael has just graduated from NUIG and isisunemployed.

Michael will an €40 Michael just graduated from NUIG and is unemployed.

Michael will benefit from anfrom additional €40 per week saving him €160. His total income is increased by €2,240.

Michael justjobseekers’ graduated from NUIG Michael and is unemployed.

Michael will benefit an additional €40 perweek weekhas inhis his payments. won’thave havetoto paywater water chargesfrom forhis his accommodation per inpayments. jobseekers’ payments. won’t charges for accommodation Michael has just graduated from NUIG and unemployed. will benefit from jobseekers’ Michael won’t have toMichael payiswater charges forMichael hispay accommodation saving himadditional €160. €40 per week his jobseekers’ payments.

Michael won’t have to pay water charges for an his accommodation saving himin€160. €160.

Histotal totalincome income increased by €2,240. saving him His isisincreased €2,240. per week in his jobseekers’ payments.

Michael by won’t have to pay water charges for his accommodation saving €160.

Hisistotal income is increased by €2,240.

Hishim total income increased by €2,240 saving him €160. His total income is increased by €2,240.

Jobseekers increase: +€2,080 Abolished water Charges: +€160 Jobseekers increase: +€2,080 Jobseekers Jobseekersincrease: increase: +€2,080 +€2,080 Abolished water Charges: +€160 Abolished water Charges: +€160 Jobseekers increase: total+€2,080 income Abolished water Charges: +€160 increase: €2,240 Abolished water Charges: +€160 totalincome incomeincrease: increase: €2,240 total total income increase:€2,240 €2,240 total income increase: €2,240

TOTAL INCOME INCREASE: €2,240

Single, 50, with grown up children living abroad Single, 50, with grown up children living abroad Single, up abroad Mary single, 50, livingwith in rented grown accomodation and herchildren grown up childrenliving live abroad.

She works 30 Single, 50, grown up children living abroad Mary isissingle, 50,50, living in with rented accomodation and her grown up children now livenow abroad.

She works 30 hours each hours each week in herwith local shopgrown earning the national minimum wage. Mary will benefit abroad by: €1 per hour Single, 50, up children living Maryin single, 50,living living rented accomodationand and her grown upchildren children now liveabroad. abroad.She She works 30 Mary isisher single, 50, ininrented accomodation her grown up live works 30 week earning the national wage.

Mary will benefit €1now per hour increase to the national increase tolocal the shop national minimum wageminimum giving her an additional €1,560by: each year.

Our increase in the PRSI Mary iseach single, 50,inliving in rented accomodation and her grown up children live abroad.

She works hourseach week herlocal local shopearning earningthe thenational national minimum wage.

Marynow willbenefit benefit by:€1 €1 per hour 30 hours week her shop minimum wage.

Mary will by: per hour Mary iseach single, 50,inin living in rented accomodation and her grown up now She works minimum wage giving her an additional €1,560 each year.

Our increase inchildren the exemption tandem with the30 exemption in tandem with theshop minimum wage means Mary willPRSI continue to abroad. beinexempt PRSI. hours week her local earning the increase national minimum wage.

Mary willlive benefit by: €1 from per hour increase the national minimum wage giving her anadditional additional €1,560 each year.

Ourincrease increase in the PRSI increase totothe national minimum wage giving her an €1,560 each year.

Our in the PRSI hours each week in her local shop earning the€286 national minimum wage.

Mary will benefit by:also €1 per hour Mary willwage no longer have to pay uSC putting back intofrom herPRSI. pocket each year.

Sheincrease will save €160 increase to the national minimum wage giving her an additional €1,560 each year.

Our in the PRSI minimum increase means Mary will continue to be exempt Mary will no longer have to pay USC exemptioninintandem tandemwith withthe theminimum minimumwage wageincrease increasemeans meansMary Marywill willcontinue continuetotobe beexempt exemptfrom fromPRSI. PRSI. exemption increase to the national minimum wage giving her an additional €1,560 each year.

Our increase in the PRSI as she€286 will not have towith pay water charges.

Mary’s total income willshe increase by €2,006 exemption in tandem the minimum wage increase means Mary will continue to be will exempt from PRSI. putting back into her pocket each year.

She will also save €160 as will not have to pay water charges.

Mary will no longer have to pay uSC putting €286 back into her pocket each year.

She also save €160 Mary will noinlonger have payminimum uSC putting backmeans into herMary pocket year.toShe also from save PRSI. €160 exemption tandem withtoto the wage€286 increase will each continue be will exempt Mary will no longer have pay uSC putting €286 back into her pocket each year.

She will also save €160 asshe she willnot not have pay watercharges. charges.

Mary’stotal totalincome incomewill willincrease increaseby by€2,006 €2,006 Mary’s total income will increase byputting €2,006 as will have totopay Mary’s Mary will nonot longer to water pay uSC €286 back into her will pocket eachby year.

She will also save €160 as she will havehave to pay water charges.

Mary’s total income increase €2,006 as she will not have to pay water charges. Mary’s total income will increase by €2,006

Minimum wage increase: +€1,560 Abolished water Charges: +€160 uSC exemption: +€286 Minimumwage wage increase: +€1,560 +€1,560 Minimum Abolishedwater water Charges: +€160 +€160 Minimum wageincrease: increase: +€1,560 Abolished uSC exemption: +€286 Abolished waterCharges: Charges: +€160 uSC +€286 Minimum wage increase: +€1,560 uSCexemption: exemption: +€286 Abolished water Charges: +€160 total income uSC exemption: +€286 increase: €2,006 totalincome income increase:€2,006 €2,006 total total incomeincrease: increase: €2,006 total income increase: €2,006

TOTAL INCOME INCREASE: €2,006

Sinn Féin Alternative Budget - October 2015 SinnFéin FéinAlternative AlternativeBudget Budget- -October October2015 2015 Sinn Sinn Féin Alternative Budget - October 2015 Sinn Féin Alternative Budget - October 2015

13 13 13 13 13

18 November / Samhain 2015

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South-East needs Q& A Senator David Sinn Féin voice Cullinane WITH

MARK MOLONEY

There’s been a big increase in support for Sinn Féin in the South-East – what are the main issues people are talking about in the region?

Like a lot of regions, the South-East has been left-behind and abandoned by this Fine Gael and Labour Government. There’s a two-tier recovery and the South-East still has the highest unemployment rate in the state – it’s 13.5% here, whereas in the rest of the state it’s 9%. Youth unemployment is at its highest in places like Waterford City.

There’s been very few new start-ups across the South-East as a whole – we haven’t seen the type of investment and development that’s necessary if we want to see a fair recovery.

It doesn’t have to be this way. Things will only be fairer if we elect strong Sinn Féin TDs across the region and that’s why we need to see Johnny Mythen in Wexford, Kathleen Funchion in Carlow/Kilkenny, myself in Waterford, and others so we have a team of Sinn Féin TDs representing the region and for the betterment of all of the people here.

There’s been incredibly strong opposition to the introduction of Water Charges in Waterford. What do you think is contributing to that?

If you look at the Water Charges movement, it’s a grassroots movement against what people see as an unfair charge. But the movement is about more than just that.

Look at Waterford City where the hospital has been stripped of capacity, beds gone, surgical theatres gone – we have a Director of Emergency Services saying we have “chaotic scenes” in the A&E. We even had ambulances being turned away because of overcrowding. That’s the reality of austerity here.

People in this area really are feeling the effects of austerity and cuts – from elderly people, particularly in rural areas, who have lost their telephone allowance, to carers who lost their allowances. It’s those cruel cuts and high levels of unemployment and a lack of real investment which is obviously making people angry.

Austerity and its impacts can be seen in much clearer terms in places like here. That’s why you’re seeing it

Johnny Mythen

manifested on the streets, whether that is in the thousands who marched in Waterford calling for our health services to be protected or in opposition to Water Charges in local communities across the region. And I must say that the Garda response in some of these areas has been totally disproprtionate. In all of these communities, Sinn Féin has been on the ground, giving leadership and clearly articulating a better way forward.

In recent weeks there has been mixed messages from various other parties on the Left. Some saying they are happy to work with Sinn Féin, others attacking the party. What is your take on this?

Whatever other people on the Left say is up to them. I’ve always taken the view that my priority is to challenge the policies of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.

They are the people who have been in Government, along with Labour. They are the people who have presided over

Sinn Féin wants a progressive alternative to this Government – a fair economy which creates wealth but uses that wealth to provide citizens with the services, supports and income they need

decades of unfairness, bad governance and corruption in our political system, and who have represented the privileged class and the elite.

I appeal to all of those who claim to represent the interests of ordinary people in this state to work together in a much more cohesive way. That is what the Right2Water and Right2Change movement has been about.

