THE
A*A
The small arms sweepstakes Nancy E. Sartin
Christmas and steel
William L. Gray
Columnists: Art Sears, Jr. Eddie L. Madison, Jr.
0 . Wilson Winters Talks About His 30 Years As a "Lifer'
Book Reviews BONUS:
Who can sive America? Grady E. Poulard
The young man and woman pictured at right are among the more than 4,300 students who graduated last Spring from colleges and universities affiliated with the United Negro College Fund. They are the
advance guard of a n e w generation of Negro youth who possess the knowledge and skills required to enter the mainstream of our economy. As intelligent and educated Negro Americans, they hope to be able to live productive and creative lives . . . to contribute to our society in ways their parents never dreamed possible. W e believe they will succeed.
But the future of these young graduates must be balanced against the plight of millions of boys and girls living in the substratum of every city in this country. If we as Americans are to give substance to the phrase, "equality of opportunity," every capable youngster must be given an equal chance to realize his full educational potential. And this attainable goal must be shared by vastly larger numbers of gifted Negro youth — as soon as possible. The challenge is urgent. It must be met now. The alternative is to deny more than 20 million people the rights to share fully in the benefits of our society . . . to sustain a pattern of rejection, despair and hopelessness for a great many college-age youth. As a noted historian recently observed, "The rate of economic and social change in the United States is so rapid that a handicapped group falls even further behind if it progresses more slowly than the rest of the population."
This is precisely what is happening to Negro Americans. The 33 institutions affiliated with the United Negro College Fund cannot possibly educate all of the Negro and other deprived youngsters who could benefit from a college education. But they are educating one out of every six Negro students attending the nation's 2,238 colleges and universities. And they are the only group of institutions in the country determined to seek out, motivate and educate substantially larger numbers of deprived youth now denied the right to a full education. Their mission, in brief, is to identify potentially capable students and to extend quality education, particularly to those high school graduates who are restricted by poverty or handicapped by inferior public schooling. Every thoughtful American can play an important role in this, the most important educational endeavor of our generation. By supporting the Fund, you will be acting — directly and purposefully — to help thousands of promising students continue their education. By contributing to the United Negro College Fund, you will be helping equalize educational opportunities — without which there is no equality in employment, housing or any other meaningful aspect of American life.
Support THE UNITED NEGRO COLLEGE FUND 55 East 55th Street/New York, N.Y. 10022 Education is the "great equalizer of the conditions of men . . .
the balance wheel of the social machinery."
The
Sphinx
Volume 5 3
Number 4
P.O. Box 2 8 5 Station
New York, N. Y.
Editorial Assistant
George M.
10037 Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc. Directory for 1966-1967
Daniels
Ernest B. B o y n t o n Jr.
1967
ALPHA PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC. Lincolnton
Editor-in-Chief
December,
Jewel Henry A. Callis
2 306
E Street, N.E.. Washington. D.C.
Officers Contributing Editors M a l v i n R. Goode, M a r t i n L. Harvey, L. W. Jeffries, Eddie L. M a d i s o n , Frank L. S t a n ley, Sr., A r t Sears, Jr., L. H. S t a n t o n , Charles Wesley, R a n d o l p h W h i t e , 0 . Wilson W i n t e r s , Laurence T. Young.
General President — Bro. Lionel H. Newsom General Secretary — Bro. Laurence T. Young Genera T r e a s u r e r - Bro. LevenC. Weiss General Counsel — Bro. Morris M. Hatchett Editor, The Sphinx — Bro. George M. Daniels
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Editorial Advisory Committee Frank Ellis, M a l v i n R. Goode, M a r s h a l l Harris, J o h n H. J o h n s o n , Moss H. Kendrix, J . H e r b e r t K i n g , B e l f o r d V. L a w s o n , S a m u e l A. M a d d e n , J . E. M a r t i n , Lionel H. N e w s o m , Gus T. Ridgel, Floyd S h e p h e r d , L. H. Stant o n , Felix W a r r e n , Laurence T. Y o u n g . Staff Photographer
Henry Crawford
The Sphinx is the official magazine of the Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc., 4432 South Parkway, Chicago, III., with editorial offices at 282 Convent Ave., New York, N. Y. Published four times a year: February, May, October and December. Address all editorial mail to P.O. Box 285, Lincolnton Station, New York, N. Y. 10037. Change of Address: Send both addresses to Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, 4432 South Parkway, Chicago, III. Manuscripts or art submitted to The Sphinx should be accompanied by addressed envelopes and return postage. Editor assumes no responsibi'ity for return of unsolicited manuscripts of art. Subscription: $2.00 per year. Opinions expressed in columns and articles do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc., and use of any person's name in fiction, semi-fiction articles or humorous features is to be regarded as a coincidence and not as the responsibility of The Sphinx. It is never done knowingly. Copyright 1965 by The Sphinx, Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc. Reproduction or use, without written permission, of the editorial or pictorial content in any manner is prohibited. The Sphinx has been published continuously since 1914. Organizing Editor: Bro. Raymond W. Cannon. Organizing General President: Bro. Henry Lake Dickason. Second class postage paid at New York, N. Y. Postmaster: Send form 3579 and all correspondence to P.O. Box 285, Lincolnton Station, New York, N. Y. 10037.
Assistant Vice Presidents Eastern — Bro. Conrad Cathcart M ld es . ^ i ! * n — Br2- E d w m patJon,,Southwestern — Bro. James E. Glover Western — Bro. Harold Taylor Southern — Bro. Clifford Webb Historian — Bro. Charles H. Wesley Dir. Ed. Activities — Bro. Thomas D. Pawley, III
i " 8 4 Parkside, Cleveland, Ohio
1824 Taylor Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. Lincoln University, Jefferson City, Mo.
Chr. Alpha Phi Alpha Building Foundation, Inc.Bro. William M. Alexander
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REGIONAL DIRECTORS Eastern Region Massachusetts — B r o James Howard 105 Greenwood St., Boston, Mass Rhode Island — B r o Ralph Allen 179 Doyle Ave., Providence. R. I Connecticut — Bro. W. Decker Clark 66 Dry Hill Road. Norwalk. Conn. New York, Northern New Jersey— Bro. Albert Holland 31 Hickory Hill Rd., Tappan, N Y Pennsylvania, Delaware, Southern N. J. — B r o . Frank Devine 6202 Washington Ave., Phila., Pa. Maryland-Washington — Bro. Thomas Hunt 911 Spa Rd., Annapolis, Md. Virginia — Bro. Talmadge Tabb 324 Greenbriar Ave., Hampton, Va. Midwestern Region Indiana — Bro. Montague Oliver I l l E. 19th, Gary. Indiana Northeast Ohio — Bro. Charles Nunn 10926 Pasadena Ave., Cleveland, Ohio Central Ohio — Bro. Oliver Sumlin 2724 Hoover Ave., Dayton, Ohio Northwest Ohio — Bro. Robert Stubblefield 1340 W. Woodruff, Toledo. Ohio Southern Illinois — Bro. Harold Thomas 1731 Gaty Ave., East St. Louis, Illinois West Missouri and Kansas — Bro. Edwin Byrd 2533 W. Paseo Dr., Kansas City. Mo. Wisconsin — Bro. Hoyt Harper 5344 N. 64th. Milwaukee, Wisconsin Southeast Ohio — Bro. Paul Turner 2335 Gardendale Dr., Columbus 19, Ohio Western Michigan — Bro. William Boards, Jr 680 W. Van Buren St.. Battle Creek, Mich. Northern Illinois — Bro. J. Herbert King 4728 Drexel Blvd., Chicago, Illinois East Missouri — Bro. Clifton Bailey 3338A Aubert Ave., St. Louis 15, Mo. Iowa — Bro. Ernest Russell 3927 Amherst St.. Des Moines, Iowa Southwest Ohio — Bro. Holloway Sells 699 N. Crescent Ave., Cincinnati, Ohio Kentucky — Bro. Herbert Olivera Kentucky State College, Frankfort, Kentucky West Central Missouri — Bro. Jimmy Buford 3548 Park Avenue, Kansas City, Mo Central Missouri — Bro. Thomas D. Pawley, Jr 1010 Lafayette, Jefferson City Mo' Regional Secretary—Bro. Cramon Myers 404 West 44th Street, Indianapolis, Indiana Oklahoma — Bro. Vernon L. Foshee Louisiana — Bro. Elliot J. Keyes Arkansas — Bro. T. E. Patterson Texas— Bro Reby Cary
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PHOTO BY HAROLD HALMA
A message of importance to all people at The Rebellious Age. There comes a time in your life when it seems absolutely right to rebel against old ideas. Against all the things that seem to be stacked up against your generation. Unfortunately, religious faith is one of the things that may get discarded right about now. But should it be? *£•!&
VSS^
Your Faith echoes the very feelings you probably have right now. About
injustice. Inhumanity. Poverty. Cruelty. Prejudice. Hate. That's why your Faith is the very thing you should be working with. It can strengthen you. It can make things happen. In yourself, and in all the world around. But only if you let it. And only if you put it to work. President John F. Kennedy said: "God's work must truly be our own." What do you say?
Presented as a public service by:
ALPHA PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC.
Contents
TOP OF THE MONTH Life Membership Campaign
Features The Small Arms Sweepstakes Nancy E. Sartin Christmas and Steel William L.Gray The House of Alpha and Changing Times Andrew Venable
8 13
14
Black Power and the University Dr. James M. Nabrit, Jr
15
Graduate Assistanships
22
4 Seeking General Presidency
23
Who Can Save America? Grady E. Poulard
25
Columnists Art Sears, Jr
7
Eddie Madison, Jr
30
Departments Official Directory
3
Alpha in Action
19
Alpha Workshop
21
Frat Humor
27
Alphabook Shelf
29
This month ends the 30th year since Brother O. Wilson Winters became Alpha's first life member by cashing in a ten-year endowment policy made out to Alpha. The Sphinx honors Brother Winters, as well, for he has written Frat Fun and Frat Humor for thirty-five years. New Columnists and Departments Art Sears, Jr. and Eddie Madison, Jr. appear in The Sphinx for the first time. Both are professional journalists who have joined our growing list of contributing editors. Both will write on subjects-at-random and pen special features about Alpha and national and world issues. A Very Special Word Among the hundreds of newspapers and magazines that I read in the course of a single month is the Menard Time, long regarded as America's foremost prison newspaper, published by the inmates of Menard State Prison, Menard, 111. Nearly a year ago this month, it carried a column by William L. Gray, who was then the associate editor. It so impressed me that I decided then and there to write Mr. Gray and request an expanded version of the column (See page 13) Christmas and Steel for the Sprinx. Gray is 33 and he is serving 20 to 40 on a Cook County charge of armed robbery. He will appear before the parole board in 1974. But what Gray has done is past; it is the future that he now dreams about and prepares for. Gray is the first Negro employed full time on Time's staff. In August, when the editor was paroled to begin work on a Centralia newspaper, Gray moved up to editor. He had taught in the prison's high school for three years and has been active in prison activities since he entered Menard in 1963. He has completed 20 collegelevel courses through Southern Illinois University's extension department with a 4.25 grade average (equivalent to an "A" minus). He has participated in three Great Books discussion programs sponsored by the University, and in 1965 became the first full-time transcriber to tape record textbooks for blind students at SIU. Brother Andrew Venable is a member of Beta Gamma and in House of Alpha he unloads a few pointed barbs as Alpha. Brother Grady Poulard, a member of Mu Lambda, well-known to many Alphas, presently serves as director for community relations in the Office of Civil Rights. Office of Economic Opportunity, Washington, D. C. THE
EDITOR
ALPHA PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC. - the first Negro college fraternity - was founded December 4, 1906, at Cornell University, Ithaca, New York. Beginning with its seven founders more than 30,000 men have been initiated into Alpha Phi Alpha. Interracial since 1945, there are now 131 undergraduate chapters on college campuses and 199 graduate chapters in 38 states, the District of Columbia, West Indies, Europe and Africa. Its members have served and continue to serve with distinction in widely diverse areas and furnish responsible leadership in hundreds of communities. In the emerging economic advance, in their business enterprises, in the professions, in government and in civic life it is Alphadom that comprises the heart of the Negro market. A close knit organization bound together with common loyalty in the struggle for human dignity; with common causes for cultural enrichment; and with historic accomplishments in educational advance - Alpha Phi Alpha stands dedicated to the principles on which this nation was founded, Alphamen, everywhere, constructively help in achieving America's promise. ««._«.«» >, "Since Alpha Phi Alpha was founded at Cornell University in 1906, it has espoused many good causes and achieved many victories of benefit to the country, but its most important service has been in the development of the scholars and creative leaders who will assist our country in meeting the challenges of the 1960S." JOHN F. KENNEDY
5
Well teach you to speak a foreign language in thirteen weeks. Free! You name it, we've got it. The biggest selection in town. Urdu and Tagalog and Swahili and Hindi and Quechua and Spanish and French and Portuguese. To list a few. All free for the learning And when we say learning we don't mean ordinary speak and listen and read learning. No sir. When we teach you a language we teach you to cook in it, teach in it, play basketball in it, build sanitation facilities and farm cooperatives in it. We teach you to climb mountains and span rivers in it, to have patience and understanding in it, to do something important in it, to look at yourself and the world in it. We teach you to make friends and get along with people in it. And we even supply the friends and people. Yes sir. With every foreign language you get, absolutely free, an invitation to spend two years in a matching foreign country. So hurry! Hurry! Don't delay. It's the chance of a lifetime. No catches. No gimmicks. Nothing to pay. You see, it's all part of a promotion for a product we're interested in pushing. Peace. Write: The Peace Corps, Washington, D.C. 2 0 5 2 5 . i&m&t • m A '
«>
PUBLISHED AS A PUBLIC SERVICE IN COOPERATION w i T u THE T U : ADVERTISING » n i / r n i i H i i / > COUNCIL ^ ^ . ...... WITH
ART SEARS, J R .
