Building Communities Salvador (2009) by ASF-UK

building communities april â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;09 SALVADOR DA BAHIA

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executive summary

content

part 1

part 2

introduction

1. aracas 1

1. ‘institutions’

2. aracas 2

2. ‘community’

3. litoral

3. ‘house’

4. nova primavera conclusion 5. boideras 6. sao bartolemeu

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executive summary A third of the world’s urban population lives in slums from developing countries, where they face the threat of eviction and lack of access to basic living standards, such as adequate housing and access to water and sanitation. Yet, such spaces are built and maintained through collective efforts which offer great examples on how communities are built through the processes of building houses. To resist forced eviction and to achieve a minimum level of living standards, slum dwellers have got together and developed various mechanisms for collective action. Sometimes, informally people would help each other to build and expand their houses or drainage systems. Other times grass roots organizations have been set up to claim for slum dwellers’ rights to the city and achieve access to services. Such a collective spirit existence context offers great opportunities to understand the process in which communities are built and ownership of spaces is created. Unfortunately, many policies to address this housing shortage do not recognise such potential in slums. For the sake of building the maximum number of houses for the cheapest price, housing projects end up not recognising the ways in which slum dwellers organize themselves and the ways in which they go about achieving their aspirations. The workshop Building Communities: Strategies when building houses for the poor explored this relationship between building communities and building houses in the context of developing countries. The aim of this workshop was to clarify this relationship in the specific context of a developing country city, but with the purpose to contribute to the wider reflection started by ASF-UK at the Eden Project in 2005. Salvador da Bahia, the third largest city in Brazil with more than 3 million inhabitants, was chosen as our case study because of the housing crisis it is facing and the existence of a variety of housing interventions. As with most of the large cities from developing countries, finding a place to live is getting harder for the poor due to the rising prices of urban land. Urban spaces have become increasingly contested. In Salvador da Bahia12% of the total urban land is left for new developments. Out of this, 4% is protected as natural reserves. The remaining 8% is highly desirable land for property developers and the homeless, which in 2000 summed up to 90,000 people in Salvador. Unlikel the other large cities in Brazil, Salvador faces yet another challenge: its urban population continues to increase significantly every year. Within such a context, we explored two very different types of initiatives to address the housing crisis of Salvador. In the first week we worked in the neighbourhood of Novos Alagados, where there has been a poverty alleviation programme Ribeira Azul managed by the state government of Bahia and the Italian NGO AVSI. Funds came from Brazilian government, the World Bank and the Italian government with the objectives of eradicating the stilts, and improving the physical, environmental and social conditions of the neighbourhood. We worked with Novos Alagados neighbourhood association, Sociedade Primeiro de Maio, with the aim of generating reflections on the impacts of the Ribeira Azul programme. In the second week we worked with the roofless movement of Bahia, Movimento dos Sem Teto da Bahia (MSTB), to explore a more grassroots approach of addressing the housing shortage of Salvador. The movement organizes occupations of unused land and buildings, where they settle and build temporary accommodations made of re-used waste materials. Through their mobilization strategies, MSTB pressurises the government for consolidated and permanent housing solutions, with water and electricity connections, and sanitation services. We focused our work on the occupation called Escada, made of 400 households in an area of 24,000 sqm. Our objective for this week was to contribute to the clarification of the mechanisms for the consolidation of occupations by exploring the occupation of Escada. This workshop explored two very different strategies of addressing the housing crisis in Salvador. One was initiated by the government, with the support of international development agencies. Housing solutions were developed by “experts”, who aimed to be sensitive to local perspectives. The main objective of this initiative has been the output: the house and facilities installed. The other case study focused on the process of collective action as a mechanism to achieve better living standards. Temporary solutions were implemented with the aimof generating mobilization, finding local solutions to collective problems and exerting pressure on the local government to provide services and housing alternatives. In this case the strategy to address the housing crisis is focused on the process to claim for rights. In terms of the methodology applied, the theoretical framework, tools and pedagogical experience were able to address the challenges presented in the field. Theoretically, the workshop was guided by Amartya Sen’s capability approach, which focuses on people’s aspirations and their ability and opportunity to achieve them. It expands on collective and individual dimensions, local and structural issues. Also shaping our activities were Nabeel Hamdi’s action planning framework, which encouraged participants to strengthen local solutions and explore mechanisms to scale them up. Participants were encouraged to re-think their role, moving away from the provider towards an enabler position. The tools used in the field incorporated various visual and interactive techniques, such as a picture-based exercise, transect walks, and participatory mapping, housing modelling and building component development. In this report we are outlining the activities that were undertaken in each of the case studies and the findings generated by the participants. We hope that this initiative can contribute to the thinking of the processes of building communities through the process of building houses, while also addressing the role of development practictioners so that their engagement can support a sustainable process of community empowerment.

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part 1 Escada area of Novos Alagados

central Salvdor

BRAZIL Salvdor da Bahia

Prima de Maio (neighbourhood association) Salvador da Bahia-local partnering organisation

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introduction

sample of pictures from workshop

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Exploring impacts of a housing programme through the Capabiltiy Approach text.... ALEX???? The objective of the first week of the workshop was to investigate the impacts of the Ribeira Azul poverty alleviation programme, which started in 2001 and aimed to coordinate the various state interventions that were taking place in the Suburbio Ferroviario area of Salvador da Bahia. The intervention involved physical and social improvements, which were to be coordinated by the state government of Bahia, together with the italian NGO AVSI, and under the supervision of Cities Alliance and the World Bank. The aim of the project was to eradicate the 3500 stilts existant in the area, and improve the quality of life of the other 40,000 households in a wider area. The activities of the project included removal of the palafitas and construction of new resettlement housing; general urban development and rehabilitation works, including housing improvements for other households; construction and repair of community facilities and social development projects. The programme was implemented between 2001 and 2006 with an investment of some US$70 million. The objective of the workshop was to reflect on the impacts of the Ribeira Azul programme, by looking at how the interventions are affecting residents’ ability and opportunity to achieve their housing aspirations. Therefore the activities consisted of on one hand an investigation of what people value in the process of housing, and then a reflection on how the improvements are supporting or constraining their freedom to achieve those aspirations. The participants were divided into six groups. Each of these groups was looking at a different area of the programme, which was chosen together with the neighbourhood association Sociedade Primeiro de Maio due to their different characteristics. Groups 1 and 2 were looking at the area of Aracas, where there were the first resettlement houses built by the community as well as the first state built houses, as a pilot project in the end of the 90s. Group 3 and 4 explored the upgrading improvements undertaken by the coast of the cove, in the area called Litoral and Boiadeiro. Group 5 examined the housing estate of Nova Primavera. Finally, group 6 was concerned with the area called Sao Bartolomeu, where new projects are being designed to upgrade settlements and build a housing estate. Students were provided with a conceptual framework and some initial tools to undertake their investigations, however they were left with a lot of room to adapt the tools and develop their own ways of representing findings. The conceptual framework

Candeias

Camaçari Simões Filho

All Saints' Bay Lauro de Freitas

Salvador

Atlantic Ocean

Escale: 1:500.000 meters

LEGEND: BOIADEIROS/ TOSTER BOIADEIROS NOVA PRIMAVERA SÃO BARTOLOMEU LITORAL ARAÇÁS I ARAÇÁS II

Building Communities____Brazil April '09 Escale: 1/7.500 meters

0 1530

Meters 90

site locations

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was based on Amartya Sen’s capabilty approach, which guided participants to focus on housing aspirations and residents’ freedom to achieve them. The research tools were based on a picture exercise. Each group of participants was mixed with two local residents. The groups were provided with a disposable camera, and asked to take three pictures in each household visited. The topic and composition of the three pictures were decided through a discussion by the international participants, local participants and household members. Pictures were then developed and brought back to the areas where the pictures were taken. The discussions uncovered residents’ reactions to the pictures and their interpretations. Based on these discussions, each group made a poster expressing findings. Those were than shared with the neighbourhood association Sociedade Primeiro de Maio. The findings of each group are outlined in the following sessions of this part of the report. NOTE: activities were limited by a number of factors including time, language/translation and participation. The information in the following findings are a result of limited interview/focus group based research conducted by participants, therefore findings may not be a true reflection of present circumstances.

