The post socialist transformations petrzalka as case study [carme machí castañer] 1 by carme machi

The post-socialist transformations in the Soviet cities. Petrzalka as case study.

European Postgraduate Master in Urbanism (EMU): Research by Carme MachĂ CastaĂąer promoted by Prof. Ricard Fayos (UPC)

The post-socialist transformations in the Soviet cities. Petrzalka as case study.

European Postgraduate Master in Urbanism (EMU): Research by Carme MachĂ CastaĂąer promoted by Prof. Ricard Fayos (UPC)

Special gratitude is owned to my parents and family for their unwavering support and the confidence that they have indused on me; also to my tutor Ricard Fayos for the dedication and interest in monitoring my daily work; finally to the experience of having completed this master, it has enriched my mind and aggrandized

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;In the large body of literature produced during the last twenty years on the transformation of Eastern European societies after the fall of communism, studies investigating changes in urban form and structure have been quite rare. (1) (1) Kiril Stanilov. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The post-socialist city: urban form and space transformations in Central and Eastern Europe after the Socialism.â&#x20AC;&#x2122; University of Cincinnati, Ohio. 2007.

General frame of transformations 1 Introduction. 1.1 Purpose of this paper. 1.2 Personal experiences and concerns. 1.3 Heading proposal.

2 Socialist period. The urbanism and architecture. 2.1 Introduction to socialist urbanism and architecture. 2.2 The Microraion and possible sources of inspiration. 2.3 Western influencies in the urban basis of soviet

3 Post-Socialist period. The response to the transition in cities. 3.1 Political, economic and social transformations. 3.2 The problematic adaptation of districts to the change.

Petrzalka as particular case study 1 Introduction to Petrzaka. 1.1 Context and site conditions. 1.2 Soviet Housing Estates and the socialist heritage in Bratislava. 1.3 The international competition for Petrzalka. 1.4 The final planning. Objective description of its urban parameters.

2 Developments and issues of current reality. 2.1 The general frame of transformations. 2.2 Overview of the situation of urban decay and degradation. 2.3 The most emerging issues to be solved. 2.4 Current projects related with Petrzalka.

1. Introduction.

1.1 Purpose of this paper

1.3 Heading proposal

The aim of the thesis addresses to the global problem of socialist planning

Neighborhoods built under the criteria of the socialism come under a

neighborhoods. For the particular analysis we focus on Petrzalka housing estate in Bratislava, so that it could serve as case study to develop our project proposals. Petrzalka is a former district of Bratislava in Slovakia. We begin our dissertation following the chronological changes and events of general situation in post-socialist cities, ending in this our present stage of transition and its current problems. After so, we focus on our particular case study, in order to describe the intraurban changes within Bratislava’s structure through the last period of transition, a ‘spectrum’ of its changes both physically and socially, which leads us to a deeper understanding of the urban crisis. As conclusion of the analysis, Petrzalka as other soviet housing estates, reveal the less favorable situation of sustainable development.

1.2 Personal experiences and concerns

progressive degradation, so that since the change into the new political state they have become direct object of criticism. However, the research on possibles scenarios for a greater adaptability of the spaces to the current situation, seems to be uncertain until now, so that we find ourselfs on a non explored field. There has been a profound reorganization of the manner in which urban space is appropriated, impacting the life of a big amount of population inside the old Soviet Union. The patterns of spatial organization could set the direction of future urban development in CEE cities (2) for a long time. We focus on the spatial transformations in the most dynamic urban areas under changes, taking as case study the largest Housing Estate in Central Europe. The restructuring of the built environment will be related to the underlying processes and forces of socio-economic reforms. Maybe, the study of the spatial transformations in a key moment of urban history will enhance to understand the linkages between society and space. This reflexive process serve for resolving the difficult challenges facing cities throughout the globe in the beginning of the twenty-first century.’ Petrzalka district is now one of the largest areas of urban degradation in the city. Population of the city are generally concerned about the low living conditions

1.1 Views Soviet Housing Estates Saint Petersburg. My personal interest to explore the possibilities of adaptability of these spaces began earlier this year after participating in the workshop ‘An Idea of Greater Saint-Petersburg. October 2010 ‘. The various working groups developed alternative scenarios for the post-socialist city, exploring new urban models more suitable to the current social structure of neoliberalism. Saint-Petersburg was understood as an extreme city, affected by the uncontrolled process of political and social transformation, but also dealing with current issues of climate change. Our fieldwork focused on the Soviet neighborhoods around the

in the district, but moreover considering the boundless dimension Petrzalka, which is currently the dormitory area for over a quarter of the total population of Bratislava. This space represents all negative aspects of residential districts such as its oversized scale, the monofunctional character and the progressive signs of social segregation, worsened by its isolated position from the rest of the city. After analyzing the most emerging problems of the post-socialist cities, we propose some strategies to achieve a greater living condition in the district, a commitment to the progressive recovery of Petrzalka through new intervention strategies.

city, discussing alternatives to improve their deteriorated urban infraestructure, the mobility problems due to its disconnection from the center, the low environmental quality of the area and the progressive social degradation. (2)

CEE: Central and Eastern Europe is a term describing former communist

states in Europe

2. Socialist period. The urbanism and architecture. 2.1 Introduction to socialist urbanism and architecture.

There was a significant increase on new housing, although their quality decreased. In the late 50’s, Khrushchev, first secretary, tried to solve the housing shortage by relying on the massive construction of prefabricated blocks. These blocks were initially five heights. The development of urban planning in socialist countries, its phases and levels of exploitation, serve as a reflection of the socialist economic system.

The satellite cities and new housing districts in the socialist urban planning. (1)

There was a decentralization of the city due to the development of ‘satellite

Gdànsk region 1980.

cities’’ near big cities. Supposedly, these peripheral cities were required to The Soviet Union was founded in the twenties after a long period of revolutions. The political system in the Soviet Union was governed by a single party known as the Communist Party, the one in charge to coordinate political decisions on the USSR. The union of Soviet republics or USSR had its headquarter in Moscow, as the administrative seat. The Central Committee and General Secretary were directly responsible for the Communist Party. (1) After the Second World War, the Soviet Union ranked as one of the two principal world powers. The economic system was centralized by the forces of political power. This system struggled to control the states that were part of the union, as one economic bloc of Communist countries. The socialist urban planning and architecture. Soviet urban planning, begun in the early twentieth century in Russia, so it was spreaded to the countries integrated in the Soviet Union regime during the following decades. The current deterioration problems of areas projected by their principles became a relevant issue taking into account the large number of existing districts. More general Western opinion consider Soviet urban space as anonymous, dismissing several factors involved in its planning, which are more than just anonymity, purely social principles physically transported to the urban frame. Therefore, socialist urbanism could be understood through the ideological principles of the Soviet Union regime, which served to establish the regulatory basis of urban planning. The new neighborhoods became a mean to welcome this preestablished lifestyle. More than anonymity, these spaces were translating into physical terms the social subjugation of the individual to the communist system. After the Revolution at the beginning of the century, houses were confiscated and divided into apartments. The government invested for new industrial areas, so people migrated to the area and rent rooms in the periphery, on a decentralized way of land appropiation. It was not until the end of World War II when the problem was undertaken by the urban planners. The new neighbourhoods roled as dormitory for their workers, generally functionally independent from other urban centers.

(1) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_Union

Pulawy plan.

provide necessary services infrastructure for themselves and for the city. However, the results were contradictory, and the new districts in the cities became attached to the center. A really different reality ocurred in the satellite cities in North America, where neighborhoods where provided with plenty of facilities. Normally, the construction process of soviet housing estates started with housing construction due to the urgent housing shortage, so after finishing with residential areas, the neighborhood was waiting for public investment in urban facilities. Many times, the services proposed under the project were never completed. Some cities like Moscow, the headquarter of the power of the regime, went on to develop a real ‘belt’ around the city collecting the new neighborhoods. We can compare this concept with the ‘English green belt’ , the satellite areas became dormitory towns with a strong monofunctional character. In the decade of the 30’s, a new Committee was assigned to define the principles for the urban planning of the new neighborhoods, taking into account the social and human activities to develop in them. Rapidly, the different levels of urban organization were defined, and the parts interact from small into large scale. The concept was later developed once the idea of Microraion was introduced. The residential unit was the idealized model of life community under socialist principles. Since the Committess got encharged for the urban planning, the natiral competition disapeared, so they elaborated every new housing estate. We can find a different approach in the projectual process towards the urban planning, which differ from more traditional ways. Instead of starting by setting the grid road layout for the streets, the district emerges as aggregate of the neighborhood units of Microraion in between them. Therefore, the traffic scheme should be adapted to this spatial arrangement, generally opting for curved paths. This inverted sequence, starts to set up buildings in the space and to accommodate the geometry of the road structure to it. The quality of the traditional street as a place for social interaction, is now space for traffic circulation. In contrast, the everyday’s activities take place in the interiors of the units.

(2)

Juliana Maxim. ‘Mass housing and collective experience: on the notion of mi-

(1)

J.H.Bater. ‘La città socialista. Struttura spaziale e politica urbana’. Milano,1983

The relationship between building and street.

Aerial view of the Floreasca housing

(2)

Aerial view of the Balta Alba housing

2. Socialist period. The urbanism and architecture. 2.1 Introductiontosocialisturbanismandarchitecture. -The meaning of public space for socialist planning. We can define ‘public space’ as any open and accessible area to somebody

The shift transformed the building into a tool at the disposal of urban planning.

during any moment of the day. Under the regime, all open space was owned by

Each building was functionally and morphologically dependent to the whole,

the government, therefore it was considered as public and accessible.

so each appartment act as part of a neighborhood, district or city. There was a

However, the concept of ‘public space’ becomes more complex for Western

change of the designing scale regarding to the usual process. (1)

dictionaries. There are varying degrees of privacy as well as different types of

In this case, if we consider the housing not only as architecture but as the frame

owners: the government, the residents or private owners of the land.

to develop vital functions in it, then the importance of housing design becomes

Aereal views from interior of Soviet Housing Estates:

The prefabricated construction system:

fundamental inside the socialist planning for the city. The housing organization The public space in socialist planning, was presented as a logically structured

should respond to the desired modus vivendu. This affects to the conventional

system. Normally, within neighborhoods, projected a system of green spaces.

concept of family, which transforms from the isolated nucleus into an organized

It was intended to control people and their activities, in order to reproduce

community. The appartments are projected under principles of equality among

standards of social behavior spelled out in Communist Party documents .

people in society.

(1)

The neighborhood’s public space, understood as well as open space, was (which were traditionally included within the home itself ). It became an extension of the private field into the public space, enhancing to strengthen the sense of community shared by the neighborhood within these common areas. Therefore, open space was considered public space or social space, in other words, the centers of the socialist life. It was intended as desire to control people and their activities. But the discrepancies about what was planned and what

-The Panelàk. Prefabricated Housing Estates.

Soviet Housing Estates in periphery of

Nizhniy the big housing estate. Mos-

Interior of Panelàk.

Saint Petersburg. 2010.

cow. 2010.

Bratislava. 2011.

which affected the new housing estates developments under socialism. The Estate played roles of the builder, investor and architect eliminating the natural economic competition, this fact damaged quality of the resulting product. After 1960, the mass production started to be accepted, but it was in the 1980’s when

According to the land use mix and intensity in the public space, the post-socialist

particular case of Slovakia, concrete-slab technology was used on the 93,5% of

space is animated when it is used to its full capacity, but once there is a decline

IPanelàk building

The mass production of housing based on an industrial system of construction

was built is the key to understand today’s post-Soviet reality.

cities have normally been strictly mono-functional zones. It means that the

Lasnamäe in Estonia. 2006.

Petrzalka Housing Estate.

sometimes serving as a support for the development of residential functions,

the most complex concrete-slab buildings were set up. During this period in the whole production of housing. Slovakia built up 1,261,000 appartments between 1971 and 1980, which pre-

of its function it represents its temination. (1)

tended to provide a decent spatial and hygienic standard to inhabitants. The

-The subjugation of socialist architecture in urban planning.

were defined by the dimensions, the finishing and colour, the gap solutions, the

construction systems determined the face of these prefabricated blocks. They

Concepts and ideas about social architecture:

form of balconies and loggias or the shapping of entrances.