HISTORY WONT GIVE ANSWER FOR RACE PROBLEM
Solutions offered to solve America's agonizing problem of the disadvantaged range from a notion of assimilation through intermarriage to cries of back to Africa! Ranked in between are tritely traditional assertions, such as: the way of salvation lies in quality education; in pulling oneself up by one's bootstraps; in exercising the vote; in massive federal funding; in creation of a separate state; in the power structure giving the disadvantaged a thousand and one things. Take your pick. Negro leaders detail again and again importance of their favorite facet among those listed above. The black nationalist leadership, which appears to want something totally different from anybody else, is actually seeking a full share of the good life; even though many of its methods for reaching the goal may seem peculiar. On the other side, white leaders have a similar variety of solutions; and they also have coteries of detractors seeking to stalemate change of the status quo. Round and round discussions of solutions goes; where it stops, everybody knows; it's been re-played so often. In the meantime, nothing's changing very much, or very fast. Only this past summer the flames of hate and fury engulfed over 100 cities. A part of the reason was attributed to the widesperad hopelessness and despair of the disadvantaged. The plethora of piecemeal efforts to aid the poor and deprived, and the increased intensity of the riots, drive home one inescapable point. That programs progressing downward (in size) form those spawned by the pockmarked (from potshots) Office of Economic Opportunity and its money millions, to those advanced by the five-dollar budgeted storefront efforts of block clubs, have neither the muscle nor the solution. Whatever changes the pyramiding parade of programs, projects and protests have wrought have, ostensibly, only added to the lengthening list of tokenism. As art, tokenology may be fine. It has not, however, enabled the overwhelming masses of deprived Negroes and other minority groups to move into the mainstream. What it has done is given a few more Negroes (count them) on the fringe of middle class achievement a boost in their careers.
If the problem we face is ever going to be solved, however, then this country, including its diversity of types, groups and sects are going to have to re-think — together — some widely held notions. Consider these. There is no parallel in history to the Negro experience. That also includes efforts to pro-rate the travails of the African brother (who suffered and suffers from the effects of colonialsim) with the Negro problem. Recorded history contains no previous experience (despite all those who defend to the death the worth and relevance of historical experience) like the Negroes'. It is true, however, that some experiences of other ethnic groups are applicable in helping to resolve the Negro problem. But the only parallels most often used by the establishment are those which pre-supposes that the black man is white; or can be white. The established welfare system, the sociologic and psychologic methodology used, at best, are only helpful in extremely limited fashion because the basic principles of these fields were created for benefit of European immigrants. So long as this nation continues to tackle the race problem through established precepts, concepts and methods, that long will it take him to become a viable, vibrant part of the mainstream. Prejudice, bias and the emphasis upon negative aspects of difference in this society, vividly suggest that the Negro will never achieve, in any traditional way, the rights he is due, the opportunities which should be his, or the integration he seeks. The time is past for halfway measures or the practice of tokenology, if the Negro is to gain his inalienable rights before another 400 pears passes. Negro youths refuse to wait. So do the overwhelming majority of older Negroes. Couldn't hear anybody praying, this past summer, because the searing heat of burning buildings, the stench of dead bodies, and the smashed windows of dreams too long deferred blotted out everything else. Will we be any better tuned to meet the problem next year? Who can say. The chances seem slim, indeed. For there's too much talk about yesterday . . . about history . . . But the answer is not there. The answer lies in the hearts and minds of living men. And they're always too early for history.
7
The __ s n i a i i ctix J.IAÂť small arms
sweepstakes By NANCY E. SARTIN
ONE OF THE LEAST publicized recent statements by President Johnson was his estimate of the national defense budget for 1968, a whopping $73 billion. Now that figures have appeared for the early months of 1967, it is clear that this year's total may well reach that projected for next year, and that five or six billion may have to be added to the estimate for 1968. SUMS SO VAST become meaningless. This year's increase of $10 billion was enough by itself to disbalance the national economy. What the Defense Department spends each year to protect the United States would produce the means to blow up the world several times over. A great deal of it goes for non-nuclear armaments. How efficient are these so-called small arms as a defense? More important, how efficiently does control of nuclear arms insure peace for the world which small arms trade remains uncontrolled? The United States spends $12 on defense for every $20 spent on groceries, $20 for every $10 spent on public education, $1400 for the average family of four each year. One tenth of our entire gross national product goes for defense. Yet there is less debate in Congress on the gigantic defense budget than on programs proposed in housing, education, economic opportunity and overseas aid, all of which lumped together are insignificant by comparison. In 1968, more money may be spent on defense by the United States than in 1945, when 50 percent of the national budget went for arms. The present budget is not attributable chiefly to American involvement in Vietnam. We have developed in the past two decades, on the principle of deterrence, a large permanent military establishment, a conscripted army, and a national posture of belligerance, all of
8
which are alien to American democracy. However, deterrence has not purchased peace in the last twenty years. Neither nuclear weapons, not large standing armies, nor the development of more and more sophisticated armaments has prevented a constant recurrence of hostilities. The chief effect of continued American advances in ordnance is the increased lethal capability which any nation can purchase; and the consequent higher cost in lives and money of any small border clash between belligerent states. Into the Middle East tinderbox the United States, Russia, France, and England poured nearly $4 billion in military equipment during years of mounting ArabIsraeli tension. More than half of it is now strewn useless across the Sinai Peninsula and among the hills of Syria and Jordan. Nuclear arms do not present an immediate threat to peace. But, as the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency points out in its 1966 annual report, "The increasing international trade in conventional armaments . . . can result in the initiation or acceleration of regional arms races." ACDA can urge controls, but has no power to regulate the exchange of arms. An easy commodity to come by, arms are purchasable on more favorable credit terms than some other merchandise. Unlike staple foods, for instance, which are to be paid in dollars at a going interest rate of six percent, arms can be bought from a friendly big power on local currency, often at four percent interest. Such terms encourage insecure nations to over-reach their means in order to purchase a security that become unreal as neighboring states do the same. When India and Pakistan fought over Kashmir, and in the Arab-Israeli war, both sides used American weapons, some of which are not yet paid for. India finds it
more and more difficult to import food for her drought stricken regions. Assistance to rebuild the mutilated Arab lands and economies lags far behind the replacement of arms. When arms are not available by official government agreement, they can be gotten privately or through third nation arrangements. Neither the U.S. nor Russia puts any ceiling or stipulation on arms sales, though many controls are exerted over other international trade. How much does the world spend on arms, on battle tickets? The most recent tallies, those for 1964, show a total for the world of $132.6 billion by conservative calculation. Countries of NATO and the Warsaw Pact accounted for 85 per cent of this, with Russia and the United States far in the lead. For all these nations war is hypothetical. The world's affluence, stability, and full dinner pails are contained in this group. War becomes a real danger to nations whose security is threatened by scarcity and who do not fit under the protective mantle of a great power. These, the Third World, are not just underdeveloped areas. They are the victims and battle grounds. They pay for the battle tickets in the small arms sweepstakes. That other fifteen per cent of each year's arms is paid for in hunger, ignorance, and shortened life expectancy by 70 per cent of the world's people. Jordan, for instance, spent $59 million on defense in 1964, 14.4 per cent of her gross national product. Seven out of ten Jordanians cannot read. A Jordanian farmer is old at forty from years of grueling hand cultivation of crops that provide scanty subsistence. What he spends on arms out of his yearly income would not take you and your family out for an evening, but it would be enough for him
to buy a goat for milk, or schooling for one of his children. Occasionally an under-developed nation comes to resent the constant drain of resources into defense purchase and decides to develop its own weapons. Egypt decided in 1962 to design and build its own missiles. Importing foreign technical advice, a program was undertaken, engineers, equipment, testing facilities, and more advice, a hundred million dollars or so was sunk in the scheme in its first hopeful phase. A tangle of technical problems, mechanical failures, and mishaps drew more and more heavily on government funds. Four years and hundreds of millions of dollars and man hours later, Egypt abandoned the project uncompleted and bought entire missile sites from Russia. And they were taken by Israel in the recent war. The Egyptian economy is farther behind than ever. Yearly expenditures of half a billion dollars help keep Egypt in abject poverty and chronic debt. The tally for other developing nations is similarly discouraging. Where cash of any kind is scarce, a down payment on defense installations is the investment least likely to bring beneficial results, but the one most likely to be urged on easy terms. Any Number Can Run Russia spends 13 percent of its gross national product on defense each year in order to remain a poor second in the arms race. But Russia is wealthy compared to some other members of the world community, brave in rags with glittering bayonets, prowling in want outside our economic barriers. In the Middle East the nest of belligerents began rearming the week hostilities ceased. Those not supplied by the West can get help from Russia or China. U.S. policy has been to match military competition, to maintain a "balance of force" in such explosive situations. In practice this means that if a government can persuade our representatives of a potential threat, American military aid can be obtained; and a threat will exist whether it did before or not. In a recent trade, Iran and Algeria received assistance in arms from Russia; Turkey, Greece, and Morocco received aid
from the U.S. Our part of the round was reported as a "limited pledge," since "the United States is unwilling to appear to be contributing to an arms race." However, the $15 million in arms that went to Morocco is more in one single purchase than Morocco spends in an entire year on education and public health combined. Eighty-six percent of Morocco's people cannot read. About that percentage have never seen a doctor. Dependence on military power has harnessed foreign policy to a balance of forces orientation and ruled out other major considerations such as regional development, economic stabilization, or cooperative multi-national facilities for power, marketing, or education. Two thirds of the world is chronically hungry; hut the only long range international programs to raise food production by improving local farming methods, financing agricultural cooperatives, and increasing water supilies are those of the UN, which are voluntary, those of the churches, and those of private philanthropies. Congress debated three weeks before continuing to fund US AID on a greatly reduced scale some months ago. Late last April, a military appropriations bill took all of fifteen minutes to pass, long enough for the Congress to increase the amount $360 million over what had been requested. Congress in these acts merely reflected a primitive national outlook toward the rest of the world. In sophistication we have moved a step beyond Caesar who conquered to tax. We have learned to tax without conquering, to defend ourselves on the soil of other nations. The small arms race is not only profitable to major American industries, but foreign capital invested in arms is effectively removed from competition with us in world markets. H. J. Kuss, Jr., arms salesman for the U.S. Defense Department, was described in a N.Y. Times article as assuming "implicitly that the central world arms race betwen the industrialized Western nations and the Soviet Union will continue indefinitely." Mr. Kuss and his staff, priming emerging nations with long term loans, encourage them to plan military purchases over a five year period. "The very existence of a five year plan," says the Times, "helps
persuade the country involved to purchase arms." In Africa, of a total defense expenditure in 1964 of half a billion dollars, South Africa spent $375 million. Not only does such an expense have very little defensive justification, but it makes necessary the build-up of defense forces in other African nations, which will drain those slim economies of any loose capital for industrial growth. Similarly Brazil has become militarily dominant in South America among neighbors hardly to be classed as belligerents, but who are scrambling to acquire jet fighters for air forces that can barely take off without violating their neighbors' air space. Across the way in Southeast Asia, official response to a complete change in the Indonesian government has been extremely cautious. Offers of assistance in shoring up the crippled economy of the country, even an extension of credit or re-establishment of channels of communication, are slow in coming. The first visible move in that area since the overthrow of Sukarno was both private and indirect. In March of this year the sale of 23,000 of the new M16 rifle to Singapore was announced by Colt, the manufacturer. If Indonesia requests arms to counteract this move by a neighbor, will this plea receive the attention that months of economic pleading failed to get? The effect of all such actions is to perpetuate an arms oriented diplomacy in an era when war itself has become impractical. Emile Benoit, a Columbia University Economics Professor, points out in the newly issued book, Disarmament and World Economic Interdependence, that the magnitude of nuclear weapons capability has made military force obsolete, as gunpowder "destroyed the viability of feudalism. It is surprising," Dr. Benoit remarks, "that in the light of these developments, so many people can expect a political system based on war as the means of settling disputes to go on much as before." "In effect," he continues, "what has occurred is a mass exchange of hostages, leaving the population of the world's major cities subject to sudden slaughter by hostile governments." The present situation, however, is not
quite Prof. Benoit's envisioned stalemate. Rather, with each sale of new and improved conventional weapons, planes, and other equipment, the small arms race in which everyone can run takes a step closer to the big arms race which anyone loses who enters. It is not just great cities which are subject to holocaust. They are, in fact, safer than tiny hamlets of Vietnamese rice farmers and the ancient villages of the Holy Land which may become infernos at any moment in what we still call conventional war. Pageants and Windmills
Aircraft, and General Dynamics, each of which received more than $1 billion last year in government contracts, all have foreign subsidiaries and extensive foreign interests. General Motors, DuPont, and IT&T have friendly public images in spite of their share in military manufacture. In Germany, Krupp, munitions maker for two world wars, is in financial difficulty. Czechoslovakia, a major arms maker and Germany's traditional enemy, bids for Krupp shares. Arms is a large and very profitable enterprise; and profit can overcome even old animosities.