I’m not going to get into a tit-for-tat exchange with some of those criticising us on the Left. What Sinn Féin is focused on is leading an alternative Government. And let’s be clear, there will be no alternative progressive, Left Government without Sinn Féin. So I would say to all those who claim to be on the Left: if you want to see a real alternative, an end to the housing crisis, universal healthcare, decent work for decent pay and a fairer society then you have to work with people who want the same. You cannot exclude Sinn Féin or engage in sectarian politics.

You have to be part of building an alternative. And if you do not want to

Kathleen Funchion

do that then that’s your own decision but Sinn Féin will work with all those who want to provide a progressive alternative to this Government.

We don’t want to be here in 12 months’ or five years’ time begging a Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil government to deliver the rights and services that people need. That’s not what we’re about. We want to be leading a Left government and one that does what, in my view, the vast majority of people want: providing a decent standard of living and running a fair economy which creates wealth but uses that wealth to provide citizens with the services, supports and income they need.

November / Samhain 2015

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19

UNCOMFORTABLE CONVERSATIONS

Conversations that need to be had

HUGO Mac NEILL

Chairperson of the British Irish Association Board Member of the Ireland Funds Played rugby for Ireland 37 times between 1981 and 1988, including the first Rugby World Cup in 1987 THE IRISH RUGBY TEAM has always brought people together from all parts of the island when different forces were pushing them apart. Without threatening (or even discussing) anyones’s identity, nationality or sense of allegiance, this role continues to this day. Some of us felt that there was a further opportunity.

Absolute trust as teammates gave an opportunity to discuss any topic – even ‘The Troubles’. Our Ulster teammates came from the unionist tradition. I learned a lot by listening to their different stories and questioning, 5 Ireland's rugby team has played a positive role in bringing people together in return, in an atmosphere of mutual respect. were able to have conversations that they could not These would certainly not rank on the same scale have at home. of ‘uncomfortable’ as many of the stories in this series.

Conversations and dialogue have been at the heart We were a sports team. This was not life or death. The of the work and mission of both the Ireland worst we did to each other was to have missed a tackle Funds and the BIA. or not to have given a scoring pass. ‘The Troubles’ were The feedback relating to the BIA also very real for our Northern teammates. For most of us suggested a broadening of British and Irish in the Republic, with a few exceptions, they were not topics. Major issues are on the horizon with threats to our daily lives. implications for both islands.

I learnt a lot from those conversations. Hearing different The UK is seeing huge potential change. personal stories. Challenging and discussing. Sometimes Scotland nearly left the Union. Will Britain agreeing, sometimes not. Always with respect and trust. leave the EU? If it does, will Scotland leave the It led me to get involved in organisations like the UK? What about the wakening giant of English Ireland Funds and the British Irish Association. nationalism? Will only English MPs vote on The Ireland Funds was established in 1976 to help English laws? Will there be a federal UK ? What mobilise the practical support of the worldwide Irish will this mean for Wales and Northern Ireland? family for those working for peace in Ireland. Though And so on and so on. the mission of the Funds has broadened since, the focus The most recent BIA conference involved on peace and reconciliation remains at the core. politicians from England, Scotland, Wales and The British Irish Association (BIA) was founded in 1973.

Northern Ireland with very different perspecIts principal event is an annual conference in Oxford or tives and no overall concensus or agreement Cambridge designed to provide a safe space to meet for Take the question of Britain and Europe. many who could not meet at home in Northern Ireland.

What are the implications of Brexit on NorthIt invited a broad range of Irish and British politicians, ern Ireland? academics, combatants and others. I joined in 2004 The House of Commons Research Library and became Chair in 2013. In recent years we considpublished a report in 2013 on the question of Britain ered whether we needed to continue as people now and Europe. It clearly concluded that, whereas have many other opportunities to meet and talk if they there were some reforms required, the UK was a chose to do so. We got an overwhelming response to very significant beneficiary of EU membership. The carry on from a very broad range of participants. They

‘I learnt a lot from those conversations in the Irish rugby team. Hearing different personal stories. Challenging and discussing.

Sometimes agreeing, sometimes not.

Always with respect and trust’

conclusions in relation to Northern Ireland were even more emphatic.

Taking just a few points : (a) Between 2007-2013, Northern Ireland received over €1.6billion in transfers from the EU. How would this be replaced? (b) Restricting the ability to trade with the EU would have a greater negative impact on businesses than in any other area of the UK. (c) The Good Friday Agreement has, as background, the assumption that both the UK and Ireland continue as members of the EU. If that were to change, what would be the impact across a number of fields and not only border controls?

Given the enormity of these consequences, what are people doing? Are the issues understood? How is the voice of Northern Ireland going to make itself heard?

Given the potentially huge impact on the lives of so many, are these not also conversations that need to be had?

In addition, helping people to support the welfare of their families must provide a better environment to have the very painful and difficult conversations relating to the years of conflict.

Editor’s Note: Guest writers in the Uncomfortable Conversations series use their own terminology and do not always reflect the house style of An Phoblacht.

To see more go to – www.anphoblacht.com/uncomfortable-conversations

20 November / Samhain 2015

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COUNTDOWN TO THE RISING

The Irish Volunteers Convention

BY THE AUTUMN of 1915, the Military Council of the Irish Republican Brotherhood was well-established and was busy planning an insurrection for the spring of the following year.

Joseph Plunkett had been to Germany earlier in 1915 to seek German Government aid, Roger Casement was still in Germany, and Military Council and other IRB members were in key positions in the Irish Volunteers.

It was a year since Irish Parliamentary Party leader John Redmond had split the organisation by urging Irishmen to join the British Army to fight in the First World War. The Irish Volunteers who remained true to their original aim included those seen as moderates such as the Volunteers’ President, Eoin Mac Neill, as well as the strong IRB element.

Though greatly reduced in numbers due to the Redmondite split, the Volunteers in late 1915 saw themselves as a leaner and tougher organisation, with a greater emphasis on military training.

Delegates from across Ireland, as well as from Glasgow and Liverpool, assembled for the Second Annual Convention

It was the imperialist war that would ultimately bring the Citizen Army, the Volunteers and Cumann na mBan together of the Volunteers in the Abbey Theatre in Dublin on Sunday 31 October. The largest contingents were from Dublin, Cork and Limerick.

Mac Neill, who had previously given qualified support to Redmond as Home Rule leader, used his presidential address to denounce his leadership.

He said the Volunteers were asked “to submit to the rule of an autocracy which claimed to be infallible and which looked with disfavour on any expression of opinion that did not take the form of a vote of confidence”.

Mac Neill said they had tried to maintain unity in the Volunteers while the British Government adopted the policy of partition, but the breaking point was reached “when we were called upon to cast aside our pledges and to become a British imperial organisation”. He said: “We are now and must continue to be a national defence

BY MÍCHEÁL MAC DONNCHA force for Ireland, for all Ireland and for Ireland only.”

Mac Neill’s main ally in the Volunteer leadership was Bulmer Hobson, Honorary Secretary, who had fallen out with the IRB. He presented a detailed report on the work of 1915. Joseph 5 Delegates from across Ireland, as well as from Glasgow and Liverpool, assembled Plunkett reported on the formation for the Second Annual Convention of the Volunteers. (Below) Eoin Mac Neill of the Headquarters Staff. The key had by this time established an armed IRB figures on that staff were both IRB camp at Larkfield, Kimmage, where Military Council members – Plunkett Irish Volunteers from England and himself, who was Director of Military Scotland stayed, actively preparing Operations, and Pádraig Pearse, who for the forthcoming insurrection with was Director of Military Organisation. bomb-making and rifle practice.

On the same day, the Cumann na At the same time, James Connolly mBan Convention was held in Volunwas arming and training the Irish Citizen teer headquarters in Dawson Street, Army but he was not yet a member with 13 branches represented. Jenny of the Military Council and was suspiWyse Power was elected President. It cious of the Volunteer leadership. He was in her house in Henry Street that was not fully aware of the Military the Proclamation of the Irish Republic Council’s true role in that leadership. would be signed less than six months On the same weekend as the Volunlater. teer Convention, Connolly wrote in his Joseph Plunkett and his brothers paper, The Workers’ Republic: “The Irish Citizen Army will only co-operate in a forward movement.

The moment that forward movement ceases it reserves to itself the right to step out of the alignment, and advance by itself, if needs be, in an effort to plant the banner of freedom one reach further towards its goal.”