Grabungsstaette by Dagmar Schmidt. (2)

The requirements in the field of architecture were limited to the economic effi-

In 1980’s, the criticism towards them encouraged experimentations to eliminate

The artist combines art with the building,

ciency: fast construction and minimum housing (assuring basic common stan-

the monotony as the attachment new facade elements for composition enrich-

focusing on the social problem of the

dards). The socialist architecture enfanced problems of social content, in order to

ment.

residential blocks. Open the private inner

give solution to those social priorities. Architecture was intended at communitylevel projects where the block was the residential component of major interde-

However, the real critique against the Panelàk appeared fully only after the fall of

pendent complex for housing. The architect’s self-expression was avoided as well

the Soviet Union. In fact, the emphasis that was put on the quantity and speed

as the individual project interventions.

of construction pushed aside the architectural attributes.

‘Public space in the ‘Blue Cities’ of Russia.’ Bárbara Engel

(1)

Juliana Maxim. ‘Mass housing and collective experience: on the notion of

micoraion in Romania in the 1950s and 1960s.’

world of each home to viewers.

(2)

Journal of architectural and town-planning theory. ‘Prefabricated Housing

Estates: The Critical Heritage’. ROCNÍK, volume XL, 2006.

2. Socialist period. The urbanism and architecture. 2.2 The Microraion and possible sources of inspiration.

In order to better understand the kind of internal organization of Soviet districts,

Zonification schemme

After introducing the concept of microdistricts, it seemed interesting to look for

However, the earliest basis of Soviet planning rejected ideas coming from the

we should begin with the concept of microdistricts as the fundamental unit to

the roots that could have inspired such bases in socialist urban planning. In fact,

garden city model:

operate. The microdistricts, popularized under the name ‘Microraion’, served as

there are several publications which establish comparissons with previous west-

a primary structural element for the internal organization of the neighborhood.

ern urban models. One of them considered source of inspiration belongs to the

Sprawl was not an issue during the early years of the Soviet era as planners

The districts come up by grouping together these neighborhood units. This

Clarence Perry’s residential district, projected at the beginning of the twentieth

were influenced by Frederich Engels’s rhetoric, which was against large cities,

concept formalized more clearly during the 50’s, according to the theories from

century. The more clear similarities between the local unit of Clarence Perry and

and the British garden city movement (Alden and Crow, 1998).

Strumlin.

the Microraion are basically related to functional criterias.

Circulation schemme

We define Microraion as the basic residential unit adequately equipped by living

At the beginning of the 20th century, Clarence Perry designed a residential

functions which generates an internal community sense. The neighborhood unit

neighborhood bordered by streets. He implemented commercial shops, placed

is the minimum basis for the management of socialist planning in the neighborhood. Despite its nature of self-sufficiency, the Microraion intertwines with the whole at the same time. In order to describe its basic principles we ranked the

Road Pedestrian

Buidlings Commercial

following points:

the unit, at the disposal for the residents who live in there. The maximum dis-

Axionometry of Microdistrict in Petrzalka

ter. The Microraion was internally connected through footpaths, which access to services such as libraries, sports centers, hospitals, clinical support services, cultural buildings, etc, so that it was intended to facilitate the accessibility to equipments for citizens. The districts, composed by the microraion aggregation, offer additional services such as polyclinics which serve to the major population.

Juliana Maxim. ‘Mass housing and collective experience: on the notion of micoraion in Romania in the 1950s and 1960s.’

(1)

conceived the inner space of the unit as an open public space. The distances were limited to allow pedestrian mobility from home to the workplace or the services motorway, restricting the access of car into the residential units, in order to free

tance from dwelling to any public transport service cannot exceed half a kilome-

Aereal view from Petrzalka

at the intersections, as well as schools in the center of the units. Clarence Perry

and facilities inside the district. The pedestrian spaces were separated from the

It is bordered by intense traffic roads, railways or waterways. The size of the blocks ranges between 10 and 60 ha. They use to locate the equipment inside

(1)

Residential block

Parking ground floor

Commercial first floor

Equipments

up public space from its presence.

Basic elements of the general layout for the Microrayon:

2. Socialist period. The urbanism and architecture. 2.3 Western influencies in the urban basis of soviet

-Western influencies in the urban basis of soviet planning.(1) Other possible sources can be found in the ideas that inspired functionalist urban planning after World War II in Western Europe. During this period there was a massive reconstruction where many residential blocks replaced the destroyed ones and covered the high demand for housing. The construction based on prefabricated systems, as in the case of socialist housing blocks. The functionalist ideas, expressed in the Athens Charter of CIAM after the conference, had their impact on urban planning for post-war process of reconstruction. In the field of housing typologiesm there was an interesting exploration towards the minimum space in order to reduce the occupied surfaces. The buildings were located independently to the street, as the orientation criteria attended more to proper conditions for ventilation and sun exposure. The pedestrian circulation was unlinked from motorways, so the car accesibility was restricted. (1) The functionalism in the urbanism set up the divition of functions, the spaces adquired a more mono-functional character, separating the residential areas to other ones as working place or primary equipments. Anyway, the same units generally implemented services at neighborhood level. The achievement of efficiency in the construction process due to the standardization helped to the reduction in costs.

The socialist urban planning could has been inspired from the mentioned functional principles, such as functional zoning, the separation between pedestrian and motor vehicle, the shift into the block typology or the release of ground floor area in favor to the public space. However, the social criterias

Sert, Subirana, Torres Clavé, 1932-36.

M.Barsch y W. Wladimirov,1929.

Casa Bloc, San Andrés, Barcelona.

Common housing design, Moscow.

F. Albini, R. Camus, G.C. Palanti, L.V. Kovacs, 1932.

M.J. Ginzburg y N.A.Milinis, 1928-29. Housing block, Novinski Boulevard,

Arne Jacobsen, 1932-35.

J. Fischer, F. Molnár, P. Ligeti, M. Pogány, C.Preisich, M. Vadász, 1933-35.

“Bellavista”, Copenague-Klampenborg.

Appartment block, Köztársasag square, Budapest.

outcome is far from the mentioned sources of inspiration. In the actuality, the design principles of the socialist cities have lost their sense in front of the current frame of changes. We could enumerate some of the common polemic features of post-socialist neighborhoods as the following ones: - The excessive mono-functionality of neighborhoods, with dominant residential use, lacking adequate infrastructure services; -The physical isolation regarding to other urban areas, usually bordered by intense traffic roads, without proper pedestrian and bicycle conections as well as public transportation system connected to the urban center. -The oversized scale of the space, resulting from excessive distances between buildings and high rise blocks; hardly manageable spaces as the result. -The absence of hierarchy, both spatially and functionally, transforming the neighborhood into a homogeneous space. -As a consequence from the previous point, the districts miss the existence of

urbanism, it could be interesting to observe the way in which these criterias

centralities, areas where urban activities take place. It is one of the main reasons

have been adapted and interpretated by them.

of the absense of vitality in the neighborhood.

Auke van der Woude. ‘La vivienda popular en el Movimiento Moderno’

Soviet Housing Estates influencied by Modern Movement::

prescribed by the Soviet Union influenced on the design as well, so the formal

Once we have exposed some examples of possible sources for the socialist

(1)

Western examples of Moden Movement Housing Estates:

(1)

Auke van der Woude. ‘La vivienda popular en el Movimiento

3. Post-Socialist period. The response to the transition in cities. 3.1 Political, economic and social transformations.

The openness and liberalization processes initiated by Gorbachev after 1985 encouraged the (1) implementation of reforms in the partner countries within the URSS. This period of change affected all former countries under the influence of the Soviet Union which were liberalized after the final disintegration of the union in 1991.

Income inequality in Central and Eastern Europe, 1989 and 2006 (Gini coefficient)

Poverty risk in East Central Europe (% of households below 60% of median income) Risk of poverty Risk of poverty after social before social transfers transfers Countries

- Main political, economic and social changes in the case of Slovakia. (2) Risk of poverty for those in work

-Political transformation. The new self-government.

In the case of Czechoslovakia, these movements had already begun with the ‘Prague Spring’, which had been suppressed by the troops of the communist

After the fall of the Regime, the former Soviet countries had to establish their own

EU25

Regime. Between 1989 and 1992, the Republic of Czechoslovakia started

governments. In the particular case of Slovakia, they established a democratic

EU15

Bulgaria

–

a peaceful revolution, known under the name of the Velvet Revolution, in

parliamentary system composed of different parties. They held elections every

Czech Republic

10,0

16,0

3,0

which the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia ceded the power to the new

five years to elect the head of country.

Estonia Latvia

18,0

28,0

8,0

Lithuania

Hungary

16,0

25,0

7,0

Poland Romania

19,0

28,0

13,0

–

Slovenia Slovakia

Source: Extracted from Eurostat online database 2007 Bratislava is increasingly recognized as high-cost city; in 2006, Bratislava was

parliamentary system. At the same time, each city arranged a parallel autonomous system. Bratislava This disposed the transition into capitalism and a change of the law

was organized at both levels: the city and the districts. The internal decisions in

reglamentations. Two years later, the Republic of Czechoslovakia split peacefully,

every area of the city depended on the relationship between the two powers,

leading the Czech Republic on one hand and Slovakia on the other.

centralizing more or less the decisions.

Slovakia joined the European Union in 2004 and, three years later, the Schengen Area. In the first decade of this century, the city has experienced a major boom

-Economic Transformation.

construction. Many residential and commercial areas emerged in the capital as

The free market from the ground. Privatization.

the result of extensive investments by developers and private companies.

ranked higher than Prague, Warsaw and Budapest in an index of city living costs.

In the first half of the nineties, Bratislava, as well as many other post-socialist

In this context, as in other large post-socialist cities, labour market segmentation,

Bratislava is transforming itself from a ''city at the Danube'' into a ''city on the

cities, has been experiencing strong economic changes. However, the major

the emergence of ‘bad jobs’ and rising living costs waise critical questions about

Danube''. In a comparatively short time, a revitalization of the historic city has

economic reforms came to pass after the parliamentary elections of 1998.

the connection between employment, a living wage and the ability to secure

begun, several new bridges over the Danube were built, new bus connections

The largest economic development experienced has affected to the

household social reproduction.

were established to Prague, Vienna, and Budapest, and a new road to the inter-

construction sector and services, while sectors such as agriculture and industry

Regarding to the case of Bratislava, it was radically remade since 1989 and is

The economic dominance of Bratislava was underlined by the fact that its GDP

national airport was constructed. This made possible the development of a new

have been negatively affected by the change. The industry has shifted from

now fully inserted into global circuits of capital, travel, culture and politics. The

per capita placed it in 2006 at 149% of the EU27 average, so one of the highest

business and civic center on its former site on the Danube River. Between Castle

small manufacturation into larger industrial plants, but the poor productivity

two cities economies have been liberalized and internationalized. Bratislava has

for the new EU Member States. It was particulary visible on the tertiary sector

Hill and the Danube, a new zone for development. (1)

and efficiency caused their imcompetitiveness in the market.

been at heart of their countries economic dynamism.

development over the past twenty years.

Source: Elaborated from UNICEF TRANSMONEE database

‘P.Karasz, J.Plichtová, V.Krivý. ‘Economics and Politics’. Bratislava Symposium,

(1)

(2)

Slovak Committee of the European Cultural Foundation, 1994.

post-socialist societies’. Cambridge. 1996.

