2008 World Policy Council Report by Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity

ALPHA PHI ALPHA THE SIXTH REPORT OF THE

WORLD POLICY COUNCIL

The Honorable Edward W. Brooke, Chairman-Emeritus The Honorable Horace G. Dawson, Jr., Chairman Dr. Henry Ponder, Vice Chairman

Darryl R. Matthews, Sr., 32nd General President Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc. 2008

fghanistan - Albania - Algeria - Andorra - Angola - Antigua and Barbuda - Argentina - Armenia -

ustralia - Austria - Azerbaijan - Bahamas - Bahrain - Bangladesh - Barbados - Belarus - Belgium -

elize - Benin - Bhutan - Bolivia - Bosnia and Herzegovina - Botswana - Brazil - Brunei - Bulgaria -

urkina Faso - Burundi - Cambodia - Cameroon - Canada - Cape Verde - Central African Republic -

had - Chile - China - Colombia - Comoros - Congo (Brazzaville) - Democratic Republic of the Congo Costa Rica - CĂ´te d'Ivoire - Croatia - Cuba - Cyprus - Czech Republic - Denmark - Djibouti -

ominica - Dominican Republic - East Timor (Timor Timur) - Ecuador - Egypt - El Salvador - Equatorial

uinea - Eritrea - Estonia - Ethiopia - Fiji - Finland - France - Gabon - The Gambia - Georgia - Germany

Ghana - Greece - Grenada - Guatemala - Guinea - Guinea-Bissau - Guyana - Haiti - Honduras -

ungary - Iceland - India - Indonesia - Iran - Iraq - Ireland - Israel - Italy - Jamaica - Japan - Jordan

Kazakhstan - Kenya - Kiribati - North Korea - South Korea - Kuwait - Kyrgyzstan - Laos - Latvia -

ebanon - Lesotho - Liberia - Libya - Liechtenstein - Lithuania - Luxembourg - Macedonia, Former

ugoslav Republic of - Madagascar - Malawi - Malaysia - Maldives - Mali - Malta - Marshall Islands -

auritania - Mauritius - Mexico - Micronesia, Federated States of - Moldova - Monaco - Mongolia -

orocco - Mozambique - Myanmar (Burma) - Namibia - Nauru - Nepal - Netherlands - New Zealand

Nicaragua - Niger - Nigeria - Norway - Oman - Pakistan - Palau - Panama - Papua New Guinea -

araguay - Peru - Philippines - Poland - Portugal - Qatar - Romania - Russia - Rwanda - Saint Kitts and

evis - Saint Lucia - Saint Vincent and The Grenadines - Samoa - San Marino - Sao Tome and Principe

Saudi Arabia - Senegal - Serbia and Montenegro - Seychelles - Sierra Leone - Singapore - Slovakia

Slovenia - Solomon Islands - Somalia - South Africa - Spain - Sri Lanka - Sudan - Sweden - Switzerland

Syria - Taiwan - Tajikistan - Tanzania - Thailand - Togo - Tonga - Trinidad and Tobago - Tunisia -

urkey - Turkmenistan - Tuvalu - Uganda - Ukraine - United Arab Emirates - United Kingdom - United

ates - Uruguay - Uzbekistan - Vanuatu - Vatican City - Venezuela - Vietnam - Western Sahara -

emen - Zambia - Zimbabwe - Afghanistan - Albania - Algeria - Andorra - Angola - Antigua and

arbuda - Argentina - Armenia - Australia - Austria - Azerbaijan - Bahamas - Bahrain - Bangladesh -

arbados - Belarus - Belgium - Belize - Benin - Bhutan - Bolivia - Bosnia and Herzegovina - Botswana

Brazil - Brunei - Bulgaria - Burkina Faso - Burundi - Cambodia - Cameroon - Canada - Cape Verde -

entral African Republic - Chad - Chile - China - Colombia - Comoros - Congo (Brazzaville) -

emocratic Republic of the Congo - Costa Rica - CĂ´te d'Ivoire - Croatia - Cuba - Cyprus - Czech

epublic - Denmark - Djibouti - Dominica - Dominican Republic - East Timor (Timor Timur) - Ecuador -

gypt - El Salvador - Equatorial Guinea - Eritrea - Estonia - Ethiopia - Fiji - Finland - France - Gabon -

he Gambia - Georgia - Germany - Ghana - THE 5TH REPORT - Greece - Grenada - Guatemala -

uinea - Bissau - Guyana - Haiti - Honduras - Hungary - Iceland - India - Indonesia - Iran - Iraq -

eland - Israel - Italy - - Japan - Jordan - Kazakhstan - Kenya - Kiribati - North Korea - South Korea -

uwait - Kyrgyzstan - Laos - Latvia - Lebanon - Lesotho - Liberia Libya - Liechtenstein - Lithuania -

ormer Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia - Madagascar - Malawi - Malaysia - Maldives - Mali - Malta

Marshall IslandsMauritania - Mauritius - Mexico - Micronesia, Federated States of - Moldova -

onaco - Mongolia - Morocco - Mozambique - Myanmar (Burma) - Namibia - Nauru - Nepal -

etherlands - New Zealand - Nicaragua - Niger - Nigeria - Norway - Oman - Pakistan - Palau -

anama - Papua New Guinea - Paraguay - Peru - Philippines - Poland - Portugal - Qatar - Romania -

ussia - Rwanda - Saint Kitts and Nevis - Saint Lucia - Saint Vincent and The Grenadines - Samoa - San

arino2- Sao Tome Principe - Saudi Arabia - Senegal - Serbia and Montenegro - Seychelles THE and SIXTH REPORT OF THE ALPHA PHI ALPHA WORLD POLICY COUNCIL

erra Leone - Singapore - Slovakia - Slovenia - Solomon Islands - Somalia - South Africa -

CONTENTS

Members . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4

Mission . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .5

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6

Issues and Recommendations

AFRICOM: An Unnecessary and Dangerous Idea . . . . . . . . .7

The Millennium Challenge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11 Plight of the African American Male: What Can Be Done? .19 Prefatory Remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .30

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .32

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1. Edward W. Brooke, Chairman Emeritus. Member, United States Senate, 19671979; Attorney General, Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 1963-1967.