But it was the imperialist war that would ultimately bring the Citizen Army, the Volunteers and Cumann na mBan together, as each answered the call to rise while the British Empire was still at war. In this regard, Connolly wrote in the same issue: “The ‘war for civilisation’ is waged by a nation like Britain which holds in thrall a sixth of the human race, and holds as a cardinal doctrine of its faith that none of its subject races may, under 5 Cumann na mBan Convention, Sunday penalty of imprisonment and death, 31 October 1915 – Jenny Wyse Power 5 The Irish Volunteers Convention was held in the Abbey Theatre, Dublin dream of ruling their own territories . . .

“Some of our class have fought in Flanders and the Dardanelles; the greatFOR YOU CAN SUBSCRIBE TO est achievement of them all combined will weigh but a feather in the balance for good compared with the achieveand get exclusive access to a series by Mícheál Mac Donncha ments of those who stayed at home chronicling the road to the 1916 Rising as seen through the pages of and fought to secure the rights of the 'An tÓglach – the Irish Volunteer' from 24 April 1915 to 22 April 1916 working class against invasion.”

JUST €10

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November / Samhain 2015

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21

Níl na comhairli saor ó olc ach an oiread

Ní féidir a rá gur rud eisceachtúil é seo. A cómhairlí áitiúla sa tír a chaith an t-airgead a IS MAITH go bhfuil an Lucht Siuil a d’fhulaing an tragoid uafásach sin i gCarraig Maoinis mhalairt ar fad, mar tá bíogóideachas in aghaidh tugadh dóibh ar son an Lucht Siúil – is ní raibh le hathlonnú ag an gcomhairle áitiúil – faoi an Lucht Siúil préamhaithe go domhain is go Dún Laoghaire Ráth an Dúin ina measc siúd. forleathan inár sochaí. dheire thiar.

Sé sin, tá sé éasca áitreabhóirí in aice le Charraig

EOIN Ó MURCHÚ

Ach is náireach an scéal é gur éirigh le áitreabhóirí sa gceantar stop a chur leis an athlonnú sealadach a bhí beartaithe, gur éirigh le bíogóideachas an lámh in uachtar a fháil.

Sea, níor chreid na haitreabhóirí geallúint na comkhairle nach raibh san ionad ach socru sealadach, mar is nós ag an gcomhairle bréaga a insint; agus is léir freisin go bhfuil socraithe sealadacha eile ann atá fós in úsaid blianta i ndiaidh iad a chur ar fáil ‘go sealadach’.

Ach ar na cúiseanna a luaigh na háitreabhóirí bhí an ráiteas lom nach raibh aon dea-thoil acu don Lucht Siúil.

Agus mar adúirt an Teachta Dála, Padraig MacLochlainn, is é seo an chúis chearta is mó dá bhfuil le réiteach againn fós.

Tá sé éasca ar ndóigh cómhbhrón a dheanamh le daoine mar gheall ar an tragóid – an fhaid is nach gcuirfear ina gcónaí taobh linn féin iad.

Agus cé go bhfuil sé tábhachtach gan liathróid pholaitiúil a dheanamh den scéal, ní féidir neamhaird a dheanamh ach an oiread de gur laghdaíodh an caiteachas ar an Lucht Siúil 97% sa gcaoi gur ar éigean an bhfuil aon chaiteachas fágtha.

Agus mar bhárr ar an ndonas, níl ach cúpla

Maoinis a cháineadh - agus ceart dó sin – ach níl Éirinn Oifigiúil saor ó olc ach an oiread.

Sé sin, go bhfuil leigheas an scéil le fail ní hamháin tré díospóireacht a chothú idir Lucht Siúil, lucht cearta agus an pobal socraithe, ach caithfidh iachall a chur ar ranna rialtais is ar chomhairlí áitiúla cothrom na Féinne a thabhairt don Lucht Siúil, airgead riachtanach a chur ar fáil agus an t-airgead a cheadaítear a chaitheamh.

Agus mura féidir le comhairle aitiúil é sin a dhéanamh, caithfidh an stát lárnach é a dheanamh thar a gcionn!

Cuba visit by Gerry Adams

BY ERIC SCANLON

5 Cuban Vice-President Salvador Antonio Valdés Mesa and Marcelino Medina, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs

5 Speaking at the Hunger Strike Monument, with Kenia Serrano Puig, President of ICAP, and Noel Carrillo, former Cuban Ambassador to Ireland

5 Gerry Adams with Sinn Féin's Lucilita Breathnach and Ana Maríá Mari Machado (Vice-President of the National Assembly of People’s Power) and Public Health Minister Roberto Morales Ojeda

GERRY ADAMS led a Sinn Féin delegation to visit Cuba from 30 September until 3 October. He was last in Cuba 14 years ago and there have been a lot of domestic and international developments since then.

The rise of the Left throughout Latin America over the past 15 years has seen Cuba become a major regional power. Additionally, the United States administration has realised that its isolation and blockade of the island has been a failure and it is making moves to normalise its relationship with Cuba.

The Sinn Féin delegation met with Cuban Vice-President Salvador Antonio Valdés Mesa and a range of senior ministers in the Foreign Affairs, Health, and International Trade departments, and leaders in the National Assembly.

Gerry Adams conducted all the meetings as Gaeilge and his words were translated into Spanish.

In meetings, Gerry Adams reiterated Sinn Féin’s long-held opposition to the embargo and the party’s support for the historic diplomatic and political developments that are occurring in US-Cuban relations. The Cuban officials made it clear that the economic, cultural and human cost of the blockade to the people of Cuba has been enormous and that discussions must also focus on the return of Guantánamo.

The Sinn Féin delegation discussed how to improve trade and investment

between our islands. Sinn Féin has continually called on the Irish Government to send a trade delegation to Cuba (as a swathe of other European countries have recently done) but they have failed to do so and Sinn Féin is filling the void.

The delegation visited the memorial to the Irish Hunger Strikers in Havana which was formally unveiled 14 years

Sinn Féin has continually called on the Irish Government to send a trade delegation to Cuba, as a swathe of other European countries have recently done ago on the 20th anniversary of the H-Blocks Hunger Strikes. Gerry Adams formally unveiled it then and on this visit he laid a wreath and made a speech to an audience of Cubans with connections to and an interest in Ireland.

The event was supported by the Cuban Institute for Friendship Between People (ICAP), an NGO to promote solidarity between Cuba and people around the world. The President and Vice-President of ICAP attended and the Vice-President spoke of the heroic struggle and sacrifice of the Hunger Strikers and how they continue to inspire Cubans.

22 November / Samhain 2015

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Ireland r o f g n o S A

BY ROBBIE SMYTH I STILL REMEMBER the first time I heard Barleycorn’s The Men Behind the Wire.

It was at a south Dublin primary school in 1972. Within a year, there was no men and no wire to be heard on RTÉ Radio and the class above us were learning Louis Armstrong’s What a Wonderful World. Censorship had moved beyond Montrose across the airwaves and into the leafy suburbs, its schools and social conversation.

For mine and subsequent generations, access to knowledge of Irish political music was almost totally dependent on your family circumstance. In my own personal sphere, we had Val Doonican’s Greatest Hits Volumes 1 and 2 at home. He had his rocking chair on BBC Friday night prime-time TV, so all seemed right with the world.

I left primary school without being taught Amhrán na bhFiann.

Like many of my generation, our

introduction to Irish music came courtesy of Horslips and Thin Lizzy and that’s still a great place for anyone to start.

I had considered including Thin Lizzy’s Jail Break on the list here as the album’s cover and gatefold text wrote of a jailbreak against an evil oppressive overlord, and Jim Fitzpatrick’s artwork wove the ancient mythological with a more modern Ireland, but this would be stretching the classification just a little too much.

In the late 1970s, punk and Planxty kicked open the doors of our musical consciousness. Planxty brought Christy Moore, Donal Lunny and others like Paul Brady onto our TV screens and radio playlists with musical themes that were previously dormant. For teenagers it was an unstoppable momentum. You could go forward with the music and also back into the forgotten, overlooked origins that created Planxty, the Bothy

IRISH TOP

Band and then the band that changed everything – Moving Hearts.

Punk meant our re-education had begun. Neil Diamond made way for Elvis Costello. His Oliver’s Army makes the list as it moves effortlessly from quirky, edgy pop song to searing political comment: “There was a checkpoint Charlie, he didn’t crack a smile, but it’s no laughing matter when you’ve been on the murder mile.” The war in Ireland was on Top of the Pops!

Moving Hearts’ Hiroshima Nagasaki Russian Roulette exploded onto the radio and the band’s first album had many tracks that could be considered for this list. It wasn’t easy not excluding No Time For Love, written by Jack Warshaw. The Hearts’ music encapsulated a local and global revolutionary vista. This is what puts Hiroshima on the list.