D.Smith. ‘Cities after socialism: Urban and regional change and conflict in

3. Post-Socialist period. The response to the transition in cities.

In the case of Bratislava, the biggest income of money for the city came from the

One of the major transformations had to do with changes of peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s minds.

privatization processes. The privatization of public spaces offered opportunities

The new society under capitalism system affected the lifestyle of the population:

to the free market economies and to all those who concerned to take profit from

the profile of the consumer society and its material concerns, the need for

it. The public space transformed into the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;arenaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; for those interested to invest

individualistic self-expression, the greater activism and participation in social

on it: private banks, government, private developers, managers of industries, oil

decisions and social awareness thanks to transparency of the information.

and gas owners, distributors of energy or military circles. However, the process generated the flows of money but could not be hold on long-term because of its

The new market liberalization induced impoverishment and enrichment at

unsustainable dynamic, which later affected to the economy itself.

the same time. This phenomenon of polarization in society contributed to generate economic differences between citizens, mass impoverishment and the

The great development experienced in the construction sector, without proper regulations of the urban planning, act as an aggravating factor for the economy of the city at the same time as an economic uncertainty.

-Social Transformation. The demographical growth and the unemployment. The change in lifestyle and individualism. The social polarization. Many processes of change in the society occurred on a very short period of time. Slovakia experienced a population growth, increasing the number of active citizens. Althought the growth was accompanied by a gradual aging of its population. On the other hand, the increasement of unemployment was compounded by the bigger amount of active people.

emergence of social inequalities. (1)

3. Post-Socialist period. The response to the transition in cities. 3.2 The problematic adaptation of districts to the change.

As Ján Bucek refers in his chapter about transformation developments in Slovak (1)

cities, urban problems of post-socialism can be classified into three groups:

requirements solutions. The decentralization of power allowed local governments to take their own

Urban fallow in Housing Estates in Bratislava. Dubravka, Dlhé diely and Petrzalka.

3. Conflicts in the internal decision-making: personal interests rather than social

1. The legacy of the socialist urbanism: the Soviets suburban paradigm.

decisions. However, this meant a less self-determination, so that practical solutions were never adopted. Urgent social problems were no longer solved in the way they

At this point we refer to the difficulties generated by the socialist planning:

used to so far. However, the dynamics of land market and properties pushed the

over-sizing of distances and spatial dimensions at the neighborhoods scale, the

economy towards an undergoing process of speculation, it estimulated private

intellectual limitations of a preestablished single urban planning, the repetitive

investments and promote the construction of new residential developments.

conception of similar items that leads a perception of monotony, the urban underdevelopment, the poor transport infrastructures, the low environmental quality, among others.

Gentrification. This term refers to the changes that result when wealthier people (“gentry”) acquire or rent property in low income and working class communities.

Unfortunately, all the mentioned problems, inherent in the Soviet urban

Urban gentrification is associated with movement and social displacement, so

planning, seem to have a difficult short-term solution.

that poorer native residents migrate to more affordable areas. Urban gentrification occasionally changes the culturally heterogeneous character of a community and

2. The immediate post-socialist problematics resulting from the political change and social structure reorganization. We refer to those changes that follow the new political and social reestructuration. The beginning of the neoliberalism preestablished the principles of the free market economy, the openness in the international arena of exchanges and bussines. Rapidly, the processes of privatization transformed the concept of the ownership. Population had a more participatory role in the government decisions. But it also affected on the society: the shift of mentality, its repercussion on the demography, the social polarization, the transformation of the employment structure, etc.

(1)

Ján Bucek. ‘Post-socialist urban development. Planning and participation. The

case study of Bratislava city centre.’ Hungarian Academy of Sciences.

renforces social margination.

General frame of transformations 1 Introduction. 1.1 Purpose of this paper. 1.2 Personal experiences and concerns. 1.3 Heading proposal.

3 Post-Socialist period. The response to the transition in cities. 3.1 Political, economic and social transformations. 3.2 The problematic adaptation of districts to the change.

1. Introduction to Petrzalka. 1.1 The general frame. Context and Site conditions

Warsaw

-Bratislava in the international frame.

-The internal development of Bratislava.

Slovakia is a border country in between Central and Eastern Europe, furthermore its capital is located just a few kilometers from Vienna, in the far west.

The city experienced its greatest population growth between 1970 and 1980, however, the population began to slightly decrease in the late 90’s as a result of migration to other outlying areas. The unemployment has dramatically increased through recent years of transition; however, Bratislava has the lowest unemployment rate in Slovakia, so that is in the most optimal situation compared with the rest of the country. The transition process redefined the employment structure, we can find a quite similar structure comparing to more developed regions of the EU, where most people work in the services sector.

Berlin

Prague

Bratislava Vienna

Therefore, Bratislava should be understood as the open door for the country’s economical development. In addition, the city’s airport for international flights is closely associated with Vienna’s air traffic, which derives some of its flights to Bratislava.

Budapest

Ljubljana

Zagreb Beograd

Venice

The Slovak capital is integrated in the three city’s set composed by BratislavaVienna-Budapest. The three cities are situated along the Danube’s channel, historical mean for the mobility and trade. They have generate common forces under their mutual influence.

The natural limits of the landscape itself have clearly conditioned the free growth of the city. Bratislava, divided by the Danube, experiences the pressure from the small Carpathian Mountains on its north side as same time as the Danube natural frontier splits the city into two. Bratislava is transforming itself from a’’City at the Danube’’ into a ‘‘City on the Danube.’’ In a comparatively short time, a revitalization of the historic city center has begun, several new bridges over the Danube have been built and a new bus connection line has been established. The connection possibilities between both sides of the river improved through last years in this sense; but, referring to its international frame, the situation has progressed with the construction of a new airport and the reinforcement of the city connections with Prague, Vienna and Budapest trhough the establishment of the new highway infraestructures. Consequently, Bratislava’s economic situation has benefited from it, the city developed a new business and civic center on its former site on the Danube River, between the Danube and Castle Hill, a new zone for development. (1) -Petrzalka in the frame of Bratislava. It is located in the direction of growth urban trend of the city, following the northsouth axis. In the same way that many other post-Soviet cities, Petrzalka was established to house workers in new industrial zones. However, these cities have ceased to function in this manner so its inhabitants have become dependent on productive areas of the cities. Petrzalka is part of the urban economy of Bratislava, functioning as dormitory town for people who work daily in other areas.

(1) [Slovak Investment and Trade Development Agency]

http://www.bratislava.sk/

1. Introduction to Petrzalka. 1.2 Soviet Housing Estates and the socialist heritage in Bratislava.

The most populated Housing Estates in Bratislava: (1) 12 DLHÉ DIELY DISTRICT Construction period: 1987 - 1995 Architects: Jozef Slíz, Eva Grébertová, Vladimír Scepán, Vladimir Zigo, Ján Misík, Daniela Baxová Residents: 25 000 Surface: 130,96ha Residents: 21 000 Surface: 78,29 ha

10 DÚBRAVKA DISTRICT Construction period: 1967 - 1978 Architects: Imrich Ehrenberger and partners Residents: 26 516 Surface: 186,02 ha

RUZINOV DISTRICT Construction period: 1959 - 1968 Architects: Stavoprojekt Bratislava Residents: 60 000 Surface: 154,11ha

PETRZALKA DISTRICT Construction period: 1973 - 1980 Architects: Stanislav Talas, Jozef Chovanec Residents: 135 000 Surface: 2 924 ha

(1) Journal of architectural and town-planning theory. ‘Prefabricated Housing Estates: The Critical Heritage’. ROCNÍK, volume XL, 2006.

Since 1948, the beginning of the communist era, the nation canceled the limited private land ownership. This measure allowed urban planners to design new neighborhoods using the free plots of land. In 1968 Dubcek, the political reformer, carried on some changes. This period of transformations was known as ‘the Prague Spring’ , during which new policies allowed the Republic of Czechoslovakia to partially release from the domination of the Soviet regime. However, democratization was not well received by the Soviet Union, soon after troops from the army were sent to stop the reforms in the country. The country started with a new period called the ‘normalization’ in which large number of competent architects had to emigrate. During these years there was a massive construction of residential complexes based on the use of prefabricated panels; Likewise, much of the architectural heritage was destroyed and replaced by the new socialist architecture. The reglamentation established that every five years, the city had to develop new social planning. These were carried on by Estate contracts which dictated the way of construction and the system modes of production. The supremacy of certain social values influenced the type of urban planning and the role of architecture under the principles of the regime. The use of prefabricated panel replaced the vernacular architecture, more characteristic of the region. In the actuality, this construction method reveals several problems due to the gradual deterioration of buildings, affected by the extreme weather conditions such as in Bratislava. During the sixties and seventies, many prefabricated residential complexes were built in Slovakia. But it was mainly in the seventies when the activity of construction was more intensified: about 1,261,000 appartments were realized in Slovakia. Nowdays, these developments have left their legacy, as a substantial part of the urban environment in most Slovak cities. For our personal research about the urban transformations of socialist residential districts, we have chosen the biggest of them built in Central Europe under Soviet period. Petrzalka is a residential complex of socialist nature located on the south of the Slovak capital. Like most of the soviet housing estates, the new district based on the idea of a satellite city. In addition there was the intention on the preliminary planning to provide with the necessary equipments to ensure its autonomous operation.

1. Introduction to Petrzalka. 1.3 The international competition for Petrzalka.

Some of the proposals for the Competition arranged by the awards: Project No. 7 (Bratislava, CSSR: Tibor Alexy, Jan Kovan, Filip Tkrnus) The new residential district of Petrzalka was the result of an international competition held in 1967, where there were 84 teams from 19 different countries. The jury ended up ruling out all the projects submitted in competition justifying that none of was entirely responding to the base criteria. Finally, the actual Petrzalka was resulting from the conducted proposal by Josef Stanislav Chovanec and Talas. The project was not fully realized, as the Central Avenue, designed as a great public space served by different facilities, was never completed. But neither the proposal for a new tram line which should cross the district and connect it to the city. Nowdays, because of general critics about the poor conditions of the districts ans the lack of facilities and services, there have been an academic concern for incentive proposals towards its humanization and revitalization, although they have never been realized until the moment. We expose those principles set down by the jury for the selection of the awarded projects:

the basis of the competition in 1967: The competition was organized with the intention to be openned for new knowledge and trends. The proposals should respond with residential projects under the principles of social coexistence in the Regime. The neighborhood was intended to be used by working class people, employed either in the West area (where it was suposed to establish new industries) or in the city center itself. The implemented equipment facilities for Petrzalka served not only to the local residents but also to the rest of the city. It was intended to envision a new concept for the city of Bratislava, due to the union of the annexed Petrzalka to it, silking both sides of the Danube. The calling for the International Competition to design Petrzalka extended not only within but also outside the country, it was also one of the most important developments occurred after the Second World War reconstruction, due to its dimension and relevant location. The interest around the new proposals for Petrzalka rapidly widespread. Not only in between those who participated in the Competion, but also for many others who remained somehow actively involved on it: the newspapers, the universities, the government and other institutions. The projects presented for the competition served for the Jury to lay the basic design principles for the final project. (1)

Kamil Gross . ‘The International urbanistic Competition – Bratislava Petrzalka’. Vydavatelstvo Slovensko Fondu Vitvarnych, Bratislava, 1969 (1)

The jury determined the main criteria for judging, which they finally expressed in the following terms: (1)

 The quality of the new urban environment;  The integration of Petržalka with the existing environment in relation to a. The existing town and especially its centre b. The preservation and development of the existing landscape features  The integration of Petržalka with the existing environment in relation to a. building equipment b. the main communication system, the district facilities and other local means of transport, including pedestrian ways  Economy of the designs in relation to: a. the design of the district as a whole b. the technical solution, and c. its realization in stages The ideas based on the International Competition for Petrzalka were supposed to serve as inspiration for the preparation of the final design of the neighborhood. Following the discussion held by the jury after presenting the projects laid down the following key points: (1)

-The need to establish a close relationship between the existing city and its extension south of the Danube. -The importance of preserving and contributing to landscape quality in the area. -The opportunity to develop waterways as core elements in the design. -The desire to eliminate rigid solutions which can fall into monumentalim contrary to the natural landscape and the human scale. -The need to integrate all basic functional elements in the plan under a coherent design. -The need for flexibility to enable constructive change and growth. -The importance of creating a human environment in which people as individuals and as members of a community feel that their needs come together in a convenient and creative.