learning the capability approach

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aracas 1

participants: Liani van der Westhuizen (South Africa) Karla Gomez (Mexico) Martin Anzellini (Columbia) Residents of Aracas 1 main findings: - interviewees/participants regarded social networks as very important -interviewees/participants longed for a sense of belonging, particularily through the use of public space -interviewees/participants aspired for collective actionand ownership

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focus group with residents ofAracas 1

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The importance of social networks and the supportive character thereof was a recurring topic discussed by the residents of Araças 1, and therefore chosen as the theme for the presentation. Photographs were taken in random nature by the group members, and did not hold any significant value until they were discussed with the community. Members of the community were asked to identify their favourite photograph, and collectively the members selected the photograph of the young girl playing in the water at the communal wash area in the community. It is a multi used area which has been initiated by the government through a public space initiative. Individuals use the area to wash their clothes, themselves, clean fish, to play or as an area to gather together. The community expressed their feeling of ownership of the area, and also belonging and mutual gain, as everyone benefits through the collective use of the space. This is significant, because the water source of the wash area is of natural origin, and not supplied by Municipal services. Although unimportant in scale, it has meaningful use and social value. The theme of belonging, and the use of public space was used a catalyst for further discussions with the community. Discussions about unsafe, polluted and desolate public spaces in the community addressed the lack of ownership and pride for these spaces by the inhabitants. They identified that clear use of public areas will help the residents to identify with as well as take ownership thereof. Resident participation in the planning and implementation of these spaces would also aid in the redevelopment of derelict spaces. The presentation/poster therefore represents the Araças 1 community’s aspirations, and aims to provide possible solutions to some of the social and economical issues they are grappling with at present. The colour photographs depict the reality of the community of Araças 1 at present, as well as the key issues of their daily life. The black and white sketches represent a possible solution for these. None of the residents expressed the desire to move to another neighborhood, even if they were offered the opportunity. The community felt that it is more important to restore what has been done badly, and to do what has not been done through a collective effort. Faze Parte.

aracas 1/aracas 2/litoral/nova primavera/boiadieras/sao bartolemeu

Introduction -FAZER PARTE ‘to be part of’

Aracas 1 group presentation

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Fazer Parte - ‘to be part of’, describes the community’s aspiration to be part of the planning process, decision making and implementation of their physical environment. This in turn will enhance their sense of community, and increase their ownership of the communal spaces in order to avoid an unsafe and uninhabited public realm. The photograph of the wash area is the main focus of the poster, and emphasizes the value the residents attach to the specific communal space. The energy and vibrancy of the space, as well as the young girl’s enthusiasm is captured in the picture.

ownership of communal space

aracas 1/aracas 2/litoral/nova primavera/boiadieras/sao bartolemeu

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2A convivial public realm would not only address their recreational and leisure needs, but can possibly also provide a stronger social support network. Mothers are often restricted from work, because they have to look after their children. A communal care taking facility run by members of the community would enable females to seek employment.

aracas 1/aracas 2/litoral/nova primavera/boiadieras/sao bartolemeu

potential child care facilities

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An alternative is to work from home. Home based enterprises, like shops or beauty salons are not uncommon in the area. Skills development offered by the Sociedade Primeiro de Maio, would empower residents to support their own livelihood. Equal opportunities and access should be available to all residents.

potential home enterprises

aracas 1/aracas 2/litoral/nova primavera/boiadieras/sao bartolemeu

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Community involvement in the construction of new institutions (nursery, school, health clinic) as well as the upgrading of houses could help residents to be apart of the building process. Possible skill development, learning through doing and observing, as well as collaboration with neighbours could benefit all.

potential skill development

aracas 1/aracas 2/litoral/nova primavera/boiadieras/sao bartolemeu

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aracas 1&2

participants: Sarah Kantrowitz (USA) Paola Siclari (Republic of Chile) Anya Thomas (UK) Francis Young (UK) Residents of Aracas 1&2 main findings: - interviewees/participants noted lack of access to institutional bodies -interviewees/participants felt alienated from the upgrading process and felt a loss of social netwroks -social cost of low cost housing developments may be higher than the benefit of materially sounder provisions.

focus group Aracas 1&2

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Since 1995, the Ribeira Azul programme, funded by the World Bank and others, has distributed squatter upgrading contracts for the construction and maintenance of new homes in the site to various organizations; Aracas I and II was completed in 1996 by CONDER, the urban development agency of the state of Bahia. The sample of study was 9 of 5000 households currently living in Aracas I and II. We set out to document residents’ perceptions of living conditions in Aracas I and II, and to evaluate the changes implemented by the Ribeira Azul programme. We aimed to investigate the relationship between infrastructural changes that altered quantitative measures of the community’s living conditions, such as geographic location and construction materials used for homes, and the resultant changes in qualitative measures experienced by the community. At an institutional level, the regional office of CONDER in Aracais has been vacated and replaced with two more localized administrations adversely sited some distance away from the community. Residents complain that they have difficulty accessing these new locations from the community, whilst also finding them bureaucratic and evasive with their dealings. Residents expressed hopes that our team’s presence as independent evaluators would draw attention to the government’s neglect.Lack of access or contact with CONDER after the initial housing upgrade implementation is seen to be of major detriment to the success of the upgrading project. The community needed to have a functional means for presenting and discussing their housing needs in addition to evolving community demands.The Ribeira Azul programme did not appear to incorporate any form of participatory design exercises with the community when considering the relocation, the offer of alternative solutions or the retaining of established social networks. In consideration of the above, we feel it is very important for CONDER to be much more actively aware of its legacy in community development and not just a quantitative exercise in how many houses can be built as quickly as possible. Whilst we understand that the involvement of CONDER in the maintenance of the community should be kept to a minimal so as not to become a crutch, in this instance that ‘independence’ seems to be a matter of circumstance and not freedom of choice. Through the issues represented in our poster we feel that there is a significant flaw in the development on the part of CONDER; we can only assume these issues, for example sewerage and drainage systems, reflects poor site analysis, method of construction and post-completion evaluation or a degenerative and potentially destructive combination of all three. The upgrading program did not successfully use participatory methods, thus resulting in community members feeling alienated to the process of upgrading as well as loosing former social networks. Increasing participatory methods can work to highlight the issues of the community from within the community, thus leading to increasing the freedom to achieve what the participant’s value.Eight of the nine families interviewed showed strong desire to “go back to the stilt” because in the new location they lost their social network and the quietness the stilts offered (referring to less drug traffic and more fishing activities). From our research conducted wth 9 families it appears the mid-long term, the social cost of low-cost housing developments may be higher than the benefit of materially sounder housing provisions.

aracas 1/aracas 2/litoral/nova primavera/boiadeiras/sao bartolemeu

Introduction

Aracas 1&2 group presentation

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1The children held high aspirations of becoming qualified professionals, such as professors, civil servants and medical staff; In contrast to this, we found that the adults generally noted improvements to their built environment as a priority in improving their livelihood; 8 out of 9 households in the sample had been extended through self-build initiatives in the last 13 years. We found that all households recycled materials quite well, with one household using the recycled materials for economical gain as well, making toys from plastic bottles. Another household had made a fence by similar means. This practical example of an individualâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s capacity to gain capital freedom using creative and entrepreneurial means shows a good ability to develop independently and sustainably.

aracas 1/aracas 2/litoral/nova primavera/boiadeiras/sao bartolemeu

using recycled materials

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Some households included residents with manual skills in fields such as construction work. As mentioned above other households took the opportunity to appropriate waste into other means for capital gain. However, the risk or limit on these opportunities is the lack of capital, difficulty in securing credit and/or access to wider or wealthier markets. The Reforzamento Escolar perceived by some more as an economical opportunity rather than a beneficial service to the community. We feel this is an example of marginalization on a socio-economical and political level in that the prejudices towards residents securing finance is often purely based on where their home is i.e. in Novos Alagados. The prevalent lack of initial capital and income poverty becomes a cause/effect of the limited access to a wider more varied market; this may be caused by transportation difficulties for example, illustrated in the residents having to construct their own public concrete staircase from the community to the Suburbana.

