Experiencing Infrastructure: A Design Competition

EXPERIENCING INFRASTRUCTURE A Design Competition for Topography, Transportation, and Imagination in Valparaiso, Chile Brooke Helgerson Advisor Stephen Mueller Independent Study Washington University in St. Louis Sam Fox School of Design + Visual Arts Graduate School of Architecture & Urban Design Spring 2014

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

CONTENTS 13 _ THE ASCENSORE : LOOKING IN ON THE CITY 14 _ lens of the ascensore 16 _ the ascensore and the city over time 18 _ genealogy 24 _ global contemporaries 28 _ CONDITIONS OF THE AWAKENED CITY 31 _ UNESCO: preserving the wrong moment in time 32 _ expansion of built topography 33 _ unequal distribution of resources 34 _ population distribution 35 _ prevalence of circulatory transportation 36 _DESIGN BRIEF : ASCENSORE FUTURES 38 _ new ownership of the ascensore 40 _ potential sites 42 _ eligibility / guidelines / scope / collaborators _REFERENCES

10

11

THE ASCENSORE LOOKING IN ON THE CITY

12

13

THE LENS OF THE ASCENSORE

The ascensores, or exterior elevators, of Valparaiso, Chile, are a unique system of infrastructures embedded into the hills of the city. They have been around since the city’s golden age over a hundred years ago, and are fixtures in both the physical and cultural landscape. The ascensores are a point-source infrastructure, and because of that they have a varying proximity to several different neighborhoods, demographic groups, and resources. The issues troubling the city currently can be seen through the filter of the ascensore. They focus the study of the city, not only at a very localized scale, but also at the level of global issues and the growing interest in dense urban transportation systems worldwide. The ascensores are also an important subject in their own right as objects ingrained into the identity of the city. However, they now find themselves out of touch, and in their current condition they are unequipped to remain relevant in the new economic, political, and social structures of contemporary Valparaiso.

14

15

google earth

THE ASCENSORE AND THE CITY OVER TIME A port city with a unique attitude

Valparaíso is one of the oldest cities in Chile. It grew significantly during its time as the nation’s foremost port in the nineteenth century. Though it was first settled in 1536, it did not become a city officially until 1802.

Chile gained independence in 1818 and, soon after, Valparaíso emerged as a critical stopping point for voyages forced to navigate around the continent. With the opening of the Panama Canal in 1914, this prominence withered, causing a decline of both the city’s population and its physical development. However, this served to preserve the diverse architectural styles that had proliferated in the city as a result of its connection to the world trade, and its influx of immigrants from Europe and North America.

The preservation of the city’s architecture and its collective representation of “…an early phase of globalization in the world” in large 16

http://www.whereisdarrennow.com/2011/02/ medellins-other-metro-metrocable.html

part earned Valparaíso its designation as an UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2003.1 The city is now also referred to as Chile’s ‘Cultural Capital,’ and its museums have been significant participators in the country’s annual Heritage Day in May, held since 2004 across the country.2 The culture of bright buildings has continued throughout the city, as it has spread up into the hills above the plan (the flat area near the port). The influx of diverse cultures and beliefs from the city’s immigrants has also created a unique, free-spirited and open-minded cultural attitude. Expansive street art murals can be found throughout the city, and festival processions often take place in the streets themselves.

Topographic limitations

This unique history and culture has been influenced significantly by the city’s remarkable topography. As is typical of the Chilean landscape, the flat, accessible area of the port is quickly infringed upon by rising elevations of the coastal cliffs, which give way to the Andean Mountains.

The city rises 500 meters from bottom

to top, and can be separated into four elevational terraces that radiate from the coastline at 70, 150, 250, and 500 meters. The city is also cut transversely by several steep ravines, caused by the rise and fall of 42 hills that ascend from the plan. The combination of these topographies has caused interesting morphology in the city neighborhoods, which can be defined by the hills’ outlines; however, it has also caused several difficulties in regards to the issues of access to resources, water flow, public transportation, and civic institutions.

These issues of access have caused significant socioeconomic striations within the city. The residents of the upper hills have more obstacles to their transportation, and are often further away from several civic resources such as schools, hospitals, and police. This correlates to an economic divide that, as our initial research showed, can be conceptualized roughly along the first terrace line. The recent investment into the area of the UNESCO site, located entirely in the lower plan area, has largely ignored the other areas of the

city. This exacerbates current issues of access, especially because 95% of the population lives in the hills, outside the scope of the investment.

