Urban Gaming_P5 O5 Studio by Amsterdam Academy of Architecture

Urban Gaming Rotterdam Klein Belgie

Amsterdam Academy of Architecture

Explore Play Design Reflect

Urban Gaming Rotterdam Klein Belgie

P5 O5 Studio Amsterdam Academy of Architecture

Explore Play Design Reflect

Brief making through gaming Felix Madrazo and David Kloet

Urban Gaming as experiment Felix Madrazo and David Kloet

Exploring the territory

Game Over

Communicating Landscapes Blake Allen

Urban recipe for a mixed neighborhood Stephanie van Dullemen

Push back Robin Frings

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Maas-o-Menos Jacob Heydorn Gorski

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Vital organs Max Tuinman

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Nature First Monique Verstappen

Brief making through gaming

Background Contemporary European cities are increasingly the result of complex spatial, financial and programmatic agreements between several stakeholders. Furthermore, European cities policy makers are increasingly addressing agendas such as resilience, biodiversity loss, social inclusiveness or climate change that are not in the radar of every stakeholder leading the development of cities. These mesh of agendas are difficult to coordinate, let alone synchronize in one spatial long term vision. Designers therefore normally prioritize one of these briefs and leave the rest as something to be dealt after the main design has been conceived. Instead of treating the city as isolated briefs with short-term perspectives, the studio asks the students to devise a strategy of gaming that is able to untangle and discover potential mutual long-term benefits between the agendas of multiple stakeholders. The aim is good, but entails some risks, the level of complexity, overlaps and contradiction between each stakeholder agendas has the potential to either cancel or delay projects to an area or achieve innovative results through creative negotiation tools. Therefore, the aim is to develop gaming tools that should lead to the discovery of synergies between multiple stakeholders. In this sense the studio places a higher degree of prioritization in this phase than is normally given, ultimately challenging the design methods we are used to operate with. We certainly donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t believe in the figure of the designer as an empty container without agenda. Therefore, the Urban Gaming Studio asks students to promote an agenda and find the right type of of stakeholders to work with. The aim is to creatively construct those agendas through gaming and satisfy the multiple needs and desires of all stakeholders through design. Through both phases gaming and

Normally students get an assignment for a project including program, objectives, site boundaries. There is one client (the tutor) and the level of interaction is rather simple, and most important in one direction. The Urban Gaming studio aims to challenge that by not defining the brief priory (no program, no objectives, no site boundaries). Instead it emphasizes that a client or clients should be sought for, that multiple voices or stakeholders are needed and that a strategy is required to incorporate their needs and desires into the design process. Finally, the Urban Gaming Studio stresses that each student should find a gaming method as a way to negotiate multiple agendas of the various stakeholders. In this way gaming is seeing a research tool rather than a design tool, but ultimately the brief of the design assignment is affected by it and by extension the design results.

design the student is requested to find the potential mutual benefits between stakeholders in the area that could lead to an overall agenda of improvement of quality of life. Furthermore, since the studio does not mark a spatial boundary the gaming methods and the design outcomes should be as inclusive as possible in relationship with the city. From game to design During the studio students develop their gaming formats by assuming an agenda and deciding which role the designer has within that specific urban setting. This agenda is mostly derived from one hypothesis that is then enriched by research. Once this agenda is defined the student develops a gaming strategy that addresses this theme but also finds out which stakeholders are crucial to test his/her hypothesis.

This also implies a process of unlearning, normally we design answering briefs in the most aesthetically pleasing way without much interaction with contradictory agendas. The Urban Gaming Studio asks students to find methods to translate the variety of the gaming results into design drivers that include the perspectives and agendas of multiple stakeholders. Another objective of the studio is that students learnt to develop tools that support a method of design and brief definition that is more elaborate and nuanced, as opposed to the one liner narrative of the what if. In summary to arrive to a good design the student is being asked to do a combination of various tasks that include: hypothesis, researching, stakeholder directory, game design, design translation and overall narrative. Case Study Little Belgium The studio has worked on an area of South Rotterdam called ‘Little Belgium’, a nickname that refers to its apparent chaotic order. The area is one of the last remaining industrial areas located in this part of the city. Most other industrial areas have move to west following the ‘migration’ of the port to the sea. The area contains several structures mostly used nowadays for light industry, medium-scale retail, office space, sports and leisure. Due to the ongoing developments in the surroundings that include the ongoing Feyernoord Sport City Masterplan by OMA, a future metro station by RET, a new bridge across the Maas to mention the most known it is expected that the area will be radically transformed in the near future. Besides, the area is undergoing transformation of its waterfront with a neighbouring tidal park, and the adjoining Brienenoord Island is currently being addressed by civic and environmental actors who aim to preserve the current landscape of the island.

Furthermore, as mentioned above, the city policy makers are now keen on addressing pressing challenges such as climate change, resilience, biodiversity, inclusiveness. Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s also good to mention that in general Rotterdam South is now fully engaged in multiple housing projects. The city in general aims to increase the amount of housing stock by 50,000 in the coming 15 years. Therefore, history, current trends and future agendas should be taken into account by the students during the brief and design formulation.

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Urban gaming as experiment

Results reflections Each of these separate projects show the diversity of agendas from several stakeholders not tomention the present residents that will also play a decisive role on its future direction. The vectors that stakeholders represent include mobility, biodiversity, waterscapes, resilience, mixed used developments, logistics, street design, public space, nature preservation, and leisure.

Stephanie van Dullemen sees the area as another â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;battle fieldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; where the biggest developers might take action. Her approach is innovative in two ways, her gaming strategy aims to make these players play their wild cards at the beginning. Then through these results she reflects that the only way the area could develop without triggering a gentrification process is to expand the area of study and integrate the mostly social housing neighbourhood of Spordoorp. The result is an urban policy that works on street section while addressing critical program needs that balance between the new development and the existing city fabric. Jacob Heydorn Gorski makes a point by designing a complex game that involves voices of actors normally ignored in the design process. These voices include nonhuman actors such as animals. The game makes a balance between actors and projects vectors, making it one of the most sophisticated games of the studio. The designs therefore respond to these priorities and arrive to unusual configurations of stakeholders and areas. Within this framework a series of projects work in section new relationships between space, society and nature. Max Tuinman position within the studio is unique as his reading of the area turns into a resistance strategy. Max argument is to maintain the industrial quality despite the pressure on more housing due to the need for the city on creative and productive jobs. The reading of the area does involve a needed improvement in both physical space but also in terms of human resources. By teaming up companies and sharing labour and equipment they will be able to become more resilient and keep the area blue collar for more decades to come. Robin Frings agenda comes as a result of the intersection between the need of more housing and the abundant capacity of latent labour of unemployed people. Through a gaming system that promises a balance between different stakeholdersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; agenda the design brief results in the creation of a new urban typology based more on the involvement of inhabitants and their increased capacity for self-build skills 13

In general, the most surprising aspect of the studio is the level autonomy between each student approach to the area. While it is obvious that the area will be confronted soon with the pressure of development the students found several ways to understand this from different angles.

in combination with top down prefabricated wood structures. Blake Allen ‘Communicating Landscapes’ is an exercise of compatibilities between stakeholders and development ideas. Through a gaming process that involved the simulation of role playing several stakeholders were asked to take a lead, confront or collaborate with other stakeholders’ agenda. The gaming exposed that several scales of intervention were required and therefore different landscapes emerge out of multiple networks. Monique Verstappen aims to reconsider nature from a more nuanced human way. Her project ‘Nature First’ looks for clues at the intersection of ecology and phycology fields. Rather than seeing nature as amount of trees or square meters of green per person she favours a reading that involves other qualitative elements such as education, memory, or the connection between green and climate responsibility. Her carefully crafted game involves the subjectivities of multiple stakeholders to create a common path towards a reconnection to nature. Her urban design does play big strokes (green structure) but it is combined with a microscale dimension that makes nature

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ULD MAKE OF F GAMEâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

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Communicating Landscapes Blake Allen Landscape architecture

Design 28

What if a neighborhood was developed through a succession of conversations between the landscape functions of the site? What would the potential synergies between these landscape functions be, when and how could they interact, and in what order would they happen? The goal of the Communicating Landscapes game is in developing a process-based, stakeholder-centric and resilient landscape development strategy for Bedrijfsterrein Stadionwegâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s development. The result is an ongoing vision and design facilitation determined by stakeholders in the area. The emphasis and curation of the development of the site is based on collaboration and finding the places, as well as the stakeholders, that are the most flexible and willing to collaborate in its development. While not every part of the neighborhood will necessarily be ideal for collaboration, the places that are inflexible and unable to be combined with other landscape functions will also be more clearly presented.

Rotterdam is growing. The demand for housing, green spaces, cultural spaces, and healthy infrastructure has put a clear pressure on the existing industrial and production spaces throughout the city. Bedrijfsterrein Stadionweg remains unseen and largely unknown â&#x20AC;&#x201C; detached from its surroundings. In the surrounding area, the various landscape functions (i.e. living, natural, cultural, and mobility) appear disparate and fragmented from one another. With new development occurring in Feyenoord City along with many other plans for new infrastructure and development, change is coming. But what will happen to the production spaces of Bedrijfsterrein Stadionweg in the process? Rather than pushing these working functions away from the city, and seeing development as contradictory to these functions, this proposal seeks to design within their logic.

Design

Searching for synergies between these functions makes various spatial opportunities clearer at a broad level; phasing of the site, mobility networks, green networks and places of interest; and also in policy, zoning and regulations for the future place. The role of the designer in this game is, as a result, multi-faceted. Initially they are a facilitator of communication between stakeholders at a large to medium scale; then a synthesizer of the most critical data created in this process and; finally, the enabler of precise designs and strategies that reflect these previous stages. The detail all the way down to the material is reflective of a process that is ongoing, evolving with time, of the people involved and of the dynamic landscapes at large. Using the design language of composition and scale, a clear articulation of the site is made, placing landscapes in a perpetual dialogue with one another through their form. The result, is a neighborhood co-built through a succession of discovered synergies, articulated through form.

Bedrijfsterrein Stadionweg

1340-1690 1850-1890 1940 1970 2008

30 The Modernist

Pompenburg

The One Blaak Bright Muse Scheepmakers Terraced Tower

Hefkwartier

WInkelcentrum de Esch

Bayhouse Santos

Hotel Chicago Eden District

Fenixloft Havenkwartier

Woontoren Piekstraat Waterside Huis op Zuid Remisehof Cobana Ze Rozestraat Groene cap Bedrijfsterrein Stadionweg

Feyenoord City Het verborgen geheim

Simeon en Anna De stratmotor

Eilanden van IJsselmonde

Green Total: 11,900m2 Available: 11,900m2

Parking spaces and pedestrian pathways Total: 18,700m2 Available: 14,025m2

Roads Total: 17,900m2

Available: 17,900m2

Private Spaces Total: 46,500m2 Available: Case dependent

Company Buildings and Structures Total: 65,000m2 1 2

Available: Case dependent

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Nature

Nature Green Trees Trees Overview A collection of trees found native throughout the area. Requirements Trees must be placed no further than 3 squares apart from the next block placed. Clusters don’t need to be made.

Nature Green Farms Farms

Nature Green Weeds Plants

Overview A new set of urban agriculture-focused farms.

Overview Weeds and green planting. Requirements Must be placed no further than 3 squares apart from the block placed. Clusters of 3 must be made.

Requirements No requirement of distance of spacing. Must be placed in groups of 4 minimum.

Nature Green Habitat Habitat Overview Bird and other animal habitats. Requirements Must be placed no further than 5 squares apart from the block placed. Clusters of 4 are required.

Culture

Mobility Foot

Culture Culture Happen Happen Overview

Pedestrian pathways that build on the Overview existing infrastructure of pedestrian Happen refers to “happenings”. Smallpathways in the area. Green Trees that can either be scale interventions temporary or permenent. Examples include street art, public dancing, protests Requirements Overview and anything else placed you could imagine. always when a road AMust collection ofbe trees found native exists. Must throughout theform area.a continuous network. Requirements Have no spatial requirments. Place these Requirements in areas you would like to highlight or Trees must be placed no further than 3 activate. squares apart from the next block placed. Clusters don’t need to be made.

Mobility Public Transit Culture Culture Make Makers

Mobility Bike Culture Culture VenueVenue

Overview Bike pathways that build on the existing Overview infrastructure of roads in the area. Venue refers to venues that can range in Green size and beFarms either temporary or permanent. Requirements Must always be placed when a road Overview Must form aagriculture-focused continuous network. Aexists. new set of urban Requirements farms.be place a minumum of four in a Must cluster. To be permanent, must find an Requirements indoor space to occupy. No requirement of distance of spacing. Must be placed in groups of 4 minimum.

Overview Public transportation networks. Overview Makers refers to production spaces for Green Weeds makers. Requirements Must be placed in a continuous network with no u-turns. Overview Requirements Weeds green planting. of four in Must beand place a minumum a cluster. Must find an indoor space to Requirements occupy. Must be placed no further than 3 squares apart from the block placed. Clusters of 3 must be made.

Mobility Auto Culture Culture Community Centre

Community

Overview Public auto network. Overview Community Centre refers to a community Green Habitat centre for the neighbourhood. Requirements Must replace current private roads in order to make them accessable. Must be Overview Requirements placed in a continuous network. Bird and other habitats. Must be place aanimal minumum of eight in a cluster. Must find an indoor space to occupy. Requirements Must be placed no further than 5 squares apart from the block placed. Clusters of 4 are required.

32 Mobility Living Social

Living Market

Living High End

Overview Social refers to social housing, or subsidized living.

Overview Living refers to average priced housing.

Overview High End refers to high priced housing.

Mobility Mobility Foot Foot

Culture Happen Requirements Overview

Must represent 40% of thebuild future Pedestrian pathways that on develthe opments in the area. Allofhousing develexisting infrastructure pedestrian Overview opments require a“happenings”. Foot and Bike SmallMobility pathways in thetoarea. Happen refers pathway by the end that of the game. scale interventions can eitherCannot be be stacked more than 10 times. temporary or permenent. Examples

Requirements include street art, public dancing, protests Must always be placed whenimagine. a road and anything else you could exists. Must form a continuous network. Requirements Have no spatial requirments. Place these in areas you would like to highlight or activate.

Mobility

Mobility Mobility Public Transit

Mobility Bike Bike

Public Transit

Requirements Culture Makers Must represent 20% of the future develOverviewin the area. All housing developments Public transportation networks. opments require a Foot and Bike Mobility Overviewby the end of the game. Cannot pathway Makers refers to than production spaces for be stacked more 10 times. Requirements makers. Must be placed in a continuous network with no u-turns. Requirements Must be place a minumum of four in a cluster. Must find an indoor space to occupy.

Requirements Culture Venue Must represent 40% of the future develOverview opments in the area. All housing develBike pathways build theMobility existing opments requirethat a Foot andonBike infrastructure roads in game. the area. Overview pathway by the of end of the Cannot refers to than venues that can range in beVenue stacked more 10 times. size and be either temporary or permaRequirements nent. Must always be placed when a road exists. Must form a continuous network. Requirements Must be place a minumum of four in a cluster. To be permanent, must find an indoor space to occupy.

Living

Living Living Social Social Overview Social refers to social housing, or subsidized living. Requirements Must represent 40% of the future developments in the area. All housing developments require a Foot and Bike Mobility pathway by the end of the game. Cannot be stacked more than 10 times.

Living

Living High End

Living Market Market

Living High End

Overview Living refers to average priced housing.

Overview High End refers to high priced housing.

Requirements Must represent 40% of the future developments in the area. All housing developments require a Foot and Bike Mobility pathway by the end of the game. Cannot be stacked more than 10 times.

Requirements Must represent 20% of the future developments in the area. All housing developments require a Foot and Bike Mobility pathway by the end of the game. Cannot be stacked more than 10 times.

Mobility Car

Mobility Auto Culture Community Centre

Overview Public auto network. Overview Community Centre refers to a community Requirements centre for the neighbourhood. Must replace current private roads in order to make them accessable. Must be placed in a continuous network. Requirements Must be place a minumum of eight in a cluster. Must find an indoor space to occupy.

Minimum Distance

Multimodal

Grouping

Continuous Network

Mobility Goals

Place as many nature pieces as possible. Must be a certain distance based on nature type, and in minimum numbers of groups, also based on nature type. Negotiate with other players to form bonds.