2. Horace G. Dawson Jr., PhD., Chairman. Director, Ralph J. Bunche International Affairs Center and Patricia Roberts Harris Public Affairs Program, Howard University; former U.S. Ambassador to Botswana

Henry Ponder, PhD., Former Vice Chairman. President and Chief Executive Officer, National Association for Equal Opportunity in Higher Education; former President, Fisk University, Benedict College, and Talladega College; former General President, Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc.

Vinton R. Anderson, 92nd Bishop, African Methodist Episcopal Church (retired); former President, World Council of Churches.

5. Bobby W. Austin, PhD., Vice President, University Relations and Communications, University of the District of Columbia; President, Austin Institute; former President and Chief Executive Officer, Village Foundation.

6. Ronald V. Dellums, Mayor of Oakland, CA, President and CEO of HealthCare International; former Congressman, U.S. House of Representatives (DCalifornia)

7. Kenton W. Keith, Senior Vice President, Meridian International Center; former U.S. Ambassador to the State of Qatar.

Huel D. Perkins, PhD., Professor Emeritus, Humanities, Louisiana State University and former Deputy Director, National Endowment for Humanities.

Charles Rangel, Member, United States House of Representatives; Dean, New York State Congressional Delegation; founding member, Congressional Black Caucus.

10.

11.

Cornel West, PhD., Professor of Religion, Princeton University Clathan McClain Ross, Rapporteur.

Staff, Howard University Office of

Development; U.S. Foreign Service Information Officer (retired)

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MISSION

The mission of The Alpha Phi Alpha World Policy Council is to address issues of concern to our brotherhood, our communi-

ties, our nation, and the world. The Council has been charged with applying sustained and profound intellectual energy to understanding and alternative means of bringing about the resolution of problems at the community, national and interna-

tional levels; expanding fraternal and public knowledge of

such problems; and engaging public discussion about them. The Council, in fulfilling its mission, is non-partisan, gives consideration to domestic and international issues, seeks the counsel of experts in relevant fields, provides perspectives on specific

problems and, where practicable, recommends possible solu-

tions which may impact favorably African Americans, the

community, the nation, and the world.

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SUMMARY

This report, the summary of World Policy Council deliberations, deals with five

separate issues deemed to be of national and/or international import. The Black College Fraternity at One Hundred

Published as it is in connection with the Centenary of Alpha Phi

Alpha, the report deals first with the history and significance of college and

university based Greek letter organizations among African Americans. Alpha

Phi Alpha was the first of these organizations, which now number nine and more viable fraternities and sororities throughout the United States. Despite

serious questions of relevance that have been raised over time, the conclusion here is that these organizations have impacted and continue to have positive social impact in African American life.

The Millennium Challenge

The Western approach to economic development and trade in

impoverished areas of the world has undergone radical change over time, the

Millennium Challenge Account representing the most recent – and most promising – program in this area. A leading MCA proponent, the Bush

Administration has been encouraging democratic developments in Africa

and elsewhere with the promise of rewards in the form of increased aid. It is

recommended that full funding be provided and that the Administration accelerate the pace of spending in support of MCA.

Toward “The World House

It is suggested here that the United States, indeed, all nations pursue

a philosophy advocated by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., who felt that because of the continued existence of poverty, racism, militarism and other such ills

that the world is headed toward chaos. King, a brother in Alpha Phi Alpha,

espoused this view in 1968 in a famous book titled "Where Do We Go From

Here: Community or Chaos?" We must undergo "a genuine revolution of val-

ues" to achieve the goal of what King called "The World House."

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Afghanistan - Albania - Algeria - Andorra - Angola - Antigua an Barbuda - Argentina - Armenia - Australia - Austria - Azerbaijan Bahamas - Bahrain - Bangladesh - Barbados - Belarus - Belgium - Beliz - Benin - Bhutan - Bolivia - Bosnia and Herzegovina - Botswana - Brazi Brunei - Bulgaria - Burkina Faso - Burundi - Cambodia - Cameroon Canada - Cape Verde - Central African Republic - Chad - Chile - Chin - Colombia - Comoros - Congo (Brazzaville) - Democratic Republic of th Congo - Costa Rica - CĂ´te d'Ivoire - Croatia - Cuba - Cyprus - Czec Republic - Denmark - Djibouti - Dominica - Dominican Republic - Ea Timor (Timor Timur) - Ecuador - Egypt - El Salvador - Equatorial Guinea Eritrea - Estonia - Ethiopia - Fiji - Finland - France - Gabon - The Gamb - Georgia - Germany - Ghana - Greece - Grenada - Guatemala - Guine - Guinea-Bissau - Guyana - Haiti - Honduras - Hungary - Iceland - India Indonesia - Iran - Iraq - Ireland - Israel - Italy - Jamaica - Japan - Jorda - Kazakhstan - Kenya - Kiribati - North Korea - South Korea - Kuwait Kyrgyzstan - Laos - Latvia - Lebanon - Lesotho - Liberia - Libya Liechtenstein - Lithuania - Luxembourg - Macedonia, Former Yugosla Republic of - Madagascar - Malawi - Malaysia - Maldives - Mali - Mal - Marshall Islands - Mauritania - Mauritius - Mexico - Micronesi Federated States of - Moldova - Monaco - Mongolia - Morocco Mozambique - Myanmar (Burma) - Namibia - Nauru - Nepal Netherlands - New Zealand - Nicaragua - Niger - Nigeria - Norway Oman - Pakistan - Palau - Panama - Papua New Guinea - Paraguay Peru - Philippines - Poland - Portugal - Qatar - Romania - Russia - Rwand - Saint Kitts and Nevis - Saint Lucia - Saint Vincent and The Grenadines Samoa - San Marino - Sao Tome and Principe - Saudi Arabia - Senega Serbia and Montenegro - Seychelles - Sierra Leone - Singapore - Slovak - Slovenia - Solomon Islands - Somalia - South Africa - Spain - Sri Lanka Sudan - Sweden - Switzerland - Syria - Taiwan - Tajikistan - Tanzania Thailand - Togo - Tonga - Trinidad and Tobago - Tunisia - Turkey Turkmenistan - Tuvalu - Uganda - Ukraine - United Arab Emirates - Unite Kingdom - United States - Uruguay - Uzbekistan - Vanuatu - Vatican Ci - Venezuela - Vietnam - Western Sahara - Yemen - Zambia - Zimbabw - Afghanistan - Albania - Algeria - Andorra - Angola - Antigua an Barbuda - Argentina - Armenia - Australia - Austria - Azerbaijan Bahamas - Bahrain - Bangladesh - Barbados - Belarus - Belgium - Beliz - Benin - Bhutan - Bolivia - Bosnia and Herzegovina - Botswana - Brazi Brunei - Bulgaria - Burkina Faso - Burundi - Cambodia - Cameroon Canada - Cape Verde - Central African Republic - Chad - Chile - Chin - Colombia - Comoros - Congo (Brazzaville) - Democratic Republic of th Congo - Costa Rica - CĂ´te d'Ivoire - Croatia - Cuba - Cyprus - Czec Republic - Denmark - Djibouti - Dominica - Dominican Republic - Ea

THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION AND AFRICAN HEALTH

In the waning days to this troubled administration, President Bush has signed into law a bill that will put $48 billion into a

global campaign against HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis. The bill, which expands the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) will provide major funding for programs in Africa, including the development of the corps of available health workers in countries affected with these modern-day scourges. By any measure, this is a remarkable action. No single donor nation has produced its equal, or anything near it. We can and should applaud the initiative, but we should also examine the context in which it was born.

WHY?

There is no significant political capital to be accumulated by the Bush administration with this move. While it is true that many American voters support a “compassion” agenda in foreign policy, especially in the prevention of the spread of HIV/AIDS, this ranks far below energy independence, job protection and the fight against terrorism, and wars in Iraq and Afghanistan on the list of overall priorities in foreign affairs. PEPFAR is not likely to produce swing votes in the upcoming election.

Some close to the President believe he is simply committed as a “compassionate conservative” to a vision of active American munificence with regard to the most needy on the planet as a Christian duty. In this view, a faith-based sense of obligation has motivated President Bush with consistency over his years in office.

Some have criticized the administration’s approach to in the HIV/AIDS field because of the prominence of faith-based American NGOs whose focus on abstinence and reluctance to push the use of condoms is seen as culturally naïve. Others

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have worried that pharmaceutical companies have pushed an unbalanced reliance on antiretroviral medicines rather than a more holistic approach. Because of his association with both of these policy approaches, the appointment of Randall Tobias, former chief of Eli Lilly, as AIDS “Czar” in 2003 was cause for concern in some quarters. But no one can argue that the U.S., under Bush’s leadership, has been indifferent to Africa.

The president has used the G8 forums, especially those of 2004 in Sea Island, Georgia, and 2005 in Gleneagles, Scotland, to rally support for Africa in combating HIV/AIDS and in alleviating the crushing debt that held back so many African nations. Preceding PEPFAR was an earlier $15 billion for HIV/AIDS work and the US-led implementation of the HIPC debt relief program.

Another criticism of the Bush administration’s support for African health is that it has been too bilateral. According to this view, American bilateral – rather than multilateral – assistance allows Washington to attach too many strings. This is the same argument that has been used against the Millennium Challenge initiative. Still, the evidence suggests that requiring countries to get their houses in order as a quid pro quo for access to Millennium Challenge funds has been widely accepted by governments and ordinary citizens in the developing world, including Africa. In the case of PEPFAR, there will be inevitable benefit arising from the U.S. insistence on infrastructure improvement and better management. So far, complaints about the influence of faith-based American NGOs have been muted.

While we should applaud both the general thrust of Bush administration policy with regard to combating HIV/AIDS, malaria and other infectious diseases in Africa, we need to be wary of what Representative Donald Payne has called “the militarization of U.S. aid to Africa.” Indeed, U.S. military activity THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION AND AFRICAN HEALTH

in Africa has greatly increased since 9/11 as an outgrowth of the so-called war on terror. It would seem that any country in Africa that declares itself ready to confront Islamic extremism can have fairly easy access to American funds. What may begin as small arms and basic training has a tendency to expand organically into broader cooperation that can be used to more deeply entrench undemocratic regimes. The support for democratization George Bush proclaimed in his second inaugural address has already been trumped by security concerns, as we have seen in Egypt and Saudi Arabia, for example. U.S. security cooperation in Africa includes active partnerships in fourteen sub-Saharan countries under the African Contingency Operations Training and Assistance Program, and four Saharan countries under the Trans-Sahara Counter-Terrorism Initiative. The Combined Joint Task ForceHorn of Africa is headquartered in Djibouti, and appears poised to increase its foot print there by five-fold.

As the Bush administration comes to an end it is fair to assess its activity in Africa as positive on the humanitarian side. Without doubt, the massive injection of funds – already delivered and in the pipeline – will save lives, improve living standards, and help create a public health environment that will contribute to overall human development. That is real achievement. At the same time, we should be wary of military aid policies that threaten the promise of the administration’s Millennium Challenge Account.

Recommendations:

1. The Bush Administration should be recognized and applauded for its actions in the health area toward Africa.

2. The Council should recommend to the in-coming administration adoption and enhancement of policies such as these.

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AFRICOM AN UNNECESSARY AND DANGEROUS IDEA

AFRICOM: An Unnecessary and Dangerous Idea

In February, 2006, President Bush announced the establishment of AFRICOM, a new military command for Africa. Planning by Bush and former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld for this new military organization began in 2006. The date for activation of the Command was set for September 20, 2008. Original plans called for the Command to be situated in an African capital.

AFRICOM joins a list of other US Unified Combat Commands which have responsibility for US military operations throughout the world. The Commands divide the globe among themselves. For example, CENTCOM, or the Central Command, has responsibility for the Middle East and the current conflict in Afghanistan and Iraq. The remaining Commands are as follows:

• USEUCOM, the US Command for Europe: Western Europe and the former Soviet Union;

• USPACOM, the US Pacific Command: China, South Asia, Southeast Asia and Australia; • USSOUTHCOM, The US Southern Command: Central America (minus Mexico), South America; and • USNORTHCOM: The US and Canada.