The basic scheme is based on the use of linear systems. There is a first axis of blocks in the north side of the neighborhood, following the guideline of the Danube, and a second north-south axis of equipments. This second axis interrupts the course of the natural water channel. The strong linear system over imposes to the natural water-scape. The north-south axis of equipments seems to extend further on, crossing to the other side of the river, establishing the connection with the city through a services infraestructure bridge. Regarding to the building typologies used on the project, we can find a wide variety. It enhances the emergence of different source of spaces arranged in between them towards a rich urban landscape. The design and delineation of different areas, allowes the construction in various phases. The road structure is quite complex, entailing a high cost for its realization, however, the solution itself is functionally satisfactory. Project n°53 (Yugoslavia: Vladimir Music, Marjan Bezan, Nives Stark) The flexibility and variety of the scheme shows the creativity of this proposal. The transport structure has been studied on a wider regional scale. It solves the connection with the city by an extensive spine. It is a pedestrian connection associated to public amenities and commercial stores. The connection with the city is also liking with the parking area in the south, where the existing landscape has been preserved. The water ways are integrated into the housing areas. The variety of the design for housing allows changes in case of future social requirements. Project No. 1 ( Brno, CCSR : Vladimir Palla, Silvester Vagner, Josef Krejcik, Eric Vrtis) The program concentrates on a strip on the north of the district. The frame is parallel to the Danube, and liberates the rest of the landscape from urban infraestructures impositions. The educational buildings are located in the south, near to the parking areas. The project uses a smaller scale in comparisson to general tendencies in the competition. The small scale of the housing development as well as the avoidment of high buildings allows the emergence of intimate urban spaces inside the neighbours. On the other hand, the rigidity of the scheme could enface future problems in front of social or technological changes. The project allows the construction in different stages.

1. Introduction to Petrzalka. 1.4 The final planning. Objective description of its urban parameters.

Basic data about Petrzalka:

Old Petrzalka town. On the left, view from 1890, on the right main street in 1905.

Petrzalka total area of 2.870 ha. Number of apartments 18.000. Number of Residents approx. 115.000. Before openning the following chapter about post-socialist transformations after the Soviet Union regime, we have considered interesting offer an objective description about the main urban parameters defining Petrzalka’s district. Petrzalka will serve us as a pragmatic sample to study the processes in which post-soviet developments could have been involved the last two decades. This analytical phase will follow after describing the neighborhood in this chapter. Before the construction, Petrzalka was a swampy area in the south of the Danube, several branches or the River crossed Petrzalka. In this area there was a historic town, the largest in the country in terms of population. The town had to be destroyed to allow the construction of the new residential complex. The ground was covered with earth to fill with soil the swamp. However, the presence of high water table in the basement represented a major challenge which limitated the proposal for the new district. The new residential district of Petrzalka was the result of an international competition held in 1967, where there were 84 teams from 19 different countries taking place on it. All the proposals coincided on planning big scale urban spaces. The jury ended up discarding all the projects presented in competition with the pretext that none of them responded to the base criteria. Finally, it was adopted a new proposal projected by Josef Stanislav Chovanec and Talas clearly influenced by the socialist planning. The project has never been entirely realized. The planned central ‘boulevard’ intended as a great public space for various equipment supplies has never been constructed. Neither the proposal for a new tram line that crosses the district and connects with the city. Subsequently, the district’s large deficit in services is nowdays one of the main reasons of its urban degradation. The critics about its actual fallow it is an incentive to carry on proposals for humanization and revitalization of Petrzalka, although the governement have not realized any far operation within the neighbours until the moment.

Journal of architectural and town-planning theory. ‘Prefabricated Housing Estates: The Critical Heritage’. ROCNÍK, volume XL, 2006. http://eng.petrzalka.sk/

Petrzalka under construction 1970.

1. Introduction to Petrzalka. 1.4 The final planning. Objective description of its urban parameters.

- Hydrological conditions:

Images from the artificial canal and the big lake in Petrzaka.

ground level permeable soil water table

clay material

Petrzalka lays on an original swamp area, crossed by river atributaries, affected by its water level variations. The underground water, connected with the river, experiences variations throughout the year as a result of the shift of water volume of the Danube, carrying potential problems for the foundations of buildings. This factor can be solved using retaining walls anchored in the ground waterproof substratum. Althought this construction system can safe the foundations from the presence of the water and permet to have underground floors in the block buildings, it also requires a high investment for its construction, so the final cost rises significantly. This factor explains the disposition of the parking in the ground floor, moving the commercial stores into the first floor. Pedestrian platforms had to be built in order to establish a relationship between the stores and the street, they descend until ground floor using ramps or stairs.

1. Introduction to Petrzalka. 1.4 The final planning. Objective description of its urban parameters.

- Mobility system and connection to metropolitan areas. Bridges for local traffic: Nový Most, Starý Most and Most Apollo; Bridges for international traffic: Prístavný Most and Lafranconi bridge. Starý Most was closed to traffic in 2009, which is currently used for pedestrian and bicycle.

Lafranconi bridge

Prístavný Most

Scheme for the new ring along Bratislava

As already mentioned, the Petrzalka’s location is an interesting issue as it lies near the border between Austria and Slovakia. One advantage in terms of connectivity is the fact of having a train station itself. There are not only regional lines but also an easy direct connection between Vienna-Bratislava, optimal for those residents who live in Petrzalka but work in Vienna on its daily mobility. It currently exists the idea to construct a second ‘ring’ of traffic on Bratislava’s future masterplan. The ring will pass under the Small Carpathians in the north side of the city and below Petrzalka in the south. The new infraestructure would relieve traffic congestion on existing highways that surround Bratislava.

Most Apollo

Road network.

Nový Most

Starý Most

Public transport network.

Regarding to the metropolitan mobility, Petrzalka connects with the center of Bratislava by five bridges. Two of the bridges function as highways of intensive traffic (D1 and D2) and the railway Vienna-Bratislava. Other two bridges are used for regular traffic. The last bridge, which was used for the railroad tracks, is now on a current situation of disuse. There is also an intercity bus route that connects different areas of this neighborhood and the city center. Pedestrian connections or bicycle in the neighborhood with the rest of the city are rather non-existent. In 1989, it was intended to construct a subway line, the project was stopped by the Velvet Revolution. In the actuality, since the last few years, the original idea of the train line along the north-south internal strip of Petrzalka is being studied. In fact, the preliminar planning for the district established the internal route for the train. The intention now is to build a fast tram line crossing the neighborhood as it was planned on the initial draft. However, the construction forecasts was for 2008 but some conflicts with the public transport department have delayed the operation.

http://www.cijjournal.com/ Master Plan Study for Bratislava. http://eng.petrzalka.sk/ http://www.livingspectator.sk/

1. Introduction to Petrzalka. 1.4Thefinalplanning.Objectivedescriptionofitsurbanparameters.

- Phases of construction.

Regarding to each phase of construction, we can find some typological differences between the building blocks as a result of socialist experimentation in architecture through the time. Anyway, despite the differences between periods of realization, the final district differs from any of the proposals in the International Competition in 1967. Petrzalka’s final proposal misses the spatial complexity that the submitted projects in competition generaly showed. The repetitive spaces between buildings with identical shape and distribution seemed to be in opposition with the internal richeness of the space in competition.

CONSTRUCTION PHASES.

The first part to be built in Petrzalka, is the one which corresponds to the northeastern zone of the district. The building typology may be related to the ones in the district of Moscow as well as in the second phase of Nowa Huta’s project. It was projected with an open space in the center and the services in the middle.

The second phase of construction corresponded to the southest area of Petrzalka. The neighborhood units were projected with semicircular shapes, which generated circular spaces in the middle of it. These schemmes seemed to be more adaptable to possible necessities in comparisson to those built during the first phase. At the same time, due to their shape, the spaces became more under control. We find some references in Bratislava

The last part realized to conclude with Petrzalka, was located in the northwest of the neighborhood. This proposal could be compared to the typologies that were used in Bienaly, Chimki-Khovrino and Nowa Huta residential developments: the different sizes of the residential blocks and the undefined open space. The latest additions in the nort part are based on the schemme ‘‘C’’. They respond to a very rigid solution, visible in the south area of the district as well. In these units, the schools and offices have a clear emplacement in the middle of the units.

The project should allow its construction by separated phases, helping in front of possible finantial problems. Therefore, Petrzalka was built in different stages, which conditionated its final shape as well. There was urgent necessity to accomodate the new population emigrating from the countryside into the city. Therefore, the first to be built, according to the list of social priorities, corresponded to the housing development. The main services strip, located along the central zone from north to south, had to wait for its realization. The reason was the lack of money, destinated to the housing blocks construction instead. This factor featured Petrzalka as a dormitory town in the south of Danube, while the internal area became a large empty space waiting to be built.

Referencies and possible sources of inspiration. Nowa Huta in Krakow

Kimki Khovrino in Moscow

Bielany in Varsaw

1. Introduction to Petrzalka. 1.4 The final planning. Objective description of its urban parameters.

- Urban planning and building typology:

- Global uses: The dominant use in Petrzalka is the multi residential: aggregation of buildings for housing on each neighborhood unit. If we consider the original design, presented in 1978, annexed to the residential district in the south, it may be an industrial area. However, it has never been developed. Furthermore, in the original project it was intended to locate an internal area with equipments to be used on a larger scale, not only for the entire district but also for the city. These activities should lie along the line of artificial channel of water flowing through Petrzalka, as well as south of the lake district. However, the lack of funds and public incentives enabled its realization.

The district is divided in three zones: Dvory, Luky and Hรกje. The whole development responds to the typology of isolated residential block. The buildings are emplaced independently to the plot edges.

At the district level, there is a racetrack for horse racing located in the first management area of Hรกje and a commercial area to the road giving the west side of the area Dvory. On the other hand, we also have some terciary uses on a smaller scale within each unit of Microrayon: internal isolated buildings that serve as equipment at Community level, as well as small shops provided in the ground floor of resindetial blocks for the local use. The resulting equipments are as follows: 11 elementary schools, 19 kindergartens, 20 dining rooms and kitchens for schools and nurseries, respectively, 6 schools associated gymnasiums and a private gym, home of the University of Economics.

RESIDENTIAL BUILDINGS Block typology

Tower typology

Residential Industrial Commercial equip Cultural-recreational equip Offices Mixed use

1. Introduction to Petrzalka. 1.4Thefinalplanning.Objectivedescriptionofitsurbanparameters.

- The internal network of Microraion. images from the Microraion in lĂşky zone. Luky 3

To better focus in, we have selected a sample from the district located in the area of Luky in the south side of the neighborhood. The three microdistricts included in have one equipment serving at community level.

SAMPLE (600 x 600) m2

1742/100

1639

1775/2

1743/1

1809

1808

1 1743/41

C B

2153/14

2153/13

2153/15

2155

2154/3

1.10 000 50m

200m

500m

0,00m

41.1

124.5

41.1

124.5

119.2

38.2

60.5

0,00m

60.5

1. Introduction to Petrzalka. 2.1 The general frame. Context and Site conditions

partial sections.

general sections. 34,25m 30,50m 26,75m 23,00m 19,25m 15,50m 11,75m 8,00m 4,00m 0,00m

A 0,00m

0,00m

40.6

0,00m

40.6

0,00m

191.7

0,00m -1,50m

-1,50m

34,25m 30,50m 26,75m 23,00m 19,25m 15,50m 11,75m 8,00m 4,00m 0,00m

191.7

B 1 SECTION A.

-1,80m

0,00m

0,00m -1,50m

41.1

0,00m

-1,50m

124.5

41.1

124.5

119.2

0,00m

119.2

38.2

-2,00m

0,00m -2,00m

60.5

0,00m

4,00m

4,00m -1,50m -1,50m

53,00m 49,00m 45,50m 41,75m 38,00m 34,25m 30,50m 26,75m 23,00m 19,25m 15,50m 11,75m 8,00m 4,00m 0,00m

SECTION 1.

SECTION B. 20m 40m 60m

1.2500 100m

10m

images from the interior of microdistricts.

0,00m

40.6

0,00m

40.6

0,00m

30m

1.1500 50m

images relationship between blocks and streets.

0,00m

191.7

0,00m -1,50m

-1,50m

34,25m 30,50m 26,75m 23,00m 19,25m 15,50m 11,75m 8,00m 4,00m 0,00m

SECTION 2.