The unbalanced concentration of the tourism that has resulted from the UNESCO designation, and Valparaíso’s continuing need for an improved method of access to the upper city, make it a particularly interesting place to study infrastructure at the urban level.

Focus: Transportation Infrastructure

In the late 1800s, with the resources gained from its burgeoning shipping trade, Valparaíso implemented a system of 30 ascensores, or inclined exterior elevators, to connect people on the main plan area of the city to first terrace. These structures were a unique response to the city’s topography and growing need for a method of vertical transportation. Although over the years they have become well-known fixtures in the city’s landscape, lack of funds, maintenance, and years of decline have led to their deterioration.

Only six remain in operation.

The ascensores are similar to funiculars, which have been developed in several places around the world (including the United States). Though the ones in Valparaíso are unique for their density in the city, and integration into the public transport system, they share the experiential characteristics of ascent that have in recent years been highlighted in several other systems.3 One can’t help but to liken them, in part, to the experience of roller coasters and other amusement park rides that involve a similar structure of inclined railcar motion. Though they were not built for these functions of suspense, it is important to remember that the ascensores offer a unique experience to both residents and tourists within the city. This aspect of their operations could become a draw for investment, both cultural and financial. Combined with their traditional position as infrastructure, this could expand their collaborations to include both municipal and private partnerships, which could provide a significant impact on the potential growth and direction of the city’s infrastructural system.

The ascensore system is also a distant predecessor to the recent cable car developments that have been built to extend transportation systems to the barrios and favelas of Medellín, Colombia, and Caracas, Venezuela.

These have become widely known for their efficient use of space and positive affects on the surrounding communities, and may seem a suitable solution to the transportation needs physical limitations of Valparaíso.

However, these systems require significant funding and organization that the city currently does not have.

Perhaps more importantly, though, they do not respond to the unique cultural heritage that has come to characterize Valparaíso’s identity.

Infrastructure, far more than a set of practical conduction devices, can also be a locus point from which this identity can be explored, solidified, and exchanged. In short, it can become a significant point of connection for people. The ascensores are an infrastructure that can have a profound impact on a city, and so it is fitting that they evolve into “places of special emphasis and design enrichment.”4

Ascensore Baron

Ascensore Lecheros

Ascensore Larrain

Ascensore Polanco

Ascensore Monjas

Ascensore Mariposas 17

18 earthquake

student protests

UNESCO designation

1950 conomic downturn port revitalization

conservation movement

Pinochet gone; democratic rule

earthquake

Falkland War

earthquake

Great Chilean Earthquake

1900 women’s suffrage

Depression era; Chile hard-hit

breakwater constructed

parliament abolished; presidential rule

Panama Canal 1914

earthquake

1850 electric operated trains

Chile active in international trade

Civil War establishes parliament

increase in mining activity

War of the Pacific

first pier constructed

war with Spain

Chilean Revolution

1800 first railroad

Valparaiso made capital

earthquake

presidential government

Civil War Chile open to foriegn trade

constitution established

panteon and el peral ferrovario reina victoria

hospital san juan bellavista

artilleria

cordillera

concepcion

282,448

282,840

272,520

254,812

255,314

218,816

209,945

perdices

hospital van buren

las canas

delicias

polanco

esmeralda mariposas florida and arrayan lecheros and la cruz baron and larrain santo domingo espiritu santo monjas placeres villaseca, san augustin merced and ramaditas

220,756

193,205

75,000

40,000

5,000 people

ASCENSORE GENEAOLOGY

Chile independent

Valparaiso incorporated

120 m

100 m 80 m

60 m

40 m 20 m

plan/0 m

2000

19

TODAY THE ASCENSORES ARE SURVIVED BY...

plan-terrace 1

1908-2007 Age: 99 98 m

1909-2007?

Age: 98 68 m

1916-present Age: 98 57 m

1921-1960

1914-1941

1914-1915

1925-1980

1908-1990

48 m

1909-2006 Age: 97 89 m

--

75 m

60 m

117 m

plan-terrace 1

plan-terrace 1

plan-terrace 1

plan-terrace 1

plan-terrace 1

plan-terrace 1

terrace 1-2

terrace 1

terrace 1-2

current investment/repairs* historic ascensore existing ascensore

12. MONJAS

13. MARIPOSAS

14. FLORIDA

104 m

1912-2009 Age: 97 110 m

1906-2009 Age: 103 177 m

terrace 1

plan-terrace 1

terrace 1

1

2

16. BELLAVISTA

17. PANTEON

1907-2009 Age: 102 138 m

15. ESPIRITU SANTO 1911-2007?

Age: 96 66 m

1899-1960

1901-1952

--

--

VICTORIA 1903-present Age: 111 39 m

terrace 1

plan-terrace 1

plan-terrace 1

plan-terrace 1

plan-terrace 1

34

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

18. REINA

19. ESMERALDA

1905-1948 -plan-terrace 1

12

13

14

15

16

17

CONCEPCION

20.

