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PALESTINIAN REFUGEE CAMPS IN JORDAN, A BRIEF INTRODUCTION
Thesis voorgedragen tot het behalen van de graad van Master of Science in de ingenieurswetenschappen: architectuur
AUTEURS_
PROMOTOR_ ASSESSOR_ LEZERS_
ACADEMIEJAAR_
LOTTE DIETVORST CIEL GROMMEN MARTHE THEUNS Anouk Vangronsveld Prof. Dr. Bruno De Meulder Prof. Guido Geenen Prof. Dr. Lieven De Cauter PhD candidate Ismae’l Sheikh Hassan Prof. Dr. Kelly Shannon 2011-2012
PREFACE During the summer of 2011 a new country became our home. Five young women were submerged in a new culture in the Palestinian refugee camps of Jordan. The UNRWA and their architects offered the possibility to investigate two
The four following parts treat the case studies of Husn camp and Talbiyeh camp, both by means of an analysis and a
1 Palestinian Refugee Camps in Jordan, a brief introduction 2.1 Husn camp island, extending the identity of a Palestinian presence (Volume 1) 2.2 Husn camp island, extending the identity of a Palestinian presence (Volume II) 3.1 Decampenizing Talbiyeh, scaping a city (Volume 1) 3.2 Decampenizing Talbiyeh, scaping a city (Volume ||)
5
TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE INTRODUCTION
5 9
I Palestinian Refugees In Jordan 1.1 Complex History 1.2 The Emergence of two Institutional Bodies 1.3 Political and Social Status of Palestinian Refugees in Jordan Today
13 15 21
2 Palestinian Refugee Camps in Jordan 2.1 Dispersion of the Camps 2.2 Extraterritorial Area 2.3 General Characteristics 2.4 Reasons for Living in the Camp
27 29 33 37 45
3 Husn Camp & Talbiyeh Camp 3.1 Implantation
51 53
3.2.1 Natural Elements 3.2.2 Infrastructure 3.2.3 Fabric 3.2.4 Main public functions
4 Design Question
BIBLIOGRAPHY
23
57 59 61 63
65 69 7
INTRODUCTION A general overview of the important events and facts regarding Palestinians refugees in Jordan is followed by the . an overview of the social and spatial characteristics of a camp. Thirdly, some reasons for living in a camp are pointed out. following book. 9
10
United Kingdom
15 225
France Belgium The Netherlands
1 523 - 3 050 152 10 150
Germany
142 100
Finland
1 015
Sweden
40 600
Norway
3 045
Denmark
23 345
Poland Austria Italy
1 015 1 117 4 060
Greece Syria
3 050 465 110
Iraq
15 000
Kuwait
41 607
Saudi Arabia Jordan
325 302 2 359 000
Lebanon
483 301
Occupied Gaza Strip 1 001 352 Occupied West Bank 710 681 Occupied Palestinian Territories and Israel 440 106 Egypte
72 058
Libya
9 123
United States
219 240 - 253 750
Canada
42 630 - 50 750
Chile
355 250
Australia
20 300 - 30 500
Map: Palestinian refugees in the world Source: De VeT, 2007) 11
I PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN JORDAN 1.1 Complex History 1.2 The Emergence of two Institutional Bodies 1.3 Political and Social Status of Palestinian Refugees in Jordan Today
13
OTTOMAN EMPIRE | 14TH-20TH CENTURY At this time, Palestine is part of the Ottoman Empire and is inhabited by as well Muslims as Jews (600.000 compared to 60.000) but furthermore also Christians, Armenians etc. Being started in the 14th century, the Ottoman Empire is one of the longest lasting empires. However, in the 19th century, it starts to weaken. (Tessler, 1994)
BRITISH MANDATE | 1920-1948 The British Mandate of Palestine is a protectorate system issued by the League of Nations to administer Palestine “until such time as they are able to stand alone” (The covenant of the League of Nations, art 22). It includes the Balfour Declaration. The introduction states: “Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have also agreed that the Mandatory should be responsible for putting into effect the declaration originally made on November 2nd, 1917, by the Government of His Britannic Majesty, and adopted by the said Powers, in favour of the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, it being clearly understood that nothing should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.” This period is known for several Jewish immigration waves in Palestine. (Tessler, 1994) FIRST WORLD WAR | 1914-1918 The weakness of the Ottoman Empires, set hopes for Zionist and Arab nationalist movements. Hoping to achieve independency in the Arab districts of the Ottoman Empire, Sherif Hussein of Mecca promised to support the British in their war effort. (Tessler, 1994)
1914
1918
1900
ZIONISM | STARTING END 19TH CENTURY Nationalist movement that strives towards the establishment of a Jewish state in the region where in ancient times the Israeli Empires - Israel and Judea - used to be settled. This region is at that time know as Palestine. (Tessler, 1994)
SAN REMO CONFERENCE | 1920 During this peace conference, the division of the defeated Ottoman Empire between the British and the French is decided upon, conform the Sykes-Picot agreement. Palestine is assigned to the British. (Tessler, 1994) SYRIA
IRAQ
PALESTINA EGYPT
SYKES-PICOT AGREEMENT | 1916 Secret agreement between the British and French. They agree on dividing the Arab districts amongst each other. Furthermore they agree on not recognising Arab independency if it will be claimed. (Tessler, 1994)
14
BALFOUR DECLARATION | 1917 Arthur Balfour promised in a letter to Lord Rothschild that the British government would support the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. (Tessler, 1994)
ARABIA
1.1 COMPLEX HISTORY Notwithstanding the fact that it is almost impossible to capture all the events and feelings which led to such a complex history of the Israeli-Palestinian (and beyond) important events which led to the political, social and refugee situation of today. Indeed, knowing that much literature has been written and will be written about this topic, it is impossible to present a deep analysis. The next two pages tries to introduce the important to trigger people to read more regarding this topic in the extensive literature which is already made available.