Prior to the creation of AFRICOM, military matters regarding Africa were handled by USEUCOM.

The purpose of the Command, as described by official

government statement, is to engage in diplomatic, economic and humanitarian aid missions. A State Department paper said the Command would “play a supportive role as Africans 12

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continue to build democratic institutions and establish good governance across the continent.” Further, a Defense Department statement says that the Command will “enable DOD to better focus its resources to support and enhance existing US initiatives that help African nations, the African Union and regional economic communities succeed. It also provides an integrated DOD coordination point to help address security needs.”

This is, indeed, a broad, wide-ranging mandate that rivals the role of the Department of State. Although omitted from official US descriptions of the purpose of the Command, the phrase “Unified Combat Command” is the complete official name and, presumably, purpose of each of these geographic area commands. AFRICOM is thus an unnecessary and potentially dangerous initiative for Africa, for long term US interests and for the international system as a whole. This discussion will focus on the reasons for this judgment. .

Reaction to the establishment of the Command Africa has been for the most part negative, particularly from its originally planned hosts. Several African states have announced their active opposition to it, some vociferously. Among them are Nigeria, the bellwether of black African politics, Libya, Ghana, the fourteen member states of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) which includes South Africa. Nigeria went so far as to declare the idea an encroachment upon national sovereignty. Several African intellectuals have written and spoken against the idea. Only two African states, Liberia and Ethiopia, have been receptive. Observers note that they are among the less stable African nations and suggest that their willingness to welcome the Command has more to do with the domestic political insecurity felt by their leaders and their consequent desire for a military resource to shore up their uncertain political standing AFRICOM: AN UNNECESSARY AND DANGEROUS IDEA

with their compatriots. It is worth noting that, with the exception of USEUCOM, none of the other regional Commands are based within the areas they serve. Observers also point out that there would likely be violent anti-American reaction by the people and nations of USPACOM, USSOUTHCOM or USNORTHCOM if these Commands were situated in the areas of their responsibility.

In addition to African states and individuals, the idea is being actively opposed by TransAfrica, a long-time nongovernmental organization working on African affairs. It currently serves as the leader for a coalition of groups in Africa and the United States opposed to AFRICOM. As a result of this work, the coalition has succeeded in preventing the Command from being situated on African soil. It has led key members of Congress to call for a re-evaluation of AFRICOM’s mandate and funding for AFRICOM, and continues to direct the attention of key members of Congress to problems posed by AFRICOM.

“Under the guise of creating a military command for Africa …analysts view the plan as a military first step towards securing unfettered access to Africa’s natural resources and to the creation of military outposts in Africa that would result in further penetration of the US military into the continent,” declares TransAfrica. “If permitted to proceed, AFRICOM would have devastating effects upon Africa, US policy, and the international system in general,” it concludes. The most cursory understanding of the history of the immediate post-independent era in Africa is enough to convince even the hardened skeptics of the toxic mixture of the military, guns and African politics. The years of the early 60s when most of the African states received their independence were filled with violence, chaos and the enthronement of authoritarian, nondemocratic regimes backed by the force of arms.

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This is not to suggest that the military and their wares were alone responsible; but they certainly raised the violence and instability to new levels and at the same time prevented peaceful reconciliation. The political atmosphere of Africa in the aftermath of independence was a volatile brew of colonially imposed artificial borders forcing historic enemies to live within the same polity; an unequal balance of advantage in which often minority groups inherited power from the colonial administration and continued after independence to rule over a frustrated, sometimes outraged majority; and yawning socio-economic deficits in income, education and health care.

Under such circumstances, even the most dedicated and conscientious leaders found it difficult to cope. Those who had the most success were the so-called “fathers of independence:” men like Banda, Boigny, Kaunda, Kenyatta, Nkrumah, Nyerere and Senghor, for whom considerable tolerance was granted. And even their success was limited; some faced powerful opposition before they left office. In almost all cases, their immediate successors found themselves “pinned against the wall,” as it were, by a mass of discontented citizens, no longer willing to put up with the deprivations of life in newly independent Africa and suspicious that somehow the former largesse of the state, once spread around among the populace in colonial times, was being pocketed by their new leaders. In such a situation, it was tempting if not mandatory for the beleaguered leadership to reach for the military and its arsenal to remain in power.

This domestic dynamic was further complicated by looming presence of external forces: the former colonial powers who wished to continue to enjoy the benefits of “colony,” and the contest between the superpowers, the US and the Soviet Union, for allegiance from the various states. The prize for joining up with one side or the other was the guarantee of AFRICOM: AN UNNECESSARY AND DANGEROUS IDEA

regime stability by the support of a fairly sizeable army, the stationing or loan of troops from the former paramount power, sometimes both, or access to money which allowed the purchase of armed might. These forces would keep order and discourage protest.

The French model was to station elements of its foreign legion in those countries it felt important to France’s interest as well as to become the sole source of training and equipment for the local military. Senegal, the Ivory Coast and Gabon became prime exponents of this model. Except for southern Africa, the British approach tended more toward laissez-faire, leaving much of the business of securing stability to the local African rulers. Many of the unstable governments during this period were therefore found in Anglophone West Africa. In southern Africa, where the British were more interested, European settlers were relied upon to control the political situations.

The US and the Soviet Union had their own distinct approaches. The Soviet Union enticed the shaky leaders by offering arms and political support. At one time, there were the presumed “communist states” of Congo-Brazzaville, Ethiopia, Somalia and Angola, sponsored by the former Soviet Union. In point of fact, none of their leaders were communists in the classic sense. They were simply opportunists taking advantage of the offer of arms to shore up their unpopular governments.

The US appears to have preferred covert methods, using the Central Intelligence Agency to fund and arm pro-US groups in countries thought to be important to US interests. Perhaps the most celebrated example is the Democratic Republic of the Congo, formerly Zaire, where in the early 60s the elected Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, considered by the West a friend of the Soviet Union, was executed, it is believed, by Belgian and Congolese forces with political support from the US.