Lay as many multi-modal transportation pieces as possible, and must form a continuous network by the end of the game. Negotiate with players to form bonds. 33

Nature Goals

Transit Connected 22

Activate

Maximum stacked x10 Living Goals

Culture Goals

Place as many living pieces as possible. Must form a minimum 40-40-20 ratio of housing units by the end of the game. Must be connected directly by foot and bike transportation. Negotiate with players to form bonds.

Place as many pieces as possible, following the specific rules for each category. Work quickly to activate spaces for future development. Negotiate with players to form bonds.

Phase One initiates the beginning of two primary mobility network lines: each on other sides of the area, allowing for the early development of living spaces in each. Living is also made along existing mobility connections. Notably, the westernmost mobility line is along the corridor of the existing bridge, Brug Zuiddiepje. The first of lateral pedestrian pathways is made. Cultural (importantly, Happen spaces) and Natural spaces are made along new and existing mobility networks, and begin to activate early opportunity sites. Phase Two initiates the further development of the spaces from Phase One more. Clear green networks are beginning to be made along the easternmost waterfront and attention is still being focused towards the Brug Zuiddiepje. A highly notable mobility network is made through existing company production spaces to better connect each development and the area more generally. Public Transportation stops are cited, and evenly distributed throughout the area on new and existing roads. Living pieces are made atop the locations cited in Phase One.

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34 Phase Three continues to build upon the nature networks established in Phase Two. The westernmost site is filled in largely with farms, maker spaces, habitats, trees and living spaces. Notably, a secondary mobility (i.e. auto, bike and pedestrian focused with lower intensity) network is established throughout the area, with some more tertiary mobility spaces (i.e. pedestrian focused) being made. Living spaces and cultural spaces become established along these new secondary networks. Finally, the location and need for a second bridge is made on the eastern side of the plot. Phase Four contains the final mobility networks being established. Several clear and strong nature networks are established along the waterfront, along primary, secondary and tertirary roads, rooftops, vacant plots and, notably in industrial spaces in the form of trees. Maker spaces are established in a main cluster on the east side and some on the west sides. Living spaces are spread throughout the area and found everywhere but in production industrial spaces on the north side of the plot. Other earlier developments are optimized.

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Landscape Communication â&#x20AC;&#x153;On this site visit, I noticed how, while the industrial and natural landscapes of our site seemed to be disconnected, that there were spatial reminders of each in both. Reminders of industrial activity would float, had washed up ashore and were present on nearly every part of the natural site. At the same time, reminders of nature were present between the cracks and found throughout the industrial site in unexpected ways.â&#x20AC;?

Research 44

Research

Introduction The discipline of landscape architecture follows a rich historical timeline of evolving meanings of, approaches to, and relationships between society and nature. Today, landscape architecture engages intimately with some of the greatest challenges of our time: urbanization â&#x20AC;&#x201C; and its associative challenges of, for example, sprawl; and climate change. As we live through a dynamic and changing climate; and as societal perceptions of, and connections to, nature continue to evolve, what is the approach and the role of the landscape architect in the process? We are in need of a clearly articulated position for landscape architecture: one where the discipline can bring a new order into our built environment; and can establish an ongoing dialogue between the natural environment and the built environment.

To understand the approach and ability of the landscape architect to address these challenges, this paper will begin by addressing historical landscape visualization and abstraction; continue by exploring the historical role of process in landscape architecture to highlight the importance and meaning of, but also the limitations of, a rational approach to the discipline; move towards an empowerment of aesthetics through discussing the work of Michel Desvigne and Stig L Andersson; and conclude by discussing the notion of precise design. In this sense, precision will be argued to become the ability to synthesize large-scale systems, societal perceptions and landscapes into concise interventions that communicate.

Historical approaches to containing and articulating landscapes have been numerous, although few more pervasive than the abstraction of nature as a line. The implications of such are critical to understanding their limitations: the inability to capture evolving societal perceptions of nature, and the over-simplification of a natural system as a static entity. In Dilip da Cunha’s book “The Invention of Rivers” (2019), and throughout the panel discussion of Harvard Graduate School of Design’s exhibition “On Mountains” (2019), a clear narrative of what sorts of aesthetic impulses have ensued from perceptions of the natural world are made. In Dilip da Cunha’s book “The Invention of Rivers” (2019), it is argued that separating land and water with the use of a line is not just an act of division; it is also an act of creation (Figure 1). It creates land and water from ubiquitous wetness, defining them on either side of a line (2019). Today, however, with the increasing frequency of flood and, not unrelatedly, sea-level rise attributed to climate change, this very line of separation has come into sharp focus with proposals for walls, levees, and natural defenses. These responses raise questions on where the line is drawn, but they also raise questions on the separation that this line facilitates. Cunha traces this way of thinking back to antiquity, specifically Alexander the Third’s failed attempt to colonize the Indian subcontinent, as a result of the pervasive wetness that weakened his troops and, as a result, drove them away. Cunha contends that his research becomes a call to reject the pervasive land-water divide and instead embrace the idea of wetness in this era of climate change. This will entail, according to Cunha: the recognition that to design rivers in the way we have so far is to intervene in a limited segment in the hydrological cycle. With this, designers are left with a call to action: to anchor their imagination in other moments of the hydrological cycle (2019). In the process, this approach promises entirely new languages of places and design. The line we draw between landscapes clearly limits their reality, presenting only one articulation of their potential relationship. Wild mountaineers, John Ruskin and Eugène Viollet-le-Duc were among the first theorists, designers, and architects to teach us that the line formed by crests, peaks, and ridges presents an exemplary form of beauty (Jakob, 2019). To define a single mountain or group of mountains as a line implies a process of abstraction. To question when we started looking at mountains is by no means the same as asking when we started to see them (Jakob, 2019). Mountains, among other earth forms, are both the medium and outcome of still evolving ways of experiencing, creating, and imagining. This is further addressed in the panel discussion “On Mountains” (2019) where artificial man-made mountains (e.g. burial sites); industrial and anthropic topography - producing landforms that we often no longer recognize as being artificial; retreating glaciers throughout the world that had once been

Landscape as Line

celebrated and studied during the eighteenth century as sublime; and how inhabitants of the Alpine regions that have practiced transhumance (i.e. the practice of moving livestock from one grazing ground to another in a seasonal cycle) for centuries, droving livestock between the valleys in winter and the high mountain pastures in summer â&#x20AC;&#x201C; are all highlighted as exemplary of differing societal perceptions and uses of mountains throughout history (Jakob, 2019). In this sense, to draw a mountain as merely a line, is to miss the relationship that that mountain has had with society, and how it may continue to evolve. Process in Landscape Architecture

It has been almost four decades since the idea of process erupted into the field of landscape architecture as a primary driver of design (Berrizbeitia, 2016). Today, the idea of process remains largely unquestioned, applied uncritically regardless of social and political conditions (Berrizbeitia, 2017). With this, the idea of process needs to be re-examined as it is often associated with theatre, poetry and other disciplines, but rarely with landscape architecture. Berrizbeitia sets up a framework that she describes as interface: that which makes the connection between two disparate things possible (Berrizbeitia, 2017). She argues that landscape architecture itself is an interface. It reworks the materials of nature for social occupation where, in the paraphrasing of landscape writer John Brinckerhoff Jackson, landscape becomes a synthetic intervention, an interface between nature as found and society as the shaper of that found condition (Berrizbeitia, 2016). For the past three decades, process-focused design, and its related terms such as open-ended, dynamic, fluid, the indeterminate, the adaptive and the resilient, have dominated the field of landscape architecture (Berrizbeitia, 2017. Positioned as focal elements to the profession, they have been critical in shaping its disciplinary contexts. During the late 1980s, the work of Michel Desvigne and Georges Hargreaves initiated a critique against an imported formalism in design. As these formal concerns diminished, the process-focused aesthetics of time, evolution, chance and impermanence followed. A second shift that arose as a result of new paradigms of ecological thinking â&#x20AC;&#x201C; from an equilibrium-based model to a continuously adaptive one. With this, landscapes would self-generate, and resilience, rather than poetics, became the core goal of design. Finally, the notion of ecological services and sustainability have placed the capacity of landscape to be productive, to work, at the center â&#x20AC;&#x201C; where process has taken on a problemsolving role. At the same time as these developments, other concepts and theories

emerged that looked to produce an alternative to the notion of process as an openended phenomenon. While process and its associated concepts have been important to expanding and shaping landscape architecture as a practice, they also pose a limitation. Process often has become an impediment to propositional design and new innovation, where a homogenous flattening of design has followed (Berrizbeitia, 2017). So long as indicators are met, the plan is realized.

Clearly, the need for innovation and propositional design are central. Michel Desvigne and Stig L Andersson, in each their own unique way, present approaches to landscape architecture through the use of an aesthetics. For Desvigne, the negotiation of scale, through form, becomes a mediator and opportunity for new sources of interaction and connection between landscapes (Corner and Gilles, 2009). While for Stig L Andersson, an aesthetic sense of nature becomes a communicator and reminder of nature for society, forming a powerful and ongoing connection between society and nature generally (Andersson, 2014). In each case, an aesthetic sensibility and activation of space through form, function and experience is made. Landscape architect Michel Desvigne’s work presents an imperative example of clear, form-based, compositional, textural and rhythmic negotiations of scale and landscape (Desvigne and Imbert, 2018). From the scale of geography to the urban courtyard, his work mediates and enables. Specifically, his work addresses the divide between urban and agricultural landscapes, suggesting a compositional, structural connection between them (Corner and Gilles, 2009). Throughout his work, a grid becomes a communicator of agricultural landscapes and, when used in urban settings, creates a connection, enabling a dialogue to unfold between landscapes. In this respect, the decisive plan of Desvigne for the Lyon Confluence is important (Figure 2). In this plan, 500 hectares of industrial land under the process of abandonment between the Saône and Rhône rivers are structured by a “dispersed and mobile” system of parks and programs to become available (Waldheim, 2006). With this, Desvigne stated that: “We are not envisaging a hypothetical, definitive state but a succession of states that correspond to the different stages of the metamorphosis. Exterior areas will be born, disappear, shift, according to the evolution of the building and the rhythm of the liberation of land, to make up a sort of moving map, like that of crop rotation.” (Desvigne 2001)

Empowerment of Aesthetics

The phasing of the project, defined by industrial parcels being made available for new development at dissimilar moments, led to the evolution of a “two speed landscape”. Temporary features enhanced the site’s public perception immediately. More perennial elements, such as lines, clusters of trees, infrastructure and buildings sequentially define the site’s projected spatial configuration – and articulate a clear connection between the urban and agricultural landscape (Waldheim, 2006). Desvigne explains that : “These pieces succeed and displace one another, disappear, compose themselves into a fabric of singular and original forms; as if this landscape was finding its quality in the authenticity and legibility of these construction processes, in the image of an agricultural landscape.” (Desvigne 2001) Indeed, in Michel Desvigne’s work, disparate landscapes are brought together to form new spatial arrangements and negotiations. Their structures inform users of their historical functions and productive capabilities. A mediation is made, and new forms of connection and contact between landscapes, and between what was, and what is, result. 50

In landscape architect Stig L Andersson’s Danish Pavilion for the 14th International Architecture Exhibition LA Biennale di Venezia in 2014, a narrative on the empowerment of aesthetics in architecture was made. Throughout his exhibition, it was argued that the creation of a new aesthetic – the poetic and the tactile - of nature is a fundamental part of working ethically in the Anthropocene, rather than relying solely on the rational, process-based as we have (Andersson, 2014). In one portion of the exhibition, Andersson placed sand from the Danish island Bornholm, from a specific coastal site of the island (Figure 3). The sand from this particular site has a specific sound and feeling when walked along. As visitors walked through the pavilion, while the dune or the beach were not there, their contact with the matter, the pure element of sand, reminded them of nature. He explains in his Harvard Graduate School of Design lecture “After Nature” (2018) that when a small boy walked onto the pavilion and looked around, he asked, where’s the water? Stig L Andersson calls this an aesthetic sense of nature. Indeed, the essence of the pavilion referred to the manmade abstraction of the natural order. Through removing as much as possible related to the image, only the essence remained. Rather than with a line, the image of nature as we know it was taken out of the object, and left was the way visitors would sense it – creating an atmosphere of something indefinable that embraced, and that was sensed, before thought.

Conclusion: Communicating Landscapes

Landscapes are dynamic, shifting and influenced greatly by underlying climactic and societal changes, development and growth. As Berrizbeitia shows, landscape architecture is positioned to address the often-great disparity between macro developments with local interests (2017). As in the work of Michel Desvigne, this act has the ability to dismantle the colonialized, territorializing monofunctional becoming an enabler of new public realms and social spaces that reflect socialcultural concerns and evolving social practices (Berrizbeitia, 2016). Through Stig L. Anderssonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s work, we are reminded that as societal perceptions continue to evolve and as our climate continues to change, precise design has the capacity to communicate and connect. While the discipline of landscape architecture has been deeply influenced and preceded by cartography, gardening, environmental stewardship and many other related disciplines; we are no longer simply wild mountaineers, gardeners or environmental preservationists. Through following the work of the preceding, it is clear that the role of the landscape architect is now as a facilitator of exchange, evolving values, a mediator and, most critically, a communicator between dynamic landscapes and their systems, and between nature and society more generally.

Literature • • • • • • • • • • • • 52

•

Allen, S. (2017). From Object to Field. New Geographies: Island, 8, 24–32. Andersson, S. L. (2018). Harvard Graduate School of Design Lecture. Harvard Graduate School of Design Lecture. Cambridge, Massachusetts. Andersson , S. L. (2014). Empowerment of Aesthetics . Danish Pavilion for the 14th International Architecture Exhibition LA Biennale Di Venezia. Berrizbeitia, A. (2017). On the Limits of Process: The Case for Precision in Landscape Architecture. New Geographies: Island, 8, 110–117. Berrizbeitia, A. (2016). On the Limits of Process: The Case for Precision in Landscape Architecture. Harvard Graduate School of Design Lecture. Corner, J., & Tiberghien, G. A. (2009). Intermediate Natures: the Landscapes of Michel Desvigne. Basel: Birkhäuser Basel. Cunha, D. da. (2019). The Invention of Rivers: Alexanders eye and Gangas descent. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Desvigne, M. (2001). Infiltration Strategy. Techniques and Architecture, 53. Desvigne, M., & Imbert, D. (2018). A landscape inventory: Michel Desvigne Paysagiste. San Francisco, CA: Applied Research and Design Publishing, an imprint of ORO Editions. Hight, C. (2003). Portraying the Urban Landscape. Landscape in Architecture Criticism and Theory. Jakob, M. (2019). “On Mountains” Harvard Graduate School of Design Panel Discussion. Cambridge, Massachusetts. Jakob, M. (2019). Mountains and the Rise of Landscape, Harvard University Graduate School of Design. Retrieved from https://www.gsd.harvard.edu/exhibition/mountains-and-the-rise-oflandscape/. Waldheim, C. (2006). The landscape urbanism reader. New York: Princeton.

53 53

Urban recipe for a mixed neighborhood Stephanie van Dullemen Architecture

Design 54

The urban development in Rotterdam is growing in a fast pace. Neighbourhoods such as Katendrecht, Kop van Zuid, the Old North and Delfshaven are getting more and more popular. Big urban development projects are being realized and the more educated and creative people are drawn to these hip places. They stimulate the economic motor of the city.

Since a few years there is a great urban development transition happening towards the south of Rotterdam, with new development projects as Feyenoord City and Hart van Zuid. What will happen when big private developers from the center parts of Rotterdam start discovering the potential of Little Belgium? And how can we make sure gentrification wonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t happen there? What rules can be used to fight gentrification? This project exists out of an urban game strategy and design proposal for Little Belgium. By using the format of a game, it can be possible to test what kind of development approach can work for this area when multiple developers are involved.

But popularity of neighborhoods can also have a downside. Property owners are increasing rental prices, which is part of the large shortage problem of affordable housing in these neighborhoods. As a result, people with low and middle incomes cannot afford housing in these neighborhoods anymore or feel displaced and eventually get pushed out. What is left is often a popular high-end but non-diverse populated neighborhood. A process we can call gentrification.

The game exists out of four big developers teaming up where each player acts from their own key interests for the neighborhood. Through this game they will have to collaborate together in order to get a position in the development of the area. What kind of scenarios will happen to reach the common goal: creating an inclusive and mixed neighborhood.

Design

The game shows where developers clash or find common ground. The game results are used as principles to create a design proposal for the area. Within the proposal, different sections will show how each part of the design can contribute to an inclusive and mixed neighborhood, without pushing out less fortunate people of the near village Sportdorp. Each section has itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s own character and gives insight into how developers can reach their own and common goals.