SECOND WORLD WAR | 1940-1945 During the second world war, more Jews immigrate to Palestine, the percentage of Palestinian inhabitants drops to 60 percent in 1948 - compared to 90 percent in 1922. Meanwhile Palestinians refuse every solution that doesn’t include a secular Arab state. After the injustice done during the Holocaust, the international community feels guilty towards Jews all over the world. (Tessler, 1994)
1940
1945
NAKBA | 1948 The Partition Plan resulted in the Nakba (‘the Catastrophe’), according to the Arab world, or the ‘Declaration of Independence’ for Israel (Hamed El-Said, 2004) According to the DPA, Five refugee camps were established in the following period. (DPA, 2000)
Source image: UNRWA photo
PARTITION PLAN | 1947 In 1947, the United Nations received the authority to decide about Palestine’s future. They divided Palestine into an Arab and a Jewish region. Jerusalem and other Holy Places came under international administration. (Tessler, 1994) JORDAN
// grey coloured: Jewish region // grey dotted: Arab Region // white: Jordan (divided from the Arab and Jewish region by means of the Jordan river and the Dead Sea
RESOLUTION 194 (II) APPROVED BY THE UN | 1948 “... the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible ...”
1 PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN JORDAN | Complex History
15
ISRAELI OCCUPATION OF THE WEST BANK | 1967-1987 Following the Six-Day War, Israel occupied the West Bank. (El-Said & Harrigan, 2004)
JERICHO RESOLUTION & CONSEQUENCES | 1948-1967 In 1948 Jordan, ruled by King Abdullah, annexed the West Bank in the same year of the Nakba by means of this resolution This action is said to be part of his Greater Syria Plan and was strongly condemned by Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Lebanon who demanded the expulsion of Jordan from the Arab League. Yemen and Iraq prevented this. Jordan defended themselves by stating that they only want to safeguard the territory. (Aruri, 1972)
ESTABLISMENT OF PLO | 1964 The ‘Palestinian Liberation Organisation’ was established with the purpose of defending the rights of the Palestinian people and Palestine. Today, the PLO is considered to be the ‘sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people” (UN) ISRAEL MEMBER OF THE UN | May 11, 1949 (www.UN.org) ESTABLISMENT OF UNRWA | 1949 “The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East” (www.UNRWA.org) SIX - DAY WAR | 1967 Following the attacks from Palestinian guerrilla movements in Syria on Israel, tension increased between the 2 countries. Jordan, Egypt and Syria together fought in the Six Day war against Israel. The Arab countries still regarded Israel as an illegal state. to Jordan (DPA, 2000; El-Said & Harringer, 2004; www.urwa.org) According to the DPA, seven more refugee camps were established in the next years in Jordan. This brings the total to 13 refugee camps of which only 10 are recognised by the UNRWA. Baqa’a Camp Source image: UNRWA photo
16
BLACK SEPTEMBER | september 1970 The civil war in Jordan, also known as ‘Black September’ was a result of increasing tensions between the Jordanian armed forces and the Palestinian Guerillas. This resulted in the eviction of these Palestinians to Lebanon in 1971. (El-Said & Harrigan, 2004)
1ST IINTIFADA | 1987-1993 In November, revolt broke out in the West Bank. Unarmed Palestinian refugees, especially boys and young men threw stones at the Israeli army forces, protesting against the ongoing Israeli occupation of the West Bank. (Lockman & Beinin, 1989)
OSLO PEACE ACCORDS | 1993-2000 The Oslo Peace Accords or the ‘Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements’ (DOP) was a peace gesture between the two parties. It stated that Israel must retreat from parts of the Gaza strip and the West Bank, the fact that Palestinians had the right for self-governance. Both would do some effort for an economic cooperation and a regional redevelopment of destroyed areas. (Handelman, 2011)
Source image: Peter Turnley - 25th March 1988
1987 COLOUR-CODED CARDS | JUNE 1983 In 1983 Jordan introduced colour-coded cards for Palestinians. Four colours were introduced with each a different meaning (see further) (Al Abed, 2004)
THE OFFICIAL ESTABLISHMENT OF THE DEPARTMENT OF PALESTINIAN AFFAIRS (DPA) | 1988 The DPA is part of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Jordanian Government. In general the Department is charged to monitor, study and analyse issues related to Palestinian affairs inside and outside the occupied Palestinian Territories. (DPA, 2008) WITHDRAWAL FROM JORDAN IN THE WEST BANK | 1988 King Hussein of Jordan declared the dismantling of all administrative and legal ties with the West Bank after failing to establish an agreement for a confederation of Jordan and a future Palestine and at the same time supporting the desire of the Palestinians for their own independence. (Kassim, 1987)
2ND IINTIFADA | 2000-2005 The 2nd intifada, also known as the ‘Al Aqsa intifada’ was the second large violent encounter between Palestinians and Israelis, as a result of a, what some might say, provocation of Ariel Sharon (at that time a candidate for Israeli Prime Minister) at the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem on the Temple Mount, a holy place for both Muslims as Jews. (Baroud, 2006)
1993
2000
ELECTIONS IN JORDAN | 1989 2 months before the Israeli occupation of the West Bank. (Shogry, 2008)
PALESTINE APPLICATES TO BECOME A MEMEBER OF THE UN | SEPTEMBER 23, 2011 President Mahmoud Abbas (PLO) sends in an application with the UN in order to become member of UN. The UN has postponed the decision. If the answer will be positive, there are important consequences for the Israeli settlements on the West Bank and Gaza. (UN)
1 PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN JORDAN | Complex History
17
18
As a result of the Nakba, many Palestinians lost their homes, lands and revenues. Furthermore they also couldn’t rely on their former economic, social and cultural system. Currently they are being hosted in several different countries, nevertheless they try to hold on to their own social and cultural identity.