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The effectiveness of this paradigm for securing and holding to political power in Africa became abundantly clear to anyone willing to observe. Access to weaponry and the possession of a strong military were often keys to survival for political leaders in those states where instability was an issue. In turn, an alliance with one of the external powers was essential to guaranteeing a supply of weapons and a strong military. It was a lesson driven home, at times by fatal consequences, to every African head of state. It is into a milieu of modern day African politics surviving from this past that AFRICOM, with its tempting menu of instruments of armed force, ready-made for maintaining political power, would be inserted. The memory of the 60s and 70s is not lost to contemporary aspiring African political leaders. Some of it resides within their own families.

In addition to the post independence political history bequeathed to Africans, many states of the continent continue to struggle with the problems of unity. A resort to force is the only example these states have for solving their political problems. In the recent past, Liberia, Sierra Leone, The Democratic Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa), the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville), and Angola went through their times of trial. There continues to be great potential for additional instability and violence in these states. Perhaps the two most outstanding examples of instability on the continent now are the states of Ethiopia and Somalia. As with Liberia and its sister western African states, the only examples they have for solving their political problems is the use of force.

It is should be clear to all by now that the use of force has not served Africa well. It has only postponed the coming to grips with lasting solutions. And each postponement makes the next round of protest more violent, destabilizing and dangerous. The last thing that Africa needs now is a resource like AFRICOM with its promise of open-ended access to modern weaponry, a situation which would allow African leaders to once more AFRICOM: AN UNNECESSARY AND DANGEROUS IDEA

take the short term solution of using force and open the way for greater destabilization.

For the US, the principle behind AFRICOM is damaging, not

only to the way in which foreign policy is conducted but to our view of the world. The State Department is the government bureau authorized to conduct foreign policy. AFRICOM would change that. It would begin by duplicating the work of the Department of State. Given the fact that the Defense Department almost never gets turned down for money, the Command would probably have access to resources far greater than that of the Department. In the end, AFRICOM would usurp the responsibility the Department for the conduct of foreign policy.

AFRICOM began as an idea in the early 90s with some oil company executives in Africa who felt that we needed to ensure our access to oil in that area of the world which now provides a little more than 20 percent of our imports. Our military was seen as an instrument to accomplish this. Other causes were eventually added, including the need to combat terrorism on the African continent. Another purpose, though obviously not publicized, is to limit the influence and growth of China, which aggressively seeks agreements with African states for the resources it needs to run its burgeoning industrial plant. We should ask ourselves if AFRICOM would establish unwanted examples for others to follow. What if other nations aspiring to world power status such as China, Russia, India and others copy our example? Africa would again, as it did during the Cold War, become the cockpit for proxy combat among them. The result for Africa would be disastrous.

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PLIGHT OF THE

AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE: WHAT CAN BE DONE?

Plight of the African American Male: What Can Be Done?

There is no dearth of articles, books, speeches, and other materials documenting the dire circumstances in which

African American males currently exist. The description used by one of our major consultants to characterize reflections on one category of subjects is hardly less true of most others. According to Dr. Leslie T. Fenwick, Dean of the School of Education at Howard University, “The national discourse on school-age African-American males is veiled in a ‘litany of pathology’ that reiterates negative statistics about AfricanAmerican males in the media, policy and research.” Similar “findings” and sentiments are reflected at the high school level, in colleges and universities, and in the work-place, where the rate of African-American unemployed males is higher than that of all other racial groups.

Whether or not it is true that “more African-American males are in jails and prisons than are in colleges and universities” – an often repeated assertion – is open to question. Not questioned, however, is the fact that far too many are incarcerated and far too few in institutions of higher learning These factors alone, not to mention the remainder of “The Litany,” negatively impact every aspect of African American society.

The objective of the World Policy Council in this paper is not to join the chorus dwelling on these conditions, enumerating them once again, nor explaining their existence. It is the view of the Council that neither “benign neglect” nor continuous explication constitutes adequate response. Rather, the Council strongly recommends that Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity address the African-American male issue with a strong plan of action, once again providing expertise, resources, and leadership in time of crisis. As was done in earlier successful campaigns such as “Go to High School, Go to College,” the Fraternity should call on others, especially other Greek letter

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organizations, to join the fray. However, there should be no further delay in an all out effort by Alpha Phi Alpha to launch its own programs to promote progressive change in a deteriorating situation. The time for action is now!

It is not that the Fraternity has been heretofore uninvolved in this demanding issue. Mentoring, traditionally regarded as one of the premier approaches to addressing the problem of young men and boys, has been a major activity of the Fraternity. Indeed, Alpha Phi Alpha has enjoyed a long partnership with Big Brothers, Big Sisters (BBBS), the premier mentoring organization in the country. Especially during the presidency of Brother Darryl R. Matthews, mentoring in cooperation with BBBS, has been a special component of the Fraternity’s social agenda. In 2007, increasingly concerned about the plight of African American men and boys, General President Matthews issued a call for 10,000 Alpha men to volunteer as mentors in their various communities and he has continued to press the issue.

Very much aware of this emphasis, the Council recommends strongly that it be continued and, indeed, expanded, as the General President himself has proposed. As such, this will be a major feature of a broad action agenda which the World Policy Council recommends for adoption by Alpha Phi Alpha.

In adopting such an approach, the Council advises concentrating on remedies rather than on explanations and studies focusing on the “pathology” to which Dean Fenwick referred. This is not to denigrate the importance of research but to suggest urgency in the face of already well known problems, some rapidly deteriorating, as contemplation continues. For example, the connection often drawn between the break-down of family structures in the African-American communities and the brutality and impersonality of the slave trade and the institution of slavery itself has been visited and PLIGHT OF THE AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE: WHAT CAN BE DONE?

re-visited in scholarly journals over the past forty to fifty years. Much less attention has been devoted to building and rebuilding family structures and solidifying foundations upon which they may better stand. Much studied, researched, and even the subject for fiction, drama, and song is the related issue of “war fare” or at least the “disconnect” in the relationship between young AfricanAmerican men and women. Negotiating a “truce” or even exploring the basic for such an action is far more likely to yield positive results than continuous observation.

Similarly, myriad statistics already exist to underscore the alarming high-school drop-out rate among African-American youth, particularly young men. The impact of this on college and beyond college enrollment is also well known, given the obvious decrease in the pool from which likely college bound males are drawn. We know also that “dropping out” contributes to the continued poverty syndrome for AfricanAmericans generally, recognizing as we do the correlation between education and income. Studies show that well over 70% of African-American children live in conditions below the poverty line.