1883-present Age: 131 70 m UNESCO plan-terrace 1

21. EL

PERAL

SAN AUGUSTIN 1913-present Age: 101 51 m

1901-present Age: 113 52 m UNESCO plan-terrace 1

18

19 20

21

22

23

26

CORDILLERA

22.

23.

plan-terrace 1

1886-1998 Age: 112 60 m [UNESCO] plan-terrace 1

27

28 private

--

CRUZ

private

1902-1910

11. LA

private

1913-1961

CANAS

public

10. LAS

public

9. MERCED

private

8. RAMADITAS

public

7. DELICIAS

private

6. POLANCO

private

5. LARRAIN

private

4. LECHEROS

private

3. BARON

public

FERROVARIO

private

2.

public private

1. PLACERES

26. ARRAYAN

27. ARTILLERIA

28. VILLASECA

1931-1968

25. SANTO DOMINGO 1910-1974

1907-1974

--

--

54 m

1892-present Age: 122 175 m

1913-2007 Age: 94 155 m

terrace 1

terrace 1

plan-terrace 1

plan-terrace 1

plan-terrace 1

24.

PERDICES

operating ascensore *private/public before 2012

20

21

2012: Chilean Government buys 10 privately owned ascensores for $4,360,800 USD

ASCENSORE PURCHASES

MIXED PUBLIC/PRIVATE OWNERSHIP

FULL PUBLIC OWNERSHIP

CRUMBLING MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP

22

2 ascensores, $2,000,000

2 ascensores, $2,000,000

Baron $1,697,093 USD Polanco $442,727 UsD

Reina Victoria $573,130 USD municipal investment

unfulfilled public investment

Artilleria ascensore crash on November 29, 2013

The ascensores are at a critical point in their history. With the constant flux in their ownership from public to private, they are losing their ability to serve the city safely. They are at the precipice of fighting through to become an integral part of the city, or forgotten in the hearts and minds of their people.

2014

2012

2011

2010

2009

2005

2000

1997

1995

PRDUV investment

Ascensore Florida

Since the public purchase of the ascensores in 2012, a small amount of repairs have been completed with mixed success. When the city realized that the initial bids were underestimated, they had to halt process altogether. Since then, critical problems and mechanical issues have been increasing in the ascensores that are still working. This culminated in a crash at the Artilleria ascensore in November of 2013, when a mechanical issue caused one car to fall all the way down the track.

Though no one was injured, this accident at one of the most heavily used tourist ascensores has caused major concern in the city. In January it was recommended that the ascensores be completely closed while the city works out its budget issues.

In March of 2014, the city gave the company Inecon 6 months to develop a plan for repairing the ascensores and redesigning their operations. Because the city itself cannot pay for the maintenance needed, this move signifies a change in ownership of the ascensores back into private hands. The interests of Inecon may not align with providing a public service, but instead towards making a profit.

El Peral

$141,637 USD

San Agustin $1,583,423 USD

Ascensore Lecheros The city of Valparaiso finally took control of the ascensores in 2012. Prior to this, the Program for Renovation and Urban Development in Valparaiso, or PRDUV in its Spanish acronym, carried out a series of investments into the 5 publicly owned ascensores. With the purchase the municipality planned to continue investments into the ascensores at a rate of 2 a year, with $2,000,000 invested into each one. As of yet, only a small portion of these repair investments have been made.

http://www.soychile.cl/Valparaiso/Sociedad/2013/11/29/216487/Un-carro-del-ascensor-Artilleriaquedo-inoperable-a-poco-de-ser-reinaugurado.aspx 23

section

GLOBAL CONTEMPORARIES As the world becomes more and more urban, issues of transportation in increasingly crowded cities have become more perplexing. City planners and designers have responded with various systems that are able to insert themselves into existing urban fabric. The ascensores are such a system, and it has been operating in Valparaiso long before the interest in transportation went global.

A comparison of the ascensores with these emerging systems helps to frame the question:

What is the place for the ascensore in the global transportation industry?

TAXONOMY OF TOPOGRAPHICAL TRANSPORTATION SYSTEMS The ascensores in Valparaiso are not the only funiculars in South America, and indeed not the only ones in Chile. However, they are the most prominent examples that occur in a system instead of only once. This puts Valparaiso on the level of other topographical transportation systems like the cable cars proliferating in South America.