2. Developments and issues of current reality. 2.1 The general frame of transformations. In the area of Slovakia.

Changes on the demography and migration flows:

-Reinforcement of the polycentric system in slovakia.

2. Demographic changes and migration flows.

The settlement system in Slovakia has been generally quite scattered. The largest Slovak cities are comparatevely smaller in size in front of other cities at the international frame in Europe. However, the settlement model in the current situation of post-socialist cities reflects the way in which past events have affected to urban development. The new city’s situation has dramatically changed in terms of urban growth and development in the country.

The demographic fenomenon affected on the reinforcement of polycentric urban system of post-socialist city. After the fall of the regime, the demographic trend was to slow down the population growth, so that after second half of nineties, the growth reached negative values. Both the negative growth and the out migration to peripherical areas, originated population decreasement of main cities, but it also transformed them into urban centers from which many surrounding areas depended, towards a more polycentric city model.

1. Rising cost of housing value. One of the most remarkable changes, due to the liberalization of Slovakia from the Soviet Union political dependence, was the establishment of representative local self-government, deriving the power to urban neighborhoods. Suddenly, local governments achivied their own autonomy, they could take their decisions; but the personal interestes pushed away the urgent social problems. One consequence was the decline in housing mass construction by local authorities, in contrast with the mass developedment during the decades of 70 and 80 by the Soviet Union. This significant decline from 1991, aggravated housing shortage and increased the price of dwelling. In addition to this, the speculative operations on the housing market and the privatization processes of land, helped to rise the costs of the constructions. In response to these problems, some sectors of the urban population began to migrate to suburban areas of the city, searching more affordable housing.

[The inward and outward movements: Inward as a centripetal displacement from the rural into the urban areas, carrying the renewal and reurbanization of the city. Outward as the centrifugal flow away from the city, the phenomenon of urban sprawl and counter-urbanization.]

3. Desindustrialization of the country. To conclude, the process of deindustrialization of the country affected to the relationship between urban aggregations and the old industrial areas. Most of the new housing estates built up by the socialist regime, where closely linked to industrial sectors, but once the old industries stopped their activity, the population started to depend on alternative economical sectors. Most of them became local economies based on the service sector, so that they started to rely on other employment areas linked to the most active urban centers. This new phenomenon of dependence on the city asked for the improvement of connection and transport of these residential neighborhoods

We have enumerated some of the reasons that justify the changes that affected the settlement system in the country. The urban development based on principles of decentralized concentration, so that ities in Slovakia have acquired a more polycentric character, Many examples of post-Soviet cities in the area of the former USSR, purchased the a more Western model of development in this sense. While the center of the city becomes the living area of the wealthy classes, better socially integrated, poorest sectors of population settle at the periphery, in the more decentralized areas. To exemplify the phenomenon, we can refer to the St Petersburg’s current situation, an extreme city where the compact model has evolved into a new kind of decentralization, known as the system of multi-cities. However, the new urban centers are generally very low provided by services and equipments, which deduct its self autonomy and set them into a marginated situation,. The improvement of their connections with the city represents one of the most urgent issues to be addressed.

1. Urban issues and urban policies in the new EU countries. Chapter 5. Slovakia. Ján Bucek. 2004.

Population increasement in the large cities (inhabitants) 1,970 1,975 1,980 1,985 1,991 1,995 2,001 Bratislava 305,932 340,902 380,259 417,103 442,197 452,053 428,672 Kosice 144,445 in the 174,388 202,368 222,175 235,160 240,915 236,093 Population increasement large cities Presov 54,942 62,429 71,500 82,879 87,765 92,687 92,786 (inhabitants) Nitra 49,625 57,105 76,633 85,276 89,969 87,357 87,285 1,970 58,142 1,975 83,0161,980 91,7031,98583,911 1,99186,685 1,995 Zilina 49,867 85,400 2,001 Bratislava 305,932 55,832 340,902 66,412 380,259 78,475 417,10385,030 442,19784,919 452,053 Banská Bystrica 45,736 83,056428,672 Kosice 144,445 50,948 174,388 64,062 202,368 69,917 222,17571,783 235,16070,191 240,915 Trnava 45,465 70,286236,093 Presov 54,942 62,429 71,500 82,879 87,765 92,687 92,786 Martin 43,189 49,271 56,208 62,328 58,393 60,772 60,133 Nitra 49,625 57,105 76,633 85,276 89,969 87,357 87,285 Trencín 34,629 57,85485,400 Zilina 49,867 40,307 58,142 47,887 83,016 54,986 91,70356,82883,91158,87286,685 Poprad 56,15783,056 Banská Bystrica 23,447 45,736 28,048 55,832 38,077 66,412 47,216 78,47552,91485,03055,03784,919 Trnava 45,465 32,015 50,948 40,813 64,062 46,822 69,91753,42471,78354,40570,191 Prievidza 27,559 43,09770,286 Martin 43,189 49,271 56,208 62,328 58,393 Trencín 34,629 40,307 47,887 54,986 56,828 Statiscal Republic: Historical of communities PopradOffice of the Slovak 23,447 28,048 lexicon 38,077 47,216 1970-2001 52,914 Prievidza 27,559 32,015 40,813 46,822 53,424

Bleha. 2009 Zone Historical core inner city villa neighbourhoods housing estates Periphery

density population population (%) (inh/ha) 2.46 6,405 11.98 4,886 5.10 1,944 59.03 7,012 21.43 310

60,772 58,872 55,037 54,405

60,133 57,854 56,157 43,097

500,000 population increasemnet in large cicites. Graphic Statiscal Office of the Slovak Republic: Historical lexicon of communities 1970-2001 450,000 500,000 400,000 450,000

350,000

400,000

300,000

350,000

250,000 300,000 250,000 200,000 200,000 150,000 150,000

100,000

50,000 50 000000 50,000 50 ‐ ‐

Bratislava Kosice Bratislava PresovKosice Nitra Presov Zilina

Nitra Zilina

2. Developments and issues of current reality. 2.1 The general frame of transformations. In the area of Bratislava.

-ThechangesintheintraurbanstructureofBratislavaanditsperception:(1) This chapter discusses the specific changes that can be identified through the intraurban structure of Bratislava. To understand changes of the post-socialist Bratislava, it is better to distinguish different areas of the city, as each has evolved differently. Therefore, we define the five urban areas that are contained by Bratislava’s administrative boundaries, these are: the historic core, the inner city, the residential villa neighbourhoods, the soviet housing estates and the periphery.

- Commercialization processes in the city. In the following sequence of maps we can observe the strong commercialization process ocurred in the city:

In late 2000, a survey carried out by the Bratislava university, collected individual perceptions about changes and processes ocurred in the internal structure of Bratislava. The answers are based on the subjective estimation of each individual respondent. Respondents were 511 college students living in Bratislava.

We have represented this data through some series of maps elaborated to highlight on a visual manner the students collected perceptions. The purpose of these maps is to construct a spectrum of changes occurred in recent years. The following map represents by colours the areas of the city affected by each transformation. This colour map has been constructed according to the schedule obtained in the survey. We can make the following comments from the analysis: -The most affected areas by the changes, especially in phisical terms, would be the inner city and the periphery, area that resulted from the out-migration and urban sprawl process.

City core Inner city Villa neighbourhood Soviet housing est Periphery

1998.

2001.

2002.

2003.

-Both, the periphery and the Soviet housing estates have experienced a process of deterioration in their social structure, which becomes more noticeable here than in other areas of the city. -One of the strongest changes in the post-socialist city of Bratislava has to do with the commercialization process. It happened at small scale with plenty of informal local commercies and new boutics, specially inside the historic core, but also much bigger developments such as new shopping malls and leisure areas, connected to main mobility infraestructures. Indeed, the answers of the respondents highlighted the commercialization as one of the main process ocurred during the change. Many new businesses related with the services economic sector have emerged: banks, restaurants, business offices, specialized services, etc.; so that has transformed the structure of the inner city. Regarding to the villa neighborhoods, they have experienced an increasement of population that moved into its more favorable environmental conditions, near the borders with the Carpathian mountain range.

[Vladimír Ira. The changing intra-urban structure of the Bratislava city and its perception. Revista de Geografía 2003.] (1)

Population and density by city zones

density Zone population (%) population Historical core 2.46 6,405 inner city 11.98 4,886 villa neighbourhoods 5.10 1,944 housing estates 59.03 7,012 Periphery 21.43 310 ['The changing intra-urban structure of Bratislava city and its perception'. Survey from university students in Bratislava. Geografický ústav SAV, Bratislava.]

2004.

2005.

2007.

2011.

2. Developments and issues of current reality. 2.1 The general frame of transformations. In the area of Bratislava.

Respondents were also asked about the major changes observed in Bratislava and how had they occurred attending to each specific areas of the city. [Table]

The main transformational processes manifestated in city structures Perception of major changes (in% of responses) Zone Historical core Inner city Villa neighbourhood Housing Estates Periphery availability of shopping 90.4 86.9 37.4 71.2 49.3 Basic services 59.7 63.0 32.5 51.9 36.4 Housing quality 29.2 26.6 63.8 (29.0) 24.1 Aesthetic quality 76.7 52.3 65.6 (38.2) 29.2 Transportation (31.9) (37.2) 20.9 (34.6) (25.8) Security (62.8) (57.3) 23.7 (66.5) (41.3) Quality of the environment (38.6) (45.4) 40.3 (55.2) (31.7) Human relations (49.7) (47.9) (25.0) (59.1) (29.5) Land-use 49.1 23.1 37.4 (28.4) 30.9 ['The changing intra-urban structure of Bratislava city and its perception'. Survey from university students in Bratislava.

Zone Physical (morphological) Functional Downgrading social-econ status

Socialdemographic

Historical core Revitalisation x Recession and urban fallow Suburbanisation Commercialisation x Funcional fragmentation x Sacralisation x Separation Deindustrialisation Suburbanisation Downgrading social-econ status Separation

Segregation - The main processes manifestated in city structures.

Inner city Villa neighb. Housing Estates Periphery x x x x x x x x x x x x x x Segregation x x x x x

x x

Suburbanisation

The following maps show the areas affected by the detected major changes. These maps have been personally made from the data provided in the survey.

x x

['The changing intra-urban structure of Bratislava city and its perception'. Survey from university students in Bratislava. Geografický ústav SAV, Bratislava.]

The main transformational processes manifestated in city structures

Revitalisation Recession urban fallow The main transformational processes manifestated in and city structures

Zone Physical (morphological)

Historical core x

Revitalisation Recession and urban fallow Suburbanisation Commercialisation Functional Funcional fragmentation (1) [Vladimír Ira. The changing intra-urban structure of the Sacralisation Bratislava city and itsDeindustrialisation perception. Revista de Geografía 2003.] Suburbanisation Downgrading social-econ status Socialdemographic Separation Segregation

x x x

Suburbanisation

Inner city Villa neighb. Housing Estates Periphery x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x

x x

Zone Historical core Inner city Villa neighb. Housing Estates Periphery Revitalisation x x x Physical (morphological) Recession and urban fallow x x x Commercialization Suburbanisation Functional fragmentation Sacralisation x Deindustrialisation Commercialisation x x x x Functional Funcional fragmentation x x x Sacralisation x x x x Deindustrialisation x Suburbanisation x Downgrading social-econ status x Socialdemographic Separation x x x Segregation

Suburbanisation ['The changing intra-urban structure of Bratislava city and its perception'. Survey from university students in Bratislava. Geografický ústav SAV, Bratislava.]

x x

2. Developments and issues of current reality. 2.1 The general frame of transformations. In the area of Bratislava.

The conclusions are as follows: The generalized answers about the negative changes that have affected the city during the last period address to the following issues: environmental pollution (largely marked by greater use of private cars), greater insecurity, complicated situation especially in public transport mobility, vandalism and crime and social segregation, strong marketing, rising unemployment, inadequate urban infrastructure, insufficient development, construction of supermarkets and hypermarkets replacing small businesses, deterioration of environmental quality and lower aesthetic quality of the urban image, among others. The general opinion of students estimated a worst development of all aspects mentioned above in neighborhoods such as Petrzalka Soviet planning. These areas were considered very poor in terms of environmental quality, with a bad internal mobility and, above all, low safety and social cohesion. The general opinion of the respondents understand Soviet housing estates as the areas of poorest aesthetic and quality of housing. On the other hand, there is the inner city, which has undergone through a process of internal rehabilitation of its structure and buildings. Althought there is a general negative perception regarding to the nature of the human relation ships in all the areas of Bratislava, the worst situation refers to Soviet housing estates. Finally, as common opinion, the soviet districts are considered the most monofunctional areas of the city, added to the low ground floor functional exploitation, so that they become places of very low intensity of use.

optimal good admissible poor dreadful

Regarding the prospects for sustainability, the general estimations consider the historical core as the area with better perspectives of sustainable development, while Petrzalka is regarded by 46% of respondents as unsustainable. Ready to conclude our spectral analysis, we constructed a final map that tries to show the different degrees of sustainable perspective for each delimited part of Bratislava. It manifests Soviet neighborhoods as the most disadvantaged. However, the results become more compelling if we compare the percentage of residents who live in them with the total population in the city, (more than 50%). As we previously mentioned, Bratislava as well as other post-socialist cities, are developing a polycentric city model. The new concentrations of population in the outskirts of the city leave the old neighborhoods of Soviet planning in an intermediate position within the development and growth of the urban tissue. These neighborhoods need revitalization in order to enable sustainable development of the whole metropolitan area, so their internal revitalization will ensure the whole city’s favorable expansion.