56 Framework sections

Within my project Iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;m going to design an urban strategy game where four big developers will have to work together with local parties to create a long-term inclusive and mixed neighborhood. By using the format of a game, it will be possible to test what kind of development approach can work the best for this area when multiple developers are involved. What kind of scenarios will happen to reach the common goal: creating an inclusive and mixed (people & function) neighborhood. The developers all have certain interests in the area. Through this game they will have to collaborate together in order to get a position in the development of the area. They will have to play the urban strategy game according to specific rules, set up by the local parties (industrial companies, inhabitants and other users).

The game exists of developers teaming up where each player has their own key interests for the neighborhood. Where and when will they clash with each other and where do they find common ground? What kind of long-term plans can they make, while playing with the given ingredients; to eventually find the ideal recipe for Little Belgium?

urban block different heights

transformation industry to housing

rowhousing tower with lower plinth public function school, theater

pocketpark

housing slab

bridge

public plinth and residential blocks

public park

urban block

industrial companies

Game ingredients: Placing and changing elements , negociate and adjust

58 Game result Three new areas within Little Belgium 1. Residential area + bridge 2. High density urban area 3. Industrial poluting area 58

59 59

HOUSEHOLD INCOME each section includes lower income households, to prevent monocultures - affordable housing & lower income

HOUSING TYPOLOGY & HEIGHT creating a gradient from sportdorp towards waterfront, high towers situated near water for optimal sun - rowhousing - urban blocks - big building blocks - towers

PUBLIC & ACTIVE SPACE creating outside space in different sizes that contribute to meeting people - green shared gardens, elevated green spaces, small courtyards e.g. - main walking routes

TRANSPORT ROUTES car traffic mostly as guests through

TRANSPORT ROUTES car traffic mostly as guests through area to stimulate walking & cycling - car traffic - car traffic as guest

PUBLIC FUNCTIONS create multifunctional buildings to provide diversity and more active streets

WATERFRONT FOR ALL wider street towards waterfront, creating more sunny sides along the street to enjoy

ELEVATED FUNCTIONS providing more mixed space for ground floor

COMMERCIAL USE ON SIDE STREEDS move companies/commercial shops the cross-streets keep the main line more diverse

BINDING FACTORS TO MEET PEOPLE theater as binding factor in the highly dense area

COMMUNITY MAKING connector between sportdorp and new area teaching, cooking together, dance classes, gym

ATTRACTING ANCHORPOINT visible icon from the main road anchor point of the area small and commercial companies mixed

ACTIVE INNER COURTYARDS community feeling, meet your neighbor WALKABILITY small passages through the urban blocks creates more routes through the area ACTIVE CORNERS NEIGHBORHOOD SHOPS more small companies such as bakery and small supermarket, meet your neighbor ACTIVE STREET pedestrian street, meeting places for students, residents, commuters EDUCATION IN SPORTDORP binding element where people from the different areas meet

NEW COMMON GREEN SPACES transform existing private gardens to shared semi-private gardens

in ist

ing

section 1 sportdorp

MAIN CENTRAL ROUTE from sportdorp to waterfront EXISTING GARDENS = COMMUNITY SPACE to continue the central main line the waterfront, transform existing garden to community function: small eventspaces, neighborhood community house, shared greenhouse and small ground level dwellings.

Framework sections

section 5 waterfront area section 4 high density area section 4 high density area section 3 urban area section 3 urban area

EXISTING BORDER: MAIN ROAD PEDESTRIAN & CYCLING BRIDGE EXISTING BORDER: MAIN ROAD

PEDESTRIAN & CYCLING BRIDGE section 2 sportdorp expansion

section 2 sportdorp expansion

n1 orp

pedestrian/cycling street educational function pedestrian/cycling street community funcion educational function community funcionsmall businesses

small businesses commercial businesses

commercial businesses

section 5 waterfront area

Section 1: Sportdorp

64 Section 2: Expension

65 65

66 Section 3: Urban neighbourhood

Section 4: Urban neighbourhood

67 67

68 Section 5: Waterfront

69 69

Urban recipe for a mixed neighborhood How can city development help to create mixed neighborhoods with people from different backgrounds to soften or control the negative side effects of gentrification?

Research 70

Research

Introduction Seclusion of neighborhoods in cities is increasing. As cities are constantly changing, urban development projects are critical matters to be discussed by city planners, developers and designers. Research shows that mixing people with different backgrounds is possible, but current urban development and renewal plans can result in negative effects, such as gentrification. Therefore, tackling urban issues and developments triggers questions like: How can we build neighborhoods without pushing out less fortunate inhabitants? How can different (financial and social) backgrounds be mixed to create more diverse neighborhoods? As these questions are various, there does not yet seem to be a clear policy to be applied for steering urban developments. Starting from the assumption that designers should be aware of and responsive to possibilities at different levels of city development; this paper investigates the effects of gentrification and the pros and contras of mixing different backgrounds. Thereafter, case studies â&#x20AC;&#x201C; on neighborhood and building level â&#x20AC;&#x201C; will be assessed to understand which choices have been made that were decisive for failures or successes and the conclusion will prove which lessons can be learnt and applied for policy and design tools. 72 72

Gentrification versus Revitalization

Phases of Gentrification There are three different stages of how gentrification can occur according to Gale (1980) and Metaal (2007): the artistic phase, the mixed phase and the fashionable phase. The first phase exists of young artists and creative people who break away from traditional and competitive housing markets subject to seclusion processes. Newcomers often find relatively cheap residence in dilapidated working-class housing and old industrial buildings, which can be upgraded and revitalized to their own needs. Initially this kind of occupation – cheap rent and often squatting – can lead to further declination of property values. The newcomers see themselves as pioneers, retail and cafes in these areas are occasionally poverty-stricken. The mixed phase is often linked to a more socially and culturally aware group of people who are less radical than the newcomers of the artistic phase. Houses are bought and renovated on a larger scale by the so-called middle class and streetscapes are changing. As more newcomers inhabit the neighborhood, the audience for retail and cafes grows. Existing inhabitants start noticing the changes of their neighborhood; the price of rental housing rises slowly, which increases vulnerability and eventually seclusion of such inhabitants. Landlords and investors start actively clear out apartments to sell square meters for large profits. These changes can lead to resistance of the neighborhood (Gale, 1980 & Metaal, 2007). The fashionable (chic) phase – the result of the previous phases according to Metaal and Gale – happens when more wealthy people start inhabiting the neighborhood because of the higher status it has obtained. Characteristics of this phase are usually commercial spaces and housing becoming too expensive for less fortunate inhabitants. The housing market comes to a point of stabilization where less investors speculation is happening because of little influx and longer residency duration. Social facilities and shops that used to give the existing neighborhood its character are fading away and new retail shops and cafes of the mixed phase are dealing with financial problems. 73

The term gentrification comes from the word gentry - the upper or ruling class and has been introduced by the English sociologist Ruth Glass who stood up against the local government of London in the early 1960’s, warning them for displacement of poor inhabitants from the city. Glass (1964) studied problems of the housing market in London and concluded that working class quarters were invaded by the middle class, ultimately changing the whole social character of the district. The process, that neighborhoods become too expensive for the current inhabitants when they get an upgrade on a physical, social and economic level, has been and still is a problem of social justice – entailing the question who is allowed to live in certain districts or neighborhoods.

In most city neighborhoods however, the whole transformation process from the first phase to the end phase is not very common. Besides this categorization, there might still be other phases where – in a worst-case scenario – areas are purposely neglected as a form of instrument to steer urban developments. Rent gap According to Smith (1979), the rent gap is the distinction between a high value of an underdeveloped property – old deteriorated heritage – and the actual low value that is attached to this property. This argumentation entails that developers and investors are often not able to invest in old buildings or neighborhoods with bad reputations, as infrastructure, facilities renovation and demolition are expensive. This may push neighborhoods even further in decay and the value of property may descent below its potential value, which then suddenly becomes profitable again for developers and investors. This then results in rising prices, private investors eager to make profits and inhabitants of rental apartments getting bought out by landlords (Smith, 1979). 74

Pros and cons of gentrification While some social researchers like Doff and Van der Sluis (2017) state how policymakers are confident that the so-called middle class will bring new energy and vitality to city neighborhoods and have the capability to support less wealthy residents, others like Van Pelt (2019) argue that gentrification is needed because of densification in our cities in order to provide more varied neighborhoods. In general, the middle class is a rich source for new facilities such as small entrepreneurs and big companies, contributing to a better local economy, as well as new investments improving neighborhood reputation (Doff and Van der Sluis, 2017). This increasing value of a neighborhood however, certainly does not have to be at the expense of current inhabitants of the area (Van Pelt, 2019), who argues that commercial investors are not eager to invest as a ‘first mover’ because of the fear of gentrification as a necessarily revitalization that only be pushed through by housing corporations, developers, investors, retailers and residents working together. How old existing neighborhoods are dealing with colonization, resulting in seclusion of the less fortunate residents, is described by Doff and Van der Sluis (2017). The rising housing prices in these suddenly popular neighborhoods bring the effect of displacement, which is differentiated by Sutton (2015) into two types (direct and indirect displacement): direct displacement occurs when increasing rental prices of

housing leave people no choice but to leave their houses, whereas indirect displacement occurs when existing residents stay, but get isolated by the influx of new high-end functions in the neighborhood. The neighborhood will look esthetical appealing, but is not affordable for less fortunate residents.

Given prior, it is important to distinguish gentrification from revitalization: neighborhood changes, improvements and upgrading, which usually arise from bottom up initiatives and help from public and private sector parties (Sutton, 2015). Through revitalization a neighborhood remains affordable, while gentrification causes that not all the residents benefit and a growing social and financial gap arises. Positive effects of gentrification can be an opportunity for a city, but negative effects may arise on a smaller scale. Doff and Van der Sluis (2017) state that urban city planners must ensure that gentrification is a controlled process so they have the opportunity to soften the negative effects. Mixing: desirable or problematic Mixing neighborhoods can have positive and negative effects, depending on the level of scale (neighborhood, urban block or building). According to the Netherlands Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis (Centraal Planbureau) (2011), municipalities and housing corporations implemented policies to change disadvantaged neighborhoods into more mixed neighborhoods, mostly by demolishing social housing and rebuilding middle and (more) expensive housing. People with a disadvantaged position can find more support in mixed neighborhoods from people that are in a better social and financial position and restructuring neighborhoods by attracting middle and high-class people can cause the danger of less fortunate people to be pushed out of their habitat (Veldboer et al., Bouw and Duyvendak (2007). They explain that mixing backgrounds is mostly challenging because newcomers are often only willing to connect with people from other social-economical classes when clear rules are setup, such as organized communal activities. People need some kind of structure in order to have contact with people from another background or status. 75

Doff and Van der Sluis (2017) acknowledge that communal meeting-places and functions â&#x20AC;&#x201C; which are of great importance to existing residents â&#x20AC;&#x201C; are fading away and the mix between existing residents and newcomers can bring conflicts and clashes among them; newcomers may not feel welcomed and involved in existing neighborhoods, leaving them only focused on their like-minded neighbors.

According to sociologist Miltenburg (2017), mixing social-rent housing and housing for sale will not solve social and economical problems in a neighborhood; an individual approach is much more valuable than trying to solve the problem for the whole neighborhood. Mixing on neighborhood scale In 2007 a policy for so-called Vogelaar districts was issued by Ella Vogelaar (former PvdA minister for Housing, Neighborhoods and Integration), which was meant to upgrade disadvantaged neighborhoods by demolishing social housing and build housing for sale instead (Atteveld, 2017). The Kolenkitbuurt in Amsterdam-West is an example of such a neighborhood.

Journalist Mooyman (2015) describes how the Kolenkitbuurt was meant for the working and middle class after the Second World War. Rental prices there were much compared to the center of Amsterdam. During the 1970s, the area changed by the influx of foreign workers. City planners of Amsterdam created a policy to push out the existing middle class towards Almere and Purmerend, making room for foreign workers and their families in small and affordable apartments. By not investing in the neighborhood and its residents, this resulted in a high poverty and high unemployment area. Around 2009 poverty-stricken social housing blocks were demolished to build new projects, but because of the financial crisis, empty plots remained. During 2010-2015, the neighborhood got more attention. The municipality of Amsterdam reached out to Cascoland, a group of artists who together with existing residents started to build on a community by creating shared allotment gardens on the empty plots of land (Bockma, 2015). Developers started seeing more potential in the area and the new build housing project Rhapsody evolved. During that development, Cascoland stood up for the existing residents of the area, which lead to the idea of a shared greenhouse in the courtyard of the new project and a cheap short-stay unit for guests of people from the social housing blocks (Bockma, 2015). 15% of middle rent housing within the Rhapsody project became intended for existing inhabitants of the Kolenkitbuurt and four young adults were chosen as community managers for organizing neighborhood events, receiving reductions on their rent. The Rhapsody project is part of the success of the Kolenkitbuurt; a responsible and intense cooperation between developers, planners and the neighborhood made it possible for communal functions and facilities to be implemented Van Pelt (2019). According to the organization We love the City (z.d.) existing residents of the Kolenkitbuurt got a neighborhood guarantee, which means that if their houses are to be demolished for urban renewal, they will get an affordable new house on walking distance. 76

Another example for mixing on building scale is Blok 47CD where the mixing of different groups of people has not led to a satisfying result. According to RIGO (2009), inhabitants coped with many complaints about intimidation, burglary and demolition of public spaces. Most confrontations between people happened in public common spaces and the mix of this project on micro-level has lead to negative effects; people with different social and economical backgrounds cannot avoid each other. Social researcher Frederiks (2015) writes how 60 tenants and 35 owners contributed to a negative effect; the balance should be more equal in such a situation. According to Platform31 mixing on building level is possible by creating for example penalty points; as soon as tenants will not follow given rules, they will have to leave (Van der Velden, 2016) and this can trigger difficulties on a large scale. Conclusion Gentrification may result in lively and economically stronger neighborhoods. Unfortunately negative effects are also present: newcomers often do not feel connected with existing inhabitants, who have to deal with rising housing prices, disappearing functions, isolation and not feeling involved with their neighborhood. Though mixing backgrounds can lead to friction, it should not be avoided. As the different cases have shown, mixing on building level is questionable, triggering risks for developing parties. The assumption that like-minded people seek each other has been proved right, but it is nevertheless important to bring diversity in a neighborhood is important for educational, social and economical reasons. Therefore, city planners, housing corporations, developers and designers have an important role to fulfill in order to control negative effects of gentrification, as gentrification will happen. In doing so, mixing on building level as well as sharing

Mixing on Building scale Mixing different backgrounds also happens in relatively newly built areas, like IJburg. Asselbergs (2017) writes how Platform31 researched the mix between self-reliant residents together with vulnerable residents. One example is project Blok54 from housing corporation Alliantie. This project facilitates social rent, housing for sale and assisted living for people with a mental and physical disability who are clustered together, but donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t share front doors. The Alliantie is certain â&#x20AC;&#x201C; from practice â&#x20AC;&#x201C; that mixing on building level will not work (Asselbergs, 2017): likeminded people seek each other and there is a limit to what you can leave up to certain inhabitants; a secure and separated part was needed for vulnerable inhabitants.

common spaces is a point of attention. Urban renewal projects can be more successful by involving assisting parties to help an existing neighborhood to speak up for their needs. Furthermore, introducing small incisions on different levels to start small by involving existing residents, introducing different entrances, avoiding mixes of backgrounds on the same building-levels and penalty points systems can control the negative effects of gentrification.