stair to the Suburbana

aracas 1/aracas 2/litoral/nova primavera/boiadeiras/sao bartolemeu

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Using the aforementioned skills in construction, one household had made the necessary improvements to their home in order to make it safe from subsidence. One of the main problems for individuals in the community was the inadequate sewage and drainage system. Some residents were also plagued by the problems of joint water meters between households lacking mutual social accountability, forcing some to pirate water as a desperate means to escape the bind imposed by CONDER. As part of a similar initiative towards selfbuilding the community, a manual-skilled resident had built a flat area of concrete at the end of one street as a public space.

improving the home

aracas 1/aracas 2/litoral/nova primavera/boiadeiras/sao bartolemeu

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Litoral

participants: Ruth Kesterman (Australia) Benjamin Barth (Norway) Tina Ziegler (Germany) Barbara Dovarch (Italy) Residents of Litoral main findings: - Litoral was a former area of palafitas -findigs suggest a lack of planning during upgrading -interviewees/participants feel upgrading increased susceptibility to new forms of vulnerability

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focus group with residents of litoral

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The “Litoral” is a settlement located within Novos Alagados area, on a steep slope delimitated by Suburbana Avenue on the highest level and Cabrito cove (Todos os Santos Bay) on the lowest level. In the past the current ground area was occupied by the sea and people lived on stilts connected by bridges made of wood and makeshift materials (‘palafitas’). Afterwards rubbish, sand and other materials were used to fill up the sea in order to create a solid base for houses. The space conformation of the area today roughly follows the previous shape formed by the palafitas, with paved streets where the main connections resided and brick houses replacing the old stilts. Indeed, from our interviews carried out during the workshop, we have learnt that, within Ribeira Azul upgrading program funded by the World Bank and started in 1995, people obtained land tenure and right to property exactly where their palafita was located. In addition, they have been given the opportunity to choose between having their new houses built by Conder (local goverment) or to self build. Most chose the self build option as the houses provided would have been too small for their exigencies (only 20 square meters). Generally, people remark a significant improvement in their lives changing from stilts to brick houses and they show pride of their home in different ways (although some complaints regard the low quality of materials used and lack of ventilation inside the houses). They are also proud of the legal title of their land that they greceived as a result of the upgrading intervention and they struggle every day with uncomfortable conditions due to inadequate provision of infrastructure. One reflection arising from one of the group discussions was that the problem of cracks is caused by flooding; flooding is due to inadequate infrastructure and inadequate infrastructure is related to lack of planning in the process of rebuilding. Another aspect to underline is that people do not seem to be united despite the same problems affect the entire community. In other words they are aware of the unacceptable communal conditions, but appear less aware of individual struggles as a result of these conditions. Their perception of the situation is more individual and little inclined to collective intents or actions. The issue indeed is that upgrading program should reduce people susceptibility, building on their resources and resilience instead of increasing their exposure to new forms of vulnerability.

aracas 1/aracas 2/litoral/nova primavera/boiadeiras/sao bartolemeu

Introduction

Litoral group presentation

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1The Litoral zone is characterized by some important issue, which should have been taken in attentive consideration in the redevelopment project. The first of these is the tide, since there is a significant tidal movement: high in the morning and low in the afternoon. The edge located between the land and the water lay exactly on the same level without any kind of embankment. The ground around the settlement is steep and the houses are located on a low level. Moreover, in several periods of the year, rainfalls are heavy and daily. The main consequence of this combination of variables is flooding, which represents the main problem for people living in the area. Because of the low level of land, the tide impact and the heavy rain, storm water is pushed up through sewage pipes, whichdo not have the capacity to contain the excessive amounts. Therefore water floods streets and homes of the Litoral area. Moreover, water seeps up through reclaimed land because of the tidal movements and, in addition the area represents a catchment zone for the higher terrains around. With this storm water track, paving is scoured away, making it more of a natural drain. This situation affects residents who are haunted by this continuous harassment caused by flooding.

flooding as a caused due to context

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2Flooding affects residents aspirations as their possessions get destroyed with the flooding, therefore they do not want/cannot buy objects of value and in turn feel they cannot improve their lives, improve their standing in the community or have pride in their homes. Also health issues arising from ground water include dengue and sickness impacts on ability to work/ get income etc.Some residents tried to prevent flooding by building small walls at entrances or raised house foundations with bricks, but to no avail. The situation affects people health through the creation of a dangerous environment particularly due to contact with sewerage water. As mentioned the condition of stagnant water everywhere is ideal for the spread of dengue fever. Peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s vulnerability increases particularly when a family revenues are little and rely on just one member.

flooding affecting aspirations

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3Residents pay 20-25Reals per month for water, rubbish collection, and about 60Reals per month for electricity. In addition, water supply is not constant and often have to use water tanks, increasing the risk of dengue fever. Some of the people interviewed pointed out the difficulty to pay these bills and they reported the intention of a few neighbors to sell the house and live in a shack again. However some of the residents of Litoral are using services provided to fulfill other potentials. An example of this is a local fisher woman expanding her business. When there was no electricity she could only sell fish that she caught each day. Due to the provision of electricity, she can now freeze her catch and distribute it all over Salvador, therefore increasing her profits.

fulfilling potentials

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Nova Primavera

participants: Jacob Campbell (UK) Robert Johnson (UK) Rubina Karuna (UK) Mara Cortez (Mexico) Melissa G. de Godoy (Brazil) Residents of Nova Primavera main findings: - Top down design where stakeholders were viewed as ‘providers’(government & NGO’s), ‘objects’ (houses) and ‘beneficiaries’ (residents) -Lack of freedom to adapt -Loss of community cohesion

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focus group with residents of Nova Primavera

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Nova Primavera is a project designed and funded by the government for the relocation and provision of formal housing to families living in palafitas (informal stilt houses located in the shallow waters of the bay). The project had major funding and the participation of several international agencies, a model viewed as very successful by the World Bank and Cities Alliance. The urban design organises the dwellings around streets, courtyards and alleyways with varying typologies in each situation. We sought to interview residents from each situation. The evaluation was not concerned with adequacy of the houses and actions implemented by the programme from the point of view of the mainstream international consensus of a correct and well considered housing programme. Our approach allowed us, on the contrary, to get closer to the perspective of the beneficiaries. The fact that the majority of people said they wanted to stay is relevant and indicates a degree of improvement compared with the previous situation in the palafitas. However, the interviewees revealed much criticism of the programme which was evident firsthand and also revealed the need for improvements in the neighbourhood that are crucial to the quality of life. This could lead to the conclusion that the beneficiaries have chosen to stay mainly because of the lack of opportunity or option to move elsewhere. The World Bank and the Cities Alliance regard the programme as a very successful example in terms of improved quality of life and as an example of social participation. However, our interviews concurred strongly on the problem of lack of freedom to adapt and expand, which shows clearly the absence of effective public consultation and participation. Our findings also highlight fundamental threats to the quality of life when considering such issues as the overflowing sewage system and limited house sizes, two of the most urgent issues that have hitherto been neglected and need addressing in the immediate future of this community. We can observe that this settlement has been designed top down, considering the government and the international agencies as ‘providers’, the houses as ‘objects’ and a random group of people with similar living conditions but not necessarily with something in common ‘the beneficiaries’ or ‘the community’. While this approach may not be justifiable it is evident that this problematic approach, as previous research exercises reveal, could have been avoided by taking into account the context and the people. We believe a more open participatory approach based on end user consultation and integration involving the design of future housing or urban interventions in low income areas will improve the impact on the quality of life rather than just in the quality of the house. The community living in Nova Primavera is not a homogeneous community. A lot of fragmentation exists due to the fact that many of the original occupants no longer live there and deterioration of the relationships has occurred between neighbours due to the daily social and spatial problems. At the beginning, when they lived in the palafitas, they were a community of resistance, struggling to avoid eviction and to literally create a place to live out of nowhere. They were a very solid ‘collective´, and we think this sense of self built community is a reason for the nostalgic view of the palafitas and the way of life there in spite of the limited conditions. Secondly, the people related to the organization Primeiro de Maio formed a common interest group, in which all worked together to achieve the goal and claim the benefit of a house provided by the government. Since this goal was fulfilled, the community seems to be falling apart, so it raises some questions for us, such as what could help them realise their common goals and their potential to accomplish them? How could the government empower this people who seem sometimes to have given up? Thirdly, Nova Primavera seems to need some help in achieving a sense of place. Several families live there, but do not necessarily see themselves as a part of the whole neighbourhood. Identity is important. The house is an aspiration, a dream that lasts forever even if it is a palafita. How can the identity of a place like Nova Primavera be subtly reinforced to move from frustration and disappointment at not having what they want, towards an emphasis on the good things they have or could have? The organisation Primeiro de Maio has a lot of influence over people but their approach is in one sense contradictory in that they want to be consulted and participate in the process, whilst wanting the government to be ‘the provider’. Given the various agendas of all actors involved in Nova Primavera, one way forward may be to seek a middle ground, slowly introducing participation in a more positive way, raising the awareness that participation requires commitment, effort and compromise. Whilst Nova Primavera was a relocation project, it should not just have been about building houses but to build livelihoods. There is a big difference between having 1, 2 or 3 minimum salaries and having no income at all. Many beneficiaries are vulnerable people but the opportunities in education, health, housing improvement, extension, etc.are dramatically reduced if beneficiaries do not have a job or are not productive. addition to this, the process of allocation of each house was randomly chosen, damaging the strong social networks that allow poor people to help and support each other in overcoming their situation.