[Vladimír Ira. The changing intra-urban structure of the Bratislava city and its perception. Revista de Geografía 2003.] (1)

Perception of favorable development (the sustainability perspective)

Abstract map of Bratislava and its metropolitan area: Existing urban areas.

Zone Historical Inner city Villa Housing Periphery core neighbourhood Estates 76,1

46,4

40,5

13,5

16,6

['The changing intra-urban structure of Bratislava city and its perception'. Survey from university students in Bratislava. Geografický ústav SAV, Bratislava.]

http://www.cijjournal.com/

Master Plan Study for Bratislava.

Possible urban development in the future (Bratislava Masterplan forecast):

2. Developments and issues of current reality. 2.1 The general frame of transformations. In the area of Petrzalka.

Bratislava has many neighborhoods built under the Soviet regime: Petrzalka, Dolné hony, Trávniky, Posen, Záluhy, Kramáre, Dlhé diely. As we have observed through our previous spectral analysis, Soviet housing estates such as Petrzalka, in which we focus our study, have partially experienced social and physical changes, while other city areas had much more changed by those undergoing forces. This lack of mutability highlights the poor adaptability of its urban nature to current transformations in the frame of the neoliberalism. However, when evaluating the issues developed during the last period of change, Petrzalka tops the list of negatively affected areas, especially by social and physical deterioration. Anyway, we can define the following changes in the district: commercialization, sacralization and humanization in a targeted manner. Since the 90’s, Bratislava started a process of more dynamic construction, New developments emerged in the city, private housing blocks, new office areas shopping centers and hypermarkets. Althought its permanent status of dormitory housing estate for the wider city, Petrzalka has been transformed today into a much more multi-functional space. However, most of the new developments established in the district have focused along the streets with intensive traffic flow (see the case of basket Jantárová Petrzalka), so that Petrzalka’s neighbourhood remained phisically unrelated to them.

1 Relaxx offices

2 Incheba pavilion

Those more extensive empty areas of Petrzalka, which were linked to existing residential infrastructure, have been transformed into urban land tertiary uses and commercial functions (see Danubia Centre or Aupark). Tertiary concentration along the main traffic axes: New developments from 1989.

Regarding to the social changes, they have not been significant since no major migration flows happened in these neighborhoods, so that it preserves the social spectrum of its residents. However, in those areas where progressive deterioration is more evident, there has been a downfall of human relationships and social status of its residents.

The following map is based on the last three points to show a spectrum of social status in Petrzalka.

Social status >

The social impairment may be related to the feeling of rejection of the residents towards the place. In fact, respondents were asked about this and the results were decisive: the 64’2% felt that the residents in Petrzalka were strongly linked to a sense of topophobia, this is a destructive animosity between the place and its inhabitants.

2 4 1

Population of Petržalka, Bratislava and Slovakia, 1950–2000

1950

1961

1970

1980

1991

2001

Slovakia

3,486,000

4,174,046

4,537,290

4,991,168

5,274,335

5,379,455

Bratislava Petržalka

209,397 15,966

241,796 12,666

305,932 14,056

380,259 48,755

442,197 128,251

428,672 117,227

Population fall ( %) (1991-2001) 2% -3% -9%

Source: Slovak National Censuses 1950, 1960, 1970, 1978, 1988, 2002 About the social situation through the lasts years, post-socialist cities are situated in a context of increasing poverty and inequality. Based on the results from surveyed households in Petrzalka, the 15% of the residents are at ‘risk of poverty’ level, but also the growing polarization process that leads into social segregation. In addition, the levels of educational attainment are also very closely connected to risk of poverty. ‘Risk of poverty’ and social exclusion in Petržalka

3 Digital Park

4 Atrium

% of survey households by median income category

Below 60% 61–100% median median

101–140% 140% median median

Note: Rounded figures may add up to more than 100

http://www.cijjournal.com/ Master Plan Study for Bratislava. http://eng.petrzalka.sk/ http://www.livingspectator.sk/

Petržalka

Gessayova 2001 census 2001 census Survey %

Source: Household survey

Population

It is possible to observe differences of social status inside the district, and to interrelate them with the particularities of the site. After ranking the three sites surveyed (Haanova, Gessayova and Lúky Server), we point out some particularities: - The convenience of trasport connections. - The distance to the city centre. - The housing typology and number of stories.

Economically active Unemployment rate % with university education

117,227

4,548

61,0% 10.6

61,0% 12.2

17%

14%

Haanova 2001 census Survey %

140

4,532

65,7% 10.1

20 14%

19%

Period of construction

1971–80

Type of construction

Single, wall-like 12-storey b

Location

Close to city centre

Urban issues and urban policies in the new EU countries. Chapter 5. Slovakia. Ján Bucek. 2004. Alison Stenning, Adrian Smith, Alena Rochovská. ‘Domesticating Neo-Liberalism: Spaces of Economic Practice and Social reproduction in Post-Socialist cities’. 2010.

Lúky-sever 2001 census Survey %

183

5,361

183

61,8% 11.4

24 13%

16%

14%

1971–80

1981–90

Many 4-storey blocks

Mixed

Close to city centre

Quite distant from city centre

Source: Slovak census, 2001, field observations and household survey

2. Developments and issues of current reality. 2.1 The general frame of transformations. In the area of Petrzalka.

Functional and spacial changes. The functional decline of Petrzalka added to its physical degradation can be better analysed by breaking down the problem into different matters. There have been a progresive abandonment inside Petrzalka. It affected mainly to the public buildings included inside the neighborhoods, but also to the other services distributed around. Furthermore, many small retails which emerged on a first phase of the change, closed down to the public, enable to hold their business. This was induced by the implementation of bigger commercial areas that influenced the competitiveness of the small free market. The new shopping malls offered the desired diversification and choices that the people started to demand under the new lifestyles. In the actuality, as a common feature in Petrzalka, the highest blocks show their first floor front populated by small retail businesses closed down due to bankruptcy. The fence breaking sytem and the fragmentation of the open space have transformed the perception of the place and inhibited the free accessibility to it. In many cases, the fences are set down to delimitate different areas depending to their attributed function, althought the intensity of use is very reduced. The unproductive areas, which refers to almost open space, started to be appropiated by the residents in favour to spontaneous and informal activities. Interesting to note the value that the inhabitants gave to these spaces, as well as the new functions implemented by them, in order to take it into account for the alternative proposals. 1 Privatization. Fence breaking system. 2 Abandoned buildings. 3 Facade restoration. 4 Overshoot of parking areas. 5 Proliferation of green mass. 6 Businesses closing down.

Privatization. Fence breaking system.

We have detected fences fragmenting the inner space of the microdistricts: small community gardens, children playgrounds, sports fields or cortyards of community equipments. The fencing system of metal hurdle allows the visual permeability, althought it represents a physical barrier for the free mobility or the residents. Some of the fences are simply delimiting functional spaces even thought they are rather not used.

2 Abandoned buildings. The residential blocks are almost full of residents. However, regarding to the rest of the buildings originally functioning inside the microdistricts, none of them is being used anymore except an administrative center in the south. In fact, most of the kindergardens in Petrzalka are not functioning anymore, so the residents have to move to the center.

2. Developments and issues of current reality. 2.1 The general frame of transformations. In the area of Petrzalka.

Facade restoration.

We detected dense aggregation of trees, generally following the same fence system as visual subdivision of the space, but also along the parking lines in the perimetral roads. Its final impact could be understood since a positive point of view: it blocks excessively long views, humanizes the place and change the visual perception into a more intimate level.

The charges and responsabilities are shared by the neighbours that constitutes the internal community on each building.

The usual response to the problem is the implementation of prefabricated modules, as an informal manner to have place to store the surplus of cars. We can find many of them across the city.

Proliferation of green mass.

Focusing on the development of green masses inside the open spaces of the microdistricts, but also the spatial implications that they entail.

The facade restoration process is slowly spreading through all the areas of the district. This method aims to improve the insulation capacity of the block. Interesting to note the playfull design to paint the walls, proves the artistic selfexpression demanded by residents.

In the actuallity, parking place for the car is a big challenge in the district. In addition to the increasement of private cars owned, there is a significant number of garagges not empty in the ground floor of the buildings due to the worse conditions of construction.

Overshoot of parking areas.

6 To the first initial proliferation of small retail stores in the ground and first floors of buildings, it followed the activity decreasement in favour to bigger commercial areas. In the actuality the businesses are almost closed down. Those surviving normally correspond to bars and cafĂŠs.

Businesses closing down.

2. Developments and issues of current reality. 2.1 The general frame of transformations. In the area of Petrzalka.

Social transformations and urban atmosphere. The social seggregation processes are slowly emerging as result of secondary inner forces. The decrease on the standards of living condition in Petrzalka contributed to generate some social problems. The shortage quality of the Panelàks added to the urban fallow and abandonment of buildings contributed to worse the quality of life in the district. On the other hand, the lack of typological variety in housing, diminish the level of adaptability responding to different family arrangements.

What is the everyday’s life in Petrzalka?

Most of the open space in Petrzalka is unproductive, large areas with no attributed function nor endowment of equipments. The collective use of these areas is practically inexistent, factor that justifies lowest degrees of social participation in comparisson with other districts of Bratislava.

We have highlight those daily activities that the actors develop inside the district, under a critical manner to show the degree of the functional performance of the site.

In fact, the dominance of residential uses and the fallow of the retail stores and public services, complicates chances to incentivate the human interaction and social dialogue. However, despite the mentioned urban conditions, the residents ‘appropiate’ some open spaces to practice their commoness on an informal manner. Some areas presents a higher degree of social briskness due to activities related with informal free market economies, sports and leisure. This people’s appropiation and adaptation of the unproductive areas emerge in front us as a source of identity. The collective use of these spaces enhance to promote social cohesion, generating an atmosphere of active participation in the neighborhood. Once detected those spontaneous places of encounter choosen by the same residents, we can find the opportunity to capt and extend the activities on a major escale in our proposal.

In order to reconstruct an everyday’s life in Petrzalka we have selected three places in the district as a source of cinema sequence. The three views are choosen as those which could better characterize the district. We open the three views in Petrzalka as a documentary about anonimous actors taking part on them.

Which are the actors in Petrzalka? We should take into account the actors that perform on the adaptation processes. After investigating which are the actors and constructing the society profile of Petrzalka, we go one step further in order to understand how they perform inside. In front of the urban fallow and the degradation processes, every social group have given each own response to it. The different degrees and manners of social adaptation differs regarding to the individual exigencies. In order to measure the level of people adaptability, we should detect their more basic necesities on their everyday’s life, as the variable that condicionates the final success of their adaptation to Petrzalka.