78 78

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• •

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Asselbergs, S. (2017). Challenge: Gemengde woonbuurten. Geraadpleegd 15 december 2019, https://www.gebiedsontwikkeling.nu/artikelen/challenge-gemengde-woonbuurten/ Atteveld, H. van (2017). Gemengd wonen levert nauwelijks iets op. Geraadpleegd 13 december 2019, https://eenvandaag.avrotros.nl/item/gemengd-wonen-levert-nauwelijks-iets-op/ Bockma, H. (2015). “Probleembuurt, pas op voor kunstenaars!” Geraadpleegd 15 december 2019, https://www.volkskrant.nl/nieuws-achtergrond/probleembuurt-pas-op-voorkunstenaars~be0d4aa4/ Centraal Planbureau. (2011). Buurteffecten in perspectief (08). https://www.cpb.nl/sites/ default/files/publicaties/download/cpb-policy-brief-2011-08-buurteffecten-perspectief.pdf Doff, W., & Sluis, M. van der (2017). Stad kan gevolgen gentrificatie verzachten. Geraadpleegd 12 december 2019, https://www.socialevraagstukken.nl/stad-kan-gevolgen-gentrificatieverzachten/ Frederiks, R. (2015). Menging koop- en sociale huurwoningen in woonblokken. http://www. afwc.nl/uploads/tx_news/Menging_in_woonblokken_FREDERIKS.pdf Gale, D. E. (1980). Neighborhood Resettlement: Washington, D.C. In: Back to the City: Issue in Neighborhood Renovation, edited by Laska, S. B. and Spain, D. New York: Pergamon Press, 95-115. Glass, R. (1964). London: Aspects of Change. Centre for Urban Studies and MacGibbon and Kee, 4. Metaal, S. (2007). Gentrification, een overzicht OASE: Tijdschrift voor architectuur, NAI Uitgevers/Publishers Rotterdam, 73 (Stromen en tegenstromen), 7-28. Miltenburg, E. (2017). Het mengen van buurten bestendigt bestaande ongelijkheid. Geraadpleegd 15 december 2019, https://www.socialevraagstukken.nl/ongelijkheid-komtniet-door-de-buurt-waar-iemand-woont/ Mooyman, R. (2015). De herontdekking van de Kolenkitbuurt. De Westkrant. Geraadpleegd https://www.dewestkrant.nl/de-herontdekking-van-de-kolenkitbuurt/ Pelt, L. van (2019). Gentrificatie: afwachten of actie? [Blogpost]. Geraadpleegd 12 december 2019, https://www.vastgoedmarkt.nl/loopbaan/blog/2019/05/gentrificatie-afwachten-ofactie-101143568?vakmedianet-approve-cookies=1&_ ga=2.130645967.115520927.1572167255-1751913644.1537474829 RIGO (2009). Het woonklimaat op IJburg, een evaluatie. Geraadpleegd 15 december 2019, https://docplayer.nl/26117288-Het-woonklimaat-op-ijburg.html Smith, N. (1979). Toward a Theory of Gentrification: A Back to the City Movement by Capital, not People. Journal of the American Planning Association, 45 (538-548) Sutton, S. (2015). What we don’t understand about gentrification, TEDxNewYork [Video]. Geraadpleegd 21 september 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XqogaDX48nI Velden, J. van der (2016). ‘Magic Mix’-woonvormen halen huurmarkt van het slot. Geraadpleegd 15 december 2019, https://www.omgevingsweb.nl/nieuws/magic-mix-woonvormen-halenhuurmarkt-van-het-slot Veldboer, L., Bouw, C., & Duyvendak, J. W. (2007). De mixfactor: integratie en segregatie in Nederland. Amsterdam: Boom. We love the City. (z.d.). Kolenkitbuurt Amsterdam. Geraadpleegd 15 december 2019, https:// www.welovethecity.eu/nl/portfolio/kolenkitbuurt-amsterdam#/kolenkitbuurt-in-nederlandsarchitectuur-jaarboek

Literature

Push Back Robin Frings Architecture

Design 80

Rotterdam is doing well. The city is growing. The number of companies, jobs, residents and visitors is growing. This growth presents all kinds of new challenges for the city and requires for a new balance between living, working and staying in the city for low- and middle income citizens. Yet due to the increasing demand for affordable housing the city centre middle income households are being pushed out.

Housing diversity within the program is a must in order to bridge the gap between the two superior. The complex consists of three different housing types that are being built with the help of a large group of unemployed workers who can make their way back in to society with this development. Due to the mixed working group, the traditional way of building is cancelled. With the start-up of this new way of working, prefab construction with a flexibly usable and editable building material is an absolute must to fulfil the diversity of design demands.

Fulfilling the quest for affordable housing in the Rotterdam housing market between social- and owner-occupied housing demands a new way of thinking an picking up the issue. For this reason I started designing a game that brings different stakeholders into contact with each other and balances each otherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s needs and wishes with the assignments. With this game, other current imbalances in Rotterdam are tackled immediately in order to create broader support for the assignment in which several interested parties are bathed.

Design

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Big Woodâ&#x20AC;? is a prototype on mass timber construction that offers the possibility to build more responsibly while actively working on the problems the city at the moment haves. As the Dutch birthplace of the skyscraper, Rotterdam is an optimal location for a prototype in mass timber construction. Similar as the rapid innovation in building technology that occurred in the early 1900s.

RENTAL HOUSING

41.9%

UNEMPLOYMENT

SKEW RENTER

3.4%

13.8%

OWNER-OCCUPIED

AVERAGE

56.8%

€ 161.711

AVERAGE

€ 36.000

€ 287.300

Netherlands

17.380.471 inhabitants RENTAL HOUSING

64.9%

UNEMPLOYMENT

SKEW RENTER

4.4%

9.8%

82 OWNER-

AVERAGE 35.1%

€ 152.727

AVERAGE

€ 34.000

€ 192.000

Rotterdam

IJsselmonde

644.618 inhabitants

60.140 inhabitants RENTAL HOUSING

UNEMPLOYMENT

SKEW RENTER

OWNER-

AVERAGE

Framework sections

VERY LARGE USE OF SOCIAL HOUSING COMPARED TO THE

MAKE ADAPTABLE FOR A BROAD

REST OF THE NETHERLANDS

USER GROUPS: - YOUNG PEOPLE - ELDERLY - LOW INCOME HOUSEHOLDS - STATUS HOLDERS - SEPARATED - DEMOLITION OF URGENCIES

GROUP

RENTAL HOUSING too large and wide user group

- EMERGENCY SEEKERS

FOCUS ON GROWTH OPPORTUNITIES

DECOMPRESS BY TAKING A CLOSER LOOK AT SOCIAL HOUSING. ZOOMING IN ON THE USER GROUPS

MADNESS ON THE HOUSING MARKET. PRICE INCREASE OF 16% LAST YEAR

PERCENTAGE OF SELF-BUILD

OWNER- OCCUPIED HOME rapid price increase

USE ALTERNATIVE WAYS TO MAKE HOUSING AFFORDABLE

CREATE AFFORDABLE HOUSING

€ 38,035 WITH A INCOME THE AVERAGE MORTGAGE IS € 174,966

FALLING AS IT WERE BETWEEN TWO STOOLS

10,000 UNEMPLOYED PEOPLE AGED 18/27 IN ROTTERDAM

CONTINUE TO GROW

UNEMPLOYMENT BUSINESS SCHOOL / CURRICULUM / LEARN WORK AGREEMENT

IJsselmonde 4,4% 2.646 people

CONTACT BETWEEN COMPANIES AND JOB SEEKERS

SUBSIDY OF € 10,000 / 15,000 PER CANDIDATE

DISCOVERING INTEREST IN THE TYPE OF WORK

AVERAGE ASKING PRICE € 192,000

Step 02 Each pain point has his own side and is placed by the stakeholders. The intention is that every subject is placed at its ideal ratio to act as a solution to the ongoing problem.

Step 03 Each subject receives a maximum of 3 sub-attention points. These are placed on the value that the stakeholder assigns them to the subject.

Step 04 After this, each sub-point is valued on its own by the stakeholders. It is also written down â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;whyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; this value is given.

Step 05 As additional input and ideas that are not included in the game can be added by the stakeholders. These suggestions can also be given a direct value.

Step 06 As long as the balance is kept in the game, the outcome can serve as a concept for the design assignment of the plan. In disbalance there is too much difference between the pain points and composition.

Step 01 The base is a vertical sphere with a scale along its side. A ball is placed at the top and guards the tipping point of being in or out of balance.

BURN OUT

SCHOOL DROPOUT

50%

LABOR FORCE UNEMPLOYED

YOUNG UNEMPLOYED AGED 18/27

75%

50% OLD UNEMPLOYED AGED 40/70

LONG-TERM UNEMPLOYED

25%

SIZE

50%

RENTAL PRICE

EFFORT RESIDENTS

SIZE

75%

RENTAL HOUSING

BUILDING COST

75%

50%

30% SUSTAINABLE

BUILDING TIME

OWNEROCCUPIED HOME

50%

75% BULDING TIME

...% SELFBUILD

75%

SUSTAINABLE

25%

PUBLIC GREEN

SOCIAL SPACE INTERACTION BETWEEN PEOPLE

CIRCULAR MATERIAL USE

Game Result

86 86

OWNEROCCUPIED HOME 75%

= 40 APARTMENTS

RENTAL HOUSING 30%

= 16 APARTMENTS

EXPANDABLE

LABOR FORCE = CLT-CONSTRUCTION UNEMPLOYED PREFAB 50% FLEXIBLE

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90 Framework sections

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Push Back Although there are more cities involved in the battle for midfield besides Rotterdam, there is still little knowledge about the middle class known. How has the housing market developed in such a way that for some population groups there are hardly any suitable homes left in the city? How has the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s middle class turned into the scapegoat? What is the added value of this population group for the city? And what would be the consequences if the division in the city were to persist as a result of this departure?

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Research

Introduction Rotterdam is doing well. The city is growing, as are the number of businesses, jobs, residents and visitors. With this growth, the city faces all kinds of new challenges. An important question is the housing of its growing number of inhabitants. Because of this continuing growth, the pressure on affordable housing in the private rental or owner-occupied sector has increased considerably. What also creates extra pressure on the housing market is the inner-city redevelopment and renewal of the existing housing stock that Rotterdam is currently carrying out. These developments mean that affordable housing has to be sought for further and further out of the city. In the past year alone, 2018 to 2019, the average WOZ-value (Waardering onroerende zaken) of a home in Rotterdam has risen by no less than 16 per cent (Heilbron, 2019) the biggest rise of all of the Netherlands.

The population group that is hit the hardest by these developments is the middle class of the city. They are often above the income limit of 38.035, - euro to qualify for social rental housing. However, with this income they can only get a mortgage of up to 174,966, - euro. For this amount you cannot find a suitable house in the city. Anything above this amount has to be yielded from own capital, which is mostly not an option for this group of occupants. If you still want to stay in the city, a rental home from the private sector is the only option, which means that you will have to spend more money each month than you would for an owner-occupied home (Rijksoverheid, z.d.). Because this resident group is not entitled to social housing and the price increase on the housing market they are being stripped financially, there are hardly any other options left than to leave the city (van Staalduine, 2019). They fall between two stools, as it were. Although there are more cities involved in the battle for midfield besides Rotterdam, there is still little knowledge about the middle class known. How has the housing market developed in such a way that for some population groups there are hardly any suitable homes left in the city? How has the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s middle class turned into the scapegoat? What is the added value of this population group for the city? And what would be the consequences if the division in the city were to persist as a result of this departure? Questions that seem to pass in review without being answered.

Utrecht (gemeente) Ro�erdam 's-Gravenhage (gemeente) Amsterdam Limburg (PV) Noord-Brabant (PV) Zeeland (PV) Zuid-Holland (PV) Noord-Holland (PV) Utrecht (PV) Gelderland (PV) Flevoland (PV) Overijssel (PV) Drenthe (PV) Friesland (PV) Groningen (PV) Zuid-Nederland (LD) West-Nederland (LD) Oost-Nederland (LD) Noord-Nederland (LD) Nederland 20

2013 (dal)

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2018

Figure 1. Price development compared to 2008 Source: CBS/Kadaster, machining BZK. The prices at the top of the housing market (August 2008) before the start of the crisis have been set at 100 in this graph. The blue bars show the decline by region until the crisis (second quarter of 2013), the orange bars show the recovery after the crisis (until the second quarter of 2018).

115.6

€192,000

62.7

134.6 x1000 total population 313.2

€41,000 €0 up to rental surcharge limit

From rental surcharge limit up to €40,349 More than €40,350 Figure 3. Private households in Rotterdam by household taxable income, 2017 Source: CBS, 2019

Figure 2. price for an average owner-occupied house in Rotterdam versus the minimum income required to take out a mortgage for this amount Source: De Hypotheker, 2019

Rebirth or Bubble We are living in the era of the cities and this is reflected in the strong price increases on the housing market. This is the result of a constantly increasing migration to the city. Higher educated people in particular are drawn to the city by its diversity in terms of employment, education, culture and recreation. After a long period of population decline in Rotterdam, the number of inhabitants of the city has been growing since 2008. New icons in the city centre, such as the ‘Market Hall’ (Markthal) and the recently refurbished ‘Central Station’, have changed the image of the city and helped to create a market for new luxury apartments, graceful public spaces and significant amount of shopping areas. For those who can afford to live, work and relax in these areas, there is plenty to do. On the other hand, families also leave the city in search of space and affordable housing. Peripheral areas of the city pay the price of the increased population of the city centre because they are increasingly being pushed to the edge. As a result of this, the population mix is gradually being divided into two categories.

While encouraging the rebirth of downtown Rotterdam, 53 of the city’s 76 districts have an average income below the national level of €34,200. In particular, the districts of Delfshaven, North and Feijenoord are below this level (Gemeente Rotterdam, 2016). A large distance has developed between the urban renewal that is taking place in and around the city and the challenges that the social climbers are facing in order to work their way up from their disadvantaged position in these districts. With the arrival of new iconic buildings and luxury residential areas in the city, it has certainly attracted attention in order to continue to develop into a metropolis, but it has also led to the price madness in the housing market, as a result of which many ‘ordinary Rotterdammers’ can no longer afford to buy a home in the city (van Haaren, Braun, 2019). This is the irony of the cities in the 21st century. Their rebirth and growth are constantly encouraged and promoted, while their success only excludes more residents. In most city neighborhoods however, the whole transformation process from the first phase to the end phase is not very common. Besides this categorization, there might still be other phases where – in a worst-case scenario – areas are purposely neglected as a form of instrument to steer urban developments. Rich city, Poor population In 2005, the Major Urban Issues (Special Measures) Act (bijzondere maatregelen grootstedelijke problematiek), better known as the Rotterdam Act (Rotterdamwet), was introduced. This law makes it possible to keep people without income out of neighbourhoods with high poverty and unemployment rates (Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties, 2019). A new common plan, recorded

The Shapegoat The way in which managers and policymakers designate some groups as the groups they want to attract to the city implies that there are other groups that they would rather lose than be rich. Thinking in terms of underprivileged and successful growth not only strengthens the negative reputation of certain neighbourhoods and therefore of their inhabitants, but also fails to recognise the fact that underprivileged and successful groups unite in their preference for urban living. This is painful for residents who work their way up from a disadvantaged position. Moreover, it also rejects those members of the middle class for whom the diversity of the urban population is part of their ideal of urban living and thus of their connection with the city. It is a process in which cheap housing is replaced by more expensive, underprivileged residents by more promising ones, and the cheap facilities are replaced by new, more expensive facilities that focus their supply on the (culturally) wealthy newcomers (van Haaren, et al, 2019). The social risers who still live in a rented house will be hampered by this approach to the city as well as by the policy of having to look for something else, also known as ‘skewers’ (scheefwoners). In recent years, their combined income has grown above the

in the Housing Vision 2030 (Schneider, 2016), focused on the demolition of more than 20,000 cheap and outdated rental homes. In addition, Rotterdam launched its first job centres on the market in 2004. Houses that were sold by the municipality for a low price with the obligation to refurbish them within a certain time period. In this way, creative Rotterdammers were successfully tempted to establish themselves in relatively weak neighbourhoods and to invest in the homes they occupy. The aim of the municipality was to actively improve the attractiveness and liveability of certain neighbourhoods with the goal to create an attractive living environment (Hekwolter, et al, 2017). Under the title ‘City Lounge’, the municipality has been working since 2008 to make the city centre more attractive and userfriendly. Several new policy plans for the differentiation of the residential environment were introduced by the Municipal College. Examples include ‘cargo bike district’ (bakfietswijk), ‘city living’, ‘water life-living’ and many others, in order to create places where young, highly educated families who want to live in the city centre in particular should feel at home. These are all policy programmes and strategies aimed at seducing certain groups to continue to live in the city or to come and build their lives here, while other groups have been actively excluded. The municipality calls this population policy ‘Restructuring of neighbourhoods’ (Bureau Binnenstad, 2008).

100 Source: Agnus Dei, F. de Zurbarรกn, 1635-1640

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income threshold of social housing. If this groups wants to move to a better or more attractive house, they arrive at the more expensive rental homes in the private sector, which they find ‘throwing away money’ (van Veelen, 2019). Buying a house is part of the economic strategy of progress. But if this no longer succeeds or is no longer possible in your own city, then looking for a house in the neighbouring municipality is the most plausible option. This increasingly prominent movement heralds the departure of the middle class from the city.