In the thirty-one days of May this year, the United States spent more than $7 billion on armaments. That sum for one month's arms is equal to an entire year's national income for Indonesia, a nation of more than a hundred million people. "The greatest military power the
The situation that encourages arms production continues to exist. More subtle public relations has simply created a respectable image for purveyors of weapons. Also, modern warfare involves a much broader portion of manufacturers in the military effort than was once the case.
Egyptian vehicle destroyed by napalm. The monthly payments continue anyway.
world has ever known" was a phrase used recently by a U.S. senator in describing this country. Whether one dwells on the fact that this immense investment is a mere ten percent of our wealth, or on the fact that such massive military force has been assembled only once before in history — by us at the final stage of World War II, it is evident that force, not diplomacy, is our base of power. Our constant pleas for peace cannot be heard over the roar of our guns. International cartels, the sinister pressure groups that were said to foment wars among the nations for gain, are no longer mentioned as the worlds villains. Yet, Lockheed, General Electric, United
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With the development of technology, whole complexes of industry have come into existence which are singularly useful in war. Such industries as electronics, communications, and engineering research now depend on defense contracts for large portions of their output. The pressures that encourage the spread and buildup of arms also contain commerce within associated international channels. Arms trade helps the rich get richer and maintains the exclusion of the poor. In this regard, economist Francois Perroux points out that "The symbiosis of the private and public sectors makes the classical doctrines of the nation and the international market inapplicable. It
is not by consenting to surrender part of the advantages which they derive from their collective monopolies that the most powerful partners can encourage disarmament or make it yield fruit if it is realized. It is by accepting institutions which run directly counter to their own advantage and which make a decisive break with their economic and financial orthodoxy." In other words, Ford, Esso, Coco Cola are responsible to the extent of their economic exclusion for the lagging development, the ignorance, and the hunger of the third world. However, neither industry nor the Pentagon is primarily responsible for creating a monster military machine out of a peaceful American democracy. The United States spends $70 or $80 billion a year on the means to make war because its citizens want it that way, or at least care too little to protest. The chief purchase of our incredible wealth has been arms. If, as we believe, we are not an aggressive people, our epitaph may be that this nation built the greatest military machine in history out of public apathy. The use of force for problem solution, the military over the diplomatic effort, is a recent development in American foreign policy. Only since America appointed itself protector of the free world have we self protector of the free world have we begun to send our forces to defend democracy at the expense of other nations' real estate. Secretary of State Rusk in 1962 listed five elements of foreign policy. They are, in the order given: to resist aggression, to promote cooperation among the industrialized democracies, to assist less developed areas, to bring about a world community, and to end the arms race. Only the first of these aims is pursued with any consistency. The others are ventured sporadically or not at all. The military aim of resisting aggression is placed foremost and stated in broadest terms ("To deter or defeat aggression at any level, whether nuclear attack, or limited war, or subversion and guerilla tactics"). For this reason it supplants all the others in means. How do we promote cooperation among the industrialized democracies when our own standing armies in Europe force na-
tions there to match our forces by NATO agreement, and to raise their own military quotas? How can we assist less developed areas when the chief help we offer is the military buildup which promotes internal and external strife and retards the processes by which such areas can progress? How can we end the arms race when we not only provide arms and advice to the militia of seventy countries, but habitually bypass any international peacekeeping jurisdiction such as the various treaty organizations or the UN? Thomas L. Hughes, Director of Intelligence and Research for the Department of State, points out in an article in Foreign Affairs that in sifting the extremely complex and often conflicting patterns of fact which confront him, "The policy maker's understandable preference for fact? pointing toward minimal choices versus facts thrusting toward major changes in policy • . . affects the fate of facts in the realm of foreign policy." His opinion is echoed elsewhere in the same periodical by Secretary of the Air Force Harold Brown who reminds us of "numerous broad areas where uncertainty complicates choices about the composition and magnitude of our forces. What, for example, are the prospects in fifteen or twenty years for widespread nuclear proliferation, for shifts in alliances, for a largely disarmed world? Our planning is projected forward at least ten and sometimes fifteen years. Yet in fact we know very little about how many or what kind of missiles the Russians will have ten years from now, because they probably have not reached a decision themselves . . . Policy makers will find, almost invariably, that it is easier to produce military hardware than it is to know what policy to follow." Since the foreign policy decisions of the rest of the world are largely a response to developments in the U.S., Secretary Brown's analysis indicates that military possibilities, technological improvement rather than any basic change, govern the foreseeable future. In this frame of reference there is no possibility at all for general disarmament. Technology is not likely to respond to hypothetical weapons
development ten years hence with a plowshare, or even a tractor. Caution dictates weapons against the unknown, and against weapons, the unknown can have only one response — more weapons. Abetting the natural cautiousness in foreign affairs of American politicians, and a suspiciousness that sometimes approaches paranoia, are the skillfully applied pressures of the military establishment and the business community, or at least that segment of it that profits from arms production. No one is actually in favor of the arms race; but all assist its forward motion. War is our pageant, in which we spend $320,000 to kill one enemy. How many civilian lives we also spend in that effort we do not count. War and famine are still cur population control measures. Looked at from the third world, the great powers are a gigantic threat to the world they presume to be saving, as they ride off in all directions destroying enemies that are only windmills, or schoolhouses, or granaries. High Stakes The business community in the United States looks calmly toward the end of the war in Vietnam. In an article in the Magazine of Wall Street, executives from aerospace, electronics, and other industries were quoted as confident of a smooth transition to a peace economy. Their assurance rests on the knowledge that an end to hostilities in Vietnam will not greatly affect the general level of de-
fense spending, which has risen steadily from a low in 1946 to its current all time high with little relationship to actual military operations. Only a little over one fourth of the present U.S. defense budget goes for the war in Vietnam. Even supposing that "unity of purpose" for peace which Secretary of State Rusk considers out of the question, economics professor Emile Benoit demonstrates that an international peace keeping force to replace national military forces would require funding for personnel, equipment, arms, and continual technological development to insure adequate protection from potential aggressors. The entire cost of defense could not, given the present nature of man, be diverted to programs of national and international improvement and assistance. The U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Commission has estimated in detail what such an international police force would cost. Their total is $21 billion a year in contributions from all nations to an international security organization. Professor Benoit adds to this a minimum internal defense program for this country in such a world situation which would cost a little over $8.5 billion a year. Our share of the international force is estimated at $6.1 billion a year. Subtracting from the world's defense budget other amounts that are applicable to the civilian economy, Dr. Benoit arrives at $70.7 billion a year as the world's present needless military spending. The
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War in our pageant. Every day we tally the dead as on a score board. Enemy dead cost $320,000 each. We do not count incidental civilians. (Photo: Woodruff, cws)
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United States alone spends on defense well over $40 billion a year that we need not spend. This sum could be used to better purpose even while maintaining a national militia and an adequate international police force to quell incipient wars. It is the patent necessity for such an orderly world that forward looking members of the business community rely on to change the present anarchy so that regional and global economic cooperation and expansion can proceed. Business men are, in fact, staking out investment claims toward just such a future. In the field of East-West cooperation, a whole series of manufacturing ventures has been undertaken involving capital, technology, equipment, and labor from both sides of the iron curtain. Chairs of Swedish design are built in Poland and shipped back to Sweden for finishing and marketing. An Austrian firm and the Hungarian government power authority have entered an agreement to build powerplants in India with Hungarian-Indian financing. Examples could be multiplied. There have even been casualties of the new freedom, such as the manager of an Eastern European industrial plant who was dismissed when an American purchaser wrote for spare parts to some machinery. His superiors had not been informed that equipment was being sold that far west. Another sign of business sanguinity about the future is the remarkable increase in foreign subsidiaries of manufacturing firms. In 1965, the production of foreign subsidiaries to American companies was around $80 billion. Compared to this $4.3 billion in American economic aid overseas seems small indeed. The subsidiary method of foreign expansion has replaced export as the largest entry to foreign markets. It involves much more complex international ties in sites, equipment, personnel, marketing, and service of goods. Venture of capital to such an extent presupposes an increasingly open and orderly world market. Control of arms trade and reduced international tension could only improve the security of such an interdependent enterprise. However, economists are in general agreement that some structural reorganization will be necessary for broader eco-
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Bombed houses of a Vietnamese village. Any number can run, but war catches the ones On foot.
(Photo: Woodruff, CWS)
nomic participation in a peaceful world. The extent and nature of such changes may be quite radical. As Barbara Ward reminds us, we are not totally committed to peace; and so we have not explored the processes necessary to gain and keep it. The temporary character of arms oriented prosperity is recognized in the business world, which is developing alternate plans against a possible drop in government contracts. Lockheed Aircraft, for example, the largest American defense contractor, doing 92 percent of its business with the government, is ready to move into a variety of non-military fields. Courtland S. Gross, Lockheed's Chairman, cited commercial aviation as "probably the most dynamic." He was thinking of flying wings, hourly shuttles from New York to London, Paris, Moscow, carrying trainloads at a time. Other areas into which research, technology, and investment can move Lockheed are oceanology, hospital systems, and data processing. Lockheed has already mounted projects in undersea mining, youth corps training, and the prevention of metal corrosion. North American Aircraft is solving sewage disposal problems for the state of California; and IT&T subsidiary is running a job corps training center. Such ventures represent only a first step toward solving problems endemic to modern society. Transportation, textiles, housing, medicine, international trade, education could all use advice from systems analysts and development specialists in coping with problems that are now attacked sporadic-
ally or not at all. There are difficulties in the way of applying industry-wide solutions to the areas mentioned above. But the fact is that technology has outmoded many of the operational patterns of local and world commerce. Improved efficiency might be one way of attacking the inequities that presently widen the gap between rich and poor nations. Some business leaders have begun to calculate the risks inherent in controlled markets and uncontrolled arms trade. Their conclusions sound more like vision than expediency. Arms escalation is not protective in their view, but inherently dangerous to everyone involved, including the profit takers. The struggle to achieve a margin of military superiority not only creates much larger military forces than necessary, and leaves all participants less secure, but diverts billions of dollars yearly from programs essential to human survival, and maintains artificial barriers between people who have common goals. It will be the lasting shame of this generation if political thinking remains mired in the club-swinging mentality of primitive anarchy at a time when not only the pace of change but the concensus of sober business thinking makes arms control imperative. Such a conclusion may be painful for the United States to accept, because vigilante traditions are so much a part of the American heritage. Decisions of such farreaching effect as a reversal of our permissive attitude toward arms trade will necessitate a re-ordering of our entire foreign policy. Self interest may lead us to the very position that human concern enjoins. The hundreds of billions of dollars the world has spent for defense have bought neither security nor peace in two decades. Arms investment is neither productive nor recoverable. Industry itself points the way to challenges of peace that can replace military programs in the world's economy. It remains for policy makers to recognize in general what they have admitted in regard to nuclear weapons and the space program: There is no room on this little planet for brawls.