aracas 1/aracas 2/litoral/nova primavera/boiadeiras/sao bartolemeu

Introduction

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aracais 1/aracais 2/litoral/nova primavera/boiadeiras/sao bartolemeu

Nova Primavera group presentation sheet 1

Nova Primavera group presentation sheet 2

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Nova Primavera group presentation sheet 3

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Urban scale Findings shown through map: Typologies: -Two types are insufficient and inconsiderately placed in the neighbourhood plan. Circulation: -Security is compromised by too permeable a network of alleys and streets. Residents had coordinated and pooled funds to construct gates in certain areas to reduce through traffic of non residents. -Facilities are not evenly distributed or equally accessible for all residents. Income generation: -The map highlights several interventions residents have made to provide the amenities that were not planned into the original design, for example a living room transformed into a shop for groceries or photocopying; the ground floor of a house used as a public bar.

analysing at an â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;urbanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; scale

aracas 1/aracas 2/litoral/nova primavera/boiadeiras/sao bartolemeu

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Findings shown by drawings and photographs: Limits to adaptation and extension: Rigid layout of courtyards and alleys limit options. Cantilevered first floor rooms are an unnecessary structural expense. Offers obvious options for expansion of ground floor below but due to proximity of building corners, this option is only open to every other household due to thoroughfare access requirements. Structural design omits concrete columns typical to ‘favela vernacular’ deeming vertical extension impossible (i.e. design does not conform with local current construction methods). Initiatives taken by residents to adapt: Where two related families were neighbours, they chose to convert one ground floor into a public bar/ café for income generation. Canopy covered terrace built into street in bar location. Makeshift hut constructed in shared yard as additional bedroom. Division of one house into two flats plus a shop business by expanding outwards into the courtyard and adding an external stair access. Relocation of water tank from inside first floor to self built supports on exterior of house. Porches/halls created by utilising overhead cantilever. Conversion of living room into a shop/bar, mainly by transforming the street facing window into a counter, and building an extra bathroom outside for customers. Partitioning of existing bedrooms to create additional rooms.

analysing at a ‘neighbourhood’ scale

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Findings shown by sectional perspective drawing of generic house: -Spatial constraints affecting comfort -Infrastructure failing affecting health -Inflexibility of structure failing people with different needs (such as age/disability/ family dynamic) -Proximity of neighbours and acoustic performance of constructio reducing privacy -Low construction quality of original house resulting in poor appearance and maintenance requirements, particularly to wall and floors. This includes no finishes such as tiles to preserve wet areas. -Security is frequently enhanced by occupants with walls, gates, locks

analysing at a ‘house’ scale

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Boiadeiras

participants: Charles Palmer (UK) Ana Povas (Portugal) Luly van VA Estrada (Mexico) Ling Leng (China) Max Breese (UK) Residents of Boiadeiras main findings: -Lack of participation in upgrading -Employment and social participation to be translated into ability and opportunity

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focus group with residents of Boiadeiras

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During a period of two days there were eight informal interviews completed at the homes of local residents in the Boiadeiros area, which were arranged by our guides prior to each visit. Each interview would focus on one member of the household who was asked a range of questions about the history and current situation of their immediate family, housing conditions and relationships with institutional bodies. Throughout the interview process there were a few specific questions consistently asked: -How many of the adults living in your home have employment? -How many of the adults participate in local community meetings? The final group discussion contributed at least towards building a fragmented picture of attitudes towards employment and social participation, some of the individuals comments may help to illustrate this: Employment: In regards to employment and the contribution of the individual to the family, it is worth noting that the extent of this concern was deemed to be mainly down to the particular individual, despite having a similar education or background to others. To understand the problem of employment in the community it may be worth placing it within the framework as a functioning, then to consider the social, political and environmental factors which limit this capability. Community Participation: -Illness prohibited a resident from attending local meeting on housing -Local meetings on housing were chaotic – process of claiming -People were paid to make positive comments about housing – propaganda -Condor conducted meetings with a bad tone -Consultation process lead to fear of exclusion from programme The important meetings involving the government and the community, which had a large bearing upon crucial decisions regarding the housing development project, were heavily criticised for being repetitive and disorganised. It seems that a substantial proportion of the blame was directed at the institutional bodies and the manner in which they had engaged in “participation” with the community. The week finished with the task of creating maps with the aim of expressing the key issues discovered during our work in the community. The presentation represented a number of separate individuals within a community. It briefly explained a hypothetical idea that employment and social participation can be translated into ability and opportunity. There were also drawings of the built housing process to illustrate the story of development in which these individuals played a role. A number of subjective drawings also attempted to explore the idea of the individual having a unique experience within the context of the community. The presentation adopted a neutral stance by displaying the basic information as opposed to prioritising or underpinning key issues.

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Introduction

Boiadeiras group presentation

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Theoretically, employment and community participation have both intrinsic and instrumental significance in increasing the capability of an individual. Firstly, having access to employment (which Amartya Sen describes as an “economic freedom”) mobilizes the individual and enables one to exercise other political and social freedoms (such as community participation). It also has the quite obvious instrumental value of providing necessary income to provide economic stability. Similarly, community participation can be seen as having similar effects in terms of extending social networks and creating opportunity (such as employment) for an individual. It could be assumed in this case that employment and community participation increase capability and are essentially factors of “ability and opportunity”.

ability and opportunity

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From an observational point of view, the housing development process of these individuals (which spanned over many years) was at a multitude of stages. When speaking about the history of their homes residents described a process of relocation and stunted development. The housing conditions have changed from the spacious but dangerous waterside shack to the cramped but essentially safer inland brick house. The majority of the houses visited were self built structures erected on government designated plots, only a couple being government built CONDER houses. For many of the residents the condition of the housing was their primary concern, many aspiring to add additional rooms/floors and improve the appearance of their property in the future. It could have been appropriate to assume that through the expansion and individualisation of their homes they were able to achieve the things they value or achieve â&#x20AC;&#x153;functioningsâ&#x20AC;?.