Christy Moore could have a top ten all of his own but I think the resonance

of Ordinary Man by Peter Hames in this post-NAMA Ireland is stronger than ever: “But the captains of industry won’t let him lose. He still drives a car and smokes his cigar. And still he takes his family on a cruise. He’ll never lose.”

Damien Dempsey has proven that he is the definitive voice of honest political comment in the new millennium. Colony is a stand-out track and the audience reaction when he plays it live is something special. There are so many versions of The Foggy Dew to pick but I think the Sinéad O’Connor/ Chieftains collaboration captures the essence of the tune.

I have sat in many heated discussions with fellow republicans on the music of Paul Brady, particularly his song The Island, which RTÉ seem to have perpetually on their playlist since 1985. Whatever about that, there can be no doubt that he nailed the emigrant

experience with Nothing But the Same Old Story.

In terms of traditional music there is an ocean of choices to pick from, but some still catch your ear despite the years gone by. Tommy Makem’s Four Green Fields is one. Mickey MacConnell’s Only Our Rivers Run Free has been recorded by nearly everybody (check out YouTube if you don’t believe me).

With the Dubliners I picked The Town I Love So Well as, again, it is one of the less obvious political songs that was forged out of the conflict in Ireland but it has endured to this day.

Finally, Pete St John’s Fields of Athenry makes the list, partly because of what the song has become. I don’t think anyone envisaged what an anthem it would be. For Celtic fans, sports fans, Irish fans, the song has become an alternative national anthem, and perhaps a better one. I know all the lyrics but I still can’t get through Amhrán na bhFiann.

Hiroshima Nagasaki Russian Roulette Moving Hearts

Ordinary Man Christy Moore

Nothing But the Same Old Story Paul Brady

Four Green Fields Tommy Makem

Only Our Rivers Run Free Mickey MacConnell

Colony Damien Dempsey

The Foggy Dew Sinéad O’Connor and the Chieftains

Oliver’s Army Elvis Costello

The Town I Love So Well The Dubliners

Fields of Athenry The Supporters of Glasgow Celtic (and Paddy Reilly)

November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

23

DR RORY HEARNE

es and Sinn Féin and the smaller Left parti at they Independents will have to show th and (as can work together with a coherent tive policy much as possible) unified alterna Senior Policy Analyst at TASC (Ireland’s nt and a common independent progressive think tank) and author programme for governme Ireland vision and narrative for changing

Clear potential for changing Ireland BEHIND the mask of recovery lies a scarred society which is the legacy of austerity and the bailouts.

This is most visible in rising rates of food poverty, over 90,000 on waiting lists for social housing, 1,500 homeless children, patients on hospital trolleys, families torn apart by emigration and, most shamefully, child poverty has doubled to almost 12% – that’s 138,000 children. All this while 40% of all children, 63% of lone parents and 20% of all workers are living in deprivation.

Meanwhile, the wealthiest 20% in Ireland own about 70% of the total wealth and their wealth has increased significantly in recent years. Government policy as set out for the coming years will worsen things further as they cut taxes on higher incomes and corporations and restrict spending on public services and infrastructure.

Our democracy has also been severely undermined.

The Irish people were excluded from all the major decisions taken during austerity such as the bank bailouts, paying back the bondholders, the IMF/EU/ECB bailout, NAMA, and Irish Water, and annual Budgetary decisions of what should be cut and who should be taxed.

Promises of political reform that would ensure government was more accountable were never fulfilled.

The challenge is how that change of values and institutions can be brought about. Most important is involving the majority of Irish people in a broad inclusive movement to bring about a real Republic based on the values of social justice, co-operation, solidarity and equality.

Sinn Féin, Left political parties, NGOs, trade unions, community groups and ordinary people across the country have an equally important role to play in this.

A fundamental shift is underway as the right-wing parties of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael no longer have majority support. This presents the possibility for a fundamental transformation of Ireland towards equality and social justice as people look for alternative politics.

However, with an approaching general election, the broad anti-austerity Left parties and Independents have only around 35% of the support in opinion polls (with Sinn Féin around 18% to 23%) as some of the anti-Establishment vote is going to Centre Right and ambiguous Independents such as the Independent Alliance. In the general election this would result in around 50 seats, which is well short of a majority necessary to form a government.

There is clearly some serious thinking, analysis and new approaches required by the broad Left if it is to fulfil the potential of the current period for transformative change and achieve the support of the majority of the population.

To win a majority, Sinn Féin and the smaller Left parties and Independents will have to show that they can work together, would support each other in government and that there is a coherent and (as much as possible) unified alternative policy programme for government and a common vision and narrative for changing Ireland.

In the Right2Water and Right2Change movements, the Left parties, trade unions and independents have shown they can work together and there is broad agreement

5 The Right2Water and around key principles. It needs to be developed and Right2Change initiatives communicated clearly that there is a coherent potenshow we can work together tial alternative government. around key principles Much can be learned from new citizens-led political movements across Europe and Latin America. The likes of Podemos in Spain argue for the creation of a populist movement around key policies and concerns that can link all the groups that oppose the current establishment to achieve the values of democracy, equality and social justice.

If we are to convince a majority then the Left must speak the language of the majority and communicate our ideas in ways they can identify with.

Rather than stating we want a “Government of the Left” it might be more inclusive and successful if we state that we are for a “Citizens’ Government” of equality and social justice. Furthermore, it might be strategic for Sinn Féin and Right2Change to achieve a social majority by creating an even broader “Changing Ireland” alliance that could also include civil society groups, NGOs, academics, local community groups, and social enterprises and small business groups interested in this agenda.

Processes of deepening citizen empowerment and democracy could be helped further in the run-up to the election by organising “Citizens’ Constituency Forums” in cities, towns and villages where ordinary citizens, the Left parties and Independents, trade unions, communities and NGOs come together to outline their priorities

ed Left It is possible for the broadly-defin ity and progressives to have a major and form a government

5 Podemos in Spain convenes citizens’ public forums

for the election. Any Programme for Government could then go back to these Citizens’ Constituency Forums before being agreed upon.

After the election, Sinn Féin, the Social Democrats and other Left Independents must avoid the repeated fundamental mistake made by the Labour Party – to go into government as a minority partner with a majority right-wing partner like Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael.

It is no longer the case for the Left that there is no alternative but to form a government with the Establishment parties. There is a clear potential for the broadly-defined Left and progressives to have a majority and form a government.

It might not be in the coming election but such is the depth of change in the views of a large section of the Irish people this is a realistic possibility in the near future. It is what the Left and all progressives should be aiming for.

24 November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

www.guengl.eu

Funded by the European United Left/ Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) Aontas Clé na hEorpa/Na Glasaigh Chlé Nordacha Crúpa Paliminta – Parlaimimt na h Eorpa

GUE/NGL autumn conference takes place in Ireland

THE AUTUMN study days conference of the GUE/NGL (European United Left/ Nordic Green Left) European Parliament Group took place in the Nuremore hotel, Carrickmacross, at the end of September, hosted by Sinn Féin’s four MEPs, Martina Anderson, Lynn Boylan, Liadh Ní Riada and Matt Carthy.

The GUE/NGL grouping consists of 52 MEPs from left-wing political parties across the EU and includes from Ireland the four Sinn Féin MEPs and Luke ‘Ming’ Flanagan (Independent). It has the highest number of Irish MEPs across all EU political groupings. Among its affiliate parties are the Greek government party SYRIZA and Podemos from Spain.

After a civic reception on Monday 28 September, two full days of intensive discussions and debates followed on a wide range of political subjects including the future of the euro currency, an alternative to austerity, and an update on the ongoing the TTIP EU-US trade negotiations.

Speaking in advance of the event, MEP Matt Carthy said: “This event is an important element of the European Parliament calendar as it is the occasion when our political grouping discusses and maps out our plans and strategy for the coming year.

“This conference is happening at an important time in Irish and European politics. We have been through an austerity agenda for over five years which has impacted on families and communities in a disastrous manner.

“Many of the parties that make up GUE/ NGL are at the forefront in the battle against this destructive agenda in their own country in much the same way as Sinn Féin is in Ireland.

“While every country has its own unique set of circumstances there is much to be gained for progressive voices in working together on matters of common interest.”

The conference heard from many MEPs and outside experts in the field of economics as to how best to secure sustainable, prosperous societies. “That this is taking place in the Irish Border region, that has suffered more than most in terms of unemployment, low incomes and emigration, is apt in my view,” Matt Carthy said.

–•–•–•– The conference was opened by GUE/NGL President Gabi Zimmer, Martina Anderson and Luke ‘Ming’ Flanagan.

Chaired by Liadh Ní Riada, the ‘Alternatives to Austerity’ session heard from Peadar Tóibín TD, Marina Albiol MEP and Dr Julien Mercille of University College Dublin, author of the recently-published Deepening Neoliberalism, Austerity, and Crisis: Europe’s Treasure Ireland.