There is something in prison that's not meant for Christmas. Steel and concrete exclude Santa Claus. A convict survives on happy memories. Past dreams and unfinished desires flood his mind like lost friends from another country, another century. On the happiest day of the year memories from other Christmases band together to make convicts sad, regretful, wistful, and meditative. The forsaken child, dishonored wife and humiliated parents pervade prison during unguarded moments. Justice weighs heavily upon indebted men when holidays become intense with sounds of Christmas. And no idle rationalization can justify the broken feeling that creeps behind prison walls to crest the season of joy. A merry Christmas in prison becomes an antithesis that's about as available as a slice of heaven in hell. Yet, something glimmers eternally for men who have forfeited their right to unshackled existence. Hope shines. Hope remains in the heart of the hand that pulled the trigger, stole the pelf, violated the body or reputation or personal worth. Hope haunts men who live out the
reality, child molesters by some inhuman craving, and murderers by premeditation, circumstance and accident—all indistinguishable, brought together in space and time to sing Joy to the World in social discord. It's a strange exchange to bargain away your Christmases with momentary acts of social revolt to discover anew each year that the season to be jolly comes and leaves you just as miserable as you were before you were supposed to be jolly. Joylessness remains one penalty of the outcast. Only a man who has become a social outcast can feel lost at seeing mistletoe resting beside evergreens a half-step away from a clanging prison gate. For the outside world, mistletoe and evergreens
Christmas and steel prolonged moments in futile struggles to reverse, recall, or change desperate pasts which bred deaden presents. We pass and say the magic words, Merry Christinas, to each other as though the word would provoke the magic feeling, as though it would invigorate the soul, as though it would instill its essence where the sound falls. But our souls are not in the spoken words because something in prison is not meant for Christmas. It might be the prison's atmosphere. It might be the total helplessness which prison blankets over numbered men or the after-taste that comes from an ancient wrong committed or the tacit agreement that society's debt should be paid in solemnity. Whatever it is, it finds robbers who were moved by greed, rapists by uncontrolled passion, drug addicts by trips beyond
foretell a season of laughter and good fellowship which fail to scale prison walls. Christmas is the right time for laughter and smiles — even with convicts. We smile because it keeps the tears blocked and because hope hangs so heavily wherever steel joins concrete. Hope holds future promises which yesterday omitted fulfilling. Hope holds convict's hearts. That's where Christmas has always existed — in hearts. But in hearts of happy people who have friends and family and who have more than vapor memories of lost friends from another country, another century. A silent self crawls through each inmate's bosom on Christmas Eve — a quiet self who still remembers his family and friends, who still remembers that memories are real enough to make him un-merry on the merriest day of the year.
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The House of Alpha and the CHANGING We pause in our varied activities to contemplate and prepare ourselves to live fully and courageously under the pressures of a deeply troubled world. We continue to foster "Love for all mankind" in a world where men still refuse to be thy brothers keeper. We continue to exhibit "Manly Deeds" in a society that now increasingly deplores any gestures that might symbolize or indicate traditionalism. And, we stress "Scholarship" in a society that now bellows: "too much emphasis is being placed upon education." Certainly, we are at the crossroads of our strivings! Will we live victoriously or die as an organization — without ammunition to combat this rapidly changing world, where our existence as a Fraternity is questioned by many! Certainly, this challenge causes us to ponder and take a careful re-evaluation of our objectives! Obsolescence can never be a byword of Alpha and we have repeatedly expressed our desires for creating new systems of service. Some of us, particularly undergraduates, shun not the principles upon which our great Fraternity stands, but we differ and come into conflict with the methods of implementing our aims! We must adjust ourselves to the changing times and demands of this — a mobile and vigorous society! — a society that strongly questions even the foundations upon which we stand! For we face a populace that now increasingly challenges the objectives for the existence of fraternities." Strongly adhering to cooperation, in-
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itiative, manliness, scholarship, and secrecy as a Fraternity and individually as Brothers, Alpha can — in the midst of these changing times — be the light for all fraternities. For us, the undergraduates — the infantry of the Fraternity — what adjustments must be considered to make Alpha Phi Alpha echo throughout the nation and universe? Alpha must continue to strive for the best in life and seek the best men as brothers! We must demand scholarship collectively and individually — for Alpha does not, must not, and will not tolerate mediocrity. Our society demands quality! We must actively recruit new members and we cannot afford to let "the wheels of progress cease their turning." We must be steadfast in our purpose to strongly encourage others to strive for sholarship and to take full advantage of the numerous available job opportunities. Our Pledging Programs must firmly instill the cardinal principles of our fraternity in complete harmony with these changing times. We have a definite responsibility of taking a wanting soul, molding him into a better man, capable of acepting responsibility and meeting the challenges of this age. I feel that there is a very definite need for us to return to the battlefields, to promote an incentive to study and achieve. There remains a need for the re-emphasis of our old battle cry "Stay in High School—Go to College (with a new
twist)"! Let's stimulate others, yes, to "Stay in High School," but to also "do something while there." An industrialized and automated society demands standardization! We must seek to become, internally, administratively efficient! All talking and no follow-throughwith-action will never accomplish the job. We must stop yapping and start communicating with each other and we must stop complaining and set-up and follow standards. Initiative tells me that "whenever in doubt — ask for guidance!" Collectively, we can make increasing demands of our National Headquarters for increased communication and direction. Eventually, "something's got to give!" Standardization, as exemplified by the Roman Catholic Church, causes stability for generations to come! Being interracial since 1945, we must adhere to standards to provide a oneness as a Fraternity. We must be servants of all; we must show love for our fellowman. This indicates that we must roll up our shirtsleeves, put on the cloak of a layman and work for the betterment and good of the communities in which we live. Alpha is and must always be concerned about the welfare of those around us. Having a genuine concern and interest in the welfare of our fellowman makes us stronger in the eyes of God. Alpha Outreach is an excellent opportunity for us to influence and guide the lives of these underprivileged community boys. We, as undergraduate brothers,
Hull TIMES
By ANDREW VENABLE
scholars and firm in initiative, must tailor this national project to meet the needs of our campus locale! Program diversification makes for a better and stronger Fraternity and causes us to advance in an age where retrogression can be too easily followed. Our Chapter autonomy and uniqueness as individuals, is an asset that can be fully utilized, and its rewards will carry the name of Alpha Phi Alpha forward. All things can never be said. We as individuals project the image of Alpha Phi Alpha. Our aims as a Fraternity, our uniqueness collectively and as individuals, our discreteness in the transaction of our personal affairs, causes us to stand above the fog. We undoubtedly do have a great mission: We are personal ambassadors and we must preach our gospel to every corner of this nation. Because it is a living gospel that will resound into all communities and bring out not only the best in the community, but the best men of this era. We now live in an age where "homosexuality" is becoming widespread. We must become more alert and very cautious to prevent this sexualism from permeating the House of Alpha! We do not measure a man by the "width of his smile, the cut of his clothes, of the amount of liquor he can consume." Rather, we measure a man by his attitudes, purposes, and contributions he can make to society. In like manner, we measure a Fraternity. In like manner, we must measure Alpha Phi Alpha!
POWER AND THE UNIVERSITY By DR. JAMES A. NABRIT, JR.
During the summer we witnessed an unceasing series of racial disturbances throughout the country. These disorders —call them by whatever name you will— resulted in large part from the historical treatment of Negroes in America from the days the first African slaves were landed to the present time. Slavery, by its very nature as an institution, divided people between the oppressors and those who were oppressed. These distinctions have
usually tended to linger long after the institution itself has been abolished. More than one hundred years after the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation the Negro people in America, the descendents of slaves, have not been able to shake off completely the shackles of oppression. Racial segregation and discrimination continue to abound. They strike at Negroes in areas which are most critical in their lives, especially in matters related to em-
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ployment, housing, and education. As the white majority knows, neither the Negro minority nor any other people can advance substantially unless genuine progress is made in these areas of life窶馬ot in just one area but in all three at once and at the same time. Those who administer our programs of assistance overseas know this well. At the close of World War II, we instituted immediately a massive program of aid to the war-torn countries of western Europe. Since that time, we have continued assistance in various forms to countries in Africa, Latin America, and Asia. Unfortunately, many of our country's leaders have not viewed the problems of these areas with urgency and interest as they did in the case of western Europe. Our foreign aid program for the present fiscal year is substantially less than it has been in most recent years. I make reference to this simply to suggest that there is something of a parallel with respect to the way in which many of our countrymen view the plight of the developing countries and the situation of Negroes at home. There must be a deeper understanding among the American people that neither the employment of arms overseas nor the use of troops in the streets of American cities can resolve issues which are not military by nature. Success obtained by force of arms can not bring answers to problems which are primarily social, economic, and political. I cannot in honesty say that there is no understanding at all among the American people with regard to this essential fact. The very existence of programs of overseas assistance and of the various poverty programs at home indicates not only an awareness of the nature of these pressing matters but also demonstrates an effort, for which we must give credit, to bring about a satisfactory resolution of these problems. But, generally speaking, all of these programs are inadequate to the accomplishment of the task. These programs, both at home and abroad, have contributed to a revolution of rising expectations. And the American people have not shown the will to carry through to final fruition the programs which they have only recently begun.
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I am sure that future scholars studying the history of our country will not fail to observe the military precociousness of the American people. We are frequently engaged in military ventures, generally on the victorious side. In such operations, our people show a spirit of tenaciousness and a determination to endure the loss of blood and resources which inevitably accompanies a major war. While these are, indeed, virtues in a hostile environment, I wish only to suggest that their application of non-military matters might more speedily bring about a remediation of the social, economic, and political ailments which afflict us. If we did not know it before, certainly experience should now teach us that a small dose of economic aid is not sufficient treatment for a massive economic ailment This is as true for the starving millions abroad as it is for impoverished Negroes at home. Nor will it suffice to improve the lives of a few. It is not enough, for example, to make it possible for a few Negroes to get a better education, a better job, and a better home. These essential matters in life must be brought within the realm of possibility of the masses of the people. It is in the interest of all that an end be brought to the perpetuation of the division of the world's people between the haves and have-nots and the oppressors and the oppressed. A world in which every new-born child has a birthright which includes an equality of human dignity and an opportunity to share in the bounty which civilization affords must be the ultimate goal for all of us. Until the time that this objective is reached, we are condemned to a dismal future of struggle whose only end will be the destruction of all who remain. There is great diversity among us as to how we should approach the problems which hang heavily upon us at this hour. With respect to the problems of race in America, there are those who, having grown tired of America's promises, and pessimistic about the prospects of genuine integration, now propose methods which would in effect enable the Negro people to go their own way. Those who advocate this position include many who have
labored valiantly in the vineyard of civil rights and who have grown weary from what seems to be the futility of their efforts. It is unfortunately true that they have not reaped the full harvest of their expectations. The 1954 Supreme Court decisions banning segregation in public education are still resisted in many areas and there are more Negro children in segregated schools than ever before. Public accommodation laws make it possible to be admitted to hotels, restaurants, theatres and the like which were previously barred to Negroes, but this has little meaning to those who do not have the means of availing themselves of the opportunity. Voter registration laws have been effective only after long, costly struggles fought through county by county and almost precinct by precinct. In the midst of affluence, the employment pattern of Negroes grows steadily worse. Their prospects of decent housing and good education are equally grim. White people in the North who supported civil rights activists in the South become hostile as the civil rights movement reaches the edges of their own neighborhoods. Poverty programs which once had at least token support become mired in the swampland of disapproval, neglect, and abandonment when it becomes clear that so many of those who would be helped are Negroes and other racial minorities. This is indeed a gloomy picture and has led to the disillusionment of many of the bright young people in the Negro minority. It is not unexpected that a new militancy has arisen among us, most especially among the youth of today. There is a spirit of revolt at work which will not be satisfied until a new order has been established. The new militants will not accept token integration or government-sponsored programs which represent half-hearted approaches to the problems of our times. They are tired of studies into which the same data are poured and out of which come the same findings and the same recommendations. It is sometimes said that the nature of the present is quite similar to the period of Reconstruction following the close of the Civil War when reaction set in and vigorous effort was made to separate Negroes completely from the mainstream of American life. One of the prin-
About the Author Dr. James Madison Nabrit, Jr., is an Atlanta-born educator and constitutional lawyer. He joined the faculty of the Howard University Law School in 1936 and has been Howard's president since 1960.
cipal differences between the two periods, however, is that Negroes will no longer play the role of passive subjects. While I encourage the militant spirit, there is for me an important matter of definition. To be militant, to encourage change, indeed to provoke revolution, does not necessarily mean to destroy all that pertains to the old establishment. While there are aspects of American society which operate in a way so as to keep the Negro minority in a disadvantaged position, there are other factors which work to our advantage. The distinction between good and bad, between right and wrong can not always be made in absolute terms. And whenever possible, it is a part of wisdom to place oneself where he can keep his options open, accepting that which he finds to be good, rejecting that which he finds to be bad. The struggle of the Negro to achieve his rights in American society, beginning with the close of the Civil War, has been hardfought and has gone through several different phases. It is indeed a blot on a democratic society that he has had to engage
in such a struggle at all. But we must accept the historical fact that such a struggle had to be undertaken and that other minorities coming to these shores, in addition to the Indians who were native to the land, have also had to overcome opposition to their assimilation into American life. One of the recent phases of the struggle has now come virtually to an end. This can be observed, for example, in the case of the sit-ins which were made so effective in the South by students and other young people who broke down barriers in the areas of public accommodations. There is also doubt about the continued effectiveness of such demonstrations as the March on Washington and the Selma March. We know, too, that while there is need for new legislation and the strengthening of certain laws already enacted, there not only is less interest in the area of legislation, but also, we have a greater concern regarding the implementation of laws which are already in operation. A question which is frequently asked is whether the civil rights movement is dead.