In addition to a structural approach to the backlogs, it is also important to include the middle class in these developments. This does not have to conflict with the principle of helping disadvantaged groups in the social housing market. It is also important to ensure that urban lifestyles such as those of the middle classes flourish. In this respect, it is important to bind the middle groups to the city. Social climbers living in old city districts are interesting middle groups for Rotterdam. They provide the desired socioeconomic population mix in these districts and ensure a stronger economic basis for the existing facilities. They can also be role models that appeal to other local residents and important sources of social capital. If the social reputation of the district is a binding factor and if it is related to the composition of the population, the construction of more expensive housing and the arrival of wealthier residents could have a positive effect. What must be monitored in this process is the level of scale at which this is carried out. People expect more positive effects from a few expensive blocks within their own district than from an expensive district (Reijndorp, et al, 2006). The interrelationship with the residential area is related to the familiarity and social reputation of the neighbourhood. A socially balanced population mix in a neighbourhood is particularly important to prevent the exclusion of other social groups. Residents must be able to identify with their neighbourhood (functional identification), which primarily ensures that someone feels ‘at home’ in a neighbourhood, district or city. The familiarity of the neighbourhood is related to the personal housing history. The assessment of the social reputation of the neighbourhood is related to the self-image of people (as individuals and as an ethnic group) and their assessment of the (changing) composition of the population. Precisely when the social population mix becomes too far apart, this disrupts the identification framework and often leads to a mutual power struggle (van der Graaf, et al, 2009).

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What is the importance of this middleclass

What are the consequences of the departure of the middle class Policies in Rotterdam and similar cities to upgrade the urban living environment, through the demolition and sale of social housing, favouring gentrification and encouraging the construction and development of luxurious and expensive residential environments for new (richer) urban middle class have certainly borne fruit for the growth towards a metropolis. But this is only one side of the modern city. In both Rotterdam and other major cities the increasing poverty, exclusion and division has not come to a standstill either. The policy plans of the administrators and policymakers for urban renewal have only pushed the existing problem to the margins. This is to the detriment of the composition of the population (Reijndorp, et al, 2006).

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As a result, contemporary concepts such as ‘liveability’ have become subjective and controversial. The urban quality of life for the rich middle class is geared towards creating attractive places and facilities that offer the opportunity for consumption. This is a fundamental difference with the quality of life themes for the social and middle classes. For them, ‘liveability’ is an affordable rental or owneroccupied home, employment close to home as a replacement for the disappeared port and manufacturing workplaces, or a good public connection to the city (Hekwolter, et al, 2017). With contemporary urban renewal, the emphasis on quality of life and learnability in the city is at best a selective interpretation of the concept. In the worst case, it is an active remake of the city which, for some of its inhabitants, is indirectly at the expense of their future in the city. As a result, the middle class is slowly being driven out of their living environment and the division of the city is becoming ever greater. From this perspective, urban renewal in Rotterdam is about who does and does not have access to the city. Conclusion If a deprived area or area in the city centre is tackled, this does not solve the problem at hand (poverty) in a targeted way, but only refutes this problem further and further to the outskirts and peripheries of the city. If the intended social growth and developments have been allocated to the cities, this means that only the population groups that can afford to live and flourish there will benefit from it. The dramatic aspect of this method of urban renewal is that it will no longer ensure a more sustainable, just and prosperous city for everyone who wants to feel at home there. The motivation for supporting the middle class is insufficiently stimulated by the national government. As a result, the municipality and housing corporations are lacking in the development of free rental sectors or affordable owner-occupied

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dwellings. The assessment for both organisations is based on the most efficient margin that can be made on a piece of land or area. As a result, owner-occupied and social housing are preferred. The right incentives to develop the free rental sector or affordable property are lacking (Hekwolter, et al, 2017). If the division in the city has to be brought to an end, a change in the housing market is needed. There is no lack of interested tenants or buyers on this issue, but a lack of incentives from the national government for this target group. The added value of the middle class for the city has been clearly demonstrated in both the social and economic context in previous documents. If the municipality and housing corporations were to be stimulated more from a higher level, this would create a better balance in the composition of the housing market. For the economic vitality of the city, the affordability of housing, especially for the middle class who are no longer qualified for social housing, remains a challenge that needs to be actively addressed.

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Bureau Binnenstad. (2008). Binnenstad als City Lounge. Geraadpleegd van https://www. rotterdam.nl/wonen-leven/binnenstad/BinnenstadsvisieDEF.pdf CBS. (2019). Inkomen van huishoudens in Rotterdam, 2017. Geraadpleegd van https://www. cbs.nl/nl-nl/maatwerk/2019/48/inkomen-van-huishoudens-in-rotterdam-2017 De Hypotheker. (2019). Hypotheek Berekenen 2019 | De Hypotheker. Geraadpleegd op 18 december 2019, van https://www.hypotheker.nl/zelf-berekenen/hoeveel-kan-ik-lenen/#!/ maxhyp/resultaat Gemeente Rotterdam. (2016). Onderzoek010 - Huishouden naar besteedbaar inkomen 2016. Geraadpleegd op 15 september 2019, van https://onderzoek010.nl/jive?workspace_ guid=df5ca519-cc23-4fe1-9766-55a55b4c667f Hekwolter , M., Nijskens, R., & Heeringa, W. (2017). De woningmarkt in de grote steden. DNB Public, 15(1). Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties. (2019). Wetten van wijkaanpak (13.7 De Rotterdamwet). Geraadpleegd van https://www.platform31.nl/wijkengids/13-wetten-vande-wijkaanpak/13-7-de-rotterdamwet-helpt Reijndorp, A., Karsten, L., & van der Zwaard, J. (2006). Stadsmensen: levenswijze en woonambities van stedelijke middengroepen, p5-7, 131-136. Apeldoorn, Het Spinhuis. Rijksoverheid. (z.d.). Hoe kom ik aan een huurhuis als ik te veel verdien voor een socialehuurwoning? Geraadpleegd op 10 oktober 2019, van https://www.rijksoverheid.nl/ onderwerpen/huurwoning/vraag-en-antwoord/hoe-kom-ik-aan-een-huur-woning-als-ik-teveel-verdien-voor-een-sociale-huurwoning Schneider, R. (2016). Woonvisie Rotterdam. Geraadpleegd van https://www.rotterdam. nl/ wonen-leven/woonvisie/DEFINITIEF-Woonvisie-Rotterdam-2030-dd-raad-15december-2016.pdf Van der Graaf, P., Duyvendak, J. W., & Van der Graaf, P. (2009). Thuis voelen in de buurt: een opgave voor stedelijke vernieuwing: een vergelijkend onderzoek naar de buurthechting van bewoners in Nederland en Engeland, p23-27. Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press. van Haaren, J., & Braun, E. (2019). Rotterdam naar nieuw evenwicht. Erasmus UPT - Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam, p6-7. Geraadpleegd op 14 september 2019, van https://evr010.nl/ wp-content/uploads/2019/02/Rotterdamse_ woningmarkt_naar_een_nieuw_evenwicht_ essay.pdf Van Staalduine, J. (2019, 21 augustus). Rotterdam jaagt armen de stad uit. Geraadpleegd op 21 augustus 2019, van https://www.trouw.nl/economie/rotterdam-jaagt-armen-de-staduit~baa69256/ Van Veelen, A. (2019, 12 april). Hoe het voelt als de stad je uitspuugt. Geraadpleegd op 4 oktober 2019, van https://decorrespondent.nl/9377/hoe-het-voelt-als-de-stad-jeuitspuugt/999711141847-970a6594

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Maas-o-Menos Jacob Heydorn Gorski Landscape architecture

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Rotterdam is growing. This growth is putting increasing pressure and spatial claims on the Nieuwe Maas riverfront as a site for industry, recreation, development, and ecology. The existing waterfront is a rich tapestry of the history of the different relationships Rotterdam has had with the Nieuwe Maas riverfront. The site is a transcript of these relationships over history, from a tidal island to industrial areas and residential and recreational areas. But in its development plans for the site, Rotterdam has moved away from a dynamic interaction with its waterfront to one that is static and human-centric.

Design

This project uses urban gaming to explore alternatives to traditional urban development by giving all stakeholders an equal voice. In doing so, it investigates the role that actors like migrating birds, brackish water fish, disadvantage teenagers, climate change, alderman, and highland cows play in the development of the site and in doing so posits radically new forms of co-creation and city-making. Energy production, tidal nature, architecture, mobility, and public space blur together to form new hybrid spaces that are productive for different stakeholders along different timelines, reinvigorating the productivity of the waterfront and envisioning an alternative future for the city of Rotterdam.

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Plans for the site are the result of â&#x20AC;&#x153;business as usualâ&#x20AC;? involving typical stakeholders. But politicians and developers are not the only ones who make the city. And certainly not the only ones who make its waterfront. On the contrary, animals and natural systems are increasingly recognized for the roles they play in cities. However, they have remained cut off from urban development decisions. Facing rising tides and unpredictable weather, cities like Rotterdam must increasingly collaborate with these non-human stakeholders. This need presents an opportunity to reimagine the Nieuwe Maas riverfront as a dynamic, shared space.

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Existing urban density

Green density

Schiebroek 500 - 1000

Alexander 1500 - 3500

A16 Zone 5000 - 12000

Van Nelle Knoop 2000 - 5000

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Centrum 1000 - 5000

Rijnhaven 1500 - 2500

Merwe-Vierhavens 5100 - 9200

Stadionpark 1500 -10000

Waalhaven 750 - 3000

Hart van Zuid 500 - 1500

Lombardijen 500

Slinge 500

Anticipated densification zones

Natural network

Anticipated densification zones

Over 70% of Rotterdamâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s riverbanks are hard

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Economic Political

Social Natural Traditional development preceds hierarchically. 110 Non-hierarchical networks open possibilites for non-orthodox, spontaneous coalitions.

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Ecological

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Economic, Social and Ecological actors are placed on the board together with developments

Based on distances between actors and developments, only certain connections are possible

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Development

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Single parents gain economic mobility through bridge and tram station.

Small business owners are more protected from damage and benefit from public space.

Teenagers from Rotterdam Zuid benefit from public space and community spaces

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Section: Southern residential banks

Single parents gain economic mobility through bridge and tram station.

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Small business owners profit from increased connectivity and

Migrating birds like the Bearded Warbler benefit from increased

th in

De Kuip lowers operating costs hrough biofuel and ncreases revenue

Critically endangered atlantic sturgeons use brackish habitat to breed.

Rijkswaterstaat meets ambitions of opening more recreation natural areas along the Maas.

River Maas

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Wethouder Arno Bonte oversees a high profile sustainability project

Wethouder Judith Bokhov meets ambitions of increasing mobility

Van Oord lowers costs by transporting construction soil directly to dijk

River Maas

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New Natures: 120

City-making in the Anthropocene “Humanism is a discourse which claims that the figure of ‘Man’ naturally stands at the centre of things; is entirely distinct from animals, machines and other nonhuman entities….” (Castree 2004, p.1345)

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Introduction In 2008, Ecuador became the first country to recognize the Rights of Nature in its constitution. These rights included “the right to exist, persist, maintain and regenerate its vital cycles” (Global Alliance for Nature 2008). In the years since, the New Zealand Parliament voted to make the country’s longest navigable river, the Te Awa Tupua, a legal entity (Gade 2019). Closer to home, the Embassy of the North Sea was founded in The Hague as an experimental project to investigate how all the users of the North Sea – “from phytoplankton to ship wrecks and cod fish” – can be given political representation in the spatial claims that humans are making on the Sea (Embassy of the North Sea 2019). These examples portend a radical change in the way humans understand themselves in relation to the natural world. We are no longer, as Castree writes, “entirely distinct from animals, machines and other non-human entities” (2004). Instead, we are finding ourselves deeply embedded in world we live in.

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This existential shift is taking place against the backdrop of a rapidly urbanizing world. 55% of the world’s population already lives in cities, a figure projected to reach 68% by 2050 (Pesantez 2018). Cities are increasingly the stage for economic production, political discourse, and cultural exchange. They are also increasingly the site of human and natural-systems conflicts, from flooding to air pollution. As such, there is urgent need to reexamine forms of environmental representation and cohabitation in cities. This paper will explore strategies through which non-humans and humans can come into conversation with each other to construct more resilient, nature-inclusive cities. Non-human entities are increasingly important voices within cities, yet they are typically neglected in urban decision-making processes. The need for this conversation is not premised on naïve idealism but on the benefits these conversations can bring to humans. “When humans engage in conversation with non-humans, and through non-humans with themselves: humanity, citizenship and democracy can receive a substantial new impulse” (Embassy of the North Sea 2019)

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Actors in the Anthropocene

As we enter it, we find ourselves at the cusp of a paradigmatic shift in the way we understand our relationship to the natural world. Political rule, ecology, and economic systems are no longer understood as being governed by divine mandate or an invisible hand. Rather, these systems respond to and are produced by humans. This is evident in everything from coral reef acidification to the impact of fracking on groundwater. Human actions and policies have profound effects on things that have been conventionally understood as operating outside of our control. Because of this, the Anthropocene asks humans to create new spaces for agency for things that were not conventionally included in political, economic, or social questions. The Embassy of the North Sea is one such example. If we accept the premise of the Anthropocene, the question remains how we can productively bring non-humans in conversation with humans. Hiring a lawyer to represent a cod-fish is not a sufficient measure to address the systematic neglect of natural systems in our everyday lives. Our political and social lives do not only play out in the courtroom, after all. One promising framework is Actor-Network Theory (ANT), a theory developed in the 1980’s by Bruno Latour, a philosopher and sociologist. Latour coined ANT as a concept to investigate the concept of the social, which, once powerful, had lost all meaning (Latour 2005). It was, he observed, used to describe everything, from organizations to materials (Nimmo 2018). In order to give it new meaning, Latour argued that the social isn’t produced only by humans or even by living things. Rather, it is located in the interaction of objects, animals, and other phenomena. By interacting with each other, these actors worked to create our social world.

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The developments we see in Ecuador, New Zealand, and the Netherlands to give natural entities political representation is premised on the idea that we have entered the Anthropocene, a new geological époque wherein humans have become the earth’s primary geomorphic agents, shifting resource and energy flows to our ends. Although its starting point is in debate, its implications for the present are indisputably profound. Environmental scholar Jedidiah Purdy argues that in the Anthropocene, we shape the world by the way we live in it, the ways we stay warm and cool, the ways we get our food, and the ways we move around or house ourselves (2016). The Anthropocene has an insistence on human agency and the idea that we are responsible for the world we have made. The Anthropocene, in other words, is the Age of Humans.

This idea was radical because it resisted prior assumptions about actors as well as their capacities. For Latour, a human was objectively as significant as a rock and only became significant in and through its (spontaneous) relationship with other actors. Humans were no longer the central being on the earth but co-agents that associated with actors around them. For example, a traffic-jam understood through ANT is not produced by a single driver. Rather, it comes about through an interaction of drivers, cultural norms like ending work at 17:00 o’clock, policies that encourage spatial separation of working and living areas, natural systems like weather, and infrastructural objects like highways. Similarly, perceptions of actors depend on the context in which they interact. When I see a mouse, my perception of it will be dependent on whether I see it in a friend’s room (as a pet), on the street (as a nuisance), or in a laboratory (as a test animal). Likewise, the mouse will only see me as a friend in certain circumstances.

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Despite its name, Actor-Network Theory was not intended to be a theory but rather as a “methodological orientation, a set of conceptual tools for thinking” (Nimmo 2018). In other words, a framework for research. As such, ANT holds promise as a conceptual tool for the Anthropocene. Its strength lies in its potential to form understandings of complicated systems and their interactions. One example of such as a system is the North Sea. If we understand the North Sea as something that is produced through the interaction between actors (fish, currents, cargo ships, wind patterns, and so forth), then by intervening in these interactions or provoking new relationships, we can change how we understand, engage, and interact with it. If the Anthropocene can help make the North Sea a recognized legal entity, then perhaps ANT can help make it a recognized social and economic entity. Gaming our Future The task remains, however, of bringing these actors in conversation with each other. One potential way of operationalizing the systems-framework of ANT is the participation method of urban gaming. If city-making is a theatre of social interactions on an urban scale, then urban gaming asks us to “play out” scenarios around urban issues by using the rubric of a game with roles and rules. Urban gaming is a method for collaborative decision making around urban problems with two advantages over traditional participation. The first is that urban gaming is often able to simplify complex problems down into simple terms. Instead of overwhelming participants with the complex web of political structures, financial systems, and social ties surrounding urban development, gaming can ask players to role-play as generic stakeholders like “the developer”. The second advantage of urban gaming is that it allows for a low-risk, idea-generating environment where players can

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propose radical solutions. Despite this potential, urban gaming has more often than not examined urban issues from an anthropocentric viewpoint. Rubbish!, for instance, is an educational game for policy makers and designers that addresses Bangalore’s waste crisis by assigning each player the role of managing their own waste collection center (Rubbish 2015). The game ends if players fail to prevent the local landfill from overflowing. While instructive, this game fails to develop a critical understanding of waste and the role it plays in cities. Waste is simply an inevitable human problem to be solved. The potential of this type of gaming as an educational and policy tool is limited.