Further complicating this dismal view is the issue of “class” or socio-economic status as reflected in the fact that students from low income families more often than not attend school with students of similar background. This often means a serious lack of motivation, given the absence of more achievement oriented students from middle and high income families. This phenomenon is manifested most seriously in large urban areas, where the issue is further compounded by teachers, counselors, and administrators who in many instances make of low expectations a self-fulfilling prophecy. Quite often, many of these students who do remain in school and graduate are directed not toward college but, if at all, toward trade and 22

THE SIXTH REPORT OF THE ALPHA PHI ALPHA WORLD POLICY COUNCIL

other types of schools.

Breaking Barriers: Plotting the Path to Academic Success for School-Age African American Males by Dr. Ivory A. Toldson,

published this year (2008), and with the preface by Dean Fenwick, contains a trove of research data on problems related to school attendance and drop-out by AfricanAmerican males. It summaries many of the problem factors reported on and analyzed in various studies and also deals positively with practical approaches to remediation by the schools. For these factors as well as for important bibliographical data, this book is highly recommended. While further study will doubtless provide deeper insights into underlying factors in various stress situations, there is need NOW for some of the cycles to be broken. The World Policy Council concludes that Alpha Phi Alpha can and should be a catalyst in providing leadership.

Recommendations

The World Policy Council recommends, in fact, that the Fraternity, both nationally and locally, adopt the men and boys issue as its primary social action project for the foreseeable future. Considering its importance and urgency, this matter should receive Fraternityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s priority attention, skills, and resources in a campaign or series of campaigns designed to make a difference in a crisis situation. The hope should be that Alpha Phi Alpha will be joined in this mission, especially by kindred Greek letter organizations, although there should be no objection to participation by other interested and capable groups. The main point at this junction, however, is that Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity move to the forefront of concern and action.

Once the decision has been made by whatever process is required, the General President should make an PLIGHT OF THE AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE: WHAT CAN BE DONE?

announcement, calculated to be broadcast Nationwide, of this body’s decision and initiative. Preferably during the decision making process, an attention-getting name and/or slogan should have been agreed to so that the project may be launched by an imaginative name which will resonate with the public. Nationwide competition among the chapters to garner a name and/or slogan is a possibility; so also is engaging a public relations firm. The main point, of course, is to a suitable “logo” worthy of the bold and important action being undertaken by the Fraternity, whose name, by the way, need NOT be included. It is extremely important to find a name for the project and/or a slogan around which other groups and individuals may rally.

In all probability, this project will require a national director, someone capable of devoting full time and attention to its promotion. It is possible also that he should be aided by counterparts in each of the regions. Clearly, such organizational details will depend upon the interest generated and the work required.

Whatever the nature of the leadership, one of the first orders of business should be a survey of programs around the country which are devoted to the African-American men and boys issue. Some have been mentioned above. A compilation of such projects, preferably with some evaluation of effectiveness will be useful in furthering the agenda of Alpha’s national initiative.

Such an initiative, in the view of the World Policy Council, should address basic elements of man – mind, body, and soul (or spirit) – and should be structured within the framework of the main institutions on which the African American community traditionally has relied. Although these institutions – home, school, church and government - in the view of some, have failed the community in recent times, in many ways

THE SIXTH REPORT OF THE ALPHA PHI ALPHA WORLD POLICY COUNCIL

exacerbating the very problems which this initiative seeks to address, they nonetheless continue to be uppermost in importance to African-Americans and are in very way associated with their progress over time. Whereas new ones may be identified and utilized, traditional institutions should represent the primary focus of this initiative.

PROGRAM INITIATIVES

As has been indicated, mentoring has been recognized as one of the more vital activities in outreach among boys and young men. The practice takes any number of forms as various organizations, churches, and societies engage in the practice, e.g., One Hundred Black Men, etc. Alpha Phi Alpha has been associated in this endeavor, as noted above, with Big Brothers, Big Sisters (BBBS) for some time, building on a strategy of enlisting Alpha men as mentors in every city or town where both Alpha and BBBS chapters exist.

The World Policy Council strongly endorses this obviously productive relationship and recommends that it be continued and expanded. The General President has issued a call for 10,000 Alpha men, each to serve as a one-on-one “match” with young African-American males in the BBBS tradition. A worthy goal would be, first, to assure that the General President’s objective is met and then, to “exceed his grasp” by setting even loftier goals of mentorship as the program expands. Secondly, the World Policy Council recommends that each chapter of the Fraternity should select for moral and financial support the best initiative already underway in its city or area addressing the African-American male crisis and, secondly, should adopt an initiative of its own. This strategy is designed to promote cooperation among different groups and agencies, rather than needless and wasteful competition, and also to

PLIGHT OF THE AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE: WHAT CAN BE DONE?

underscore the importance of coordinated action. In many instances, the pre-existing program will be the mentoring activities of BBBS. In others, this may not be the case. At issue here, however, is the need for Alpha men to provide support to community efforts already underway even as they devise their own strategies to deal in different ways with the men and boys crisis. By closely tying awards to productivity in both of these vital areas, the national body of Alpha, as well as the regions, can greatly incentivize this process.

The critical under-representation of African-American male teachers in the schools, particularly at primary level, is a problem to be addressed by a third initiative of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity. In this case, Brother Senator Edward W. Brooke has provided not only the idea but generous resources to launch such an effort. On numerous occasions, Brooke, the first African-American to be elected to the U.S. Senate since Reconstruction, has challenged the Fraternity to promote the presence of African-American males as teachers in the early grades as one means of inspiring African â&#x20AC;&#x201C;American boys by example and of discouraging drop-outs.