The answer, it seems to me, is both in the affirmative and in the negative. A phase of the struggle as typified by the activities of the decades of the late fifties and the sixties, is over. At the very least, a new phase of the movement has begun. The earlier successes of the movement have in some respects been illusory. Solid victories in major engagements are more difficult to achieve than in brief skirmishes. The enemy has been met and some concessions have been made. Some of the young people who took part in civil rights activities in the South have become embittered as they found that their work has not produced the immediate results for which they made such painful sacrifices. Yet, they may have achieved much more than they know, for certainly they contributed immensely to a climate in which the progress of recent years, however, small or great, has been made. Out of this group of young people has come a vigorous, restless spirit employing new tactics and following a philosophy radically different from that of earlier phases of the civil rights struggle. With their appearance, there is now a broad
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diversity among the organizations principally engaged in civil rights activities and there are deep differences of opinion regarding the future course of action. This is not an altogether unanticipated or unhealthy turn of events. The Negro people in America are not a monolithic group and like other groups contain within themselves a broad spectrum of philosophies and judgments. I am glad to see the emphasis which is being placed upon the importance of Negroes discarding the feeling of inferiority which the psychology of oppression has imprinted upon so many of us. Having pride and confidence in oneself is essential to self-delevelopment and advancement. It is necessary that we redouble our efforts to achieve our legitimate aspirations. While we shall continue to have differences of views as to how we should proceed, let us seek to avoid bitterness and hatred both among ourselves and in our association with others. Let us seek to avoid the excesses which have characterized some of those who have been among our oppressors. The cause of the Negro is just and has a strong moral basis which we should endeavor to maintain untarnished. I call upon the university community to note one of the phenomena of our times. Students and faculty insist rightfully upon all legal rights, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and due process; but as soon as they enjoy these rights, a few of them immediately seek to prevent others from enjoying these rights by every possible means—including violence and other illegal actions. Can the position that they take be accepted as permissible university policy? Let us not be beguiled or misled; these persons do not seek the enjoyment of rights, they seek the excesses of brutal tactics and the destruction of the educative process. By their noise, their actions, and their trumpeting they receive attention beyond their deserts, they create anxieties beyond their ability to bring into realization the things feared and they seek to discredit and destroy all who do not blindly accept their gods. This is not the climate of a university—in fact, these actions and threats directed against Negroes with whom some other Negroes do not agree
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is of the essence not only of stupidity but of inevitable self-destruction. To spend our time tearing down or berating other Negroes or intimidating them is no gateway to the solution of the problems of the masses of Negroes. If the advocates of black power on our campuses really want to help the people in the ghetto, let them begin teaching the people in the ghetto how to make their shabby homes more inviting, how to cope with dirt and rats, how to market without being gouged with inflated prices and hidden interest charges, how to read and how and where to apply for a job, how to pool their meager resources, their political possibilities and their cooperative efforts. This is the positive step, not the negative one of posing, gesticulating, using profanity, downgrading everybody and everything. I call upon the university to think upon these things. But I call upon the university itself to do something for the people in the ghettoes in urban America. We have been engaged in this on a broad scale but we have not scratched the surface. I also call upon students and faculty to engage in real dialogue, not name-calling — in actually conferring, not in issuing ultimata of either the far right or left. Let us not think of the university as perfect but as experimenting, testing, and probing for enlightment and guidance. The young people want discussion, not directives — and we should seek to bring this about. Let us be straightforward with one another, let us hear all sides of the questions, let us sit down together and thrash them out in a constructive manner. Racism is bad no matter what its color. To show how trite and insincere its disciples are, every time certain of the advocates of Black Power are arrested, they generally use white lawyers. Now I am not complaining about this. But how do they square this fact with their attacks on all whites as enemies? I am pointing out that it is absurd to think we do not need the aid and good-will of white Americans. At the same time they say go out and kill all whites, they run to whites for protection. How absurd can one get! I do not profess to be making an attack upon Black Power. I am exercising my freedom of speech as a member of the
university community to point out that some of the things which effect our campuses, I think good and some I think bad. I say without reservation, that hatred and violence are the twin engines of destruction anywhere, but in a university community they are catastrophic and fatal. The university cannot become partners with either racial hatred or violence. But we can certainly discuss them freely. We do not need to be political or idealogical partners.
At Howard I would like to see students and teachers work out courses which are of special interest to students. We are prepared to receive and consider evaluations of courses and teachers by students if an acceptable framework can be agreed upon. We are prepared to modify rules affecting students and make such other changes at Howard as are warranted. If I were a young man in school today, I am sure I would be interested in the use of power, in the plight of the Negro masses, and I would in all probability be frustrated by the delays, rules and the practices of our generation. This has occurred with a surprising consistency over the years. What we are now facing is the necessity of accommodating ourselves to this changing scene. At least let us meet and face the facts as men and women of intellect and good-will and who love Howard University. This is my hope and belief. There are many able young people at Howard who, I am sure, are destined for leadership roles in this continuing struggle. I hope that Howard will play a major part in preparing them for their responsibilities. For the purpose of the university is to teach and to provide an intellectual atmosphere where scholars may engage in serious and reflective work.
In order to achieve its purpose, however, a true university must not lose its objectivity. As an academic center, it must not allow itself to become a base of political power or be viewed as a prize to be won as a result of the activities of group contestants. The experiences of universities which have been so used give testimony to the acadmeic ruins which must inevitably follow.
AM
Alpha* in* Action ^
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and an Alpha, was awarded recently the Distinguished Service Award of the Philadelphia (Pa.) chapter's Intra-Fraternal Relations Committee...President of the Committee is Bro. Donald Thompson...Beta Pi Chapter at Lane College, Jackson, Tenn., held its annual smoker in October. President is Brother Charles Johnson, senior history major, of Trenton, Tenn. Editor to the Sphinx is Bro. Leon Freemon, another senior history major from Tennessee (Memphis)...Beta Pi has 16 members in the Sphinx Club. Iota Lambda Chapter, Harve De Grace, Md., organized in 1966, recently held its first annual picnic at Flying Point Park, Edgewood, Md....Plans are being formulated by Gamma Gamma Lambda Chapter, Greenville, S.C., to host the Southern Regional Convention over next Easter weekend. Bro. Otha N. Brown, Jr., was re-elected to the Common Council of Norwalk (Conn.) for a third term. He is the only Negro on the 17-member Council and the only member of his race with an elective office in Norwalk...Delta Nu Chapter at Maryland State College, Princess Anne, Md., has named Miss Joyce Pinder, of Vienna, Md., as its Queen for the 1967-'68 school year. She is a sophomore majoring in nursing. Delta Nu also had nine probates to cross "the burning sands" last month, and about 15 young men entering the Sphinx Club...Chapter President is Bro. Herman Eure. The Board of Directors of the Alpha Phi Alpha Education Foundation, Inc., met October 28. Bro. Thomas D. Pawley, III, is the director... Among items discussed were revision of the Foundation's constitution, a review of the (Oscar) Ritchie proposals on fund raising procedures and the maintenance of the scholarship-fellowship program... Suggestions are to make the scholarship-fellowship program more competitive, to increase the dollar amounts, and to reduce the number of recipients.
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A new theme was also developed: Stay in High School, Go to College ...Bro. Morris M. Hatchett, a member of the Foundation, and Alpha's new General Counsel, observed that Alpha should project itself as a force to attract other funds...Feeling has been that Alpha's scholarship program provided little motivation because of the pittances granted in the past. Alpha Eta Lambda Chapter, Houston, Texas, held its annual Alpha Round-Up on October 22, in the Castillian Room of the famous Shamrock Hilton Hotel. About 65 Brothers and their wives attended, along with several Probates...Chapter Brothers Asberry Butler, Vivian Chagois and James Race received awards for outstanding service and achievement... Delta Theta, undergraduate chapter at Texas Southern University, won a three-foot trophy for attaining the highest scholastic average for greek letter organizations on the campus. The Eastern Region held its third all-staff conference on October 28 in Arlington, Va....General President Lionel Newsom and the newly appointed field secretary, Bro. Charles Williams, attended...The Eastern Regional Convention will be held in Wilmington, Del., May 5-6. Mu Lambda Chapter, Washington, D.C., held its annual Founders' Day Observance at the Shoreham, December 10...Sen. Edward Brooke (another Alpha great) was the headliner...One of the outgrowths of Theta Rho Lambda Chapter, Arlington, Va., is the Northern Virginia Council of the National Panhellenic Council. There are now three Greek Letter organizations with membership. The regional council is a cooperating liaison organization which promotes cooperation among the fraternities and sororities of the Northern Virginia area. Undergraduate Brothers of the Southwestern Region held an undergraduate conference last month at Langston University, to discuss the need for serious preparation for responsible and effective leadership...Bro. William Pryor, Gamma Chi Lambda Chapter, was re-elected executive secretary of the National Baptist Laymen...Bro. Dr. Irving E. Tompkins, also of Gamma Chi Lambda (San Francisco), died recently following a traffic accident. He was 38. An undergraduate chapter, Zeta Zeta, has been established at the University of Oklahoma...This is the year of Life Memberships. Gamma Gamma Lambda, Greenville, S.C., has six Brothers who took out Life Memberships this year, bringing the chapter's total to nine.
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ALPHA WORKSHOP Laurence T. Young, Executive
Secretary
The Constitution: The Constitutional Amendments adopted by the 61st Anniversary Convention have been duly approved by the chapters of the Fraternity in both divisions—Undergraduate and Graduate—and became effective as of November 22. Two of the most important changes are: (1) That wherever in the Fraternity's Constitution and By-Laws the word "General" appears before the word "Secretary", the word "General" is deleted and in its stead the word "Executive" is inserted. The Executive Secretary shall have full authority, within the policy guide lines approved by the General Convention and the Board of Directors, and within the approved budget and under the guidance and supervision of the General President — to implement fully and effectively the mandates and resolutions authorized and approved by the General Convention. (2) The elected officers shall be a General President, five regional Vice-Presidents, a General Treasurer, and an Editor of the Sphinx. EXPANSION
OF GENERAL
OFFICE
The Convention also approved the proposal of Hunt-Thurman Associates (architects) of Baton Rouge, Louisiana, for alterations and additions to the General Office Building, at 4432 South Parkway, Chicago, Illinois, and the acquisition of a piece of property adjoining the premises to the south, at 4434 South Parkway, Chicago, Illinois. This piece of property is to be razed and prepared for parking (off street) facility, thus enhancing the value of the Fraternity's original investment. Purchase of this property has been effected, and an escrow agreement has been set up at the Chicago Title and Trust Company. Completion of this operation is expected by Spring of 1968.