These frameworks have already been thoroughly developed in academic circles. Geographies of Trash, for example, is research-by-design book that challenges our understanding of trash by examining it across different scales and speculates on alternative strategies, rituals, and ways of imagining trash that reclaims it as “matter in place” (Ghosn & Jazairy 2015). Botanizing the Asphalt - Politics of Urban Drainage, in addition, understands waste water as a critical connection between urban and natural systems and imagines new political and ecological frameworks for dealing with drainage water in cities (Karvonen 2008). These examples show the potential of how a wider scope of investigation can lead to radical new forms of understanding (and by extension solving) complex issues affecting cities. However, these new understandings of urban issues have yet to be investigated in the context of urban gaming and be implemented in urban policy making agendas. Doing so has the potential to expand the tools at use to form decision-making for city officials and to provide creative impulse for the designers who make the city. What is more, it has the potential to enrich the city as it is lived in by all its actors and to understand environmental threats to cities as opportunities in disguise. What could such games look like? For one example, the city of Rotterdam is expanding along its industrial waterfront. However, current visions for the city are the result of “business as usual” and constructed largely in line with the agendas of city officials and developers. The visions ignore the multifaceted history that the city has with its riverfront, from tidal nature to industry to recreation and residence.

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Using urban gaming in the context of the Anthropocene promises to encourage a more critical understanding of urban problems and create space for exciting solutions by involving natural systems and non-human actors. Gaming can reveal waste not only as a human issue but as something that is inextricably connected with regional ecological networks and resource flows.

They also largely ignore the potentially rich ecological connection between the city and the river. One way to reimagine the development process would be to develop a game in which policy-makers, residents, cultural organizations, developers and ecologists link human and non-human actors to anticipated development on the site, reframing this development as an opportunity to reimagine unorthodox coalitions and new forms of cohabitation and co-creation between non-humans and humans.

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Another potential application of this gaming would be closer to home, on the IJmeer to the east of Amsterdam. This is the largest freshwater inlet in Europe and vital to migrating birds. However, due to the construction of sea defense systems, the brackish ecosystem has been disrupted resulting in a water nature that is largely dead. The system has only been handled in a way that meets the immediate needs of humans. But by bringing in non-human actors like water fowl, aquatic plants and the silt that collects on the waterbed, there is potential to re-envision a new future for the IJmeer. Small-scale intervention tests can â&#x20AC;&#x153;askâ&#x20AC;? animal actors to participate directly and choose their preferences of soft shorelines and water depths, so that the game takes place in situ. Short-term designs can set the stage for longer-term impacts on the ecology and recreational use of the sea. Human and non-human agendas can transform the IJmeer into a rich, dynamic resource and point of pride for the Netherlands. Conclusion These examples show in brief the potential that urban gaming has as an educational and instrumental tool to reflect on and act within our enriched, Anthropocene understanding of the world. In particular, urban gaming stands to benefit the policy makers and designers that shape the city by holding them accountable for actors who are typically voiceless in urban development decisions. In understanding the Anthropocene within the framework of Actor-Network Theory, urban gaming takes seriously the notion that the city is a stage of social interactions and urges its players to imagine new types of interaction between humans and our environment. It rejects the notion of floods, heat stress, and so forth as threats, but rather as potential opportunities for reimagining the connections and interactions between actors. Even something as mundane as liquid waste can be understood in the context of drainage, ecology, and public space. In turn, this understanding can lead to new and exciting political, economic, and ecological frameworks that allow all actors, as much as humans, to make the city. If the Anthropocene will be the Age of Humans, then urban gaming can ask us to reflect on just what kind of humans we want to be.

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Baron, L. F., & Gomez, R. (2016). The Associations between Technologies and Societies: The Utility of Actor-Network Theory. Science, Technology and Society, 21(2), 129–148. Castree, Noel & Nash, Catherine & Badmington, Neil & Braun, Bruce & Murdoch, Jonathon & Whatmore, Sarah. (2004). Mapping posthumanism: an exchange. Environment and Planning A. 36. 1341-1363. Chen, S. (2019, July 12). Counting Down to a Green New York. Retrieved September 24 2019, from https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/12/realestate/counting-down-to-a-green-new-york. html Gade, Anna M. “Managing the Rights of Nature for Te Awa Tupua” Edge Effects, 12 Oct. 2019, https://edgeeffects.net/te-awa-tupua. Ghosn, R., & Jazairy, E. H. (2015). Geographies of Trash (English Edition). Barcelona, Spain: Actar Publishers. Global Alliance for the Rights of Nature. (2008, September 15). Ecuador Adopts Rights of Nature in Constitution. Retrieved November 1, 2019, from www.therightsofnature.org/ecuadorrights Karvonen, A. (2008). Botanizing the Asphalt: Politics of Urban Drainage. Austin, Doctoral Dissertation: The University of Texas. Latour, Bruno. Reassembling the Social. Oxford University Press Inc, New York, 2005. Clarendon Lectures in Management Studies, www.ufrgs.br/ppgas/portal/arquivos/ orientacoes/LATOUR_Bruno._2012.pdf. Moore, S. A. (2001). Technology and Place: Sustainable Architecture and the Blueprint Farm. Austin, University of Texas Press. Nimmo, Richie. “Defining Actor Network Theory with Richie Nimmo - ASI’s Defining HumanAnimal Studies 24.” Youtube, uploaded by Animals & Society Institute, 24 Sept. 2018, www. youtube.com/watch?v=ozZ0lRkjfuc. Parliament of Things. (2019, March 14). Embassy of the North Sea. Retrieved October 15, 2019, from http://theparliamentofthings.org/case/embassy-of-the-north-sea/ Pesantez, G. (2018, May 16). 68% of the world population projected to live in urban areas by 2050, says UN. Retrieved November 13, 2019, from https://www.un.org/development/desa/ en/news/population/2018-revision-of-world-urbanization-prospects.html Play the City. (2019). Play the City. Retrieved November 4, 2019, from https://www.playthecity. nl/ Purdy, J. (2016, 16 december). The Environment Forum: Jedediah Purdy on The Politics of Nature in a Time of Political Fear [Video]. Retrieved September 25 2019, from https://www. youtube.com/watch?v=FoT-8YKvCBo

127

Literature

128

Vital Organs Max Tuinman Urbanism

Design 128

The city of Rotterdam, one of the biggest industrial cities of the Netherlands, began buying land and plots south of the Maas in the 16th century, ever since Rotterdam has been expanding territory and acquiring land from different municipalities. It was only at the end of the 19th century that the first permanent water crossing was built; a bridge from north to south. The first developments along the shores of the river towards the sea, de Nieuwe Waterweg, were industrial. Ship docks, chimneys and factories ruled the skyline of Rotterdam-Zuid for decades. More and more companies started to settle, which meant that more and more employees, dockworkers and their families lived in close proximity. Since the settling of the first workers, the biggest part of the housing in Rotterdam-Zuid has been focused on the working class.

Design

Vital Organs is an gaming approach to create more exposure, visibility and share knowledge between the users of Little Belgium even though it can be played by anyone. While playing the game, every player represents a chosen company within the area and follows the 4 steps of the game: 1. Inventarisation (getting to know what the company has), 2. Orientation (finding out what the companyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s position within the area is), 3. Bargaining (finding out what could be shared or used together) 4. Benefit (an efficient industrial cluster). By complying to the rules, diverse and multi-scaled clusters will start to consist in a fictive way. Playing the game over and over results in a sharing database with in- and out-of-the-box ideas about efficiency, sharing, education and innovation.

129

Currently because Rotterdam Zuid has a high unemployment rate and a high percentage of lower skilled workers, keeping industries in the city is vital for the functioning, inclusivity and balance of a city. Industrial areas provide blue-collar jobs which are especially necessary in an area where the biggest percentage of education is practical education. Therefore it is of high importance to keep industries as vital organs in the city, by creating a higher working density and making an ecomical stronger and resilient industrial area.

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Urban Game Goal: Make little belgium a productive and resillent industrial area by finding productive collaborations, finding ways to work more local and gaining connective insights for sharing within little belgium. If the collaborations fit the rules, all zoning plan rules can be ignored, only the industrial functions remain the same. The game can be played infinitely over time, with all companies in the area. How: Working on a physical model with multiple players, each representing a company. By following the 9 steps collaborations are made. Part 1. Inventarisation Focussed on getting grip on the company a player is representing. By for example estimating the amount of workers and cars, deciding what kind of transport is necessary and by dividing the company’s surface into ‘shareable’ or ‘private’ space. 134

Part 2. Orientation Looking and talking at other companies on the table and finding out what the player’s ‘position’ is in terms of category, productivity and size. Thinking about what could be productive collaborations for the chosen company. The rules dictate about different sizes and innovation, for example. Part 3. Bargaining Approaching companies on the table and making collaborations. Putting on the table what can be shared, and what needs to be the outcome, what is there to offer? Can spaces be shared in time, can equipment be shared, can the companies be complementary? How to incorporate studies and social programs, so the goals are reached? Part 4. Benefits Collaborate, start merging spaces and moving towards the new companions. By that free up plots to sell so little belgiums working density can increase. Create new buildings that fit the new sharing typologies to reach the maximum of the sharing potential. Having education and innovation included in a cluster to constantly keep upgrading production and sharing knowledgde.

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T=0 A typical cluster within the area of Little Belgium. The choseen cluster currently consists of multiple functions, scales and multiple sorts of productivity. The open space in the cluster is all privately owned and used for storage of scaffolding. Present companies: - van der Panne scaffolding - Tybex Warehousing - Shurguard ministorage - Keukenloods - Badkamerwinkel.nl

138 11960 m2 plot 14280 m2 bvo 0 m2 public 4140 7820

FSI OSR PSR

1,19 0,35 0,0

m2 unbuilt m2 built

135,9 m 93,0 m

T=3 To be able to provide maximum efficiency, transport will be centralised. All the transport and handling of goods will go through the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Transport Corridorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. On ground floor level all neighbouring spaces can be attached to the conveyor belt, by simply creating an entrance towards that side. The scaffolding and the warehouse goods can be put on the belt and loaded directly into a truck. This makes sure the truck is not obliged to further enter the area and make unnecessary 138 meters and manouvres.

T=1

uster is all privately owned and olding.

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Intensivation of space by merging showrooms of Keukenloods and Badkamerwinkel.nl. A new concept of looking at kitchens and bathrooms arises, combined with a restaurant it’s possible to already eat in your new kitchen with a view. The containers used as office for van der Panne can be stacked on eachother to keep the same amount of space. Both these actions give space for new development within the cluster Shurguard is assumed to be uninterested in developing their concept. If the municipality offers another location they would leave the cluster.

135,9 m

aximum efficiency, ised. All the transport will go through the n ground floor level all n be attached to the y creating an entrance

warehouse goods can be ed directly into a truck. ck is not obliged to d make unnecessary

T=4 Now the real sharing begins. It is key to attract companies that make use of an working hall, and are able to share it against a compensation. In this way there is a maintained working hall with equipment available for the entire cluster, ‘the dirty workshop’. The gap between van der Panne and the Transport Corridor will be filled with an innovation hub. On the ground floor a carsharing concept and a car workshop will be situated. On the levels above it there will be the ‘clean work139 shop’. 3D printers, lasercutters, state of the art innovative machines and materials that will be

139

the area of Little Belgium. The y consists of multiple functions, s of productivity.

T=2

merging showrooms of erwinkel.nl. A new ens and bathrooms staurant it’s possible to chen with a view.

ce for van der Panne er to keep the same

ace for new develop-

A combination between Tybex Warehousing and van der Panne can be that van der Panne provides scaffolding within the storage box of Tybex. Building scaffolding for the demand of Tybex for the necessary amount of extra space needed. This saves both material to store for van der Panne and provides extra space to store and cool food by Tybex.

140

e uninterested in f the municipality y would leave the

Intensivation of space by creating vertical storage for the scaffolding. Doing so frees up the biggest and unbuilt part of the cluster, ready for development.

ns. It is key to attract f an working hall, and a compensation. In ned working hall with e entire cluster, ‘the

Panne and the Transwith an innovation carsharing concept situated. On the e the ‘clean worktters, state of the art materials that will be

T=5 Opposite to the current situation, public space has a value. To maintain that value within an organic growing cluster, boundaries need to be set. On top of the Transport Corridor there will be no other buildings that block the public routing from one side to the other side of the cluster.

140

11960 m2 plot 14280 m2 bvo 0 m2 public

1,19 0,35 0,0

m2 unbuilt m2 built

135,9 m 93,0 m

141

4140 7820

FSI OSR PSR

T=6 Attracting multiple small scale companies that can make use of the clean or dirty working hall. Self build, temporary structures can be placed on top of the dirty working hall. Small innovative start-ups, artists, craftsman like welders or carpenters can all have their own small private space here and work in the shared working hall. One of the key ingredients of the whole cluster is visabilty. When the work that is being done is visable by the general public and by other companies, it is more attractive to join a cluster, or to 141 inquire for techniques. The atmosphere must be open, so that knowledge can be shared in every

135,9 m

T=4

imum efficiency, ed. All the transport l go through the ground floor level all be attached to the creating an entrance

arehouse goods can be directly into a truck. is not obliged to make unnecessary

Now the real sharing begins. It is key to attract companies that make use of an working hall, and are able to share it against a compensation. In this way there is a maintained working hall with equipment available for the entire cluster, ‘the dirty workshop’.

142

The gap between van der Panne and the Transport Corridor will be filled with an innovation hub. On the ground floor a carsharing concept and a car workshop will be situated. On the levels above it there will be the ‘clean workshop’. 3D printers, lasercutters, state of the art innovative machines and materials that will be used to innovate the cluster and it’s companies. 3D printed scaffolding is one of the endless examples of an contributing outcome of the hub.

T=7

scale companies that or dirty working hall. ctures can be placed on all. Small innovative n like welders or eir own small private e shared working hall.

Adding a school will bring the whole cluster together. Students form practical to technical education can learn by doing. Building, programming, fixing. From cars to construction building, from selling to logistics, lots of studies can be hosted and be useful for both start-ups and scale-ups.

s of the whole cluster is that is being done is lic and by other come to join a cluster, or to e atmosphere must be an be shared in every

Adding horeca on top of Tybex Warehousing will contribute to creating a place within the cluster where different groups of people can come together. The foodconcept can be 142 rest/wastefood from the warehouse, directly turned into meals by students for students and

r Panne and the Transed with an innovation a carsharing concept be situated. On the be the ‘clean workcutters, state of the art materials that will be ter and it’s companies. one of the endless ing outcome of the hub.

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Opposite to the current situation, public space has a value. To maintain that value within an organic growing cluster, boundaries need to be set. On top of the Transport Corridor there will be no other buildings that block the public routing from one side to the other side of the cluster.

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gins. It is key to attract e of an working hall, and st a compensation. In ained working hall with the entire cluster, ‘the

T=5

T=8 Once the cluster is productive and working, it does not mean it is done forever. The cluster should be a dynamic place that offer spsce to start-ups, students, innovation and craftsmanship. To become really productive and efficient, no materials should be wasted and no water can be spilled. Collecting rainwater in natural way as cooling water or as water to be cleaned is both healthy for the cluster, as for the environment.

143 Including social programme like reintegration and courses in building or paining techniques

T=6 Attracting multiple small scale companies that can make use of the clean or dirty working hall. Self build, temporary structures can be placed on top of the dirty working hall. Small innovative start-ups, artists, craftsman like welders or carpenters can all have their own small private space here and work in the shared working hall. One of the key ingredients of the whole cluster is visabilty. When the work that is being done is visable by the general public and by other companies, it is more attractive to join a cluster, or to inquire for techniques. The atmosphere must be open, so that knowledge can be shared in every way possible.