Peadar Tóibín, a graduate and in Economics and Politics from UCD and a Postgraduate in

Enterprise from UCD’s Michael Smurfit School of Business, highlighted the appalling consequences of the Irish Government’s austerity agenda, stating: “Five thousand mothers, fathers and children are homeless and are living in emergency accommodation, hundreds of thousands are on the housing waiting list, and hundreds of thousands of others are to the pin of their collar paying rents that are rising 40%.”

Dr Julien Mercille, a researcher in global politics and writer on the international political economy, added: “We don’t have to convince people of something that is against their interests – after five years of economic crisis, it is now common knowledge that austerity is wrong.”

–•–•–•– Lynn Boylan, Sinn Féin MEP for Dublin, chaired a debate that included contributions from John Douglas, President of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, Senator David Cullinane and Inês Zuber MEP on ‘European Response to Unemployment Crisis’.

David Cullinane pointed out: “In Ireland, 750,000 people are currently unemployed and 16% of families are living without anyone in the household gainfully employed.”

Lynn Boylan MEP said: “The European Union response to the ongoing crisis in unemployment is inadequate and we

5 Senator David Cullinane

need an integrated European approach well beyond what is currently being discussed.”

–•–•–•– On TTIP – The Battle for European Hearts and Minds (chaired by Matt Carthy) there were panel contributions from Helmut Scholz MEP, Lidia Senra MEP, Adrian Weir from Britain’s Trades Union Congress, and Caroline Byrne, Secretary General at Euro-Toques Ireland.

Selina Donnelly from world development agency Trocaire gave a particularly interesting insight into how TTIP would have desperate consequences for developing countries, stating that all 43 developing countries exports would see a drop of between 3% and 12%.

Lidia Senra asked: “Why are we exporting and importing the same foods to and from the United States? We need sustainable trade.”

–•–•–•– ‘Reforming the Euro – Should there be an exit clause?’ was the first session on Wednesday morning and steered by Independent MEP Luke ‘Ming’ Flanagan. Panellists included Thomas Pringle TD, Robert Ballagh, and Cormac Lucey, financial analyst, Sunday Times columnist and author of Plan B: How Leaving the Euro Can Save Ireland.

The prospects of a British exit from the EU or moves to reduce its participation and its impact on Ireland, North and South, featured

November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

25

Another Europe is possible Treo eile don Eoraip REPORT BY JEMMA DOLAN Liadh Ní Riada

5 GUE/NGL MEP Matt Carthy speaking in Carrickmacross

5 GUE/NGL Vice-Chair and Cypriot MEP Neoklis Sylikiotis, Martina Anderson MEP, GUE/NGL Chair and German MEP Gabriele Zimmer, and Matt Carthy MEP

Matt Carthy

Martina Anderson

5 Enjoying a break from the intensive discussions and debates

5 GUE/NGL MEP Tania Gonzalez Penas speaks at the conference

in the session ‘Brexit and the Repeal of the Human Rights Act’.

Chaired by Martina Anderson MEP who was joined by Declan Kearney, speakers included Daniel Holder of the Committee on the Administration of Justice, Mark Thompson from Relatives for Justice, and Luke ‘Ming’ Flanagan MEP. Declan Kearney said: “A full British withdrawal from the EU or even a position of ‘Half Out’ conditionality would represent a setback for political and economic progress and continued democratic transformation of the North. It would cast the North adrift and undermine the ability of the Southern Irish state to benefit from the most positive benefits associated with EU membership.”

–•–•–•– The penultimate panel was on ‘Uniting Ireland/ Conflict Resolution’ with Newry/Armagh MP Mickey Brady MP being joined by Pat Finucane Centre researcher and former BBC journalist Anne Cadwallader, Josu Juaristi MEP, and progressive economist Michael Burke.

Speaking on the topic of collusion, Anne Cadwallader, author of the acclaimed investigation Lethal Allies: British Collusion in Ireland, said: 5 Irish MEPs Liadh Ní Riada, Matt Carthy and Martina Anderson at the Nuremore “Society must face up to the causes of the Hotel in Carrickmacross

conflict. We cannot build peace in Ireland on lies.”

Newry/Armagh MP Mickey Brady said: “Maintaining the status quo in the form of two competing, fractured economies in Ireland can only perpetuate and increase the obstacles to economic recovery throughout Ireland. We are talking about a new vision; a new, inclusive United Ireland.”

–•–•–•– Delegates to the intensive but thought-provoking and useful two-day conference finished appropriately with Carrickmacross-born MEP Matt Carthy and chaired by Marie Christine Vergiat MEP on the high note of ‘Another Europe is Possible’.

Panellists included Tania Gonzalez Penas MEP and Marisa Matias MEP Another, Ronan Burtenshaw, a writer, Vice-Chair of Irish Congress of Trade Unions Youth and a member of the Greek Solidarity Committee/ Ireland4Greece declared: “Another Europe is possible and is evidenced by the rising tide of progressive forces across the continent. It can argue for an alternative political and economic union of democracy and development, a union that meets the demands of the movements fighting neoliberalism and austerity.”

Lynn Boylan

are MEPs and members of the GUE/NGL Group in the European Parliament

26 November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

‘Many of the killings being examined look into the role of the British Army, the SAS, and the RUC’ Relatives for Justice

INQUESTS

Struggling to find the truth IN MARCH 2001, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) ruled that (under Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights) the British Government breached the right to life of people killed by the state during the armed conflict in the North of Ireland due to its failure to carry out proper investigations into their deaths.

The court found that the investigative processes in place to examine killings involving the state, including collusion between state forces and death squads, were in breach of the legal obligation on the state to investigate such killings properly.

This ruling meant that inquests needed to change and that those within the British state security apparatus involved in “lethal force” cases would be

The main practice was to delay inquests into controversial and disputed killings, possibly as long as a decade.

Some of the most controversial are waiting over 20 years to be completed compelled to appear and be questioned, and disclosure of information, intelligence and documents relating to killings would be made available.

The ruling meant that quite a number of inquests into controversial killings that had not yet been held would operate under these new rules. Until then, inquests could not deliver verdicts or attribute blame,or examine the nature and circumstances of killings beyond basic facts already widely known.

Families were also denied legal aid, relying on lawyers to represent them pro-bono.

The main practice was to delay inquests into controversial and disputed killings, possibly as long as a decade.

Some of the most controversial are waiting over 20 years to be completed.

The landmark decision was therefore hailed as a breakthrough that would see the relatives ‘getting their day in court’.

Under Article 2 procedural obligations, a key part of compliance with the law is to investigate killings involving

CONTROVERSIAL CASES

LOUGHGALL

PEARSE JORDAN

McKERR, BURNS AND TOMAN

PATRICK SHANAGHAN

5 Volunteers Dessie Grew and Martin McCaughey

the state thoroughly, independently, effectively and promptly.

For the families of many, it seemed the European judgement would be the means by which they could prise open the system that was being used

DERMOT McSHANE

PAT FINUCANE

15 years after the European Court of Human Rights ruling, the families of those killed by the state are asking whether or not they will ever get to know what happened their loved ones to deny them the facts surrounding their relatives’ deaths.

These controversial cases include: • The eight IRA Volunteers shot dead at Loughgall in 1987 and civilian Anthony Hughes killed in the same SAS ambush; • Pearse Jordan, the Belfast IRA

November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

27

5 A key part of compliance with the law is to investigate killings involving the state thoroughly, independently, effectively and promptly

activist killed by the RUC in 1992; • Volunteers Gervaise McKerr, Seán Burns and Eugene Toman, killed in a ‘shoot-to-kill’ operation outside Lurgan in 1982; • Patrick Shanaghan of Sinn Féin, shot dead by loyalists near his County Tyrone home in 1991; • Dermot McShane, crushed by a British Army armoured vehicle during rioting in Derry in 1996; • Solicitor Pat Finucane, gunned down by the UDA and RUC/British Army agents in his family home in 1989.

It was obvious that the inquest system would become central to the next stage of their fight for justice but it also became clear that the British Government would do all in its power to interrupt, slow down and even block the legal process in its efforts to keep the lid on the activities of the British Army, RUC and their loyalist surrogates.

Now, almost 15 years after the ruling,

Despite the changes wrung out of the British Government by the ECHR Article 2 ruling, there remain serious blockages the families of those killed by the state are asking whether or not they will ever get to know what happened their loved ones.

Speaking on 1 October this year, the Chief Constable of the PSNI, George Hamilton, described the inquest system in the North as “chaotic”.

He told a meeting of the Policing Board: “It is chaotic, people are going from one inquest to the next depending on which coroner is shouting the most.