ACTORS 8h YOUNG COUPLE

20%

GROUP OF TEENAGERS

30%

BUISNESS MAN

30%

CHILDREN

30%

WORKING MEN

30%

GARBAGE COLLECTOR

60%

HOUSEWIFE

80%

OLD COUPLE

90%

UNEMPLOYED 100% HOMELESS

12h

EVERYDAY ACTIVITIES 16h 22h 19h

2. Developments and issues of current reality. 2.2 Overview of the situation of urban decay and degradation.

Pictures from the Petrzalka urban landscape:

-The cultural landscape of post-socialism: [Henri Bergson. Time is not homogeneous or simply made by sequences. Time is immanent, heterogeneous and qualitative. Deleuze. Past emerges from the present, we develop the past through our contemporaneity as the present is not separable from the past.]

When Petrzalka comes to our mind we can hardly untie its image from the forces of its past. Its appearance, the reality that we perceive, contains the implicit prints of its history. Henri Bergson defined the time as something immanent, beyond a mere succession of events or series of isolated fragments. Likewise, Deleuze understood that both past and present coexist inseparably, since what happened in the past is now emerging and developing in the present. Some of this is perceivable when we study Petrzalka, as well as many other housing estates, heritage of Soviet planning. The cultural landscape of postsocialism is sensed through multiple, simultaneous individual stories. These neighborhoods still maintain its socialist past in their current situation, which seems to be repeatedly updated as a product of political and social forces of the moment.

At this point, the boundary that separates the socialist and post-socialist landscape remains uncertain, the past history of Petrzalka collapses into its present reality as a result of undergoing adapting processes to the change.

Alison Stenning, Adrian Smith, Alena RochovskĂĄ. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Domesticating Neo-Liberalism: Spaces of Economic Practice and Social reproduction in Post-Socialist citiesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. A cultural landscape of Petrzalka. 2010.

2. Developments and issues of current reality. 2.3 The most emerging issues to be solved.

Road network.

1 CONNECTION PROBLEMS BETWEEN PETRZALKA AND THE CITY CENTER.

Global uses.

Petrzalka presents some problems of connectivity with the center, aggravated by the phisical barrier of the Danube river. The character of isolation is reinforced due to the heavy mobility infrastructure that are bourdering the district in northern and western sides, blocking its relationship with the city across the river and fragementing some urban tissues of the district. The ‘ghetto’ condition of Petrzalka difficults the accessibility of its residents to main centers of activity and obstructs its favorable development. In addition, there are no alternatives for the residents than the motorized transport, since Petrzalka has no real connection for pedestrians and cyclists with other areas of the city. 2 THE LOW MULTIFUNCTIONALITY AND SCALES COMBINATION AND UNDER PROVISION OF URBAN SERVICES. The under-served status of the area clearly shows the lack of public investment during the construction phase of the district. The number of metropolitan equipments are few and far to main residential focus, these are the university campus, a large health center, some offices and supermarkets along main mobility infraestructures, the race track and some sports facilities near to the lake. In the south side of Danube, above Petrzalka’s neighbourhood, we have a well dotated area with many tertiary buildings, as the new shopping center of Aupark, offices or Incheba exhibition zone. However, this area is separated from Petrzalka by the train and highway infraestructures. At the neighbourhood scale, each piece of Microraion has been equiped with a school in the middle of the unit, which is often very desirable for any residential area. However, the fall of nativity rate since the 90’s, brought closing down most of these schools. In few years, although Petrzalka has never been fully urbanized, its monofunctional character intensified. The lack of functional diversity, not only residential but productive and recreational, generated a very low land use. The greater variety of uses, scales and typologies, could enrich the neighbourhood with new activities and estimulate the interrelationships among its residents.

3 THE FEELING OF REJECTION

4 THE SECTION AND URBAN SCALE: THE SUITABLE DISTANCE.

Residents generally feel a strong rejection towards Petrzalka. Many of them live on a neighborhood which they distaste, so it generates a common sense of unsatisfation. The accessibility to affordable housing seems to be the only incentive that engages residents to live in the neighborhood. Almost everybody develop much of their activities at the other side of the Danube, commuting everyday into their respective places of work or study.The anonymous and homogeneous character of the place, its lack of identity or the poor aesthetics of the buildings and its open spaces are some of the reasons that justifies the repulsion to live in there, so that citizens can hardly establish emotional feelings with the site or to develop a sense of identity with Petrzalka.

To refer to this issue, we can analyze the neighbourhood’s cross section, which has entailed many problems. In fact, the provision of commercial uses at first floor level established a disconnexion with the terrain and rest of open spaces or the street.

We can find enumerate basic characteristics to understand the topophobia fenomenon: On one hand, the presence of too many similar items without representative or referencial points: the whole as a mere repetition of similar bodies. On the other hand, the low definition of its open spaces leave extensive areas without urban qualification or specific use, which become like abandoned suburban parks instead. However, the definition and requalification of open space may allow the emergence of new uses andthe appropiation of the spaces for new social activities by the residents of Petrzalka. Finally, we talk about the non existance of urban centralities, which would contribute to stimulate the district and work as social attractor. We stick out once more the problem of identity in Petrzalka. In fact, the lack of identification sense of residents with the place is a widespread reality, and it is generally found not only in this district but in many other Soviet housing estates.

On the other hand, we can refer to the sizing and improper chosen dimensions for the neighborhood: the distance between buildings, their heights, etc. The choice of the convenient dimensions may improve the urban living conditions within the neighborhood. The building heights added to the set distance in between them become excessive, and the resulting spaces within the Microraion become exorbitantly large. There is not only a problem with the dimension but also with the uncertain definition of this space. Regarding to the change between public and private domain, there is no transitional areas which could serve to create a privacy gradient. The possibility to have intermediate areas could enhance a richer sense of what ‘open space’ entails, so that the change from the block into the outer space is not that aggresive as in the current situation. We introduce the concept of ‘the suitable distance’ or ‘la distancia interesante’ (Manuel de Solà-Morales). This is what he defines as the most appropriate distance to encourage urban life. The relationship between urban scales and the correct sizing of the space can directly affect to the better social development of the area. Although there are multiple networks on what we refer, Manuel de Solà-Morales pay special attention to the small ones as those that participate on the ultimate effects. [The ‘relative’ distance between elements on the periphery have a defensive detachment to protect and respect the landscape bourders. The loss of consistence or the lack of alignment with the road, asks for other kinds of continuity by the materials, uses, typologies and volumes instead].Manuel de Solà-Morales.

2. Developments and issues of current reality. 2.4 Current projects related with Petrzalka.

Petrzalka City.

The South City development.

Favorable achievements with the new development:

- Integration of buildings functioning in the metropolitan scale. - The emergence of a new urban centrality in the real core of the district. - The new urban facilities profit from their mutual relationships and synergy.

- The experience of a greater typological diversity. - The establishment of a hierarchy of the road layout. - The integration of the street in the urban life.

PETRZALKA CITY: Petrzalka City borns as a public company created in order to serve as a vehicle for development and revitalization of Petrzalka. There has been a calling for tenders to project the area.

SOUTH CITY: New development on the south side of Petrzalka in process of construction in the actuality.

Južné Mesto. Petržalka Juh. Podrobnejšia overovacia štúdia. www.petrzalkacity.sk

Books and Magazines Kamil Gross . ‘The International urbanistic Competition – Bratislava Petrzalka’. Vydavatelstvo Slovensko Fondu Vitvarnych, Bratislava, 1969

Barbara Engel. ‘Public space in the ‘Blue Cities’ of Russia.’ Institute of Urban Design and Regional Planning, Dresden

J.H.Bater. ‘La città socialista. Struttura spaziale e politica urbana’. Milano,1983

Mariusz Czepczyński. ‘Cultural landscapes of post-socialist cities: representation of powers and needs.’

The rise of nations in the Soviet Union. Michael Mandelbaum. Council on Foreign Relations. 1991. P.Karasz, J.Plichtová, V.Krivý. ‘Economics and Politics’. Bratislava Symposium, Slovak Committee of the European Cultural Foundation, 1994 ‘Localities and politics in the transformation process’. Friedrich Ebert Foundation , Bratislava, 1995 Matej Blazek. ‘New Europe and Challenges of Sustainable development’. [A Cultural Landscape of Petrzalka] Cities after socialism: Urban and regional change and conflict in post-socialist societies. D.Smith. Cambridge. 1996. Cities after socialism: Urban and regional change and conflict in post-socialist societies. Szeleny. Cambridge. 1996. From ‘Soviet’ to ‘European’ Yaroslavl: Changing Neighbourhood Structure in Post-Soviet Russian Cities. Susan Goodrich Lehmann. Department of Sociology and the W. Averell Harriman Institute. USA. 1997. Precast concrete construction. Teresa Guevara-Perez, Architect, Venezuela. Svetlana Brzev, British Columbia Institute of Technology, Canada. University of Economics in Bratislava. ‘Analysis and International Comparisons of Social Consequences of Transformation Processes in Post Communist Countries’. Open Society Foundation, Bratislava, 2000 Housing conditions and self-reported health status. A study in panel block buildings in three cities of Eastern Europe. Matthias Braubach. World Health Organization, European Center for Environment and Health, Bonn Office, Germany. 2000. Territoris sense model. Manuel de Solà Morales. Politecnical University of Barcelona. Illah van Olijen ,K.Print. ‘Bratislava -mesto na mieru- Urban landscapes of Bratislava’, Bratislava, 2002. Vladimír Ira. ‘The Changing Intra-Urban Structure of the Bratislava City and its Perception’, 2003. Urban issues and urban policies in the new EU countries. Chapter 5. Slovakia. Ján Bucek. 2004.

The post-soviet city: identity and community development. J. Robinson. Department of Human and Organizational Development. Juliana Maxim. ‘Mass housing and collective experience: on the notion of micoraion in Romania in the 1950s and 1960s.’ Department of Art, College of Arts and Sciences,University of San Diego, California, USA. Auke van der Woude. ‘La vivienda popular en el Movimiento Moderno’ Journal of architectural and town-planning theory. ‘Prefabricated Housing Estates: The Critical Heritage’. ROCNÍK, volume XL, 2006. Kiril Stanilov. ‘The post-socialist city: urban form and space transformations in Central and Eastern Europe after the Socialism.’ University of Cincinnati, Ohio. 2007 The post-socialist city: Urban form and space transformations in Central and Eastern Europe after Socialism. K.Stanilov. The Netherlands. 2007. City Branding of Bratislava: History and the Present. University of Presov in Presov, Slovakia. 2009.

Consulted websites http://eng.petrzalka.sk/ http://www.bratislava.sk/ http://afterthesoviets.wordpress.com/ http://www.stavebni-forum.com/ http://greatersp.blogspot.com/ http://archmoscow.ru/202/ http://www.ustarch.sav.sk/ http://www.wikipedia.org/

Project Proposal The post-socialist transformations. Petrzalka as case study.

European Postgraduate Master in Urbanism (EMU): Research by Carme MachĂ CastaĂąer promoted by Prof. Ricard Fayos (UPC)

Petrzalka as particular case study 3 Project proposal.

3.1 Project strategies towards the improvement of the mobility system. 3.2 Double structuring operation. 3.3 Strategies for the sustainable development of Microrayon.

1.Projectstrategiestowardstheimprovementofthemobilitysystem. Due to the significant dependence betweenPetrzalka and the city center, it seems essential to ensure a quick and easy connectivity to Bratislava from anywhere in the neighborhood. We propose the reinforcement of the public transport mobility, whether by bus, by extending the existing trunk lines, and through the addition of two new tram lines as well. The new bus routes aim to cover the areas worst served by public transport which correspond to the central surface of Petrzalka. The versatility of the bus tour provides access to parts of the district hardly accessible by tram. Therefore, the bus line and the tramway line complement each other in order to shape a solid public transport network. The isotropic and interconnected structure enables an easy mobility from anywhere in the neighborhood and establishes a better internal cohesion, so that may help the development of the most marginal areas of Petrzalka. The two new tram lines complement each other, a ring and a vertical line following the north-south growth trend of the city. The ring line connects the main tertiary activity centers: university campus, sports area, new services areas, exhibition centers, office buildings, shopping centers, etc. On the other hand, there is the north-south line that runs vertically along the neighborhood concluding with the future development of South City at the south edge. This line may help as support infraestructure for the city natural trend of development. Moreover, the vertical tram line connects the open spaces located inside the neighborhood, so that it helps to articulate them as a new green corridor linked to recreational activities.