These cities are all much larger than Valparaiso, and so their infrastructure takes place at a different scale. Yet, compared to Valparaiso’s initial 60 connection points (one at each station, above and below), all three cable car systems collectively have just 21 stops.

In Caracas, the line is a closed loop connected to the existing metro at both ends, allowing users to ride the line and continue directly on the line. In Medellin, there are 3 cable car lines, but each one only connects to the metro at one point before branching off. In Rio de Janeiro, the line does not connect to the metro but instead operates as its own entity that connects people from top to bottom.

The ascensores consist of multiple open-ended lines that do not connect to each other or an existing metro. Each one has one stop, which sets people up to move through the city themselves as they traverse the landscape between ascensores.

Topography is a key driver in the existence and form of these systems. The cable cars are elevated and have small footprints, making them adept at fitting in and adjusting to uneven ground conditions. In Valparaiso, the ascensores are more attached to the ground, which may be a limiting factor in the distances they cover.

24

plan

Valparaiso

Caracas, Venezuela

Medellin, Colombia

Rio de Janiero, Brazil 25

Valparaiso

Caracas, Venezuela

Medellin, Colombia

Rio de Janiero, Brazil

SYSTEM COSTS

SYSTEM REACH

The ascensore is a small, low-cost system when seen against the budgets of the cable car systems. Even with very short distances, the fact that the system consists of multiples of the same infrastructure makes it add up to providing comparable distances of transportation, though it does have a smaller capacity for passengers.

DATE OF CONSTRUCTION 1893-1931

DATE OF CONSTRUCTION 2007-2010; 2012

DATE OF CONSTRUCTION K 2004; J 2008; L 2010

DATE OF CONSTRUCTION 2011 (opened)

LENGTH 2.43 KM

LENGTH 2.1 KM; 4.84 KM

LENGTH K 1.8 KM; J 2.7 KM; L 4.8 KM

LENGTH 3.5 KM

The ascensores can be developed over time in the areas where they are needed the most. The cable car systems require single influxes of large amounts of money, and presumable a high degree of political solidarity, in order to move forward. The entire system must be developed at once, otherwise the cable cars do not really connect anything. This may work in large cities that are able to amass budgets and ridership required to justify the costs. But for the mid-size city, this may not always work. When there is still a population that must traverse topography, the ascensore could provide a more appropriately-scaled solution.

CONSTRUCTION COST USD $2 MILLION each

CONSTRUCTION COST USD $18 MILLION

CONSTRUCTION COST K USD $26 MILLION; J $50; L $25

CONSTRUCTION COST USD $133 MILLION

RIDE COST USD $.20-.60

RIDE COST USD $.09-.50

RIDE COST USD $1.5O

RIDE COST USD $.50-2.50

POPULATION SERVED plan, cerros concepcion, polanco, and playa ancha NUMBER OF USERS 385/ascensore/day

POPULATION SERVED san augustin; mariche

POPULATION SERVED complexo do alemao

NUMBER OF USERS 1,200/hr or ~21,000/day

POPULATION SERVED santo domingo; vallejuelos & la aurora; parque arvi NUMBER OF USERS 30,000/day

CITY DENSITY 690 ppl/sq km

CITY DENSITY 4,489 ppl/sq km

CITY DENSITY 5,820 ppl/sq km

CITY DENSITY 4,557 ppl/sq km

MINIMUM INCOME / UNEMPLOYMENT USD $14,900 / 9.2%

MINIMUM INCOME / UNEMPLOYMENT USD $5,700 / 7.6%

MINIMUM INCOME / UNEMPLOYMENT USD $6,000 / 9.7%

MINIMUM INCOME / UNEMPLOYMENT USD $4,000-14,000 / 6.1%

It is important to realize that ascensore system is significantly different than the cable car: it is smaller and thus serves fewer people. But is also a repeatable system that is suitable for use in smaller cities that are faced with issues of topography and overcrowding.

26

NUMBER OF USERS 12,000/day

The Valparaiso ascensores are the oldest system represented in this study. They were built mostly by private citizens who sought to engineer transportation in their city befitting their growing world status at the beginning of the 20th century. Each one served a local neighborhood, and was built with the interests of each in mind. Only after this initial period did the ascensores change ownership (several times) to become public property.