house development

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Sao Bartolomeu

participants: Matthew French (NZ) Christina Eddings (USA) Elisabetta Romano (Italy/Brazil) Tomos Osmond (UK) Residents of Sao Bartolemeu main findings: -What housing does is more important than what it is -Four key issues: size limitations, legal restrictions, ability vs capability and environmental context -Both positive and negative aspects to consider -Many lines to Sao Bartolemeu: physical, environmental, social, legal,and religious

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Sao Bartolomeu is a largely informal neighbourhood located to the west of Av. Afanio Peixoto (also known as the Suburbana) and bounded by the Sao Bartolomeu conservation area to the east and north. In Sao Bartolomeu, what housing does is more important than what housing is. We did not want to approach the residents of Sao Bartolomeu with preconceived problems about their living environment. We decided to focus on the positives as well as the negatives of their situation during the semi-structed interviews and then explore these through taking photographs. Residents themselves were encouraged to take the photos of their homes. We asked them to take three photos of things they liked or disliked about their home or neighbourhood. Secondly, the residents were encouraged to discuss the good aspects of the Sao Bartolomeu site, their houses and their community as well as the challenges they faced. Through using the cameras and photographs as tools we found residents took photos not of the physical fabric of the house itself but of intangible aspects of such spaces: such as spaces they enjoy occupying, of the memories they have of spaces, the spaces that allow them to produce goods to generate an income. In one residents case her house was destroyed by a flash flood several years ago. She currently rents a 10m2 house not far from her destroyed house. After initial discussions in her rented house we encouraged her to take photos of what she values most. She took us back to the destroyed home and took photos of the remains. For this resident, although the house was in ruins, it held many memories of when her family was together, where she had raised her daughter, and where she held her hopes for a new house one day. Her rental house was valued for what it pragmatically does: gives her a roof and security for her possessions. Her destroyed house is valued for what it does intangibly: holds her hopes, memories and dreams. What houses do in terms of their meanings and more importantly the values ascribed to what they do can only be understood through discussion with the residents, not through images; further exemplifying the importance of ‘handing over the camera’. Clearly many themes emerged during the interviews and focus group. The drawings seek to communicate four key issues in Sao Bartolomeu: size limitations, legal restrictions, ability vs. capability and environmental context. The approach for the drawings was to have two sections of the settlement at the bottom of the page from which key considerations were drawn off and elaborated with photos and drawings. Using sections clearly demonstrate the topography of the land, a central physical factor that links the four key issues. The sections communicate the complexity of the site. They attempt to represent the many ‘lines’ that make up Sao Bartolomeu: physical, environmental, social, legal, religious. The environmental vulnerability from flooding is clearly indicated by lines indicating flood plain and historical flood levels. The level of dwelling consolidation from reinforced concrete finished homes on the main road to the corrugated iron shacks near the river is clear. Legal boundaries are shown. All of the above are reflected in the urban plan in the top left hand corner. The photo/drawings represent key themes that have emerged and are referenced to their location by lines to the sections below. Half of these are on positive and aspirational aspects of Sao Bartolomeu and half on negative, challenging aspects.

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Introduction

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focus group with residents of Sao Bartolemeu

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Sao Bartolemeu group presentation sheet 1

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Sao Bartolemeu group presentation sheet 2

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Several positive themes emerged. We found residents took great pride in what they had accomplished and struggled for over many years. They were very welcoming and proudly escorted us around their homes, showing us meaningful possessions, dwelling developments and explaining future expansion plans. Many residents expressed they were happy living in Sao Bartolomeu as it is located close to transport links. We found many residents spoke of the social infrastructure within their settlement. As (forgot his name but the man who runs the bar where we had the focus group) explained, friendships and social ties were said to bring more happiness than the physical context. Social networks were valued as a support mechanism during tough times. As is common in many informal settlements in developing countries we find residents use their dwellings for income generating activities. Many residents are not formally employed thus receive income from the informal sector selling a range of products such as key rings, bags made from recycled plastic and bottlecaps, and edible products. Some vendors noted the challenge was the market for such products in Sao Bartolomeu was very small which limited their activities.

income generation from home

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Balancing these positive aspects, residents expressed concern with several aspects of their living environment. Many residents were dissatisfied with the quality and comfort of their dwellings. Residents find their homes very hot and humid, which makes indoor comfort challenging. This is especially true of the incipient houses constructed from timber and corrugated iron construction. Although they are proud they built the home themselves and have struggled to achieve what they have to date, they still feel dissatisfied. Dwelling improvement is restricted by the unclear legal tenure of Sao Bartolomeu and economic factors. Residents would like to consolidate (improve) their homes with reinforced concrete construction and brick infill walls but this is an expensive and risky investment. For some, dwelling improvement is possible and indeed has been achieved over many years. These consolidated houses are located toward the main road where the ground level is higher and title is secure. For others on the lower lying areas land title is insecure thus there is resistance to investing in a home that may be removed by authorities if plans to demolish the settlement and reestablish the conservation area go ahead. For others still, they simply do not have the financial resources or employment to improve their shack homes.

levels of consolidation in relation to location

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3Residents repeatedly noted environmental vulnerability, namely flooding, was a major issue in Sao Bartolomeu. Many of the homes near the river are on very low ground and flood when there is high rainfall. This causes many problems with daily living as the houses are not designed to resist rising floodwater, thus fill with the unhygenic water. Likewise the site is located at the catchment area of the main road drainage. During heavy rainfall the main road acts as one big drain and funnels a significant quantity of water through Sao Bartolomeu to the river. Many residents discussed the loss of possessions due to flash floods. In some cases this is extreme where a house was almost completely destroyed with the roof and some walls collapsed. In minor cases possessions on the floor or low shelves are washed away or ruined. For people already facing economic hardship these losses are even more acute.

risks and limitations due to flooding

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4Many residents expressed their dissatisfaction with the size of their dwellings. Sao Bartolomeu has a high population density. Family sizes are large There is not a lot of land available to expand dwellings. Residents of Condor houses in particular expressed concern with their 3m x 4m dwellings. A recent government proposal of multistory housing blocks that would have seen one family living above another was rejected by the residents. While this proposal dealt with the lack of available land for construction it did not consider socio-cultural aspirations: primarily that families here aspire to have their individual plot of land with house. This turn of events suggests residents of Sao Bartolomeu have learnt from the surrounding neighbourhoods that have undergone government sponsored development and are prepared to consider and critique proposals rather than blindly accept development projects. This is a positive step away from the poor as silent beneficiaries to active participants in development that affects their living environments.

aspirations to expand

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part 2 Escada area of Novos Alagados

central Salvdor

BRAZIL Salvdor da Bahia

MSTB occupation of Escada

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introduction

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Map of Escada drawn by ASF participants

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Planning for real: investigating the process of consolidation of collective occupations During the second week of the workshop, the activities aimed to examine the process of consolidation of the occupations led by the social movement Movimento dos Sem Teto da Bahia (MSTB). Since 2003, MSTB has been working towards not only acquiring houses for its members, but to use the housing struggle to mobilize and generate the political awareness to visualize an alternative approach to urban development, one that can be more equitable and just. In 2009, they were already active in 22 occupations in the city, involving 26,000 households. Occupations vary from 100 to 1,000 households. Through their mobilization strategies of occupations and demonstrations, MSTB has managed to achieve compromises with the State government, avoiding eviction to take place in most of their occupations and the creation of a department in the Urban Development Secretary of conflict resolution. The workshop worked in the occupation of Escada, which was chosen by MSTB because of its existing challenge of consolidation due to its high density. Escada is made up of 400 household and covers a total area of 24,000 sqm. The aims of the activities were to clarify the necessary steps the community needed to undertake to transform the temporary occupation into a permanent neighbourhood. To achieve such task, participants were divided into three groups: group 1 addressed the house and developed tools to identify building typologies that would relate to residentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s aspirations; group 2 aimed to investigate the occupation as a whole, and elaborated a mechanism to facilitate discussions about the design of the neighbourhood and discussions about size of plots and density. Meanwhile, group 3 explored the institutional arrangement and procedures necessary for getting security of tenure and benefits from local government and connection to services.