REGIONAL
CONVENTIONS:
Eastern Regional Convention Wilmington, Delaware
April 5, 6, 1968 (Easter week-end)
Midwestern Regional Convention Louisville, Kentucky
April 26, 27, 1968
Southern Regional Convention Greenville, South Carolina
April 12, 13, 1968
Southwestern Regional Convention Lafayette, Louisiana April 5, 6, 1968 (Easter week-end) Western Regional Convention Sacramen to, Calif or n ia
May 10,11, 1968
Honorary Life Member: The Board of Directors unanimously voted an Honorary Life Membership in Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity to Brother Roscoe C. Giles of Chicago, 2nd General President of the Fraternity (1910). All men of Alpha, particularly our Life Members are distinguished but one of our latest distinguished Life Members is Brother Edward W. Brooke, United States Senator, now Life Member No. 491. Omega: Since the last General Convention, the following Brothers have passed into Omega Chapter: Brothers William Bass, Joel C. Cage, Goler L. Collins, Louis K. Downing, William DuBose, Benjamin B. Evans, William Hagins. Spencer T. Hardy, Josef P. Harrison, W. Norfleet Lowe, Rollie C. McMahon, Edward L. Patterson, Jr.; Lawrence P. Schumake, Myron B. Towns, Raymond L. Veasley, Ray Washington, and Thomas W. Young. Mail Balloting for General President: The General Office will prepare and mail ballots to all active brothers (as of November 15, 1967) on April 1, 1968. These ballots will be voted and returned on or before August 1, 1968 to the Election Commission in a sealed, self addressed envelope, to the designated U.S. Post Office Box. Candidates are featured elsewhere in this issue. Sigma Lambda Celebration: General President Lionel H. Newsom was guest of honor at Initiation ceremonies and Banquet. together with Founders' Day celebration, sponsored by Sigma Lambda chapter. New Orleans, Louisiana, December 1-3. Also taking occasion to honor Brother Ernest N. Morial, the newly elected representative to the Louisiana legislature. Newest Undergraduate Chapter: We welcome heartily our newest undergraduate chapter at the seat of the University of Oklahoma. Norman. Oklahoma. Their chapter President, Brother Walter F. Mosley writes: "The men of Zeta Zeta chapter of Alpha Phi Alpha take this opportunity to thank the General Office and all our Brothers who made it possible for us to be chartered. With since gratitude and appreciation for the interest shown in us, we say thank you." Midwestern Regional Directors' Meeting: Under the leadership of Brother Gus T. Ridgel, Midwestern Vice President, a meeting of State Directors was held at the General Office in Chicago, Saturday, November 25. Fourteen directors attended and developed a "hard hitting" program for the year, with some emphasis on the proper usage of the Notice of Initiation form, which is so frequently violated by most chapters. Grand Tax: Have you paid your Grand Tax to your Chapter —which chapter in turn will promptly remit same to the General Office? We gratefully acknowledge, with appreciation the response of the many chapters and brothers throughout the County, who have recognized November 15 as the dead line for paymeent of annual Grand Tax.
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The Ohio State University has announced graduate assistantships for men and women in student personnel work for 1968-69. If you would like to be a counselor of college students; an adviser to international students; a director of residences; a dean of men or women; a dean of students, a director of housing; a student union director; a director of student activities; a director of financial aid or admissions—you will be interested in the Student Personnel Assistant Program of The Ohio State University. Generally the first year recipients of assistantships live and work with students as residence hall assistants, group advisers, and counselors. They work about 20 hours a week under supervision of the directors of residence and the student personnel staff. As staff members of the residence halls, the people selected for this program become active participants in The Ohio State University personnel program for students administered by Dr. John T. Bonner, Jr., Executive Dean of Student Relations; and Miss Ruth H. Weimer and Mr. Milton Overholt, Associate Deans of Students, in charge of programs and activities, and management.
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c
s
The academic program leading to the M.A. or Ph.D. degrees requires from 45 to 55 quarter hours for the master's and 90 hours beyond the master's for the doctorate. A thesis or dissertation is required. The student may register for a maximum of 12 hours each quarter. Among the courses available to students in the student personnel field are: psychology of counseling with Dr. Francis P. Robinson; interaction of the student and the college environment and college administration with Dr. Collins Burnett; The Community Junior College with Dr. Burnett and Dr. Richard Frankie; administrative aspects of student personnel work with Dr. Maude Stewart; psychological study of individuals and groups with Dr. Jean S. Straub; Ecological psychology and student and environmental assessment with Dr. W. Bruce Walsh; laboratory in counseling with counseling psychology staff: counseling diagnostics with Dr. Frank M. Fletcher; student housing with Mrs. Helen Raney: group process with Dr. C. Gratton Kemp; and special seminars providing study of current issues and theories. Each recipient of an assistantship must (1) hold a bachelor's degree from an accredited college. (2) present a B average
\ in undergraduate courses, (3) be accepted into the Graduate School and by an academic department, (4) have the requisite personal qualities. Only single students are eligible for resident assistantships. Student personnel assistantships with relevant responsibilities and comparable compensation are available in the Admissions Office with Dr. Ted R. Robinson; International Students' Office with Miss Ruth C. Bailey; Registrar's Office with Dr. Dean O. Clark; Ohio Union with Dr. Rod Swearingen. Preference will be given to experienced students and to students working toward the Ph.D. degree. Recipients receive room, board, and $ 115 a month during the first year—the equivalent of a graduate assistantship. They will receive room, board, and $ 150 a month during the second year—the equivalent of a teaching assistantship. Both in-state and out-of-state tuition fees are waived for recipients.
For further information write to: Dr. Jean S. Straub, Director, Student Personnel Assistant Program, 218 Pomerene Hall, 1760 Neil Avenue, The Ohio State University. Columbus, Ohio 43210.
Frank J. Ellis
Elmer C. Collins
Leroy Patrick
Ernest N. Morial
Frank J. Ellis
Loyola College, Baltimore, and at American University, Washington, D.C., Brother Ellis has been a consultant in housing for more than 25 urban communities throughout the U.S. He is vice president of the National Association of Public Administrators, a member of the Advisory Council to the National Association of County Executives, the first Negro on the Board of Big Brothers of America, Baltimore, and for ten years he has been on the board of directors of the National Committee Against Discrimination in Housing. Initiated into Alpha at Beta Alpha Chapter in 1947, Brother Ellis attended his first General Convention that same year, missing only one since then, due to illness. Now in his second term as Eastern Regional Vice President, Ellis has instituted periodic meetings of regional chapter presidents and secretaries to instruct them in uniform administrative procedures and to provide guidelines for implementing regional programs. He has established a regional newsletter and five chapters.
Brother Ellis is director of a private urban renewal program for the City of Wilmington, Del., where he has initiated several new housing programs, one of which is a $5 million program to lend money to those unable to get conventional loans. A former college professor of economics and college business manager, Brother Ellis was a public housing administrator in Baltimore for 11 years and a private housing administrator in Washington, D.C., for one year. A lecturer in Public Administration at
Brother Ellis has served as a regional director under five Eastern Vice Presidents. served on the Committee on Recommmendations (as chairman), headed the Resolutions Committee and was vice chairman of the Constitutional Committee for the national organization. He has been president of Delta Lambda Chapter for six years. As Eastern Vice President, Brother Ellis established three major programs for the East: (1) Alpha Outreach, a new concept of Go to High School, Go to College program to provide voluntary
These are campaign times窶馬ot only in the nation but in Alpha as well, where four members are running hard for the presidency of the 30,000-plus member fraternity. They are Brothers Ernest N. Morial, New Orleans, La.; Frank J. Ellis, Baltimore, Md.; Elmer Clarence Collins. Warrensville Heights, Ohio; and Leroy Patrick, Pittsburgh, Pa. According to General Secretary Laurence T. Young, ballots will be mailed to all Alphas who are financial with their local chapters and the National Office. The results will be tallied at the 62nd Anniversary Convention in Detroit, Mich., next August. The winner of the mail balloting will succeed General President Lionel H. Newsom, thus becoming Alpha's 23rd General President. Following are biographical sketches of the four candidates.
4 Seeking General Presidency guidance for youth, (2) Social Action, a call for direct involvement in the community through the creation of social action committees by each chapter, and (3) Education, a program that provides for each chapter to function as an information center on the availability of scholarships, and it sets minimum amounts of aid each chapter should provide in relation to its size. An active churchman (he's lay leader of his local church), Brother Ellis is a graduate of Morgan State College (B.A., 1949) and American University (M.A., Economics, 1950, and M.A., Public Administration, 1953). He is married and the father of two sons, 19 and 11.
Elmer C. Collins Brother Collins' life and career have been intrinsically interwoven with Alpha. As an undergraduate at Kentucky State College, he was president of Beta Mu Chapter, captain and All-American guard of a championship football team. He was a founder of Gamma Alpha Lamba and Delta Alpha Lamba Chapters, serving three terms as president. He has been "Alpha Man Of The Year," Midwestern Vice-President, and a member of the Building Foundation. He is currently on the board of the Education Foundation. He is a Life Member of the Fraternity. Collins is an active member of the N.A.A.C.P. He has not only championed the cause of civil rights in Cleveland, but was the organizer and leader of his Chapter in the March on Washington. His outstanding leadership and participation in
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the Hough and Glenville Community Councils were recognized by the Cleveland Board of Education in selecting him as Director of Training in Aim-Jobs, the largest and most comprehensive antipoverty program in Ohio. Brother Collins is married to his college classmate and has three children. His wife, Mary who never misses an Alpha convention, is a teacher in the Cleveland Public Schools. "Al" believes that if Alpha Phi Alpha is to maintain and strengthen its leadership both on the college campus and in the community, it must mold its program to fit the changing mood of our times. "Emphasis" he says, "must be placed at the grassroot level in order to satisfy the needs and challenges of discriminating youth."
the Alpha Phi Alpha since 1936 and has attended 11 of the last 12 National Conventions. Dr. Patrick has received many awards and commendations during his career. In 1953 he was selected by Time Magazine and the Greater Pittsburgh Chamber of Commerce as one of Pittsburgh's "100 Newsmakers of Tomorrow," and was cowinner of the James and Rachel Levinson Foundation Brotherhood Award. During 1951-1954, when Dr. Patrick first arrived in Pittsburgh, he led the fight, with the small youth group of his new church, to open up city and county swimming pools to Negroes. The group was stoned, nearly drowned, and in one case assaulted at several of the city and county pools, but were successful in integrating the pools.
A 1934 graduate of Kentucky State College (B.S., split major, Social Science and Physical Education), Brother Collins did graduate work at Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, and became the first Negro male to receive a Master's degree in Health and Physical Education. At Kentucky State he has been a director of out-of-school youth projects, football line coach, boxing coach and assistant dean of men. Later with the Cleveland Board of Education, he has been a physical education teacher and coach at Thomas A. Edison School (1947'60), head of the Physical Education Department at Empire Junior High School (1960-'62), head of the Physical Education Department at John Hay School (1963-'66), and director of Extended School Services Program, Audubon Junior High School (March, 1966 to March. 1967).
During 1954-1956 Dr. Patrick and a small band of intensely interested citizens almost single handedly saved the kindergartens from being abolished in Pittsburgh public schools by the State Legislature. Between 1952-1965 he was chairman of the Allegheny County Council on Civil Rights and is now a board member and he was also chairman of the NAACP Public Accommodations Committee which is responsible for opening bowling alleys and restaurants to Negroes. Dr. Patrick is minister of a progressive congregation of 460 members, with a full range of church and community activities. He is director of the Bethesda Community Center which has an enrollment of over 1000 persons. The Bethesda Center employs 1 3 full-time paid and 20 part-time paid persons, along with 145 volunteers. The Center has opened a psychiatric unit in cooperation with the Offices of Economic Opportunity (Poverty Program). This unit has a psychiatrist social work consultant and four psychiatric social workers. Married to the former Norma A. Brandon of New York City, the Patricks have two sons, Stephen and Gregory.
Leroy Patrick Brother Leroy Patrick, a Presbyterian clergyman, is minister of Bethesda United Presbyterian Church and Director of Bethesda Church Community Center in Pittsburgh, Pa. He graduated from Lincoln University, Pa., in 1939, received an M.A. in Social Theology from New York City's Union Theological Seminary in 1946, and that same year he was awarded the Doctor of Divinity degree at Lincoln University. Brother Patrick has been a member of
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Ernest N. Morial Brother Morial, a practicing attorney in New Orleans, La., is Life Member No. 102 of Alpha and, apparently, the first Negro State Representative in Louisiana
in modern times. In the last November Democratic primary he beat out three men in the race for a seat in the lower house. He now runs unopposed in the April, 1968 election, with voters in his district more than 60 per cent Negro. Brother Morial is a graduate of Xavier University (B.S., Business Administration. 1951) and Louisiana State University Law School (LL.B., 1954). A former U.S. Army Intelligence Corps officer, he was the first Negro graduate of Louisiana State Law School and the first Negro ever initiated into the Knights of Columbus in Louisiana. A Life member of the NAACP, and a past president of the New Orleans chapter, Morial is a member of the Louisiana State Bar Association, American, National, and Southwest bar associations, the St. Thomas More Catholic Lawyers Association, Louis A. Martinet Legal Society, New Orleans Notaries Association, Catholic Press Association, Federal Bar Association, the American Trial Lawyers Association, the Urban League, the Coordinating Council of Greater New Orleans, and the Community Relations Council. Married to the former Sybil G. Haydel, and father of four children, Brother Morial is admitted to practice before the U.S. Supreme Court, Louisiana Supreme Court, U.S. District Court, U.S. Court of Appeals, and the Internal Revenue Service. He is currently president of the New Orleans Legal Assistance Corporation that provides neighborhood legal services under the Office of Economic Opportunity. He appears in the 1965 edition of "Outstanding Young Men of America" and "Who's Who in the South and Southwest," 1967-'68. Brother Morial is a former member of the Board of Directors of Alpha Phi Alpha Building Foundation, Inc., and served as chariman of its Application Committee. He is also a former member of the board of directors of the Urban League of Greater New Orleans; past general counsel of Apha, former business administration instructor at Xavier University. and former instructor of Distributive Education in the Orleans Parish Public Schools.