“It needs to be more of a whole-system approach.”

Four days later, on 5 October, Sinn Féin MLA Bronwyn McGahan drew attention to serious problems within the coronial system when, during a debate in the Stormont Assembly, the West Tyrone MLA highlighted the “under-resourcing of the Coroners’ Service” which is adding to delays in holding inquests.

With the North’s most senior coroner, John Leckey, set to retire on 31 October,

without a replacement in post, and two other coroners on sick leave, the chaos that Hamilton described is set to continue.

However, to see this chaos as simply the result of under-resourcing and sick coroners is to miss the point.

According to the Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) in its January 2015 report, The Apparatus of Impunity, the inquest process “has been obstructed by endemic delays, particularly in obtaining disclosure of information from state agencies”.

In fact, continues the CAJ, “a significant number of the systemic failings, seven in all, identified in the Strasbourg ‘right to life’ cases relate to the inquest system”. And as the inquest remains the only forum available to families seeking redress, the coroners’ court has become the main focus of their campaigning.

With more than 50 legacy inquests involving 86 deaths going through the system (most of which were carried out by British Army undercover units, the RUC and loyalist death squads where collusion is suspected) it is no surprise that the British Government and its state agencies have, according to Mark Thompson of Relatives for Justice, “log-jammed” the system.

Speaking to An Phoblacht, Mark Thompson said: “Many of the killings being examined look into the role of the British Army, the SAS, and the RUC so this may help to shed some light on why inquests have become ‘log-jammed’.”

That the British Government has made direct interventions in its efforts to block inquests from going ahead exposes its direct attempts to prevent the details and facts surrounding particular killings to go ahead.

In July 2014, British Secretary of State Theresa Villiers, using the hoary old “interests of national security” argument, referred the Loughgall killings to the British Advocate General in a clumsy attempt to prevent a fresh inquest from going ahead.

On 23 September 2014, however, Advocate General Jeremy Wright QC, who is independent of the British Government, announced that “following careful consideration of a huge amount of material. I have come to the decision that new inquests into the Loughgall deaths are justified”.

Not only was the Advocate General’s decision a blow to Secretary of

5 RFJ and CAJ have criticised the failures to hold inquests

5 Sinn Féin MLA Bronwyn McGahan

5 Mark Thompson, Relatives for Justice

State Villiers, it was a puck in the eye to retired senior RUC and PSNI officers and their mouthpiece, DUP MP Jeffrey Donaldson.

Raising the threat to national security in a parliamentary question in 2012, Donalson stated: “Last night we had a briefing from senior retired police officers about the threat to national security from evidence that is being given in inquests that opens up the whole modus operandi of our security forces and security services. What do the Government intend to do to protect national security from this threat?”

In November 2014, PSNI Assistant Chief Constable Drew Harris was in the news when it was discovered that he and the now-retired Deputy Chief Constable Judith Gillespie addressed meetings with retired RUC and PSNI personnel where it is believed they were briefed on how to deal with inquests into controversial killings by state forces.

Advisers from the PSNI’s Legacy Support Unit also attended.

Gillespie addressed the meeting on “the legacy landscape” while Harris spoke about “the view from crime operations”. Crime Operations, which Harris headed up, includes the C3 Intelligence unit – formerly Special Branch.

The CAJ has become “increasingly concerned at the capacity of the inquest system”.

Despite the changes wrung out of the British Government by the ECHR Article 2 ruling, there remain serious blockages.

The human rights watchdog identifies, among other issues, the anonymity of selecting juries and the excessive delays in bringing cases to court as problematic.

Nor can juries in the North reach verdicts of lawful or unlawful killing which fall short of international standards while both the PSNI and the British Ministry of Defence continually redact documents and refuse to release documents to the families’ legal teams.

Juries are also required to return unanimous verdicts thus raising questions about the impartiality of jurors and their ability to influence a verdict.

In the inquest into the deaths of Volunteers Dessie Grew and Martin McCaughey, one juror fell asleep or was not paying attention on FIVE separate occasions. The same juror was hostile

towards the families’ counsel and even spat at family members.

In the case of Volunteer Pearse Jordan, a juror criticised the Jordan family’s barrister and in a note to the coroner stated: “I feel this inquest is very unfair.

Do we really need to hear all this?”

The coroner, a Mr Sherrard, refused to dismiss the juror!

While CAJ’s The Apparatus of Impunity is an overarching analysis of the numerous mechanisms used by the British state to cover up its dirty war and protect its agents and agencies, inquests remain the only domestic legal setting within which families can challenge the state’s version of events.

When the British Government published last month its proposed legislation on dealing with the past, it drew criticism from Sinn Féin with Gerry Kelly

It is no surprise that the British Government and its state agencies have, according to Mark Thompson of Relatives for Justice, ‘log-jammed’ the system MLA describing it as “unacceptable and a clear breach of the Stormont House Agreement”.

Kelly added: “All the parties at Stormont House agreed on the need to provide justice and truth recovery mechanisms for the families of victims of the conflict.

“The British Government’s legislation on dealing with the legacy of the past is in clear breach of the Stormont House Agreement.

“The legislation being proposed by Secretary of State Theresa Villiers and her colleagues in the British Government is about hiding the British state’s role as a central player in the conflict and its collusion with unionist death squads.”

Clearly the present British Government is picking up where others left off – they are still fighting their dirty war by denying families the justice they need.

As An Phoblacht goes to print Chief Justice Declan Morrow announced that judges are to preside over all outstanding inquests

28 November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com BOOK REVIEWS

EASTER RISING CENTENARY

19 16

20 16

CALENDAR EASTER RISING CENTENARY Céad Bliain Éirí Amach na Cásca

FÉILIRE

The walls can speak 16 Lives – Michael O’Hanrahan

By Conor Kostick

16 Lives - John MacBride

By Donal Fallon

Dublin Rising 1916

Joseph E.A. Connell Jnr

REVIEW BY

Mícheál Mac Donncha

COMMEMORATION | CELEBRATION | COMMITMENT

COMÓRADH | CÉILIÚRADH | DÚTHRACHT

1916 CALENDAR 2016 2016 Calendar all.indd 1

12/08/2015 11:38

» Packed with facts about 1916

» High-quality large A3 format

» Proclamation of Irish Republic (in Irish and English)

» Over 100 pictures with detailed captions

» Historical interest to young or old, at home or overseas

» Biographies of leading men and women of the Rising

Collectable or an ideal gift

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BEFORE I read the latest in the 16 Lives series, Michael O’Hanrahan was the executed Easter Week leader about whom I knew least. I suspect many people would be the same but this biography certainly redresses the balance and restores to his proper place a republican who worked diligently for freedom for many years and who played a key role in preparations for the 1916 Rising.

Born in New Ross in 1877, Michael O'Hanrahan was one of the older of the leaders. He came from a Fenian family and was involved in Conradh na Gaeilge and other Irish-Ireland organisations from an early age. His family moved to Carlow and then to Dublin.

It was in the capital that he spent his life of activism, working tirelessly on cultural, political and finally military fronts. He was a founder member of Sinn Féin in 1905 and of the Irish Volunteers in 1913.

O'Hanrahan was a driving force in Volunteer headquarters and the author quotes numerous accounts of his work acquiring, storing and distributing arms and equipment. He was also an accomplished writer, his novel, A Swordsman of the Brigade, winning acclaim in his lifetime and showing potential that was not fulfilled because the Volunteers came first. He was based in Jacob’s Factory in Easter Week and, as a figure well-known to Dublin Castle detectives, he was among those pinpointed for execution.

Michael's brother Harry and sister Eily later took the republican side in the Civil War and their home and business was bombed by Free Staters. The same premises had previously been one of the most important addresses

THE RISING – ALIVE, ALIVE-O

used by Michael Collins for his intelligence work.

JOHN MacBRIDE While Michael O'Hanrahan was very much a diligent background man, John MacBride was a prominent and controversial public figure. He shot to fame when fighting with the Irish Brigade on the side of the Boers in South Africa against the British.

From a republican background in Westport, County Mayo, he travelled in South Africa, France and the United States before returning to Ireland. He

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married Maud Gonne, a short-lived and disastrous marriage that ended in a bitter and very public court case and separation. Donal Fallon deals well with this aspect of MacBride’s life, assessing fairly the claims and counter-claims regarding his alleged abuse of Iseult, Maud Gonne’s daughter from a previous relationship. The allegation is strongly contested to this day and the truth will probably never be known.

MacBride was more a figure of the 19th century than the 20th. He was deeply imbued with Fenianism and a sense of bravado and was a ‘lone wolf’ in many respects. Undoubtedly a flawed and troubled character, he was courageous nonetheless and was seen as redeemed by his participation in the Rising and his subsequent execution.