NOTE: activities were limited by a number of factors including time, language/translation and participation. The information in the following findings are a result of limited interview/ focus group based research conducted by participants, therefore findings may not be a true reflection of present circumstances.

focus group with the residents of escada

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“institutions” participants: Rubina Kurrana (UK) Christina Eddings (USA) Anna Bonan (Italy) Rudo Mankore (BW) Max Breese (UK) Mara Cortez (Mexico) Alexandre Apsan Frediani (Brazil) main findings: -Main stakeholders- MSTB (social movement group), SEDUR (local government), COELBA TERRA (land owners/electricity) -Identifying the process of how to consolidate within current political context .

limitations: -language -access to information

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;what?â&#x20AC;&#x2122;- stakeholders and interests

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Introduction

existing living conditions in Escada

‘institutions’/’house’/’community’

In April 2009 ASF agreed to look into the ways in which the occupants of Escada in Salvador da Bahia, Brazil, could gain access to services such as water and electricity. Through the course of these investigations it came to light that access to these basic services was tied up with a more complicated bureaucracy at both a city and municipal level about whether land and the text.... ALEX???? housing on it such as Escada was considered consolidated, and therefore permanent, or not. What we uncovered through discussions with SEDUR and SABER was that certain conditions needed to be met to enable better housing provision and services for Escada which could not be provided if the housing being built on that site was deemed permanent in nature. This piece of text outlines the background to the Escada occupation and the role of MSTB in supporting the residents before describing the meetings that took place to investigate ways to improve the housing conditions of the people. Finally we present a process map which was given to the residents to help them navigate the policies and processes that can either hinder or help them in their ultimate goal of better housing provision.The current housing situation for the residents of Escada could be described as sub-human. They live in makeshift homes generally made of temporary material. They have occupied the land for over two years which is owned by Coelba Terra – the private electricity company. At the outset the objective of the Institutions group investigations was to ascertain how the occupants could gain access to connections such as electricity and generally improve their living conditions. However as a backdrop to this core investigation was the ongoing negotiation over the occupation of the land, the main sphere of which was occurring between Sedur and Coelba. While Coelba had previously evicted the residents from the land it now appeared they were prepared to give it up in exchange for another piece of land. When we arrived to work with the occupations and MSTB these negotiations were ongoing. However half-way through the week it was announced that negotiations had been completed and that effectively the land was now public land. However this change of ownership from private to public, we were to find out, was not going to make getting access to connections any easier.

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Mapping stakeholders Our first task was to understand the institutional landscape within which the negotiation for both the change of ownership for the land and access to connections was operating within. We were able to identify the following key stakeholders: Public: SEDUR, SEAB Private: COELBA, residents of Escada Meetings were set up with the relevant departments within the public institutions however we were unable to get an interview with Coelba.

SEAB- The second institution we met with was SEAB who are the municipal organisation for land and housing. From the outset there was an indication that while they recognised the issues with illegal land occupations were serious and that people were living in subhuman conditions their hands were tied to a certain extent due to the legal processes that they needed to go through before putting in place essential services such as electricity or appropriate housing. This also complicated the ability for occupations to access funding for housing. The key issue that arose from this meeting was that of consolidated and nonconsolidated housing. How consolidation was defined was also not clear but what Saeb were clear on was that if an occupation had what they viewed as permanent housing then they would not be entitled to funding for new housing. So what does consolidated housing mean? SEAB indicated, although unofficially, that this meant housing that had

‘mapping’ of institutional stakeholders

‘institutions’/’house’/’community’

SEDUR- Our first meeting was with SEDUR – the institution responsible for housing and land use within Salvador. We met with the department responsible for conflict resolution in relation to land disputes, slum upgrading and housing. Our approach was to understand why the negotiations were still ongoing and how the government could help the occupants receive connections. Through our interview it may became clear that a solution had been reached between the electricity company Coelba and Sedur which would see the ownership of the land transfer to Sedur. For this to happen Sedur had done a land exchange with the company providing them with a larger piece of land. However they indicated that now that the land was under public ownership didn’t mean that improvement to the housing or getting connections was not going to be happen swiftly. It became clear that approval for changing the use of the land from private development to housing needed to be applied for by Sedur to Saeb. There was no timeline on how long that would take, nor any written guidance to hand on this procedure. This interview built a picture of the difficulties and bureaucratic nature of the process of conflict resolution over occupied land and the processes needed to enable connections and housing on such land.

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been made of permanent material such as brick and where each house had its own facilities such as a toilet or a kitchen. Therefore if an occupation wanted to access funding for new housing they had to ensure the occupation was not consolidated in this way – instead have communal areas for kitchens for example. This issue is not communicated through any of the literature or guidance that either Sedur or Saeb provide and yet for our investigations it became one of the most crucial issues which could mean closing off routes to accessing funding and connections.

Key issues

The highlights from our investigation into the institutional landscape and its impact on the situation in Escada have thrown up three key issues: 1.Transfer from private to public land doesn’t automatically mean access to houses or connections 2.Consolidation or non-consolidation of occupations is a key element of the process for accessing housing for the poor in Salvador 3.Institutionally there are complex processes in place that the residents of Escada are not party to but yet have an impact on improving the living conditions of these people.

process map

‘institutions’/’house’/’community’

The result of these investigations was therefore the development of a process map that we wanted to leave with the occupants of Escada for them to refer to. This would hopefully provide some guidance for the occupation as they began the next phase of their negotiations from a position of now occupying public land. This map was translated into Portuguese and included in the leaflet that was produced by ASF at the end of the week.

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“house”

participants: Ling Leng (China) Charles Palmer (UK) Luly van VA Estrada (Mexico) Anya Thomas (UK) Liani van der Westhuizen (South Africa) Barbara Dovarch (Italy) Tina Ziegler (Germany) Martin Anzellini (Columbia) Ruth Kesterman (Australia) Melissa Kinnear (South Africa) main findings: -Main stakeholders- MSTB (social movement group), SEDUR (local government), COELBA TERRA (land owners/electricity) -Identifying the process of how to consolidate within current political context .

limitations: -location -access to materials

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‘what now?’- improve withput consolidating

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Introduction Given the evident limitations of space we began to think about how materials could be adapted to enhance the flexibility of housing, in order to increase the spatial freedom of the occupants. It was suggested that the integration of various adaptable building “components” could enhance flexibility options. A regularized construction approach could facilitate the introduction of architectural elements such as movable internal partitions and adjustable external openings.

In this context of ongoing uncertainty with regards to community housing development, we started to consider how the “perception of the house” could be challenged through the process of material experimentation. If the quality of recycled materials could be improved this could in turn increase the dignity of materials previously perceived to be “waste” or “not building material”, making them more legitimate for use in the construction of housing. The majority of the existing architecture in the community applied a basic understanding of a primary structural frame supporting various layers of cladding, but the sporadic application of materials appeared to do little more for internal living conditions than to provide shelter and enclosure of space. Having visited a local residence we were able to identify issues in relation to housing which may be worth investigating through the medium of materials: -

Climate (Including Temperature and Ventilation)

Aesthetics (Internal and External Appearance)

Security/Safety (Including Physical Stability)

existing typical architecture in Escada

‘institutions’/’house’/’community’

The blockhouse construction method commonly used in nearby neighbouring communities is perceived to be a true representation of housing permanence for the aspiring occupant. This housing type is by no means beyond the capabilities of the local people; who will inevitably seek to complete dwellings of this type in the future. However, with the situation of land ownership unsure, the residents of the occupation are reluctant to build their homes beyond temporary means for the fear they will be knocked down following eviction.

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Harvest Mapping

HARVEST MAPPING

4. train whist building

A harvest mapping

exercise identifies potential reusable materials and skills that are available in a local area.

3. transport to site

Salvaged items are used to influence the way in which a building is designed and built. This inclusive process cre-

2. collect materials from source

ates socially and environmentally sustainable buildings.

Harvest map concept created by 2012 Architecten and carried out by Architecture sans Frontieres-UK.