An Alpha who is involved 'where the action is', Looks at America and doesn't like what he sees the Life of a great nation in peril. But, he says, its condition is not hopeless.
Who can save America? During recent months, I have visited nearly every city in our nation in which a riot or a rebellion has occurred. In every one of these cities there are cancerous socio-economic conditions which have been left unchecked for a long time. Historically, we Americans have been a very optimistic people. We never cease to believe that God is on our side. Because we carry his name on the face of our coins, we assume that we can carry Him in our pockets. Our optimism is based on what we consider to be the historisity of a divine necessity. But, to use the language of Sportin' Life in Porgy and Bess, "It ain't necessarily so"! Something has begun to happen in our nation which leaves no doubt, in my mind at least, that an advanced stage of social cancer now threatens the very life of the nation. Now if you do not believe this, and if you feel that the majority of the American people do not really believe this, just remember that no cancer patient really wants to believe his doctor when he tells it to him "like it is." An ancient cynic once put it this way, "Tell me happy stories, sing me a glad refrain; but spare me from the truth, I dare not risk the pain." Well, the diagnosis of an illness is, after all, an academic matter. What about the cure? And before we focus on the cure. upon the surgeons and the operating table, there are two infectious myths which have infiltrated the operating room which need to be washed away before we can see clearly what really needs to be done. The first is that the nation cannot be saved, that the cancer has spread too far. that America is doomed to a destiny of hell, that everything is all wrong and hopeless. This pessimistic attitude needs
to be countered with expressions like the one Sargent Shriver used recently at a commencement address at Muelingburg College: "Instead of talking so much about what is wrong in a world which we did not make, let us begin to do all we can to do what is right in a world which we can make." The second myth which must be destroyed is that the nation is not worth being saved, even if it were possible to save it. This is the view which is held by most of those who would burn down cities, those who seek to take advantage of the legitimate hostility of the sons of poverty. To all those who would teach and preach "burn, baby burn," we must vigorously proclaim, "build, baby build," reminding those who are cynical that Negro America and white America are now inextricably intertwined, and that we as Negroes cannot destroy America without destroying ourselves at the same time. More than anything else, America means people; and people are always worth being saved—from prejudice, from bigotry, from ignorance, from poverty and oppression.
By GRADY E. POULARD
There are four salient, solvent sectors of our society which can be likened into a competent team of surgeons who are equipped with the necessary skills to perform a successful operation on our nation and remove its social cancer. On the part of each one of these sectors there is a great deal of "bandaid" action going on, but as all of us know, bandaids will not cure cancer. The first of these sectors is the Congress of the United States. The truth of the matter is that many of our federal legislators are using the anti-poverty program as a political football. As lawmakers, they have been invested with the power to pass the kind of legislation which will promote the welfare of the nation and its people. Yet, we can't even get an effective rat control bill passed. More recenlty, we have witnessed a vicious attempt to dismantle and dismember the only major federal agency which works full time, indeed overtime, in behalf of the poor in our nation. No legislator would dare suggest taking the Veterans Administration from the veterans, the Department of Agriculture from the farmers, the Department of Commerce from the business community, etc., but many there are those who would rob the poor of the Office of Economic Opportunity. In essence, this would be to rob millions of people throughout this country of their only flicker of hope. Therefore, my brothers, I call upon you to write to your Congressmen, send them telegrams; remind them that they cannot afford to forget that you influence a hell of a lot of votes in your community. Let the Congress know that Alpha is aware of and alerted to the political implications of poverty, as well as to the impoverishing implications of phony politics. We
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have the resources; we have the skill; and all we need is the will! Another sector of our society which can do a great deal to save the nation is organized religion. And I think our churches would do well to recall those words of Emerson: "What you do speaks so loudly I cannot hear what you say." What is needed in our communities today, from the church, is a relevant concept of salvation. To the man who is hungry it means bread; to the man who is suffering from anxiety, it means positive mental health; to unhappily married couples, it means either reconcilliation or amicable divorce; to a young girl with an unwanted pregnancy it means a legal abortion. I call upon all Alpha men who are churchmen to oppose any approach to religion that does not take the needs of the total person seriously. If ever you should hear a clergyman tell a poor person to "pray harder and sacrifice a little more for the Lord," notice to see if the "Lord" might not indeed be a slick cat, wearing a silk suit, riding around in a Cadillac. I call upon you not to support a church or a preacher who will not use the resources and facilities of the institution primarily for the "Salvation" of deprived humanity, those very persons who usually are not welcome in our plush, bourgeois, middle class settings. Alpha men, demand that your ministers be loyal prophets in the tradition of the Nazarene (which they say they are), or demand that they leave the pulpit. Begin to insist that your church and its leadership be genuine, relevant and honest, or that it not be at all! Be ashamed to be identified with a religious farce or a pious fraud. Heaven must be created here on earth, where millions of people are caught in the hell of poverty and despair. The church can help with the job. It has the resources, it has the skill; it needs more will! Another sector of our society which can do a great deal to bring health to the nation is private industry. Big corporations are making money hand over fist— the very rich getting much richer while the very poor, who must buy their products, are getting much poorer. As Michael Harrington points out in The Accidental
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Century, the collective society about which Adam Smith once spoke is actually becoming an exclusive collective society of mammoth corporations. Some companies have patted themselves on the back for their "band aid" approach to the unemployment problem; namely—"on the job training." What unemployed men need is jobs! What heads of families need is a guaranteed income! Nothing less than this is going to give a man the kind of dignity which makes it irrational for him to steal, burn, loot, curse, and kill. The unemployment problem in our nation could be solved in less than a year if private industry alone would seize the opportunity to make more human investments. One lesson, at least, has been taught us by the unrest in our cities this summer: the property of the rich is not safe as long as the poor are hopelessly frustrated and angry. Private industry has the resources, it has the skill; it only needs the will!
are "free?" Listen to these words which Mama speaks to her daughter Bennetta in the late Lorraine Hansberry's play, Raisin In the Sun: "Child, when do you think it is best to love somebody the most? When they done good, and made everybody happy? If that's what you think, child, then you ain't through learning yet. When you measure somebody child, measure them right, measure them right. Make sure you done taken into account all the hills and valleys they done come through before they done got where they is."
Finally, I want to comment on what social and fraternal organizations can do; specifically, what Alpha can do. As Brother Martin Luther King often points out, most of the progress in the civil rights field during the past twelve years has benefited, primarily, the socalled "middle class Negro" — educationally, socially, and economically. We have either escaped from the rural south or the city ghetto. But while we have been doing better and better, the brother in the ghetto has been "getting it" worse and worse. Not only is "white society" against him; his "middle class" black brothers don't want to be identified with him. He embarrasses us; his language is bad, his clothings are too jivey, and he "don't carry himself well."
Our national body has the option of going to a plush Detroit hotel next year, flooding the coffers of the "man" who literally owns the 20th century, financially, or, we can decide to dress in our tee shirts and our dungarees and meet in the ghetto and identify with (and patronize) our black brothers whom the 20th century is about to completely bypass. We can take the lead in this direction, and become the first major national organization to make such a dynamic witness of concern in behalf of the disinherited sons of poverty. Can we be so bold, so daring, so innovative? Must we always do it the same way, in the same kind of place, year nfter year? Is there not now a rationale for change—at least for some new beginning in this direction in 1968? Can we begin to think in these terms now, while we have the best caliber of leadership in Lionel Newsome?
Well, let me ask you, my middle class brothers: How in the hell is the guy in the ghetto ever going to learn how to live, how to think, how to dress, how to speak, if somebody does not begin to love him as he is, and help him to see and achieve wider horizons. What right do we "escapees" have to criticize those who have not yet succeeded in "escaping?" As a matter of fact, is it not true that in some instances we are the ones who are now "prisoners" and they are the ones who
Our local chapters have the option of esoteric, decadent, irrelevant little cliques, "hung up" on business meetings, dues and the annual dance, or our chapters can begin to "swing" and go out in the community where the action is, where underprivileged people, black and white, need our time, our talents, our understanding, our acceptance, and, as we sing in the hymn, our manly deeds, our scholarship, and our love for all mankind.
Today, the life of a great nation is in peril, but its condition is not hopeless. Somehow, we must come to realize that we have "promises to keep, and miles to go before we sleep." In the words of Lincoln: "The hour is late; the issue is clear; it is time for us to disenthrall ourselves."
On February 18, 1964 I received a letter from Bro. Dr. Felton G. Clark, president of Southern University at Baton Rouge, La. He closed it by saying: "I still say you must write about one other thing." The subject is me. Life Member number one.
Fral
Humor I was born Oliver Wilson Winters sometime in the dim distant past at Trappe Talbot County, Md. Two other people have helped to put Trappe on the map, one was Frank Baker, the Home Run Baker who made baseball history with the Philadelphia Athletics baseball club. The other person was an eminent Q.C., Dr. John Purnell, noted St. Louis educator. My father, Rev. James H. Winters, was a Methodist Minister in the Delaware Annual Conference. My mother, Mrs. Harriet Ann Winters, was the daughter of Robert Wilson, a half breed Indian descending from one of the regional American Indian tribes. I am not exactly sure which tribe, Chippewa or Cherokee. Perhaps it was the Blackfoot tribe. I suspect there was some Indian blood in my father, too, because they say when he first saw me he said: "Uggh! How?" But the vagaries of genetics foisted me on the Winters-Wilson chromosomatic combination and ushered me into this world dimpled and freckled. Yes, freckled; one big freckle, a dark mahogany freckle that covered my entire face, and still does. I was not a bottle baby at first but I showed signs of becoming unweanable so the bottle was forced upon me. Often there have been happy memory periods of childhood retrospection which has generated a quality of proficiency in artificial respiration in mouth to mouth method.
My father was a typical circuit minister, sometimes with two small parishes. We were so poor that my brother James. a year older than I often shared a diaper between us, he using it on the odd numbered, I, on the even days. My schooling was normal for those times, with generous doses of the three R's, reading 'riting and 'rithmetic. We had not then learned the modern two R's—reading and rioting. We had our version of Get Set and Head Start. In our country schools with the open housing (no plumbing, but natural air conditioning supplemented by slivers of sifting snow), it was on your mark, get set, get it over with. And we didn't need any new math to convince the teacher that time was of the essence. Pursuit of an educational sheepskin was similar to Jason's search for the Golden Fleece. My brother James had first dip into the family strong box (a large pickle jar) and graduated from Delaware State College at Dover, Del. I, too, had a brief sojourn there until they went back to putting pickles into the jars. I picked up a diploma at Storer College, Harpers Ferry, W. Va., joined Bro. Sydney J. Brown of The House of Alpha authorship at Howard University, pursued and was pursued by dentistry at Howard University Dental School, Temple University Dental College and the University of Pennsylvania Graduate Dental School. I got the Fleece but I am still searching for the gold. Many people have called me a fugitive from the ministry. Perhaps I am. Upon reflection the choice of a denomination would have been a problem. As a Baptist minister I would have been too short and too weak to baptize a candidate. And detergents were not discovered then so I couldn't have been a good Foot Wash Baptist. I was unfit by nature to be a Holy Roller because I was too imaginative and challenging. Alpha has been good to me. I have been National Parliamentarian for twentysix years, succeeding Bro. Theodore (Ted) Berry, Cincinnati's gift to Sargent Shriver and the National Anti Poverty Bureau, Washington, D.C. I began my Frat Fun column in The Sphinx about thirty-five years ago, succeeding Bro. Elmer Cheeks.
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In 1937, at the Convention at Xavier University in New Orleans, I was made Alpha's first Life Member after carrying a life insurance endowment policy made out to Alpha Phi Alpha for ten years.