144 144

T=7 Adding a school will bring the whole cluster together. Students form practical to technical education can learn by doing. Building, programming, fixing. From cars to construction building, from selling to logistics, lots of studies can be hosted and be useful for both start-ups and scale-ups.

nts of the whole cluster is rk that is being done is public and by other comtive to join a cluster, or to The atmosphere must be e can be shared in every

Adding horeca on top of Tybex Warehousing will contribute to creating a place within the cluster where different groups of people can come together. The foodconcept can be rest/wastefood from the warehouse, directly turned into meals by students for students and other users inside and outside of the cluster.

145

all scale companies that an or dirty working hall. ructures can be placed on g hall. Small innovative man like welders or their own small private the shared working hall.

11960 m2 plot 31430 m2 bvo 5640 m2 public 760 m2 unbuilt 11.200 m2 built

145

T=8 Once the cluster is productive and working, it does not mean it is done forever. The cluster should be a dynamic place that offer spsce to start-ups, students, innovation and craftsmanship.

the whole cluster actical to technical ng. Building, m cars to construction gistics, lots of studies l for both start-ups

To become really productive and efficient, no materials should be wasted and no water can be spilled. Collecting rainwater in natural way as cooling water or as water to be cleaned is both healthy for the cluster, as for the environment.

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146

Including social programme like reintegration and courses in building or paining techniques will expose the social importance of Little Belgium within Rotterdam-Zuid. 11960 m2 plot 31430 m2 bvo 5640 m2 public

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Vital Organs Why industries are vital for a city, by explaining how industries used to blend with housing, why industries have been moved out of cities to finally explain why industries are vital for a city and its citizens.

Research 152

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Research

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Introduction The city of Rotterdam started buying land and plots south of the Maas in the 16th century, ever since Rotterdam has been expanding territory and acquiring land from different municipalities. It was only at the end of the 19th century that the first permanent water crossing was built; a bridge from north to south. The first developments along the shores of de Nieuwe Waterweg were industrial. Ship docks, chimneys and factories ruled the skyline of Rotterdam-Zuid for decades. More and more companies started to settle, which meant that more and more employees, dockworkers and their families desired to live in close proximity. Since the settling of the first workers, the biggest part of the housing in Rotterdam-Zuid has been focussed on the working class.

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After the 90â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s all of the industries in Feyenoord, an industrial site in RotterdamZuid were redeveloped into either housing or office because of shortage in both. De Spoorweghaven was turned from railway dominated industrial area into a living neighborhood. Redevelopment of Kop van Zuid, where the Erasmus bridge crosses the Maas gave Rotterdam an impulse to develop both housing and work-related real estate south of the Maas. Rotterdam-Zuid has been developing rapidly by changing existing buildings and industrial areas into new housing projects. Old warehouses similar to the Fenixloodsen on Katendrecht are being topped up with housing and change their function from industries into horeca and leisure. Keeping industries in the city could be vital for the functioning and balance of a city. Industrial areas provide blue-collar jobs which are especially necessary in the proximity of an area where the biggest percentage of eduction is vocational education (CBS, 2018)..Since Rotterdam-Zuid has a high unemployment rate, finding positive ways for unemployed to make themselves more valuable by working and learning new techniques can be profitable for multiple parties involved in the working and learning processes. This paper will research why industries are vital for a city by explaining how industries used to blend with housing, why industries have been moved out of cities to finally explain why industries are vital for a city and its citizens.

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Industries in the city Before the first Industrial Revolution (1760-1830) there was a synergy between industry and the city in most Western European cities. Most factories were a product of organically grown companies at home, and therefore a working hall or company in the middle of the built environment. Wood constructing, shipyards, metal smithing, all of these things were necessary in the city and therefore happened in and around the city. The city then ended at what has today become the city centre.

â&#x20AC;&#x153;In Britain, emissions of black smoke were up to 50 times higher in the decades before the clean air acts than they are today. The great London smog of 1952, that prompted policymakers to act, killed 4,000 in the space of a week. But even that was not as dramatic as what went before.â&#x20AC;? (Hatton, 2017) Nationwide measures were taken in most countries that experienced air pollution from burnt coal in their industrial cities. Coal burning was regulated by numbers and timeframes in which factories were allowed to burn, and on the other hand factories were placed outside of the cities to prevent the fumes from coming into the residential areas. Relocating factories was a logical step, but a temporary one. Population of cities grew explosively and within decades industries were once again surrounded by the residential areas they were separated from.â&#x20AC;&#x192; Industries out of the city The city of Rotterdam started buying land and plots south of the Maas in the 16th century, ever since Rotterdam has been expanding territory and acquiring land from different municipalities. It was only at the end of the 19th century that the first permanent water crossing was built; a bridge from north to south. The first developments along the shores of de Nieuwe Waterweg were industrial. Ship docks, chimneys and factories ruled the skyline of Rotterdam-Zuid for decades.

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The first industrial revolution happened because of the invention of the coalpowered steam machines. Burnt coal produces hot air and steam which powers the machines that caused many hand-craft based production processes to be mechanised and therefore greatly improved the amount of products produced and profit made. Coal powered machines caused an explosion of industrial growth within cities, especially in Britain. Unregulated coal burning, both industrial and residential, darkened the skies of Western European industrial cities. Soot was everywhere: on buildings, clothes and in the breathable air.

More and more companies started to settle, which meant that more and more employees, dockworkers and their families desired to live in close proximity. Since the settling of the first workers, the biggest part of the housing in Rotterdam-Zuid has been focussed on the working class. After the 90â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s all of the industries in Feyenoord, an industrial site in RotterdamZuid were redeveloped into either housing or office because of shortage in both. De Spoorweghaven was turned from railway dominated industrial area into a living neighborhood. Redevelopment of Kop van Zuid, where the Erasmus bridge crosses the Maas gave Rotterdam an impulse to develop both housing and work-related real estate south of the Maas. Rotterdam-Zuid has been developing rapidly by changing existing buildings and industrial areas into new housing projects. Old warehouses similar to the Fenixloodsen on Katendrecht are being topped up with housing and change their function from industries into horeca and leisure.

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Keeping industries in the city could be vital for the functioning and balance of a city. Industrial areas provide blue-collar jobs which are especially necessary in the proximity of an area where the biggest percentage of eduction is vocational education (CBS, 2018)..Since Rotterdam-Zuid has a high unemployment rate, finding positive ways for unemployed to make themselves more valuable by working and learning new techniques can be profitable for multiple parties involved in the working and learning processes. This paper will research why industries are vital for a city by explaining how industries used to blend with housing, why industries have been moved out of cities to finally explain why industries are vital for a city and its citizens. Industries and the city By separating industries from the city, the connection with it and appreciation for it disappeared. In the last decade there has been a revaluation for craftsmanship, production processes, origins of used materials and products. Examples of these developments are coffeeshops that burn their own beans, organic supermarkets, local supermarkets and other product-specific stores. Among the reasons are the wish for a better climate and a general interest for production processes. Former industrial areas have been regenerated for different social and cultural use. The NDSM-wharf (Nederlandsche Dok en Scheepsbouw Maatschappij) in AmsterdamNoord, for example, was the biggest shipyard of Amsterdam and has been used for building and constructing boats, from the 17th century VOC boats and up until two decades ago cruise- and freight-ships. After the bankruptcy of the NDSM the warehouses and covered workspaces were forgotten and decaying, until the

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initiative of a local artists proposed a new use of the buildings by building ateliers and workspaces inside of the warehouse, for a low amount of rent. In this way the buildings, and with that the whole NDSM-area, got activated and now houses more than one-hundred offices of all different sizes and fields of work.

The fact that industry is no longer using steam machines makes working more suitable to be integrated within the built environment, similar to the synergy between cities and industries before the first Industrial Revolution. The bigger cities in the Netherlands have a housing shortage, which leads to most redevelopments in the city being residential projects. A recently published advice by the College van Rijksadviseurs (2019) states that the State and regions should have more influence on what should be, and should not be facilitated in terms of working related real estate. The advice expresses concerns about the ‘boxing’ (verdozing) of the landscape; XXL windowless boxes being built at a high tempo outside of cities.

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“By giving prominence to industrial activities, and reintroducing them in the street and the city, the industry may once again have a place in our daily lives. Our industry and manufacturers will then experience a sense of pride.” (plusoffice architects, WRKSHP collectif, 2016)

Architects and thinkers such as Mark Brearley, the CRa and the maître architecte of Flanders, Kristian Borret have organized competitions and exhibitions to raise awareness for the preservation and combination of working and living in the city. “A different city is being built now, (…). The city and its outskirts are being revived by making room for innovative manufacturing activities, low-skilled jobs and a circular economy. Building new homes for a growing population is linked to preservation and enhancement of the urban economy and industry.” (atelier Brussels, A good city has industry, 2016)

Preservation and enhancement of the urban economy and industry means that in this case industries are no longer the antagonist, but an important part of the city that needs to be thought of, and taken care of. Outskirts are no longer closed boxes but open manufacturing machines that are able to provide a wide range of jobs. The importance of human capital

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Industries in the city means that there is a possibility to increase human capital in all the layers of society. The description of human capital originates back to the philosopher Adam Smith’s An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1783) wherein Smith explicated the wealth, knowledge, training, talents and experiences the employee for a nation. Improving human capital through training and education leads to a more profitable enterprise, he stated, which would result in adding to the collective wealth of society, and deliver ‘profit for everyone’. The term human capital still is an important topic in today’s discussions about work environments, labor, economy and culture, and over time different definitions were given. Teaching and training improves human capital in such amounts that it generates more value than it costs, according to economist Gary Becker (1964). He states that both individuals that are able to get a better job after training as well as organizations that train internally and gain a better production level or efficiency, generate more value than the time and cost of the training. According to Becker, human capital can contribute to economic welfare. The renewal of skills and knowledge are key to human capital and therefore to the economical growth. Becker states that highly trained and skilled parents will pass on knowledge and skills to their offspring, which amplifies the strength and range of the received training. Though, this last statement is recently proven to be obsolete in a study of the American National Bureau of Economic Research (Bijlo, NBER, 2019). A refute of the fact that knowledge and skills are automatically passed on to their offspring.

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In 1983 the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu wrote the article Economic capital, social capital and cultural capital , disagreeing with the previous two theories. Bourdieu explicates that: The definition of human capital seems to forget about the ‘human’ aspect. The term does not look further than economic aspects involved, and neglects all social and cultural fields/forces involved. What the publications suggest is that economic and cultural benefits are derived from investing time, money or both in the individual (Kreckel, 1983). According to Bourdieu, the value of human capital is difficult to estimate since it is something that is not measured by numbers or direct output. Even though human capital is not physical nor tangible, it can still depreciate over time. Injuries, handicaps, unemployment and mental illness are all examples of declining human capital. A specialized employee, for example, cannot keep up or adapt to innovation or technologies as she will not be able to execute her obtained skills and knowledge anymore, and therefore her human capital declines. On the contrary; when an employee is able to adapt to new technologies and broadens the base of knowledge and skill set, the individual’s human capital increases.

Since the division of functions during the modernist movement of the 20th century, the expansion of the industrial European cities went hand in hand with the growth of services and the ‘office economy’. During the attempts to make the city an attractive and comfortable living and working environment, industry was exiled from the city. The different economical periods are now visible in their architecture and structure, productive areas were moved out of the city or were replaced. The city turned into a neat neighborhood while forgetting about production. Industries are the incubators and the drivers of the economy. Investing in training unemployed and starting towards skilled employees can be considered profitable for both an employer and the unemployed. The learning of a skill contributes to the feeling of being part of a system, of a society. The whitecollar office work is already based on knowledge, but blue collar work is based on practical work. Combining blue-collar work with education and training creates a steep learning curve, since everything can be used on the actual work floor. The employer gains all-round skilled employees while at the same time contributing to the social needs of a city by investing in the human capital. An important note is that not every unemployed individual can be trained towards a highly skilled craftsman.

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Conclusion

During the last decennia, the economic and social conditions to implement industries in the cities have changed. Creating more clean and healthy industries offers opportunities for a reintroduction of industries within out built environment. Existing buildings and structures can be used by the newer generations of industry and flourish once again in the city. Dialogue between industrialists, municipalities, entrepreneurs, developers and residents is necessary to increase the density of working by creating more on one single plot, by sharing workspaces, equipment and transport. Spaces can be shared, collaborations can arise, and industries can find its reintroduction into the city, and our lives. The ability for industries to adapt to changing conditions is a resilience that is necessary to keep contributing to the economy and humans, and by that the wealth of a nation.

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Bourdieu, P. (1986) The forms of capital. In J. Richardson (Ed.): Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education. Greenwood, New York. Brearley, M.: A good city has industry. Geraadpleegd op 27 september 2019, van https://www. youtube.com/watch?v=XzM3AERvM70 European Environment Agency (2019). A decade of industrial pollution data. Geraadpleegd op 15 december 2019, van https://www.eea.europa.eu/themes/industry/industrial-pollution-ineurope/a-decade-of-industrial-pollution-data IABR. (2017, 15 januari). A good city has industry. Geraadpleegd op 27 september 2019, van https://iabr.nl/nl/tentoonstelling/a-good-city-has-industry Harrup, T. (2019, 20 februari). Don’t push the industry out. Geraadpleegd op 27 september 2019, van http://www.pro-realestate.be/news-view.asp?ID=77595 Hatton, T. (2017, 14 november). Air pollution in Victorian-era Britain – its effects on health now revealed. Geraadpleegd op 22 november 2019, van http://theconversation.com/air-pollutionin-victorian-era-britain-its-effects-on-health-now-revealed-87208 Na, L. (2012). An Introduction on Gary Becker’s “Human Capital Theories”. Advances in Intelligent and Soft Computing, 437–439. Geraadpleegd op van https://link.springer.com/ chapter/10.1007/978-3-642-27966-9_60 Prins, A. (2015, 3 september). Waarnemers van de straat. Geraadpleegd op 27 september 2019, van https://www.archined.nl/2014/02/waarnemers-van-de-straat/ Santagostino, A. (2014, 2 februari). The Relations of Human Capital to Economic Growth and the EU 2020 Strategy: A Market Based Approach in Memory of Gary Backer. Geraadpleegd van https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/download/article-file/147383 Vos, R. (2014, 1 januari). NDSM-terrein, Amsterdam. Geraadpleegd op 8 december 2019, van https://www.herbestemming.nu/projecten/ndsm-terrein-amsterdam Warden, J. (2018, 16 augustus): Cities of Making. Geraadpleegd op 27 september 2019, van https://citiesofmaking.com/manufacturing-profiles-mark-brearley-kaymet-london/ Westerik, J.; Heeling, J. & H.Meyer (2012): Het ontwerp van de stadsplattegrond, SUN, Netherlands, 2002 https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm

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Literature

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Nature First Monique Verstappen

Design 162

With cityscapes getting increasingly denser, inhabitants’ relationship to nature is about to change. The many building plans within the city’s borders cause inhabitants to lose more and more green spaces in the areas they live in. Urban inhabitants in dense cities are threatened to lose most of their connection to nature. That void produces environmental generational amnesia (Kahn, 2017) which is based on the principle that each generation perceives the environment into which it is born. This way each generation comes to think of ‘nature’ as relative, based on what they are exposed to.

The city of Rotterdam has completed urban development schemes in the last few decennia. After a successful transformation of Kop Zuid, the adjacent borough of Feyenoord city, the Little Belgium area and its surroundings are to be developed. This current edge of the city, forgotten space, infrastructural entrance, harbor and business park off the city are planned to become part of the dense city center of Rotterdam. With a new bridge, metro line, tram line, soccer stadium and soccer area planned, the densification agenda has just started.

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As peoples’ connection to their natural environment is closely connected to the area they grow up in, a diminished connection to a person’s natural environment has repercussions for human’s health and the health of our natural environment. In the last 20 years a new field formed that started to combine the emotional sensitivity of psychology with the scientific expertise of ecologists: this new field of ecopsychology goes beyond individual healing to encompass a broad cultural scope of redefining and re-imagining society’s current relationship with nature. Ecopsychology investigates how we can amplify our relationship with nature by increasing the interaction with urban environments.

Design

Despite of all these changes in urban densification, we collected data that will serve as a base for future development where nature has an important role. These pieces of nature will be implemented with the goal to restore, cherish and intensify people’s connection to their natural environment. In this way, nature will be approached from a qualitative point of view instead of a quantitive one, to answer to the needs and natural connections of the (future) users and identities of the area.