Medellin was the first city to develop a line of cable cars in 2004 to connect the central city to one of its poorer neighborhoods. The lines in Caracas soon followed in 2007, and Rio de Janeiro has incorporated them into preparations for the World Cup (2014) and the Olympics (2016). All three systems have an explicit mission of connecting the formal city to poorer and denser areas. However, as the lines have gained notoriety, they have been criticized for underuse by residents and lack of integration with the neighborhoods.

Complexo do Alemao 140,000 San Augustin 40,000

Cerro Concepcion 1,000 + tourists

Valparaiso also has a strong proportion of its ridership from tourists, centralized in the northwestern district of the city. The areas served by the ascensores today are much smaller than the three cable car systems; however, their operational potential extends to many neighborhoods throughout the city. While they have the drawbacks of being a smaller system, they are developed from specific conditions of their locality.

The ascensores are Valparaiso, and the city is represented through them. The ascensores are a hinge point for culture and mobility and collect within their processes and physical condition a wide range of issues at the city scale.

Santo Domingo 27

CONDITIONS OF THE AWAKENED CITY

28

29

villaseca

paseo right wheelw ARTILLERIA

placeres

cordillera plaza sotomayor

UNESCO historic district

c.

PRDUV redevelopment area

pr at EL PERAL pa seo atk i

SAN AUGUSTIN

baron pier

ns

on

on

ci

ep nc co

ec

ua

do r

esmeralda t ont em ant lmir c. a REINA VICTORIA

c. bla

nco

ave. braz il yung uay c. sa lvad or d ono so c. co

nde

plaza victoria

inde

pen

den

cia

plaza independencia

a

ntt

entin

espiritu santo

c. pedro mo

uruguay

ll

lecheros

simon bolivar

bellavista

riz

arg ave.

panteion

baron

ave. erra zu

franc ia

an

em

pl

m te

ras

ur

ferrovario

CONCEPCION

a

l rio

las he

With the designation has come a large amount of investment, contained mostly within the UNESCO lines. The fact that most of the working ascensores are located here attest to this uneven distribution of the effects of UNESCO. If the boundaries were elsewhere, would other ascensores be operational?

At the same time, the physical conditions of even the operational ascensores show that the investment is not enough. They are subject to the whims of maintenance repairs and weather, and would not pass the building codes in any United States city. This is in part because the way the private investments are structured do not place adequate value on the area taken up by the ascensore.

This value misappropriation extends to the buildings run by smaller owners. They may not be able to afford needed repairs that maintain the design guidelines of the district, and so decide to move elsewhere. If this becomes a trend, there is the potential for the whole UNESCO district to become a replica of what it was for most of the 20th century. This poses the question of what era Valparaiso should seek to preserve; there is a threat that maintaining the original will drive out potential for change, and also the elements that remained in flux enough to create Valparaiso’s unique identity-- namely, the ascensores themselves.

prat pier

ni aso erv

30

Valparaiso was designated in 2003 as a UNESCO World Heritage site for its “expression of the early phase of the globalisation in the world... Due to the lack of development and, consequently, relative lack of change compared with other port cities, Valparaiso has retained various features that bear witness to its functions in the late 19th and early 20th centuries... To this should be added the systems of transport built in the town, such as the ‘elevators.’”5 The designation includes 5 neighborhoods, 2,500 people, and 3 out of the 6 working ascensores.

santo domingo perdices

g seo pa

The ascensores are not Valparaiso’s only claim to fame. At the city’s height in the late 1800s, the population was made up of large percentages of people from England, Italy, and Germany, each of whom brought their own construction styles to the port city. As a result Valparaiso’s historic buildings are an eclectic mix of colors and styles preserved by the lack of development throughout most of the 1900s. Around 1995 the city began mobilizing to gain recognition for these rich architectural leftovers. The ascensores were a key component of this research, and while they attest to the cultural heritage of the city’s past, their position as a system of infrastructure and their continued use tie them to daily processes of using the city. These are perhaps in just as serious a state of disrepair as the buildings, many of which who have already received funding to be restored. The ascensores’ connections to issues of mobility and resource access makes them an important case study for how to reengineer the city operations that keep their cars moving-- or at least attempt to.