Senator Brooke recently gave the Alpha Phi Alpha $100,000 in unrestricted funds. The World Policy Council endorses the decision by the Fraternity to devote this grant to promoting the concept, long advocated by this distinguished Alpha brother, of encouraging more males to become teachers at the primary level. According to the General President, the grant will be used largely to develop proposals that may generate funds sufficient to launch a nationwide effort of support for such a project. Individuals selected for support under this aegis will be known as Brooke Fellows or Brooke Teachers. They will be funded in whole or in part as they work toward degrees in elementary school teaching. As a means of encouraging achievement â&#x20AC;&#x201C; and of

THE SIXTH REPORT OF THE ALPHA PHI ALPHA WORLD POLICY COUNCIL

discouraging the culture of low expectations and low self esteem – the World Policy Council recommends that Alpha Phi Alpha establish at the national level a “Manly Deeds Award”. This prize, perhaps carrying with it a medal and a cash prize, should reward extraordinary performance – some heroic deed, some outstanding achievement, some contribution of importance by a young man (or young men) from early youth up to the mid or senior high school years. The idea is to award merit and also to inspire others similarly situated. There should be only one such an award annually, and it should be presented with maximum publicity on the widest possible basis. Hopefully, this will become in time a much sought after prize and one avidly promoted by Alpha chapters and individual members throughout the country.

Family stability is one of the most important building blocks of success in education, in employment, in the community, and in various other endeavors in society. The definition of such stability often begins with a two-parent household and with at least sufficient income to support basic needs. Without denigrating the single parent phenomenon, or certainly the products of such situations, the Fraternity should advance the notion – in every possible way – of the value of marriage and family life. The central and dynamic message of Alpha on this subject should be the positive ramifications of family life and stability.

SCHOOL

The correlation between educational accomplishment and income achievement levels in the United States is well established. For African-Americans, it is double-edged: the offspring of high income parents and families are more likely to aspire to education and to achieve, thereby increasing PLIGHT OF THE AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE: WHAT CAN BE DONE?

income, but only for a few. The higher incidence of low income and under-educated families produces fewer offspring who aspire to college, who attend college, and who succeed in graduating, thus, continuing the cycle of poverty among African Americans generally. Stated simply, it may be said that the solution to this seemingly intractable problem begins with a job!

Indeed, the importance of this economic factor cannot be gainsaid. Unemployment rates among African American males are the highest for any group in the United States. While no doubt contributing to this situation, current conditions of economic recession are by no means the total cause. Hopefully, some remedies will begin with the various work programs the new Administration plans to put in place. Improvements in the economy, also forecast, are yet another solution. It is clear, however, that the long ranged problems, both systemic and sociological, remain with us. Solutions, as indicated, begin with education and must be addressed through this means as well as through various others that constitute the premise of this report. The overall issue remains the concern â&#x20AC;&#x201C; and indeed, the challenge â&#x20AC;&#x201C; of Alpha Phi Alpha.

SUMMARY

RECOMMENDATIONS

All of the following recommendations from the World Policy Council are addressed to Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity:

1. The Fraternity should adopt the African American males issue as the primary focus, nationally, regionally, and locally, of its social action agenda for the foreseeable future. This should be announced publicly with a view toward gaining maximum exposure for this policy decision. 2. The Fraternity should invite other African American Greek letter organizations to join Alpha in this initiative.

THE SIXTH REPORT OF THE ALPHA PHI ALPHA WORLD POLICY COUNCIL

3. Mentoring being recognized as an important tool in providing guidance and inspiration to boys and young men, Alpha Phi Alpha should continue and expand its very productive association with Big Brothers Big Sisters in addressing the crisis.

4. One of the first activities of the leadership in this initiative should be a nationwide survey – aided by an evaluative mechanism - of programs and activities designed to address the males issue. 5. It is recommended that each Chapter of the Fraternity should be mandated to select for moral and financial support the best such initiative underway in its city or area and, secondly, adopt an initiative of its own.

6. The Fraternity should make as a centerpiece initiative nationally the program designed to increase the number of African American male teachers, who can be seen as role models, in primary grade schools, individuals selected under this program for support to be known as Brooke Fellows or Brooke Teachers, honoring Brother Edward W. Brooke.

7. The Council recommends that, as a means of encouraging achievement and discouraging the culture of low expeca5ions, the Fraternity should establish at the national level a “Manly Deeds Award” as indicated above.

PLIGHT OF THE AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE: WHAT CAN BE DONE?

Special Prefatory Comment The World Policy Council’s end-of-the-year report contained three issues which members of the Council deemed relevant at this time –

the Bush Administration and African Health; AFRICOM; and the

African American Male (all of which follow). During the course of our

deliberations, a phenomenal event occurred: on November 4, 2008,

the citizens of the United States elected the first African American –

Senator Barack Obama of Illinois - president of this country. We begin

our report – in these prefatory remarks – with acknowledgement of this extraordinary moment in American history.

This was and is an astounding accomplishment for Obama, a man of

vision who, in articulating a message of hope and change to the entire country, reflected the personality, wisdom, character, and skill

to prevail. For the country, the election of Barack Obama made

palpable the words of the Declaration of Independence, “all men

are created equal,” and the guarantee of the Constitution of equal

justice and freedom for all. In his opening remarks at the victory

celebration in Grant Park in Chicago, the President-elect challenged

“anyone who doubted” the truth of the American promise to stand with him on that memorable evening.

Obama also acknowledged that in reaching this pinnacle, he stood

on the shoulders of others who had gone before. Without doubt,

these included, among numerous others, Frederick Douglass,

W. E.

B. DuBois, Charles Hamilton Houston, and Edward W. Brooke, the first African American to win state-wide office in Massachusetts when in

1963 he became Attorney General and in 1967 when he became

the first person of color to be elected by popular vote and the first

to be seated in the U.S. Senate since Reconstruction. Similarly, there

were the examples of L. Douglas Wilder, who became Governor of

Virginia; David Dinkins, Mayor of New York; Thurgood Marshall, the first African American on the Supreme Court, and, of course, Martin Luther King

Jr.,

whose impassioned dream encompassed the

THE SIXTH REPORT OF THE ALPHA PHI ALPHA WORLD POLICY COUNCIL

seemingly impossible although, as he said, it was “deeply rooted in the American dream”.

Indeed, the Obama phenomenon first struck America as a hopeful

but realistically impossible dream. As it gained momentum and grew

into a campaign with boundless enthusiasm, it began to suggest to people that perhaps America was after all capable of rescue from a social, moral, and economic morass through an honest. open, and

rational political movement. In the end, it became an irresistible force overturning every obstacle in its path in the process of recording one

of the most lopsided electoral victories in American political history.