HOW TO HARVEST 5. create a building!

1. locate & record salvaged materials

harvest mapping diagram

‘institutions’/’house’/’community’

Following the initial investigations in the community the focus of interest was redirected towards the sourcing of materials for use in the experimentation process. This harvest mapping exercise plays an important part in planning the extended use of recycled materials. With a heightened awareness of the various material sources it is possible to find and select “suppliers” with the most convenient location, availability and price of material. When entering the site we located a nearby material store which traded recycled materials by the kilogram. Discussions with the MSTB representatives also lead us to speak with a lady who collected recycled materials for a living, regularly trading with this material store. Indeed the collection of materials including plastic and glass bottles, cardboard, plastic sheeting, electrical wiring, scrap metal and disused refrigerators helped to maintain the livelihood of these individuals. Upon further inquiry we were able to develop a basic understanding of the rough location of potential resources. Using the main road (which flanked the occupation) as a reference point, we began to look further afield in an attempt to locate a wider range of materials. Directly across the road we visited a local construction store which supplied every material required to build a blockhouse. The locality of this source emphasized the logic supporting the argument for the construction of this building type, its widespread use only further exemplifying this point. Other sources of interest included a larger recycling store, several car garages, construction shops and a mainstream wood supplier. Some of these potential suppliers were ruled out for being too far or expensive. However, this does not devalue the importance of this process of scouting, evaluating and selecting. During this exercise we were able to form some more solidified ideas in regards to how we may develop a building component for the adaptation of recycled materials. The building palette or “palliche” was becoming a strong candidate because of its rough modularity, local availability and potential adaptability. An allocation of time was dedicated to finding an appropriate source for this arguably temperamental component. Having completed the harvest mapping exercise and evaluated the various sources we identified the full range of materials available. This list included a combination of existing construction materials and recycled materials. The materials were then purchased and transported to site from the following sources (listed in order of proximity to site): MSTB Occupation – one sided palettes, eucatex board, chipboard. Marcel’s Recycling Shop – plastic and glass bottles, cardboard, plastic sheeting, electrical wiring, scrap metal and disused refrigerators. Local Construction Store - basic and strong sand, cement, nails. Brasilgãs Construction Shop – two sided palettes.

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Material testing

Focus: Building Envelope: Several extended conversations coupled with observations taken at the house of an MSTB resident had helped us to further our understanding of the thinking employed behind the construction of their houses. It appeared that a number of layers were adapted onto the structural frame to strengthen the building envelope and protect the interior. By using a stronger two sided palette it was possible to recreate this envelope and then to introduce additional layers which could potentially enhance the wall structure. This approach wherein the existing model was elaborated upon was important to encourage continuity and communicate familiarity to the local inhabitants.A double sided cut-away model was developed to clearly display how the different layers of the building fabric interacted with one another. The predominant issues were addressed through a series of infill layers including: -

ripped pieces of cardboard (or papelao) as insulation

basic sand and cement mix for a solid, secure wall

a combination of cardboard and cement mix for dual benefits and price

material testing community based workshops

‘institutions’/’house’/’community’

Using the building palette component as a medium through which to test the materials, we began to develop a number of different ‘prototypes’. Through a process of adaptation and improvisation it was possible to understand the key attributes of each respective recycled material and then speculate upon how it could be utilised to address issues with the housing (climate, aesthetics, safety). Working in the community created an environment of participation and skills sharing as well as providing access to tools. The close proximity of the materials workshop to local residencies generated increased awareness of the activities. By working together when developing the prototypes our architecturally informed ideas were further nurtured by a local knowledge of materials and construction methods. Here follows a brief description of the various investigations carried out by each group at this stage: Window/Opening: By subdividing the palette structure into four sections and using it as a frame, the aim was to create a number of different windows to provide ventilation and light to interior spaces, whilst maintaining security. Rendering/Surface: In an attempt to recreate the commonly perceived surface of a house in render, a combination of recycled and mixed construction aggregates were applied to a closed faced palette. Bamboo/Roofing: An alternative ‘green’ roofing system which would drain water effectively and insulate the interior was tested; using sliced and interweaved bamboo as the main material.

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Hybrid component With the aim of providing a more holistic representation of the ideas explored during the workshop, the cut-away model was further designed on site to integrate techniques and systems from the other groups’ investigations, which included: -A painted rendered interior surface application made of cement and sand which was bound onto a recycled plastic latticed membrane, attached to a textured chipboard base. -Window made of recycled glass “cachaca” bottles (a popular spirit), hung from interwoven and knotted string lengths. This step in which we combined our efforts also lead us to innovate further details such as: -A folding blind made of string interwoven slats, cut from away from the wooden palettes to cover the glass bottled window. -Ventilation brick crafted from a gap in the palette, protected by a layer of tight plastic mesh to prevent the entry of mosquitoes.

LOCATE – COLLECT – TEST – COMBINE – DESIGN – REFINE

paint

ferrocement render

plastic mesh

card board insulation

glass bottle ‘window’

Instead of seeking to provide direct solutions for alternative future housing, this exercise gave an insight into a process involving the practice of participatory techniques, with a highly productive outcome. It is therefore interesting to speculate upon how the workshop could have had a positive affect upon the community. The experience may have at least contributed to an increased awareness of alternate material usage in the community, some of the techniques and ideas explored during the workshop potentially being carried forward by individuals who engaged in the process.

the hybrid component

‘institutions’/’house’/’community’

During the workshop the group was able to construct a range of successful prototypes which demonstrated how materials can be understood, tested and improvised for some beneficial use.It is important to briefly evaluate the resulting experiments in regards to the initial concerns raised upon introduction to the community: Flexibility – the palette component used by the majority of the group has the potential to be adapted and integrated into a regularized and adaptable structure for housing. Perception – a wide range of recycled materials were tested and highlighted for their attributes, in some cases heightening their dignity and legitimacy as building materials. Housing Issues – through the development of material ‘systems’ a number of realistic suggestions were formed to address climate, security and aesthetics. Although the outcome merely provides a starting point for further investigation into these housing issues, the methodology provides a basis for the most important steps of the process, which can be explained through the following chain of words, representing a cycle:

pallette

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“community” participants: Matthew French (New Zealand) Ana Povas (Portugal) Karla Gomez (Mexico) Benjamin Barth (Norway) Robert Johnson (UK) Francis Young (UK) Tomos Osmond (UK) Jacob Campbell (UK) Naomi Shinkins (Ireland) main findings: -Application of participatory design methodology -Application at 3 different scales- house, street, community -Achieved through focus groups of different scales allowing for conflicts to be openly discussed

limitations: -language -limitations within the tools used

building communities april ‘09

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‘what then?’- designing for the future

building communities april ‘09

BRAZIL

The objective of the ‘neighbourhood’ group was to apply a participatory design methodology with local residents towards the design of their community. One of the main reasons for this was to show residents different ways that exist to resolve problems by designing their own spaces in a way that could benefit the community as a whole and not just themselves as individuals. This was carried out at three different scales, firstly starting with the ‘house’, secondly the ‘street’ and thirdly the site as a whole. The objective was not to provide solutions, but to work with and motivate the community through different participatory methodologies and procedures so that they can apply to achieve proposals for the functioning and design of their surroundings. The methodology of participatory design was applied through focus groups held with in Escada. In any of the three exersices, house, street or community, a final solution was not reached. The objective of this exercise was to demonstrate to the people of Escada the different ways of organization and the methodology of participatory design that could lead to a result benefiting the community as a whole and improve the quality of life.

house design focus groups using models

‘institutions’/’house’/’community’

Introduction

building communities april ‘09

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‘house’

The next step was for ASF to make a models of participants ‘ideal’ houses from drawings created. By transforming drawings into model form allowed for a more tangible object to be discussed in the next step of the participatory design. The model, made simply from card and tape, could be easily adjusted in order to allow participants to refine the design of their ‘ideal’ house.

handing over the pen

‘institutions’/’house’/’community’