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164 Future urban challenges Sources: Smithsonian Magazine and inter.national.design 164

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Little Belgium as a urban void

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166 Gamebox and principles

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Current Bussiness owners

ANIMALS

Connections to nature

Old inhabitants of the area

Young inhabitants of the area EDUCATION

The municipality

The ecologist

NATURE FIRST

The site

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NATURE

ACTIVITY

NATURE AS A CARRIER FOR URBAN DESIGN

THE URBAN COMMUNICATION TOOL

GAME SET

History

SENSORY

Developers interested in the area

USERS NATURE CULTIVATED

Present

USERS

Future oriented entrepreneurs

WILD

Future

Gaming through persona and emotions

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CLIMATE SENSITIVE

ACTIVITY

ANIMALS

168 Combined value map with the results of the game

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Combined analyses map

In a further future

Locally based production

In the future

Today In a further future

Sports and playing in nature

In the future

Today In a further future

170 Infrastructure built on walking and biking

In the future

Today

In a further future

Historical landscape In the future

Historical structures

Not visible today

Gaming Area

Analysis and synthesis

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Eco Psychology How can humanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s connection to nature create a healthy living situation in dense cities?

Research 174

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Research

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Introduction “Een industrieterrein tussen de Kuip en de Maas. Je passeert de grote vreetschuren, de groothandel en slaat tussen de tegelboer en de tapijtboer een straatje in. Je arriveert bij een klein bruggetje. Als je de brug over bent zit je plots in een groene stadsoase aan de Maas.” (Liukku, 2019)

A critical observer of the city of Rotterdam describes his perception towards a natural area in the city: hidden by industry, not visible in every day passing and sheltered from the big crowds of people this forgotten area of the city feels like an oasis. An area that is free from the negative effects the city can have upon its natural quality. According to Liukku, this is nature, because here it can run its course. However, the answer to the question what is nature will be different to almost every person you ask. How we grow up, in which con-text and the education we get is essential to the way we perceive nature and decide how important it is in our daily lives.

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As the amount of people living in cities is growing fast - by 2050 it will be 68% of the world’s population (UN, 2018) -, more people than ever before will grow up in urban environments. This change might entail that our re-lation to nature could change through the course of this growth as well as our perception of nature. With big density plans, growth in infrastructural connections and increase in recreational programming, the scarce amount of places people perceive to be ‘real’ nature are threatened to disappear. Like the Dutch government recently opened up the discussion to potentially lift the protective status of a few smaller Natura 2000 areas, as they could be too small to suffice to all natural benefits bigger nature reserves can have (Schouten, 2019). Potentially because of these developments within the city and the apparent change in perception of valuable nature, the distance to nature will gradually grow further away outside of the urban environment. The paper will therefore ask: what do we as humans perceive as nature? What do we need to keep or to intensify to amplify the connection with our natural environment in the future? And, what can landscape architects add to this search to amplify and deepen humans’ connection to our natural environment?

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Ecopsychology What is ecopsychology? Ecopsychology is a relatively new term that was first mentioned by historian and novelist Theodore Roszak in the 1960’s. In his work, Roszak (1992) ar-gues that looking at psychology without including ecological relationships, psychology is incomplete. He believed that our connection to ecology is our most primal one and in that way we are deeply connected to the earth from which we originated. The earth itself, our mind and the environment we live in are indistinguishably linked to one another, because they represent both life and our consciousness.

Goals, challenges The main goal within the field of ecopsychology is to restore the balance in human relationship with nature. A healthier relationship serves both human and nature. Nature can not exist if we destroy it. We need the healing power of nature to survive. Ecopsychology therefore investigates the reason why we as humans today are losing our connection to nature and why we are slowly destroying the very habitat which created us and through that destroy our-selves as a result of it. According to Roszak (1992), a good balance diminishes the chances of hu-mans destroying nature and with that their habitat. A better connection with nature will motivate us to become an advocate for our habitat, as we still, or again will understand the importance of nature for our psychological health in many ways. With today’s urbanisation, the spread of technology and population growth, the connection with nature gets more and more challenging and complicat-ed. With building in high densities and on big scale nature gets easily set aside for the more important goals like housing, job opportunities, economy or infrastructures, which cities believe to have to focus on. Ecopsychologists believe we need to put nature on the same level as the other needs cities and more importantly we as humans have in urban living. Kahn (2013) states that we even need to put humans on the same level and not above the rest of the needs of a city. “We humans are but one strand in that web and as we destroy other strands, we destroy ourselves.” (J. Seed, 1994)

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With this theory in mind Roszak created a new field (1992) called ecopsychol-ogy where he combines the emotional sensitivity of therapists with the sci-entific skills of ecologists. Therefore this field investigates the relationship of humans to their natural environment and how we can amplify our relationship with nature by increasing the interaction with urban environments.

Nature’s place in the city scape The city provides one of the biggest challenges as it comes to the balance between humans living in close proximity of each other and nature shrinking in scale and quality within the city borders. The UN predicts that with urban population growth world wide, by 2030 there will be 41 megacities with a population bigger than 10 million people. The biggest city today, Tokyo, already has over 38 million people living within the city borders (Omondi, 2018). “ But a city is more than a group of people living in close proximity of each other. Since the end of the 19th century, sociologist have been studying soci-eties and their cities. Sociologist Louis Wirth characterises the city as a com-munity that is defined by more than sheer population size but that is defined also by density and social heterogeneity.” (Cummins, 2017).

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Cities historic connection to nature Before the invention of agriculture around 12.000 years ago, it was not pos-sible to live in cities like we know today. With learning how to domesticate plants and animals and be in control of food production, people could more easily live in bigger communities. Archaeologist Gordon Childe (1935) called this the Neolithic Revolution. Here nature was not part of these smaller cities but existed only outside of the cities borders. Because of the scale of the cit-ies, nature was always nearby compared to the amount of nature surrounding cities today. With the growth of city scapes the distances to big natural area’s increased, therefore the role and meaning of nature within the city started to transform.“In Roman times, nature in the city represented status and civilisation. Already back than nature was being connected with health and well-being: “The desirability of nature in Rome was seen as twofold: as a mark of civilisation and as a promoter of health & well-being. They coined the phrase ‘rus in urbe’ (the country in the city) to describe it.” (Urban rambles, 2015)

Even though this way of thinking and constructing cities got lost for many centuries, it slowly re-appeared. In the 16th and 17th century green spaces within the cityscape were mainly for the entertainment of the higher classes. But with the rise of the industrial revolution in the 19th century, urbanisation grew intensely. The distance to green areas grew and people in cities turned out to live way shorter than people on the countryside. The need for green space got more apparent and necessary for the health in the urban environ-ment. ‘Green lungs’ and close proximity to nature was believed crucial for the health of all urban inhabitants (Pitt the Elder, 1950).

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Current trends in cities relationship with nature In the 1980’s researchers discovered that the city could form an even bigger habitat to animal life and ecology then was believed before. Natural infra-structures immediately became more important to the city. Ecosystems within the city could start to grow stronger and could contribute to the health of a city. With the vast growth of the city scape, and therefore loss of natural areas, this natural infrastructure within the city got increasingly more important to biodiversity, nature and humans’ interaction with and awareness of nature. Cities today are still working on improving natural connections within exist-ing city scapes. The challenges grow with the decision of cities to densify.This densification within the city’s borders will come at the expense of natural areas in the city. On top of that, resent research done by the City of Amsterdam (2019) shows that even though the population in cities grows, the big parks are being used for a smaller variety of activities than before. This decrease in use for certain activities is believed to depend on the increase of population and therefore the increase of the crowds that use the parks. With the decrease in diversity of use of bigger public parks the usage of neighbourhood green spaces keeps growing. One of the other reasons for the increase op popularity of neighbourhood parks and green spaces has to do with the proximity effect that keeps grow-ing in the current society. This means that shrinking time-space of the inhab-itant of the city makes the presence of facilities in the vicinity of one’s home increasingly important. The Dutch Institute of Healthcare (van den Berg et al., 2014) states that neighbourhood greenery at a distance of 0 to 300 meters is easily to be bridged daily from the home of a city inhabitant and also crucial for a person’s health. Neighbourhood greenery offers places where people do not necessarily need to spend money or have any other obligations. On top of that, people that live in environments with more greenery feel less lonely, less stressed and need less social support. Due to this new knowledge of the effect of green space close to home, cities are slowly changing their view on the future of the city scape and their green spaces. Though some of the green spaces in cities, that are part of the official green quota a city needs to uphold, do not account for proper recreational spaces (Van Eijck, 2019). Instead they are often perceived as invaluable or even not real nature. Recent research showed that the quality of green space is the most important drive for health value, meaning that a small green space can have equally strong

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City nature started with the construction of green spaces in cities, like parks, gardens, cemeteries, green public squares built for recreation, repose, the escape from city life and the increase of the cities air quality.

implications and benefits to humans health than a bigger green space. A healthy urban environment is said to consist out of green spaces that are attractive, accessible and usable (Kahn; Weiss, 2017). Therefore a small bed-ding could mean nothing for the amplification of peoples connection to na-ture, but if positioned well, designed attractively and made to be able to in-teract with or use, the quality of this bedding increases in its value. But what gives a green space its quality and what is that value to humans connection to the space that results into improved health? What does re-connecting to nature in the future city mean?

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How can we reconnect to nature? Over the last few centuries we are losing our connection to nature due to city life and the lack of interaction needed in these environments because of the use of technology, agriculture, mass production and so on. With this domesti-cation and control over nature, interacting with it is for most people not even necessary anymore. Psychologist Peter Kahn (2002) calls this loss of connec-tion â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;generational environmental amnesiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, which means that we measure the quality of nature to the environment we grew up in. Resulting in the fact that if environments contain less and less nature, the human baseline shifts and the meaning of the environment can easily change. This results in a development of value of nature that is relative to every generation and so every generation inherits a new formed baseline for what is nature. Today, nature is mostly only connected to positive experiences and not seen as dangerous or challenging. Controlling nature as we do right now we can have any food we want at any time without being dependent on natural rhythms or seasons. To be able to reconnect with nature we need to change our view towards nature drastically and reconnect with our wilder selves. There are different ways how we can and should reconnect to nature (Kahn et al., 2013), in putting ourselves, man and women, on the same level as na-ture, being friendly to it and respectful for instance. Another way is to build in fear, for we can not appreciate nature if we only have positive associations with it. Fear for nature can safe our lives and therefore encountering it helps us. Through technology we try to manipulate natural experiences, but even the most advanced technology does not win from the effects real nature can have on a human psyche. Besides the importance to have the real natural in-teractions, it is important to build in more variation and periodicity. With more variation of experiences, nature will be better appreciated and more intensely experienced. In reconnecting with nature it is important to make current food

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cycles smaller in order to get a better sense of where our basic needs, like food and energy, come from. Lastly the authors state that to experience nature it is important not only to see it but also to interact with it, smell it, feel it and work in it and with it. These measures mentioned above are collected views on possible needed changes to society to be made by individuals. However, the right balance or recipe of what can be a healthy connection to nature in this time and age is hard to determine and not yet completely clear or proven. In modern so-cieties it is also quite difficult to change certain aspects of life to be able to reconnect in all these ways.

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Finding connections to nature in cities is key to healthy urban livingâ&#x20AC;? (University of Washington, 2016)

With these outcomes of research in mind we need to make a change to pre-vent growing unhealthy living environments and make sure we do not loose even more of our connection to nature. Through education, interaction and experience of nature we might start to shift the collective baseline towards a better understanding and appreciation of our natural environment. These ex-periences can entail the smallest experiences of daily life. Looking at a plant in your windowsill can be soothing for example, but sitting outside in the grass during your lunch-break with your feet in the soil provides a deeper and more sensory engagement with nature. The Connection of ecopsychology with landscape architecture? What is the current connection to landscape architecture? Even though humans relation to nature has been talked and thought about over the centuries in many different ways, ecopsychology in specific has not often been mentioned in the field of landscape architecture. Other fields within psychology that are more connected to society instead of the individ-ual, form a more common connection to the profession of landscape archi-tecture, like sociology and environmental psychology. These fields study the human connections to space,

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How does this connect to big cities in the future? Our way of building and the scale in which we are building in modern cities does not fit with the ideas and challenges of reconnecting with nature in the right way (Kahn et al., 2003). Reconnecting to nature in the scale needed asks for a drastic change in the methods of city making. To initiate this change the appreciation for nature in urban centres needs to grow, only then the collec-tive can make change happen.

society and the city, but also patterns of social relationships and social interactions. And finally, environmental psychology focusses on humans’ relationship to their environment as a whole. As ecopsy-chology focusses on human relationship with nature in specific, this field can be seen as a subfield to environmental psychology (Gomes, 1998). With ecopsychology being more focussed on the individual, the field vast-ly found a connection to architecture and interior architecture, because this field mainly looks at the connections individuals have to their environment. In architecture they call this way of designing with nature biophilic design that is considered as an “inherent human inclination to affiliate with nature” (Inter-national well building institute, 2014). Today this strain of thought is slowly spreading from individual to society and is slowly gaining ground in the fields of public space design, urban design and landscape architecture. As society can not exist without the individual and its daily experiences in their living environments that partly take place in the public domain and in society with other human beings, ecopsychology can play an important role within the field of landscape architecture. Though landscape architects have intuitively been implementing many pat-terns used in biophilic designing, they always stayed separate from one an-other. 182

Potential role to play in the future Architect Christopher Alexander (1970) states that the world consist out a system of patterns that make part of a greater whole, with nature as one of the core elements within it. Ecology and sociology are big themes in the field of landscape architecture as this is the environment where human and nature most intrinsically meet and interact. As public green spaces can form the are-na of urban life in cities, designing easily accessible natural places on human daily paths can inspire more affinity to nature. This can have a big benefit on human physical and psychological health. Landscape architects as well as urban designers play a big role in shaping the arena and interaction in the city scape, because they are the ones that shape the environment that urban inhabitants live in (Healthy Urban Planning, 2013). With landscapes outside the city shrinking and city landscapes grow ing, the landscape architects role in humans connection to nature in daily life is becoming essential to the healthy growth of human and natural survival. “Landscape, whether urban or rural, is the medium through which we move, from space to space, building to building. The experience of the journey between these spaces and buildings is crucial to their success.” (Clancy, 2015)

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Conclusion

Linking ecopsychology to landscape architecture could bring new insides to both professions and can change the way we look at cities in the future. In a future where open landscapes decrease and the urban landscape increases, landscape architects as well as urban designers have a growing role in the connection of humans to nature. Landscape architects and urban designers shape the environments in the cities we live in. With shaping these environ-ments they have a big role and responsibility to shape these living conditions in a way that provides physical and psychological health. Landscape architects can, in using ecopsychology, also look to the urban landscape through the individual and its connection to nature and see in what way the individual potentially connects to societal patterns and through that to the environment. Because of the shrinking space-time of urban inhab-itants we can not provide cities with just a few parks. The city must become interwoven with nature so that nature is at all times in close vicinity of the inhabitant. This nature should not only be close-by but also attractive, acces-sible and usable. Through education, interaction and experience of nature we can influence peoplesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; connection to nature and so, we might start to shift the collective baseline towards a better understanding and appreciation of our natural environment. In this new light, cities can be designed healthier and better connected to nature which is essential to the healthy survival of both nature and humans.

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Through the course of time and changes within society we can conclude that humansâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; connection with nature is decreasing enormously by living in big cities. Cities are only getting bigger and the way in which we are building our environments they have no connection with nature anymore. Ecopsycholo-gists argue that going on like we are today will destroy our habitat which we need to survive. A better balance and healthy connection to nature could help humanity to keep existing. Handled the right way nature in cities can even flourish. Current biodiversity levels already show that the city can be a very good habitat for all kinds of nature because it can offer a whole lot of little micro climates. But, if we keep building cities in the way we have been doing until now itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s hard to initiate change and achieve enough to make this healthy balance a reality.

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Credits

This project was a creative collaborations between the Amsterdam Academy of Architecture and the City of Rotterdam.

Students

Blake Allen Stephanie van Dullemen Jacob Heydorn Gorski Robin Frings Max Tuinman Monique Verstappen

Tutors

Karin Christof David Kloet Felix Madrazo

Guest Critics

Arjan Oosterman - Volume Maurice Specht - Buitenplaats Bienenoord Ekim Tan - Play the City Mark Verheijen - City of Rotterdam Joris Vermeiren - City of Rotterdam

Editing

David Kloet and Felix Madrazo

Corrections

Klaas de Jong

Graphic Design

David Kloet

GigaPrint

Creative Commons, 2020. This license allows reusers to copy and distribute the material in any medium or format in unadapted form only, for noncommercial purposes only, and only so long as attribution is given to the creator.