In winning, Barack Obama is confronted – he has said “challenged” – by some of the worst problems that any American President has

faced since the Great Depression – wars on two fronts, an economic melt-down, failing financial institutions, vast unemployment, a health

system in crisis, and staggering national debt. Expectations run high throughout the nation for the young President, who is expected to fix

all such ills. At this writing, over 300,000 Americans have applied to

work in the Obama Administration with the prospect that twice that number will have done so by inauguration day.

Abroad, hopes

standing, prestige, and leadership in the world.

Whether he can

appear to be equally high that Obama will restore American moral

accomplish all this remains to be seen. Certainly the Cabinet and

other choices the President-elect has made thus far, ideas he has articulated, and policies and programs he has proposed give promise

of a splendid beginning.

The World Policy Council, Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, congratulates

President-elect Barack Obama on his historic victory and is heartened

by this tremendous affirmation on the part of the American people.

While it is not the view of the Council that all problems of race have been resolved by even such a momentous development as this, it is

clear that this country has made a giant step in the direction of “one nation, under God, with liberty and justice for all”.

THE SIXTH REPORT OF THE ALPHA PHI ALPHA WORLD POLICY COUNCIL

menia

Australia

Austria

Azerbaijan

Bahamas

Bahrain

Bangladesh

larus - Belgium - Belize - Benin - Bhutan - Bolivia - Bosnia and Herzegovina -

Barbados

Botswana

azil - Brunei - Bulgaria - Burkina Faso - Burundi - Cambodia - Cameroon - Canada - Cap

erde - Central African Republic - Chad - Chile - China - Colombia - Comoros - Cong

razzaville) - Democratic Republic of the Congo - Costa Rica - CĂ´te d'Ivoire - Croatia - Cub

Cyprus - Czech Republic - Denmark - Djibouti - Dominica - Dominican Republic - East Tim

mor Timur) - Ecuador - Egypt - El Salvador - Equatorial Guinea - Eritrea - Estonia - Ethiopia

i - Finland - France - Gabon - The Gambia - Georgia - Germany - Ghana - Greece - Grenad

Guatemala - Guinea - Guinea-Bissau - Guyana - Haiti - Honduras - Hungary - Iceland - Ind

ndonesia - Iran - Iraq - Ireland - Israel - Italy - Jamaica - Japan - Jordan - Kazakhstan

enya - Kiribati - North Korea - South Korea - Kuwait - Kyrgyzstan - Laos - Latvia - Lebanon

sotho - Liberia - Libya - Liechtenstein - Lithuania - Luxembourg - Macedonia, Former Yugosla

public of - Madagascar - Malawi - Malaysia - Maldives - Mali - Malta - Marshall Islands

auritania - Mauritius - Mexico - Micronesia, Federated States of - Moldova - Monaco

ongolia - Morocco - Mozambique - Myanmar (Burma) - Namibia - Nauru - Nepal - Netherlan

New Zealand - Nicaragua - Niger - Nigeria - Norway - Oman - Pakistan - Palau - Panama

pua New Guinea - Paraguay - Peru - Philippines - Poland - Portugal - Qatar - Romania - Russ

Rwanda - Saint Kitts and Nevis - Saint Lucia - Saint Vincent and The Grenadines - Samoa - Sa

arino - Sao Tome and Principe - Saudi Arabia - Senegal - Serbia and Montenegro - Seychell

Sierra Leone - Singapore - Slovakia - Slovenia - Solomon Islands - Somalia - South Africa

ain - Sri Lanka - Sudan - Sweden - Switzerland - Syria - Taiwan - Tajikistan - Tanzania

ailand - Togo - Tonga - Trinidad and Tobago - Tunisia - Turkey - Turkmenistan - Tuvalu

ganda - Ukraine - United Arab Emirates - United Kingdom - United States - Uruguay

bekistan - Vanuatu - Vatican City - Venezuela - Vietnam - Western Sahara - Yemen - Zamb

Zimbabwe - Afghanistan - Albania - Algeria - Andorra - Angola - Antigua and Barbuda

gentina - Armenia - Australia - Austria - Azerbaijan - Bahamas - Bahrain - Bangladesh

rbados - Belarus - Belgium - Belize - Benin - Bhutan - Bolivia - Bosnia and Herzegovina

tswana - Brazil - Brunei - Bulgaria - Burkina Faso - Burundi - Cambodia - Cameroon - Canad

Cape Verde - Central African Republic - Chad - Chile - China - Colombia - Comoros - Cong

razzaville) - Democratic Republic of the Congo - Costa Rica - CĂ´te d'Ivoire - Croatia - Cub

Cyprus - Czech Republic - Denmark - Djibouti - Dominica - Dominican Republic - East Tim

mor Timur) - Ecuador - Egypt - El Salvador - Equatorial Guinea - Eritrea - Estonia - Ethiopia

i - Finland - France - Gabon - The Gambia - Georgia - Germany - Ghana - THE 5TH REPORT

eece - Grenada - Guatemala - Guinea - Bissau - Guyana - Haiti - Honduras - Hungary

eland - India - Indonesia - Iran - Iraq - Ireland - Israel - Italy - - Japan - Jordan - Kazakhsta

Kenya - Kiribati - North Korea - South Korea - Kuwait - Kyrgyzstan - Laos - Latvia - Lebanon

sotho - Liberia Libya - Liechtenstein - Lithuania - Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

adagascar - Malawi - Malaysia - Maldives - Mali - Malta - Marshall IslandsMauritania

ALPHA PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC. 2313 ST PAUL STREET BALTIMORE, MD 21218-5211 Mozambique - Myanmar (Burma) - Namibia - Nauru - Nepal - Netherlands - New Zealand WWW.APA1906.NET caragua - Niger - Nigeria - Norway - Oman - Pakistan - Palau - Panama - Papua New Guine

auritius - Mexico - Micronesia, Federated States of - Moldova - Monaco - Mongolia - Morocc

Paraguay - Peru - Philippines - Poland - Portugal - Qatar - Romania - Russia - Rwanda - Sai

tts and Nevis - Saint Lucia - Saint Vincent and The Grenadines - Samoa - San Marino - Sa