ODR100DVD

The walls of Dublin City still speak of Easter Week – the connections and memories are everywhere. Joseph E.A. Connell Jnr has written prolifically about the Rising and has brought it alive on every street.

Dublin Rising 1916 takes the city by postal districts and uses addresses to tell the story of the Rising and the revolutionary years generally. This book incorporates much of the material in the author’s earlier Dublin in Rebellion – A Directory 1913-1923 but with greater concentration on the Rising itself.

In such an extensive work there are bound to be errors. The one regarding 44 Parnell Square, now Sinn Féin Ard Oifig, should be corrected in any reprints. It states that the building was used by the Ancient Order of Hibernians who were “much closer philosophically to the ICA [Irish Citizen Army] than were the Volunteers. No Protestants were allowed to join”. This statement – contentious in itself – implies (unintentionally, I am sure) that the ICA did not admit Protestants, which of course is certainly not the case. That said, the book is recommended as a treasure trove for anyone seeking a detailed knowledge of the Rising.

November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

I nDíl Chuimhne

All notices and obituaries should be sent to notices@anphoblacht.com by Friday 13 November 2015

6 November 1969: Volunteer Liam McPARLAND, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion 6 November 1974: Volunteer Hugh CONEY, Long Kesh 6 November 1975: Fian Kevin McAULEY, Fianna Éireann 8 November 1974: Volunteer Gerard FENNELL, Belfast Brigade, 1st Battalion 8 November 1982: Jeff McKENNA, Sinn Féin 11 November 1982: Volunteer Eugene TOMAN, Volunteer Gervase

Life springs from death and from the graves of patriot men and women spring living nations PÁDRAIG PEARSE McKERR, Volunteer Seán BURNS, North Armagh Brigade 13 November 1972: Volunteer Stan CARBERRY, Belfast Brigade, 2nd Battalion 14 November 1974: Volunteer James McDADE, England 15 November 1973: Volunteer Michael McVERRY, South Armagh Brigade

15 November 1974: Volunteer John ROONEY, Belfast Brigade, 1st Battalion 15 November 1991: Volunteer Frankie RYAN, Volunteer Patricia BLACK, Belfast Brigade, 1st Battalion 16 November 1984: Paddy BRADY, Sinn Féin 22 November 1971: Volunteer Michael CROSSEY, Belfast Brigade,

Comhbhrón O’SULLIVAN. Deepest sympathy to the family of our friend and comrade Paddy O’Sullivan, a stalwart member of the Charlie Hurley Sinn Féin

THE annual Seán Treacy Commemoration was held in Kilfeacle Graveyard, near Golden, County Tipperary, on Saturday 10 October.

The crowd was addressed by Senator David Culiinane and by Councillor Martin Browne.

Senator Cullinane told the story of Seán Treacy and of his achievements.

He drew attention to the fact that so many other Tipperary Volunteers stood and fought alongside Seán Treacy and singled out local man Dermot O’Neill as one example.

He cautioned against the history of the men and women of 1916 being rewritten, saying that only the full history would provide guidance for later generations as to how they might serve to achieve a full, fair and free Republic for all.

Saying he was proud to stand and deliver the oration at the grave of Seán Treacy, Senator Cullinane expressed his admiration of the many others who made the ultimate sacrifice, including

Cumann, Bandon, and other parts of Cork. May he rest in peace. From Noel Harrington.

O’SULLIVAN. Deepest sympathy

to the family of our comrade Paddy O’Sullivan. From the Donnacha de Barra Sinn Féin Cumann, Kinsale, County Cork.

PHOTOGRAPH: TERESA COLLINS, PORTROE

Seán Treacy remembered in Tipperary

29

1st Battalion 24 November 1978: Volunteer Patrick DUFFY, Derry Brigade 25 November 1992: Volunteer Pearse JORDAN, Belfast Brigade, 1st Battalion 26 November 1973: Volunteer Desmond MORGAN, Tyrone Brigade 28 November 1972: Volunteer James CARR, Volunteer John BRADY,

Derry Brigade 29 November 1989: Volunteer Liam RYAN, Tyrone Brigade Always remembered by the Republican Movement QUIGLEY, James. Died 1972, In proud and loving memory of Volunteer Jimmy Quigley, killed in action by British forces on 29 September 1972. Deeply missed and always remembered by his brothers and entire family circle. I measc laochra na hÉireann atá sé.

» Notices All notices should be sent to: notices@anphoblacht.com at least 14 days in advance of publication date. There is no charge for I nDíl Chuimhne, Comhbhrón etc. » Imeachtaí There is a charge of €10 for inserts printed in our Imeachtaí/Events column. You can also get a small or large box advert. Contact: sales@anphoblacht. com for details.

Seán Kenna Cup in Dundalk

5 The crowd listens to Senator David Cullinane recount the story of Seán Treacy

the H-Blocks Hunger Strikers, whose 35th anniversary occurs in 2016.

The crowd was also addressed by Councillor Martin Browne, who forcefully reminded people that the job of creating a fair Republic wasn’t yet completed.

A poem was read by organiser Michael ‘Batt’ Nugent in remembrance (a copy of which was presented to Senator Cullinane) before the ceremony was closed by Éamon Ó Fogartaigh of Cashel who sang Amhrán na bhFiann.

The colour party for the day was provided by the Carrick-on-Suir Republican Flute Band.

5 The family of the late Sinn Féin Councillor Seán Kenna supporting the Seán Kenna Cup Final organised by the Halpenny, Worthington, Watters Sinn Féin Cumann in Dundalk, County Louth

Death of Seamus 'Seamie' Gibson

One Amazing Day O’DONOVAN ROSSA FUNERAL RE-ENACTMENT

DVD OUT NOW

O BE D NG N

e ha cem ve be a r 'O 5 C read’s An N O ers Ph D E A PIE ’ comobla AY M S pe ch TO ' D AZ O titiot wh W V I F n en

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One Amazing Day takes its title from the comments of the people who took part on the day.

Relive the passion of the entire event from the lying in state in City Hall, the mile-long funeral cortege through the centre of Dublin to the spine-tingling orations at Glasnevin.

The DVD also features coverage of Sinn Féin’s national launch, preplanning of the event and actual footage from 1915.

The event took place 100 years to the date and time of the original 1915 funeral and the DVD is a must-have for every republican rousehold to “be rebaptised in the Fenian faith”.

Se

Sinn Féin Bookshop, 58 Parnell Square, Dublin 1, and online at www.sinnfeinbookshop.com Priced at €14.99 with all proceeds going towards the commemoration programme.

we

THE DVD of the Sinn Féin re-enactment of the O’Donovan Rossa Funeral on 1 August 2015 is now available for sale from: 5 (Top) Ann O'Sullivan presents the Irish flag from the coffin of the late Seamus 'Seamie' Gibson to his son Shay. Well-known Dublin republican Seamie – a long-time and big seller of this paper – is pictured here with former An Phoblacht Editor Martin Spain in January 2004. He will be greatly missed by everyone at the paper. Our deepest condolences to all his family, friends and comrades.

30 November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

BETWEEN THE POSTS

BY CIARÁN KEARNEY

IT WAS A DAY never to be forgotten. Four hours driving. Two senior Gaelic football teams. Two county club championship finals. One Sunday in October.

“Congratulations – you’ve done the double!”

The words came from Brian McIver, a great man and a man of greatness in GAA circles. He walked onto Pairc Esler in Newry through the throngs of black and white to find me. His hand outstretched towards me as he uttered those words. I was still considering “the double” when he added the punchline: “Trillick have won as well!”

Brian and I had been together during the summer season. I was beside him when he stepped out of the changing rooms in Salthill last July after Derry were knocked out by Galway in the All-Ireland qualifiers. Now the two of us were standing amidst a jubilant crowd in Pairc Esler. Kilcoo had just won the County Down senior football championship for 2015. It was the club’s fourth consecutive title – a phenomenal achievement. No club in Down now has more senior championship titles than Kilcoo.

During the match itself, Brian had

ANY GIVEN SUNDAY

been in radio contact with the team management while I had been on the far sideline. Brian’s son Paul had taken on the role of manager earlier in the year. He had assembled a backroom team to assist him. I was happy to have been invited. A transition in management was stewarded smoothly and an excellent culture was evolving.

The work ethic, attitude and openness to the application of sport psychology in Gaelic games made it very rewarding for me. But the opportunity to see the players excel and achieve success was even sweeter. Driving back into the Mourne Mountains that night, the team bus arrived to a village with music, cheers and flag-waving families. It was a reminder of how much the event meant to the whole community. Speaking from a flat-bed lorry, one of the leaders in the team, Conor Laverty, made clear the intent of the players. “These jerseys are not ours, they don’t belong to us, but we are determined to leave them in a better place,” he said.

