EDITED BY ·EOIN MAC NEILL. Vol. 2.
SATURD~Y,
No. 70 (New Series).
NOTES
I
Last week I wrote about the Government's illegal Proclamations of December, 1913. For a year and a half the Liberal Home Rule· Government had placed no obstacle in the way of English Unionists who were fomenting and financing the organisation of "Civil War" in Ireland. So long as arming and drilling meant no more than that Irishmen, with the aid of English money, English politicians and the English Press, should prepare_ to disgrace the name of Ireland with a bloody outbreak against Irishmen-just so long there was no serious interference . The right to organise, train and arm "for the perpetuation of hatred,'' was fully established by the consent of both· English parties. But ,when a body of. Irishmen, seeing this, determined to use the same right, not for a bloody feud, not for a " massacre " in Ireland, not for the perpetuation of hatred, but "to secure and maintain the liberties common to all the people of I re!and, ,,. the Liberal Home Rule Government immediately took alarm and launched its two illegal Proclamations against the importations of arms into Ireland. This step was taken within a week of the first public meeting in Dublin for the organisation of the Irish Volunteers. The instrument chosen for the repression of Irish liberty was the English Privy Council, meeting in Buckingham Palace. Observe the Home Rule spirit and the British Democra tic spirit and method of a Liberal Home Rule Ministry when the mere Irish are concerned. There is no discussion in Parliament, no preparation of the public mind. There is a secret interchange of views between Party leaders, followed by an Imperial ukase from Buckingham Palace. +:·
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It was the same instrument of legislation for Ireland, the English Privy Council in Buckillgham Palace, that empowered the English military government in Ireland to banish by forcible deportation from Ireland any Irishman who, in the opinion of Major Price, the Inspector of Police chosen by Mr. Birrell to be Chief Intelligence Officer . and political adviser to General Friend, may suitably be deprived of liberty with. out any form of trial. By the i:;ame token, I again remind the public that Mr. Birrell, having gone through the solemn farce of dismissing Mr. W . V. Harrell for the failure 6f his projected coup at Howth and Clontarf, afterwards made amends by assigning Mr . Harrell as Intelligence Officer and political adviser · to the Imperial Naval Authority in Ireland . * * The illegal Proclamations of December, 1913, - was Mr. Redmond consulted about the.m ?- if they failed in thefr immediate object, the quenching of the Irish Volunteer Movementhnevertheless rendered a signal service to t e Liberal Home Rule Ministry; before that Ministry they placed Messrs. Redmond, Dillon, Devlin and O'Connor, claiming to be National leaders, in the position of leaders of a faction, men who were willing to acquiesce in the use of English coercioµ .and the straining of English authority as an earthwork protecting them in their jealous fear of the exercise of Irish liberty by Irishmen. 'T hese men were thus manceuvred into a position which Parnell,· with his clear insight into English policy, never consented to occupy. They became, and have ever since remained, the allies of an English Government against Nationalist Irishmen.
It was only a year or two before this that Mr. Redmond, in his responsible capacity as leader of the Irish Party, had warned the Irish people to " trust · no British Government." When the Government showed its hand in the Arms Proclamations, I foresaw the danger that the Irish Party might be manceuvred into a false position. Towards them, of course, the Government could pretend that the Proclamations were .directed against the Unionist menace of "Civil War." That pretence can ·no lo_nger be ma,de. T!ie whole public would laugh at it. My opportumty came at the moment . The " Daily Independent " and the "Irish Times" sent representatives to interview me on the subject of the Proclamations. In their offices, apparently, : there. was not much illusion about the real purpose of the Government. Both papers published my statement, the whole object of which was ·to prevent the Irish Party or the Irish People from being circumvented by the Government manceuvres. I pointed out in plain words that an English Pro-
APRIL 8th, 1916.
PRICE ONE PENNY.
clamation against the importation · of arms into · discover, what he now refus-es to recognise, that the r uin of Ireland is tclo great a price to pay for Ireland, no maHer under what pretence, was a piece of special legislation directed towards the the gratitude of the Briti"sh Democracy and repression · of liberty in · Ireland, in principle Oligarchy. Wait and see! -lEii:· * identical ' with all the Coercion Acts enacted Forewarned is forearmed. The Irish memagainst Irish liberty since the Union, and that any Irish Nationalist who would countenance bers of Parliament are the servants of the Irish such a measure would be false to the principles People. It is their duty to obey the mandater and professions of Irish Nationalism. · I also not to give it. Twice ·.already, during Mr. Red· said that the Proclamations were, in themselves, mond's leadership, the people have enforced illegal and invalid, an abuse of authority by the their mandate against the leader, and the ·Party has survived. In fact,· the Party reached its Liberal and Democratic Government . maximum of efficiency when it was forced to re*' * * ject the Councils Bill, and it is now reduced to The " Freeman's Journal" did not ask me for my view, but it got it, neverthele's s, and got it impotence because Mr. Redmond has succeeded promptly. I may say that there was not one of for the time in setting up a sort of dictatorship, the supporters of Mr . Redmond, including a dictated dictatorship. Mr . Redmond says that myself, on the Provisional· Committee of the I am trying to undermine the Irish Party. If Irish Volunteers, who was not deeply convinced he accused me of trying to underprop it, he at this time and afterwards of the thorough might be nearer the mark. It is he him.self who hostility of the Liberal Home Rule Government is undermining it . to the Irish Volunteer movement, during the * * He also says - I am a " Pro-German." TO' winter of 1913-1914. I can supply the proof. which I reply, that if ever the Kaiser becomes * * * It followed that Mr. Redmond, Mr. Dillon and master of the situation in Ireland, the very Mr. Devlin did not openly support the new people who are now howling "Pro-German"- · Coercion. I cannot