UNESCO : PRESERVING THE WRONG MOMENT IN TIME

riz azu . err ave co lan c. b e ran och c. c no erra c. s

VALPARAÍSO AFTER A DEEP SLEEP

arrayan

larrain

victo

ria

colo n

av e. a

lem

an

ia

florida POLANCO

mariposas

hospital van buren

31

1900

1850

1930

2012

EXPANSION OF BUILT TOPOGRAPHY

PLAN -flat/constructed area of the city -main business district -main location of resources

The plan, or flat coastal area, of Valparaiso is a manmade construction that was built out several times, eventually to include expanded infrastructure for the city’s port. As this method of city expansion plateaued in the 1930s, the residents of the city moved south into the difficult, steep hills surrounding the city. Gradual growth in the population inched the city’s boundaries upward, and it soon expanded to cover four terraces of elevation, the uppermost topping out at 500m. Many of these areas are populated informally and on unstable land. The ascensore addresses some of these, but its reach only extends to the first terrace.

The places where the ascensore is absent are just as revealing to the conditions of the city as where the ascensores are operating.

500

plan plan

terrace 1 terrace 1

terrace 2 terrace 2

terrace 4

terrace 3 terrace 3

terrace 4 terrace 4

250

32

TERRACE 1 -fairly well connected by bus -significant to historic development -similar access to services as plan

terrace 3

150

terrace 2

70

terrace 1

TERRACE 2 -some connections by bus -steeper topography -significantly less access to services

TERRACE 3 -increasingly populated by informal settlements -topography here is precarious

plan

UNEQUAL DISTRIBUTION OF RESOURCES Even outside the zone of economic preference set up by the UNESCO district, Valparaiso struggles with inequality in its resources and services, such as hospitals, schools, police stations, fire departments, and access to transportation.

Mobility is a huge concern regarding this issue, as many residents who live in the hills work at lower levels of the city and must spend time commuting up and down.

If the ascensores had been consistently developed as the population grew, perhaps they would have evolved into a more robust system with full topographical connection. Interestingly, it is their disrepair throughout the 1900s that allowed for their preservation and subsequent designation. Instead, their location only between the plan and first terrace, if that, has made them into representatives of an incomplete response to the city’s needs.

The ascensores are just one thread in what is lacking throughout the city, also including modernized storm water systems, sanitation, and even water for firefighting, this latter shown to be lacking in recent weeks during a large forest fire in the city. Their future is uncertain: in one scenario, the city could raise the money and initiative to make the necessary repairs;

in another scenario, the ascensores could start to become in active agent in the city instead of only a passive representative of change being acted upon it.

33

PREVALENCE OF CIRCULATORY TRANSPORTATION

POPULATION DISTRIBUTION

Many of the ascensores were supplanted in the 1950s and 60s by the development of buses and colectivos (a type of bus service) in the city. Today these routes are not adequate to serve the whole city, but do have a further reach than the ascensore. Buses operate on a continuous linear system, much like cable cars but rooted to the ground (and requiring significantly less infrastructure). They connect to more residential neighborhoods, and thus are a more comprehensive system. The ascensores, on the other hand, have evolved to serve mainly tourists and just a small minority of the city, even though they used to provide more comprehensive stitching of the plan and first terrace.

PLAYA ANCHA

POB. PLAYA ANCHA

CERRO SANTO DOMINGO LOS PLACERES

BARON COMERCIO PLAZA VICTORIA

QUEBRADA PHILLIPI EL ALMENDRAL WADDINGTON

CERRO BELLAVISTA

SANTOS OSSA

CERRO CARCEL

high

CERRO CORDILLERA CERRO ALEGRE

CERRO LA CRUZ CERRO LA FLORIDA

CERRO LA MERCED CERRO LAS RAMADITAS LAS ZORAS

population density

poverty

http://amygeokrueger.blogspot.com/2007/11/poverty-in-valparaiso.html

1.6% OF CHILE’S POPULATION LIVES IN VALPARAISO

3.4 34

AVG. # OF PEOPLE PER HOUSEHOLD

bus metro

The changing ownership of the ascensore and stagnation in repair and operations investments indicates that the city cannot take on such a large project.

low

CERRO LAS CANAS

ascensores

.34%

per capita income

http://idbdocs.iadb.org/wsdocs/getdocument.aspx?docnum=694579

$14,900

POPULATION GROWTH FROM 2000-2005

AVG. ANNUAL INCOME

98.9%

9.2%

LITERACY RATE

UNEMPLOYMENT

Perhaps, then, the ascensore can take on a new role in the city. Their placement and level of functioning already act as a barometer of economics, policy, and social inclusion or exclusion; if they were not used as just an infrastructure, how could this role as representative be expanded?

It is worthwhile to consider how the ascensores, if recalibrated, can not just indicate issues in the city, but could work as a partner to transportation infrastructure in providing mechanisms for solutions. Investment can be direct towards the bus systems to reinforce their existing success.

It is time for the ascensores to take on new programmatic responsibilities.