The first step in the methodology was a small focus group with some residents of Escada. The focus group began with a conversation in which the inhabitants expressed their needs, aspirations and talked about their daily life in the community. One participant spoke about her home, it’s pros and cons and what she was expecting from her house. Afterwards the participant was asked to draw her ideal house. Through the medium of drawing we were able understand her needs and aspirations and what she as a resident of Escada needed to live with dignity.

building communities april ‘09

BRAZIL

‘house’

‘house’ design focus groups using models

‘institutions’/’house’/’community’

Once the model was finished, another focus group took place to talk about the result achieved with Claudia’s drawing. The model lead to many discussions about if it really represented what Claudia had in mind, if Claudia, now after seeing her ideals in a model, still wanted them like that, the pros and cons, or if she wanted to modify her initial thoughts and change some things from her ideal house. Other topics discussed were if it was really suitable for the site, how it would interact with the other neighbors, etc. By the end of the focus group important conclusions were made, and the residents could now see how this process could show them in a more clear way what they really wanted. Maybe their initial thoughts weren’t suitable and how they can modify their ideas in a very easy way.

building communities april ‘09

BRAZIL

This same methodology took place on a larger ‘street’ scale. A model of a normal street was made, with the topography of the plot represented and a different group of volunteers from the community were invited to take part in the process. The model was used for people to observe, adapt and comment as they wished. In addition to the model, objects like house elevations, cars, trees, street furniture and people were made to scale to allow participants to see how the street space could be used for all necessary functions. Conflicting points of view began to arise and discussions between the participants played an important role in the workshop in order to resolve conflict.

‘street’ design focus groups using models

‘institutions’/’house’/’community’

‘street’

building communities april ‘09

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‘community’ Continuing to the next scale, that of the community as a whole, a 1:200 site model was made to use in the next focus group. This model proved useful to help both ASF and residents of Escada to understand the individual perceptions of the people in the community and to see what people aspire their community to be.

On all scales of the methodology of using models allowed participants to take control of the design process and created discussion allowing residents to foresee problems and resolve them as part of the design of their community.

community design focus groups using models

‘institutions’/’house’/’community’

A similar process from the first two workshops took place, but with a larger focus group more discussions and varying points of views were vocalised. Again areas of conflict were discussed through the use of the model and it’s components. Topics discussed included road sizes and layouts and the controversial subject of plot sizes. Through using the model residents themselves discovered it was not feasible to provide roads for cars through the site. Even though all participants aspired to own cars. Compromise was suggested and participants then only located ‘primary’ vehicular roads on the perimeter of the site. The issue of plot sizes also required compromise and through the model conflicts regarding this subject could be discussed.

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raising awareness

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raising awareness One of the concerns of workshop participants was the dissemination of information to all residents of Escada. Due to time constraints it was not possible to involve all residents in workshops and focus groups carried out. Although a community meeting was held, where each group presented their work and findings, not all members of the community attended. To inform all residents of Escada of the work carried out by ASF-UK during the one week period, participants created the following leaflet to be distributed amongst the community. The objective of the leaflet was firstly to make residents aware of the work carried out by ASF-UK, secondly to allow residents of Escada to make informed decisions on whether to continue with this work and thirdly to explain the processes carried out so they could be continued by the residents should they choose to. ASF-UK information leaflet

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ASF-UK information leaflet

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conclusion

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view of central Salvador from Novos Alagados

building communities april ‘09

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Conclusion The investigation of the two strategies, that of Novos Alagados and Escada, generated several reflections on the process of building communities through the process of building houses: firstly both initiatives have recognised the interest in building on a community spiri, however for different purposes. The state-led initiative perceived community participation as a process to enhance the acceptance of the pre-elaborated project. The grassroots initiative perceived community participation as a mechanism to achieve not only housing outcomes, but the various needs to have a dignified living standard. The result was the identification of a fragmented sense of community in Novos Alagados, where due to the inappropriate standards of intervention a level of distrust of governmental initiatives was apparent. While in Escada, the influence of the MSTB was a significant player in unifying the community and encouraging a collective spirit, but also realising the threat of encroaching individual’s agency. Furthermore residents of these two case studies transmited a very different level of ownership of their houses. In the government led initiative, residents argued that houses should be maintained by the government, demonstrating that they did not feel in total control of their houses. Meanwhile in the grassroots initiative, the community in Escada had to be contained, not to invest further in their houses, to avoid the premature consolidation of the settlement and the destruction of houses in case resettlement was to take place. Even with a high level of tenure insecurity, residents felt in control of the built environemnt and showed willingess to invest as a mechanism to generate security and improve their living standards. One of the reasons that might be causing such disparity in the level of ownership, could be the absence in one case and the creation in the case of a collective vision. MSTB has been highly successful in generating a cohesive view of the future for the community, while in Novos Alagados the frustration and fragmentation of the community does not enable that shared vision to be generated. But what is the role of the architect in building communites through building houses? To work with people from the grass roots up, people who would normally never think of speaking to, let alone employing an architect, what would we as architects need to know and do? Are the skills we gain in our education sufficient to equip us to deal with the incredibly messy reality of the majority of the world’s population who’ve been building their own environments for centuries? We do have many skills that are directly transferable, such as sketching and modelling existing spaces quickly for people to understand and engage in discussions. For example the map of Escada created by ASF participants used to generate the site model for the social movement to engage in a conversation with the community about plot sizes and the complexity of space and potentially try to reduce conflict, which in this context is frequently fatal. Another example was the use of models in the focus groups concentrating on the house. This was a very simple and quick tool which brought to life their aspirations and allowed the discussions to move from hopelessness and despair at the lack of engagement from the government into their plight as homeless and landless people to discussions with neighbours about how to resolve issues of density and stress as space constraints became apparent in three dimensional form. Obviously these are evident in the physical built environment but abstracting it to model form removes the real conflict to a different dimension. We can engage in the strategic agenda and assist in creating a forum for people to communicate their needs to the relevant authorities or organisations giving them a voice where they didn’t have one before. Sometimes by simply being in a place as an outsider draws attention to the fact that something is going on and the press often become interested in why we are there raising awareness about an issue and forcing the authorities to become engaged out of necessity, often simply to ensure votes, but sometimes to really resolve the issues. We can research and reintroduce traditional vernacular techniques to places where these have been forgotten due to dependence on new and ‘aspirational’ building technologies such as bricks and concrete, but this needs to be done with clarity and sensitivity, and not through a romantic notion of how other people, not us, should live in their true vernacular environments. As mentioned previously we can see the potential in space and of the situation and we use this potential to generate aspirations, but we can’t do this by ourselves. There are many different disciplines and skills which are required to deal with the incredibly complex world of increasing urbanisation and unplanned cities, but we are rarely taught how to work effectively in teams from the beginning of a project and with people from other disciplines including social workers, anthropologists, leaders of social movements, charities, funding agencies or politicians let alone other professionals that we would normally engage with on a day to day basis such as engineers or quantity surveyors. We generally don’t provide that space during the education process for learning together with these people about how to deliver a successful and owner driven response to the needs of people. As seen in the ‘Building Communities, Salvador da Bahia’ workshop, through participatory techniques of engaging with people we can really learn how to develop briefs, together with the people who will often be building and definitely be using the buildings and spces which we are assisting them to produce.

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While learning about change, the workshop also contributed to change. In the case of Novos Alagados, local residents shared with workshop participants that it was the first time they started to externalize their frustrations with the lack of cohesion in their community. During the second week, just the presence of ASF in the Escada occupation raised its visibility and encouraged policy makers and stake holders to visit the site, providing an opportunity for the community to have direct contact with them. The workshop identified a gap in existing policy framework, which could be supporting the improvement of living conditions of occupations without consolidating settlements. Finally, workshop participants demonstrated a strong level of engagement with activities and the learning process. While the group was extremelly motivated and interested in the topic to hand, the enagement was supported by involving participants in the various elements of the workshop, such as logistical issues, elaboration of research tools, involvement in processes of power relations existing around the case studies researched, and elaboration of this dissemination report.