At the very same time, in a village on Tyrone’s border with Fermanagh, similar celebrations were underway.

After 29 years, Trillick had triumphed in the Tyrone Senior Football Championship. What made their achievement

‘These jerseys are not ours, they don’t belong to us, but we are determined to leave them in a better place’ all the more remarkable was the previous season for the club. Then they had played the Intermediate Final and were comprehensively defeated by Dungannon. One year on, ‘The Spirit of the Reds’ was fully rejuvenated. Restored

IN PICTURES

5 Sinn Féin's Belfast Mayor Arder Carson and former Mayor Niall Ó Donnghaile host a reception at City Hall for Ireland's Women's Rugby Six Nations Champions

to Division One in Tyrone and 2015 Senior Football Champions, Trillick came out in numbers in the darkness to welcome home their sons.

The last time I had seen the players was when they circled together on their home pitch that morning before departing for the match. Thorough, unremitting preparation by the management and players laid the foundation for what happened next. But when he finally lifted the trophy in Healy Park after a gap of almost three decades, Trillick captain Mattie Donnelly talked not about his teammates, but his “brothers”.

This a not a story of personal success.

It’s a personal story of witnessing success in sport.

Working with both Trillick and Kilcoo over many months this year has been a tremendous challenge and learning opportunity. Distilling that into a short article is difficult. Many aspects invite further attention and explanation. But part of this experience which stands out most are the people involved. People who came together in a common

cause, and share an ambition to achieve something together that none of them could do alone.

There are people like this all over Ireland. People like Brian McIver, Paddy Tally and Seamus Shannon. I’ve met and helped players in Derry, Rossa and St Mary’s University College (known to alumni as “The Ranch”). All these all people I’ve met during 2015. As much as we shape modern Gaelic games together, we shape one another. The lives of others were truly shaped that day in Kilcoo and Trillick.

Walking back along Newry Canal to my car after the County Down final, I was turning this over in my mind. A short distance from the stadium is a nursing home where my father took his final breath. I stopped to recall my last visit with him a day or two beforehand.

A poignant memory amidst feelings of great joy from the day’s events. My sporting passion had always been encouraged by him. He would have enjoyed this day too Relationships help to make us who we are. Strong relationships make great teams. Ultimately, it is the values by which those relations function which will decide the final outcome.

photos@anphoblacht.com

5 Sinn Féin Ard-Mhéara of Dublin Críona Ní Dhálaigh hosts the Dublin Senior and Under-21 ladies football teams at the Mansion House

November / Samhain 2015

www.anphoblacht.com

31

2015 DUBLIN VOLUNTEERS HONOUREE

Jim Monaghan

BY MARK MOLONEY BORN in Donegal in 1945, as a child Jim Monaghan lived in the town of Rathmullan, on the shores of Lough Swilly. The town is most famous as the site where, in 1607, 'The Flight of the Earls' took place and the Gaelic leaders departed Ireland for Europe following their defeat precipitated by the Battle of Kinsale.

Rathmullan had been a Treaty Port after the Tan War and was instrumental in protecting British fleets during the First World War. Many believed the British would attempt to take it back for use during the Second World War. This included Jim’s father (also Jim), from Fermanagh, who joined the Irish Defence Forces and was posted to Rathmullan as it was expected the British would demand the return of that port to protect their fleets. "It was there he met my mother Gwendoline.”

Jim’s father later went to England to work and sent money back. The family moved to Dublin in the 1960s due to the better educational opportunities for their six children and settled in Walkinstown.

Jim’s first involvement in republican politics came after republicans destroyed Nelson’s Pillar in Dublin in March 1966, a monument which commemorated British Royal Navy hero Lord Horatio Nelson.

“I was an apprentice fitter at the time,” recalls Jim, “and I arrived into college and the teacher wasn’t there but the rest of the class were discussing the event. One very articulate fella got up, describing it as ‘vandalism and a disgrace’ and so on. So I found myself arguing against him and that it was the right thing to do. That was the first political stand I took – I didn’t even realise it at the time,” he laughs.

Jim soon became involved with the Republican Movement, campaigning with the Dublin Housing Action Committee and supporting striking workers.

When the Civil Rights campaign came under attack in the North, Jim says he felt compelled “to help my neighbours, people who were being beaten down just for trying to stand up for themselves”.

After months of training and ‘helping out’ in defending nationalist areas, Jim says he felt burned out and was sent to London to give talks on the situation and raise money to fund An Phoblacht. While in London he had decided to experiment building incendiaries. His flat was raided and he and two others were arrested and sentenced to three years in prison.

Released in 1973 he immediately reported back to the Republican Movement. Jim was again arrested in 1976 in Kildare during what he describes as “a hectic period”.

“We were in a place where we assembled mortars.

There was two of us working away and we were just getting a nice bacon and eggs breakfast and I looked up and saw this fella with a submachine gun running past the window and I knew something was wrong,” Jim laughs uproariously. “By the time I was out of the chair they were in the door and I was arrested.”

Jim’s trial in Dublin was the scene of further drama as he and three others pulled off a daring escape.

Explosvies smuggled into the non-jury Special Court on Dublin’s Green Street were used to blow the door off

the holding cell. Another bomb left by an IRA Volunteer posing as a tourist brought down the yard wall. Claims that Jim and another prisoner had concealed explosives down their trousers to avoid detection led to the Irish Independent front-page headline “Hot Pants Bombers”.

One of the men, Michael O’Rourke, used a taxi to escape; Jim, Joe Reilly and Jon Hagan commandeered a van. The three were recaptured a short distance away but Michael O’Rourke made it to the USA. (He would be extradited back to Ireland eight years later.)

Jim was sentenced to ten years in Portlaoise and following his release he led Sinn Féin’s Education Department along with Dr Rose Dugdale. He also worked with Tar Isteach, a group helping reintegrate ex-IRA prisoners into work and social life.

In 2001, he was dramatically arrested in Colombia with Niall Connolly and Martin McAuley. The three men had been meeting FARC guerrillas to discuss the burgeoning peace process in the country. They were found guilty of travelling on false passports but not guilty of more serious allegations claiming they had helped train the guerrillas. They also became the targets of right-wing death squads. Released in 2004, and awaiting an appeal hearing, they returned to Ireland. The prosecution's appeal sentenced them

5 Jim Monaghan and Rose Dugdale speak to An Phoblacht in Dublin

Claims that Jim and another prisoner had concealed explosives down their trousers to avoid detection led to the Irish Independent front-page headline ‘Hot Pants Bombers’ 4 The Colombia Three – Niall Connolly, Jim and Martin McAuley pictured in prison in Colombia

Annual Volunteers Baile Átha Cliath Dinner Dance Gresham Hotel, O’Connell Street 7.30pm (sharp) Saturday 28th November

Special honouree: JIM MONAGHAN | Chair: MARY LOU McDONALD TD Tickets €50 Táille

(includes 4 course dinner and music & dancing till late)

to 17 years in prison in their absence, something the ‘Bring Them Home’ campaign described as a “farce”.

Since his return to Ireland in 2005, Jim has remained a committed Sinn Féin activist and both he and Rose are two stalwarts of the movement in Dublin.

Speaking on the progress since the Good Friday Agreement, Jim says: “In one sense, progress has been desperately slow, but on the other hand the difference between the situation in the 1970s and where we are today is extraordinary. The Republican Movement was outnumbered and outgunned to a huge extent. To have survived that, and to have gotten to where we are today is an amazing achievement.”

Fás agus Forbairt Slógadh Shinn Féin 2015 21 Samhain, Newry

@SinnFeinGaeilge

anphoblacht NEXT ISSUE OUT – Thursday 26th November 2015

32

IN PICTURES

photos@anphoblacht.com

5 At the launch of the booklet 'Britain’s Dirty War in Ireland' in Derry 5 Sinn Féin outlines its plans at the National Policy Conference in Dublin – see page 15

5 Sinn Féin members at Oideas Gael Irish language classes in Glencolmcille as part of the Líofa campaign

5 Gerry Adams TD signs a book of condolences at Dublin's Mansion House for victims of the Carrickmines fire tragedy – see page 5

5 Sinn Féin Councillors Ger Keohane, Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire, Pat Buckley, Des O'Grady and Michael Murphy sleepout at Cork County Hall in solidarity with the homeless

5 Sinn Féin MLAs Rosie McCorley, Alex Maskey, Jennifer McCann and Pat Sheehan present a donation of £800 to Justin Kouame, Chairperson of the Northern Ireland Community of Refugees and Asylum Seekers (NICRAS) in Belfast