answer for Mr. T . P. O'Con- · Unionists not excepted-will be as servile to-· nor, whose publications I am not in the habit of wards Germany as they now are towards thereading. But they all gave their tacit support present Predominant Partner. I will take a to the Government Proclamations, and from that figure of speech from Geoffrey Keating. I dohour they were beaten men. The Government not accept it as the destiny of Ireland, my mother had found out their weakness and held them in country, to play the harlot to any alien Powerr the hollow of its hand. Within four months of and I do not envy the son of Ireland who takes· the Proclamation surrender, the Government upon himself the office of procurer. * * ·Xforced the Partition surrender on them, and -the Mr. Redmond knows exactly, no man betterr Nationalists of Ulster were sacrificed to the fears of men who, when they were put to the test, what the value is of this taunt of Pro-Gershowed the Government that th ey stood for a manism. Mr. Redmond never discovered the terrible menace of Germany until an English faction and not for a Nation. * ·Y.· I +:Ministry began to shape his utterances. During. The fact that the Nation, in spite of Mr. Red- all those years before the war, while England and mond's secret counsels, adopted the Volunteer Russia, those great champions of iiberty, were movement, · only drove Mr. Redmond farther preparing to save us from Prussian 012pression, into the morass of faction and into the toils of not one word about Prussianism and the German Liberal diplomacy. When the -underhand at- menace ever escaped t~e lips of Mr. Redmond. tempts to discourage the Irish Volunteers had Never, till Irishmen were wanted to clear the plainly failed, Mr. Redmoi;i.d, long before he {:ame way for attack and to hold the ground for reinto the open, adopted an equally underhand treat, was a word about the German menacepolicy of getting control of the very movement heard in any League branch or Board of Erin which he had sought to discourage. If proof is lodge. When Mr. Redmond says I am a prorequired, again I can supply it. And it is the German, he n<? doubt feel~ he is piling up that " debt of gratitude," and if it accords with his self same Mr. Redmond who, at the dictation of his English masters, now in a public letter to code of honour, I am satisfied to · note the fact ;: and if I say that the present scale of Imperial Mr. Governey, charges me TI"ith " di§honesty,'' because I sa:v tha t the present war taxation in- taxation means the ruin of Ireland, and if Mr. Redmond can find ri.o better answer than "Yah r volves the ec'onomic ruin of Ireland. you are a pro-German,'' I am also satisfied t<Y * That is a very plain statement. I say that if keep the two statements before the Irish public Ireland is taxed on t he present scale for the as long as may be necessary. pei·iod during which th,e present scale or a ~arger There is, ·hpwever, another aspect of this scale is anticipated or1. all hands to hold for British taxation, then (Ireland will be economi- servile t aunt which must be plain enough to Mr. cally ruined. I say t,h at for Ireland and for Redmond himself. When he says that I am a Irishmen• this is a far . graver matter than any pro-Germarr, he encourages his allies in the proImperial interest whatsoever. It is not going to gra:r_nme of pros~cution, arbitrary imprisonment, be stifled by the catchwords of faction . The same bamshment, perJury and all tb,e rest of it against machinery is now at work to suppress the agita- my comrades, the officers of the Irish Volunteers, tion against ruinous taxes as was at work in the and he makes himself responsible for all that . winter of 1913-1914 to suppress the Volunteer programme. We have in Ireland at present both movement. That attempt failed . This attempt a part of what Mr. Redmond calls "Ireland's will fail. When the attempt to suppress the army,'' mainly officered b:v Unionists who have' Volunteers failed, Mr. Redmond, with the British not been converted and have no intention of Government at his back or on his back, tried being converted to the " debt of 0crratitude" to take ·c harge of the Volunteer Movement . doctrine. We have also a large body of English "Ninety five per cent .,'' he announced in one of troops under English officers. 1'17e can remember his august manifestoes, "i;tine_ty-five per cent." the state of things in these militarist circles this of the · then unarmed Volunteers - were at his time two years ago, when there was no war witlr bidding. The cry was raised then, as it is raised Germany, and remembering it we know that no. now, of "leave it to the Irish Party." In time, cry of "Pro-German" from Mr . Redmond ol' Mr. Redmond got all the control he wanted of a the "Freeman's Journal" is nece.ssai'y to arouse large body"of Volunteers, with the patronage and among these defenders of liberty and smarn commendation of the Goyernment. The combina- nations the feelings which were entertained in tion was too much for anything National. I am the same circles two years ago towards Irishmen far from gloating over it. Over and over again I who claim for Ireland the right of selfgovernhave advised National Volunteers-Mr. Red- ment. Some of these gentry are now going about: mond's section-if they believed in their position, slapping their canes against· their legs and sayto stick to their organisation and to get them- ing what they will do with Sinn· Feiners when selves trained and armed. Some of them have they get the chance, which, with all their martial done so, but most of them have succumbed to the ardour, they hope will not be anything like an blighting influences against which they were even chance.' Mr. Redmond, whom thev regard' powerless, because they could not understand. as a "blighter,'' is . obliging enough t~ choose' * -X· * language for their encouragement. •* * * , The movement to protect Ireland against economic ruin will make headway in spit·e of Four years ago, on the 31st of March; 1912r every influence, because it has truth and patriot- Mr. Redmond addressed an immense audience in ism on its side, like the Volunteer movement. O'Connell Street, Dublin, in support of the policy And when Mr. Redmond has failed to stifle it for which he held an electoral mandate. I was as 4e· failed to stifle the Volunteer mo.v~ment, h~ there to support him, and I spoke from one of will then endeavour to take · it under his wing, his platforms. On the same platform, another· as in · the case of the Volunteer movement, with speaker, who has .since become a supporter of the approval of Mr. Asquith. H e will quickly Mr. Redmond's Sharp Curve policy for which he-