35

DESIGN BRIEF : ASCENSORE FUTURES

36

37

NEW OWNERSHIP OF THE ASCENSORE In 2012 the city offically made the purchase of 10 ascensores that had up until then been owned and operated by a private company. This negotiation was years in the making, and came with plans to invest money in all of the 15 ascensores owned by the state. Since then, few of the repairs have been made, and the initial estimates for cost were discovered to be underestimated. The city cannot handle the increased cost, and so have given a private company 6 months to come up with a proposal for a management plan and estimate for repairs.

In other words, the ascensores are changing hands-- again.

The constant flux between state public and individual private ownership is detrimental to the ascensore. Between negotiations, no repairs are being made, and the place of the people of the city is lost to the conversation.

When private companies are in charge, the ascensores are subject to development pressures unrelated to their function as infrastructure. When the government is in charge, lackadaisical management means that the ascensores continue to be frozen in a state of disarray.

LET US INSTEAD WORK WITH A THIRD ALTERNATIVE: The ascensores are begging to be redesigned. In a new structure of public ownership, the ascensores are given to community: to local groups of residents, activists, students, and neighborhood associations. With these stakeholders at the helm, the infrastructural pressures of the ascensores are lifted. In this scenario, the investment money once pegged for them is transferred to the buses to allow them to take on the responsibility of transportation in the city.

The ascensores are a product of Valparaiso, and will only remain so if they continue to be integrated into its culture. The only requirement in the scope of the project is that the proposal for the ascensores preserves or innovates their relationship to existing strengths or weaknesses in the city. Proposals may choose to address any one or multiple sites, and can are encouraged to take an attitude of appropriation, and use other city processes as a resource and inspiration. With this in mind--

WHAT WILL THE ASCENSORES BECOME?

38

39

AVAILABLE SITES 15 of the original 30 ascensores survive.

These 15 are dispersed throughout the width of the city, and represent a wide variety of neighborhoods and economic demographics in Valparaiso.

These need to be redesigned before they are erased completely.

Any one or combination of these is ready and waiting.

Baron

Lecheros

Larrain

Polanco

Monjas

Mariposas

Florida

Espiritu Santo

Reina Victoria

Concepcion

El Peral

San Augustin

Cordillera

Artilleria

Villaseca

existing operating

40

41

ELIGIBILITY

SCOPE

COLLABORATORS

This competition is open to anyone with an interest in Valparaiso, architecture, urbanism, or infrastructure. Spanish speaking is not required, but working with a translator is encouraged.

Proposals are not required to maintain any status quo of the ascensore, or of the city at large. In fact, proposals are encouraged to challenge the processes of the city as they relate to this infrastructural system-- processes such as economic policy, real estate practices, zoning regulations and exceptions, separation of the coast from the city interior, government policy, vulnerability of informal settlements, or access to resources and mobility.

The citizens, rather than the city government, will lead the ascensore initiative. There are several strong actor groups within the city that could take part:

GUIDELINES Proposals should be strongly rooted in knowledge of the history and current issues of Valparaiso. It is assumed that submitted material will reference existing conditions, whether through plan, section, or 3 dimensional drawings. A set of base plans and Rhino 3D files are available upon registration.

It is recommended that projects develop a strong connection to actual residents in Valparaiso. This may take the form of interviews, long-distance correspondence, or residency in the city. Each proposal must also clearly identify the community groups or other organizations that they would work with the most closely upon realization of the proposal. An initial list has been provided, at right.

WHAT WILL YOUR VIEW OF THE CITY BE? 42

Format of the proposal is left to the decision of the designer or team, but must include both visuals and written explanation or storyline of the project. All text and labels must be in Spanish. Collaboration with ascensore community owners to temporarily appropriate the actual ascensores is encouraged to test out ideas and generate public feedback.

Sites should be centered at or immediately around the 15 existing ascensores.

Proposals do not need to maintain use of the ascensores as transportation, but are required to use the ascensore, including its cars, rails, and stations, as well as its slope position, in the final design. It is crucial to the city that they are not destroyed to make way for completely new construction.

Proposals will be evaluated for both the quality and integrity of the designs presented, but also for their clarification and response to issues currently affecting the city.

Universities Playa Ancha University of Educational Sciences Federico Santa Maria Technical U. University of Valparaiso Pontifical Catholic University of Valparaiso University Andres Bello University of Vina del Mar University del Mar University of the Americas Activist groups Puerto para Ciudadanos Users of the Valparaiso Ascensores UNESCO representatives May also affiliate with: Direccion de Obras, de Tansito Trans. Publico, Desarrollo Cultural, or others

43

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

ENDNOTES

I would like to thank my adviser, Stephen Mueller, for his help and guidance during this project. His help greatly extended the vision and scope of moving my on-site research forward.