- Increasement of bus line routes

- Improvement of internal road accessibility

Bus line

Current situation

Existing road system New roads Project Proposal

Current situation

Project Proposal

Another point to address had to do with the current poor road provision in Petrzalka. The proposal suggests to open new roads to establish continuity with existing paths, therefore, the existing area of the microraion is now fragmentated into more manageable plots. The easier accessibility by car could improve the social control of the area. Points and objectives to be achieved through these project strategies: - The generation of a public transport network sufficiently dense and interconnected, accessible from anywhere in the neighborhood. - The connection of the main centers of activity ('centers of gravity') and its possible link to areas of further degradation. - The increasement of the social control in the different parts of the district through a better transport accessibility.

- New tram line implementation Existing tram New tram line Current situation

A Project Proposal

1 5

Existing tram New tram line

A Historical city core

4 2 3

B Petrzalka 1 University campus 2 Sports area 3 Recreational area 4 Tertiary buildings 5 Public buildings C South City future develop.

Proposal for he final public transport network: Tram line:

Implementation of a new line.

Bus line:

Increasement of existing bus lines.

New linear axis for the North-South development:

Schemme for the new tram line network:

Green corridor through Petrzalkaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s internal North-South axis:

Important areas of activities along he new tram ring line:

Train line: Intermodal points of transport exchange.

2. Double structuring operation. The restructuration of the railway and highway as undergrounding mobility infraestructures allows the elimination of the heavy barrier that they entailed, so that the new empty area can rearticulate the unconnected morphological tissues around. The strategy basis on the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;zipperâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; concept, where the two new liberated axes acts as structural connectors between spaces. The new connectivity enables that current marginated neighborhoods could access to the urban services concentrated along the axes. The new structuring operations help to reinforce the system of axes at the city scale together with morphological aspects that combine building, infrastructure, open space and urban services in one concept. We can better refer to each axis by its particular role and function: 1 - Highway restructuration, on the East-West axis direction: It has a more static character, so that it contributes to canalize the existing traffic flow. This axis may support more heavy buildings linked to more intensive land use. We can find here some already existing services facilities and tertiary uses like the Incheba expositions building, the Aupark commercial mall or the new Digital Park.

Schemme of the double structuring axis. Train line Motorway axes

Current situation. Existing heavy infraestructures.

Double structural operation for the highway and railway path.

Existing physical barriers:

The D1 Highway infraestructure on the East-West direction. 1

Double restructuring strategy: 1 D1 Highway infraestructure. 2

2 Train line. a Structuring street operation. b New productive associated area.

The railway infraestructure crossing Petrzalka.

2 - Railway restructuration, on the North-South axis direction: The axis, by contrast, it is linked to a more dynamic concept. It faces the busiest road that connects Petrzalka to the city centre in the area. Our project proposal is to recover the concept of urban street as a space for the neighborhood social life. There is the intention to instal a new intermodal station replacing to the existing rail station. Points and objectives to be achieved through this double operation: - The rearticulation of the existing segregated morphological tissues. -The new distribution of housing, facilities and tertiary functions along the axes. -The establishment o a new intermodal hub for public transport.

1. Heavy infraestructures elimination

Bus line New tram line Train line

2. New structural green implementation

3. New road structure

New linear corridors after the heavy infraestructures elimination:

Current situation of railway path on the north side of Petrzalka.

New possible view after eliminate the train infraestructure.

2.1. Structuring operation on the north-south axes. This new axis enables the connection of morphological parts of different nature. After transforming the railway path into a free open area, the zone becomes a public green park that support various kinds of activities and uses. It retrieves the value of the street as a multifunctional space, part of socialization and relationship for citizens interaction. It is a more complex street concept, that entails a richer functional role, helped by the architectural and spatial support. The new urban front facing the boulevard may allow the spatial and functional permeability between the street and the linear park, so that it does not work as an opac screen. The greater permeability between both spaces, street and internal open space, allows not only a visual permeability but also a transfer of activities and functions. As head of the linear park, stands the new intermodal station for bus, tram and train. The inner intermodal space also allows certain spatial continuity of the linear park through the ground floor, across the distribution space for the different stations. But there is a possible continuity of the park running up to the roof on the first floor served by shops and tertiary uses. Linked to the station, we reserve an area for the underground parking.

Pedestrian promenade.

Green network. Railway services Railway

Main road

Residential

Linear park Street front Main road

Residential

Old industry

Tertiary

Multifunct area

Forest Janka Krรกfa

Danube Riverfront

Forest Janka Krรกfa

Danube Riverfront

Highway D1

Linear park

Tertiary

Section 1.

Tertiary

Railway

Linear park

Schemme of different layers: Schemme for the structuring operation.

Traffic network and connectivity.

Section 2.

25 % Car

Parking area

Handmade axonometry of the new boulevard built front

49 % Pedestrian

Residential

Main road

Street front

Linear park

Tertiary

Multifunct area

Section 1. 1.2000

23 % Public transport Bike Tram Bus

Coexistence of uses. Increased pedestrian space. Reinforcement of public transport.

Danube Riverfront

Tertiary

Forest Janka Krรกfa

The new urban boulevard: a more flexible street functionality:

Linear park

Tertiary

Linear park

Sections of East-West and North-South axes:

Section 2. 1.2000

Transformation of the boulevard in the North-South axis:

Current situation.

Possible boulevard view.

Conceptual section of the new proposal for the boulevard

Schemme for the reestructuring operation:

The intermodal station as head of the linear park:

3d view of the new intermodal station:

Suburban train platform. 1.5000

Intermodal station foyer. 1.5000

Schemme for the reestructuring operation:

The intermodal station as head of the linear park:

3d view of the new intermodal station:

Foyer roof. 1.5000

Roof floor plan. 1.5000

a c

Section A. 1.1000

Handmade axonometry intermodal station

the

Section B 1.1000

Section C 1.1000

Uses distribution:

Operation of the new intermodal exchange hub:

Residential

Tram

Facilities

Underground railway

Offices

Bus station

Commercial

Section A.

Section B. Longitudinal and transversal sections across the boulevard.

Main access

Secondary access to station from bus Parking access

Floor plan.

Pedestrian main access to station

2.1. Transformation of industrial land. New productive structure and housing. Next to the North-South structural axis, we can find an old industrial area. Another project strategy consist of transforming the currently inactive industrial sector into an area of new activity for the neighborhood. This area may combine tertiary tissue with new dwelling uses, so that the result pursues a richer multifunctionality, promotes the intensive use of urban land and maintains the area in constant activity. The greater productive character of the sector may estimulate the district, by contrast with the monofunctional character of Petrzalka. The empowerment of new productive activities could balance with the most neglected zones once there is possible connection in between boths. Due to the establishment of tertiary uses in combination with the residential uses, this abandoned area may experience new opportunities to encourage its economic development. The new road layout is used to 'sew' the various urban fabrics, improving connectivity between fragmented urban areas of Petrzalka. In addition, this new area is 'hooked' on north-south axis, extending the thickness of the urban front and moving their new business from side to side of the street. The proposal establishes a network based on the existing roads, so that the new layout should connect the very different morphological parts surrounding the area of intervention. We keep those industrial buildings of interest with the aim of converting them into public buildings holding tertiary activities compatible with some architectural prototypes as libraries, urban centers, areas of exhibitions, educational buildings, etc.

New residential area linked to the tertiary tissue.

Uses distribution. Structural intervention.

Uses distribution. New productive area.

Renewal and densification of existing industrial plots.

Residential Facilities Offices Commercial

Existing industrial plot

Reestructured plot

Cultural+cinema centre High school workshops High school institution Expositions old factory Restaurant+coffee shops Students residences

Old factory showrooms

high school institution

Residence Restaurants

high school workshops

5140 m2 3467 m2 1597 m2 7456 m2

Schemmatic section of the transformation process of the existing plot: Existing industrial plot

Renewal of the plot: reconversion old factories + new facilities + new residential

Culture+cinema centre

5260 m2 2429 m2

3. Strategies for the sustainable development of Microrayon. Reactivation of the internal facilities of the Microraion, with the possibility to instal new public equipments that could work in synergy with existing schools: neighborhood centers, communal dining rooms, public libraries or multifunctional buildings, among others. The complex character of the equipments will allow a more intensive use of the space than the current one. The adaptation of the basic section. In order to rethink the section and its conflict with the displacement of the commercies on the first floor and the street. Our proposal is to extend the first floor of some of the residential blocks, allowing the addition of new parking space but also new residential units in combination with small shops and equipment at ground floor levels. Businesses located on the first floor will be alocated at ground floor level, in contact with the street and pedestrian. The new first floor extension allows to have a semi-public space with certain degree of use restriction, with the aim of providing new transitional space for the residential blocks. Disposition of new outstanding elements from the faĂ§ades of the residential blocks. There is a doublĂŠ intention for this, on one hand the aesthetic improvement of the blocks, upgrading the appearance of the facade composition, on the other hand, to provide more space to the apartments, finally, to generate transitional spaces between the inside and outside of the dwelling, so that these areas can function as winter terraces during the more extreme weather conditions.

Testing area of Petrzalka for our proposal: Current situation.

Project proposal.

Points and objectives to be achieved through these project strategies: - A greater function of the free space in the interior of the residential units. - A more convenient dimension of the space between built elements for a better sizing of the neighborhoods. - The diversification and enrichment of the social structure. - The establishment of different degrees of privacity and the incorporation of transitional areas.

New residential typologies

Sections across the Microraion plot. Current situation.

Facility buildings renewal

1 Internal plot densification 2 Existing residential block extension

Section A.

Section B.

New road paths implementation.

Sections across the Microraion plot. Project proposal. 2

Reinforcement of internal facilities 1

Section A. 3

Densification with new typologies.

Fragmentation into smaller units

Section B.

Existing blocks adaptation. Strategies for sustainable development. 1. Faรงade transformation.

BLOCK TYPOLOGY. P.1.14 8 Storey building Schemme for the project proposal

Existing faรงade composition

Project proposal:

Current situation:

P.1.14

Existing faรงade composition

Block section

General section across Microraion: P.1.14

Existing blocks adaptation. Strategies for sustainable development. 1. Faรงade transformation 2. Extension groundfloor 3. Addition of new volumes BLOCK TYPOLOGY. BA - BC 12 Storey building Schemme for the project proposal

Existing faรงade composition

Project proposal:

Current situation:

Perspectives of new extended block:

BA - BC

Existing faรงade composition

Block section

General section across Microraion: P.1.14

Reference Projects for the development of our proposal

1 Sant Andreu-Sagrera intervention in Barcelona. 2 Reestructuration of the Campus Audiovisual in GlĂ˛ries square in Barcelona. 3 The 22@ Plan in the old industrial area of Barcelona.

1. Sant Andreu-Sagrera intervention in Barcelona.

NIVELL DEL PARC SOBRE L’ESTACIÓ

DINAL

REGARDING OUR PROJECT: New linear park structuring open spaces. The rearticulation of segregated urban tissues. The new intermodal station for transport exchange.

2. Reestructuration of the Campus Audiovisual in GlĂ˛ries square in Barcelona.

EDIFICIO INDRA

Ferrater/Vazquez B720

REGARDING OUR PROJECT: The establishment of a new urban front for the boulevard. The penetrability through the new front.

3. The 22@ Plan in the old industrial area of Barcelona.

UNIVERSITAT POMPEU FABRA

REGARDING OUR PROJECT: The regeneration of an old industrial tissue. The implementation of new productive uses combined with residential functions. The renewal of existing factories into new facilities.

Benedito/Valls/Sim贸