Humor is not necessarily indigenous. Mine came out of deep travail and constant awareness of the humor that pervades our lives. For instance, even sex is funny. We are amused at the male during the birth episode of his progeny, going through pseudo labor pains and other manifestations. When he gets old we speculate on his ability to "cut the mustard." When he dies we say he kicked the bucket." Humor for our columns come by whimsical impulses, incidental events and diligent anthologies, inspirations, and choice morsels referred by kindred minds like the Bros. Rumford, Garvin, Buckner, the Jones Judges, Sidney and Billy and many others. My brother whose forte was music, band music, was naturally funny. He was the true humorist, I was austere and lugubrious. This antithesis prevailed throughout our childhood. He was bright, effervescent and loquacious; I was dull, shy and laconic. All day long he would be outside playing with the neighborhood boys. I was content to stay home playing with myself, or reading voraciously. Now I often extract elements of mirth and humor from chance remarks overheard at conventions, faux pas, etc. Brothers to whom we associate much dignity or serious mien furnish the media for much useful humor. And it is at conventions that our exposure as a cynosure object because of the paradox of frat fun imagery and parliamentary austerity has been most flattering. A glance, a stare, a smile followed by a greeting is ample recompense for the many hours of midnight toil, such as I am now doing. This tightrope type of writing which sometimes skims the fringes of editorial censorship permits occasional graffiti to peep out from the column just when the teenager gets The Sphinx which generally arrives before you get home. However, an interrupted period of fun and humor
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prevailed through the editorship of such patiently understanding and appreciative editors as Bros. Bernard Young, Reid Jackson, Arnett Lindsay, Lewis Swingler, Barton Beatty, Anderson Davis and George M. Daniels. This column about Me is not complete, and much about me is omitted because this is neither an autobiography nor an obituary. It is a recorded literary shadow of that which Bro. Felton Clark has often suggested and urged.
To my own amazement here are excerpts culled from copies of Sphinx Magazines dating back 35 years: At St. Louis a girl with big ideas, Tis sad to say drank too many beeahs; But the girl whose throat I'd like to cut, Was the one who said, "I'd like to, but —".
The Siamese Twins spooned in the dell, United they stood, united they fell.
A convention floor, an hour or more With points of order and speeches galore This scene I give so all can see May be fun for you but 'tis pain to me.
In the year I became a Life Member. novels hit the best seller list without any of the four letter words in their pages; young doctors were glad to make house calls day or night; "pansy" was the name of a flower and "fanny" was the name of a girl. Loyal Frat Fun and Frat Humor readers, this is enough about me from me — For if you think my jokes are bad You'd quickly change your views Could you compare the jokes you see With those I dared not use.
Alphabook Shelf
Nat's Unbosoming Literary, But... As a literary novel based on historic fact, The Confessions of Nat Turner by William Styron (Random House) may be fine. He assuredly is to be commended for the impressive extension of a historic fragment into an imaginative narrative. And consider the array of modern-day topics which the novel includes: homosexuality; repressed desire of a black buck for a young blond, blue-eyed Southern lass; and a black man so dedicated to religion that he believes he has received divine inspiration and a mandate to slay all the white folks so that his people can be free. Stuff of which films are made, these days. Nat Turner led the famed slave revolt in Southampton County, Va., in 1831, which resulted in the death of about 60 white persons. Told through the eyes of Nat, "Confessions" fails to capture the degradation of slavery. Nat comes off as a man of mixed emotions, unsure of himself most of the time. He frequently quotes the Bible, perhaps at moments when Styron found it difficult to get inside the soul of a slave. At times, Nat apologizes for the coarse slaves. He vows to even kill children, when the time comes, but only succeeds in badly slaughtering one—the white girl he desired to love. Projected at a time when the nation still wrestles mightily with whether the "slaves" will go free, or fry, Styron's "Confessions" is not the most welcome book at this time. It does, however, make the reader most sympathetic to Nat and the slaves. But Nat (like the masses of Negroes today) doesn't need sympathy. He, and they, need understanding. And the latter desperately need help.
Mrs. Myrlie Evers poignantly recounts the life and times of her late husband, famed Medgar Evers, who gave his life to the cause of justice and freedom for Negroes in the State of Mississippi. In her book, For Us The Living, written with William Peters (Doubleday), Mrs. Evers writes that she lived in fear most of the time. But it was fear for her husband and for her children. Medgar was mercillessly shot down in cold blood one night in 1963, when he was only steps away from his front door. This writer knew Medgar well as a warm, indefatigable NAACP leader who walked through fields of fear every day of his life but who feared no man. Mrs. Evers writes: "Somewhere in Mississippi lives the man who murdered my husband . . . imprisoned by the hate and fear that imprison so many white Mississippians and make so many Negro Mississippians still their slaves." Medgar, like Nat, is gone. But with us forever is the spirit which nurtured them and which now sustains the young people of this land.
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Among other recent publications: "Rivers of Blood, Years of Darkness," the anatomy of a race riot, by Robert Conot (Bantam Books) . . . Advantage Ashe by Arthur Ashe, Jr., as told to Clifford George Gewecke. Jr. (Coward McCann . . . Death At An Early Age by Jonathan-Kozol, (Houghton Mifflin), the destruction of the hearts and minds of Negro children in the Boston Public Schools . . . The Limits of Power (Holt, Rinehart Winston) by Eugene J. McCarthy, TJ. S. Senator, America's role in the world . . . The Advancing South: Manpower Prospects And Problems, . . . Culture And Consciousness, perspectives in the social sciences, edited with introductions by Gloria B. Levitas (George Braziller) . . . The Sweet Flypaper of Life by Roy DeCarava and Langston Hughes, (Hill and Wang) . . . A R T SEARS, JR.
Speed Reading: A Way to Keep Abreast of the Times Though Pressed
There is nothing like a book to give one in-depth understanding of the issues of the day. What with the push for civil rights adding new facets by the minute, the continued emergence of underdeveloped lands containing non-white persons closely allied to the heritage of Negroes, and even the common, ordinary, everyday effort to keep abreast of new developments in a chosen field. But how does one find the time to read the continuing rash of books and materials published? One solution is provided by speed reading. What is it? To provide a vest pocket definition, speed reading is a revolutionary, relatively new process by which one can read a book or material of several hundred pages in minutes or in a pre-selected amount of time. Basically, speed reading teaches from the premise that the human mind does not think in terms of "the's," "and's," and "but's"; therefore, why read that way? Speed reading proves, instead, that we think in concepts. For example, when one looks at his wife, one's mind doesn't register the single word "wife." But one thinks of "Margie," or "Bettie," or whatever the wife's name is. Along with that thought is included the idea of who she is, what she is, why she is, how one feels about her at the moment, and a myriad other sparks which together comprise the concept of the wife. Therefore, why burden oneself reading at a single-word pace when we don't think that way? Especially when we know that such words as "the," "and," and "but," are simply connectives which provide the
glue for the meat of whatever we read or think. It is not easy to make such a change as speed reading demands. But it can be done. It requires perseverance, persistence and practice. If you're one of those specialists so overburdened with "must" reading you can't find the time to relax with an entertaining book, speed reading would help you. If your specialty requires a lot of reading, even though you are well-versed in your area, speed reading is for you. Or if you're one of those persons who "eats up" books, speed reading can help you to "eat" at a much faster rate. Take the Evelyn Wood Reading Dynamics Course. This is the course which the late President John F. Kennedy took to achieve his legendary rapid reading rates. The course guarantees to increase your reading speed three times what it is when you begin. It makes no promise to do anything about changing your intelligence quotient (I. Q.). That is not its purpose. The Evelyn Wood course is great because, unlike the many other speed reading courses, it does not use a mechanical pacer. Instead, the hand and fingers are the pacer. The hand, of course, is something one doesn't carry around, as it were. It's a natural part of the body so you always have it with you. A pacer helps guide the eye rapidly through large amounts of printed matter. Also, unlike other courses, Evelyn Wood involves the seeing of every word that is printed in a book or other material read. It does not encourage skipping words but forces the eye to see everything that is printed on a page; thus, insuring that as one develops his skill, he does not change the meaning from its original intent. Also, when one finishes reading, one can intelligently discuss the subject in depth. There are materials which one cannot read at rapid rates, such as poetry and plays, because they are highly structured. But there is much lighter reading and even classics which can be read rapidly. In any event, you'll be better prepared to read some of the books which the Sphinx reviews. A R T SEARS, JR.
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Fraternally Speaking . . .
RECLAMATION: ai must for Alpha By EDDIE L. MADISON, JR. Much is thought, said, and written about the weather. In a like manner, we Alphas think, talk, and write a great deal about reclamation. While we are learning more about the weather in order to adjust to it and to control it, there are many ways—within our immediate reach—through which we can bring "lost" brothers back into the fraternal fold. We're working on reclamation. But more work is needed. I was indeed happy to learn from our General Secretary's Convention report in Los Angeles that we now have 7,108 (as of June 30, 1967) active members in Alpha Phi Alpha. This is the highest number of active brothers in our history. However, the number of inactive Alphas, 21,877, still appears staggering to me and to other fraters with whom I have discussed this matter. Consequently, I have mixed emotions when reviewing the recapitulation of Alpha brothers of record in Secretary Laurence T. Young's report. This report shows 30,842 initiates fom 1906 to 1967. Of this total only 1,857 were in Omega Chapter when the figures were compiled. Since its inception our Fraternity has played an important role in the history of the Negro in America. Today, we are continuing our work in education and other efforts as a national organization, as chapters, and as individuals in our daily lives. However, we could do much more if we were able to call upon the services and financial support of the 21,877 men who for some reason have not remained active in Alpha. I don't want to give the impression that we active members should stop thinking, talking, and writing about reclamation. Instead, brothers, I am appealing to active members to do more in addition to the combination of techniques already being used in getting members financial. We must continue developing and exchanging ideas about reclamation. However, action which involves inactive brothers is mandatory! Each active Alpha man knows at least one inactive brother, and many of you may know a dozen or more who have forgotten the significance of November 1. Let's smoke them out. If the inactive brothers are in your hometown, or nearby, invite them to chapter meetings. If they are in Monrovia, Liberia, write a letter. Urge them to return to Alpha. Remind them of the challenge which faces us as
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college-trained men. Change your modus operandi to meet the situation or personality. And, by all means, don't give up with the first negative response. Most of us are busy; so, don't buy that as an excuse. That's why we're Alpha men in the first place. Think about your college days and the men who entered Alpha with you. How many are financial? Try to locate them through mutual friends or other contacts. The value of the personal touch needs no elaboration. If every financial brother contacted three inactive members, and if these men, in turn, were reinstated, we would gather 21,324 Alphas, leaving only 553. With no real effort on my part last year I encouraged several brothers to become financial. I recall two cases in particular. One was a college buddy while the other was an Alpha I had known less than two years. Neither man had any serious reason for not becoming financial, and both came through after the first pep talk. Our national program touches base with most if not all of the major issues presently confronting us as Americans of African descent. Our public policy statement for 1967 offers many incentives for service. Let's make every effort through our chapters and as individuals to keep Alpha's local program alive and challenging. Is your chapter operating in line with the current goals of the national organization? Alphas are men of diverse interests. Invite inactive brothers into your home and find out first hand why they are not financial. If our objective requires starting from scratch with a chapter program that meets varied interests. then let this be a start in the right direction. Chapters might honor the brother who brings in the highest number of inactive men during the year. We must follow Brother John D. Buckner's call to add life to our years. We must continue to bring in new blood. But, in addition, we also must keep the older blood circulating, tired or not. Those among us with experience in Alpha can help the newcomers, especially our undergraduate brothers. At the same time, there are college brothers who can teach the graduates a few things. As we approach a new year in our lives as members of a great organization, let's not rest on our laurels. Think, talk, and write about reclamation, but also act to make it a reality.
Drop out of school now and that's what they'll call you all your working life
Nobody looks down on a man with a good education. People respect him. They treat him right because they know he's got what it takes. You know it. Everybody knows it. A good education always shows. And so does a small education. Which will you have? Remember: respect is only one of the things a good education gets you. It can also get you a good job. A good salary. And a real chance to enjoy more of the good things in life.
So if you're in school now ... stay there! Learn all you can for as long as you can. It can really make a diflFerence. If you're out of school, don't give up. You can still get plenty of valuable training outside the classroom. And it's well worth the effort. For details, see the Youth Counselor at your State Employment Service. Or visit a Youth Opportunity Center, which has been set up in many cities to help you.
To get a good job, get a good education ( Š j Published as a public service in cooperation with The Advertising Council.
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