1 Valparaíso is designated as a heritage site under Criterion 3 of UNESCO’s qualifications, specifically that: “Valparaíso is an exceptional testimony to the early phase of globalisation in the late 19th century, when it became the leading merchant port on the sea routes of the Pacific coast of South America.” From Nomination of Valparaíso for Inclusion on the World Heritage List, (Chile: UNESCO, 2003) 939-40.

I would also like to thank Washington University in St. Louis, Sam Fox School of Design + Visual Arts, Graduate School of Architecture & Design. I have greatly appreciate feedback from all professors who I worked with during the process, including Patty Heyda, Jesse Vogler, Kees Lockman, Derek Hoeferlin Ersila Kripa.

The initial research for this project was developed with Katlyn Flannery as part of a studio led by Daniel Clark at the University of Minnesota in the spring of 2012.

The studio was associated with Eugenio Simonetti at the Universidad Andres Bello in Santiago, Chile.

44

“Miles de Personas Visitaron Palacios y Museos el Día del Patrimonio (Thousands of People Visited Palaces and Museum on World Heritage Day),” El Mercurio de Valparaíso, May 27, 2013.

2

One of these, the ‘steepest incline railway in the world,’ is in the Blue Mountains of Australia and is a major tourist attraction: http://www.scenicworld.com.au/experience/scenic-railway/ (accessed June 17, 2013).

3

4

Edmund Bacon, Design of Cities (New York: Penguin Books, 1976), 35.

5

Nomination of Valparaíso for Inclusion on the World Heritage List.

45

REFERENCES “Nomination of Valparaíso for Inclusion on the World Heritage List.” Chile: UNESCO, 2001.

Allen, Stan. “Field Conditions.” Points and Lines: Diagrams and Projects for the City. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999. 90- 103.

Angelil, Marc M., and Dirk Hebel. Cities of Change: Addis Ababa : Transformation Strategies for Urban Territories in the 21st Century. Basel: Birkhäuser, 2010.

Aureli, Pier Vittorio. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2011.

Bacon, Edmund. Design of Cities. New York: Penguin Books, 1976.

Bauman, Zygmunt. Globalization: The Human Consequences. New York: Columbia University Press, 1998.

Benjamin, Walter. “Paris, the Capital of the Nineteenth Century,” in The Arcades Project. Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press, 1999.

Bhatia, Neeraj. Coupling: Strategies for Infrastructural Opportunism. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2010.

Caceres, Samuel Leon. Valparaiso Sobre Rieles: El Ferrocarril, los Tranvias y los 30 Ascensores (Valparaiso on Rails: The Railroad, the Trams, and the 30 Ascensores).

Valparaiso, Chile: Valparaisologia, Colleccion Monografia, 2009.

Calvino, Italo. Invisible Cities. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974.

46

Careri, Francesco. Walkscapes: Walking as an Aesthetic Practice / El Andar Como Practica Estetica. Barcelona: Editorial Gustava Gili, 2002.

Certeau, Michel de. The Practice of Everyday Life. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1984.

Maas, Winy, Alexander Sverdlov, and Emily Waugh. Visionary Cities. Rotterdam: NAi Publishers, 2009.

Stoll, Katrina, Scott Lloyd, and Stan Allen. Infrastructure as Architecture: Designing Composite Networks. Berlin: Jovis, 2010.

Cook, Peter. The City, Seen as a Garden of Ideas. New York, N.Y.: Monacelli Press, 2003.

Corner, James. “The Agency of Mapping: Speculation, Critique and Invention,” in Mapping, ed. Denis Cosgrove, 213-252. London: Reaktion Books, 1999.

Easterling, Keller. Enduring Innocence: Global Architecture and its Political Masquerades. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 2005.

Human Centered Design Toolkit, developed by IDEO with funding from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, 2009. http://www.ideo.com/work/humancentered-design-toolkit/ (accessed June17, 2013).

Kapstein, Glenda. “Amphitheater City.” ARQ 73 (2009): 23-27.

Koolhaas, Rem. Delirious New York: A Retroactive Manifesto for Manhattan. New York: Monacelli Press, 1994.

Kozak, Daniel Matias. “Urban Fragmentation in Buenos Aires: The Case of Abasto.”

PhD diss., Oxford Brookes University School of the Built Environment, 2008.

47