Namely, after the Nakba of 1949, Jordan annexed the region of the West Bank (Jericho Resolution). This annexation implied a growth of the Jordanian population of more than Transjordan’s original population. These new citizens were citizenship one year later. After this annexation, Jordan became a state which that to achieve a balanced approach for both Palestinians and Jordanians, a state in which both groups were equally represented. (El-Said & Harrigan, 2009) However this has not always been a success. The civil war in 1970 emerged from a clash of identities between native Jordanians and Palestinians residing in the country. Today, over one and a half million Palestinians are registered refugees with UNRWA in Jordan, making this host country the largest for the Palestinians in the Region. (Rempel, 2000; www.UNRWA.org*) According to the recent FAFO** report, today the majority (60 per cent) of the Jordanian citizens have Palestinian roots. ***
. This is one third of the Jordanian
by UNRWA.
* **
last consulted on 22nd May 2012 FAFO is an independent and multidisciplinary research foundation focusing on welfare and trade policy, labor and living conditions, public health, migration and integration, and transnational security and development issues. Their research areas are Norway (since that is the country were these foundation is hosted), china and the
*** 1 PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN JORDAN | Complex History
19
image: UNRWA is handing out food packages for the most poor households in the camps. - Source: Wash 2012 20
1.2 THE EMERGENCE OF TWO INSTITUTIONAL BODIES In the aforementioned historical overview the establishment of two institutions was mentioned. On the one hand, the Department of Palestinian Affairs (DPA) as a department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Jordan and secondly the UNRWA as a humanitarian organisation of the United Nations. UNRWA
1.2.1 DPA
DPA (Department of Palestinian Affairs) is part of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Jordanian Government. DPA’s general director Eng. Wajeeh Azayzeh describes (voetnoot: Published in an evaluation report about 60 years serving refugee camps (2008).) the department as the Jordanian governments executive arm in taking care of the refugees’ affairs in Jordan. In general the Department is charged to monitor, study and analyse issues related to Palestinian affairs inside and outside the occupied Palestinian Territories. Tasks mentioned are providing proper camp infrastructure, managing camps’ daily affairs and facilitating provision of other basic requirements and services by other governmental institutions and ministries. Furthermore they are involved with more political issues concerning Palestinians living in the West bank. For example, participating in the works of the joint Jordanian-Palestinian Committee for supporting the stability of the Palestinians in the occupied territories. This large commitment and concern of the Jordanian government to the Palestinians can be explained by the political history of the region. During the Nakba, Palestinians were forced to leave their land and properties. Their neighbouring country, Jordan, undertook an active role in the same year, which proclaimed King Hussein of Jordan also King of Palestine (as aforementioned in the timeline). DPA in the camp Camp inhabitants come in contact with the DPA mainly through the Camp Service Improvement Committees ten refugees of the local camp community, who are selected by the DPA’s Director General in coordination with the administrative governor of the area in which the camp is located.
1.2.2 UNRWA
“The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) is the relief and human development agency providing assistance, protection and advocacy for the 5 million registered Palestinian refugees living in the Middle East. The Agency’s services include education, health care, relief, camp infrastructure (www.unrwa.org)* UNRWA doesn’t make use of a middle man; Palestinian refugees receive their services directly from UNRWA, without interventions from local establishments or executing organisations. This distinct them from other UN organisations. However, UNRWA claims to work closely together with governmental establishments, which also offer services to Palestinian refugees, in the case of Jordan this is the DPA. (www.unrwa.org)** Palestinians often see the UN as an object of contempt but there is on the contrary also a hesitating recognition regarding the productive role it has played in Palestinian social development. Particularly towards education, health and preventing further fragmentation of exiled communities. This hesitation can be declared in many ways. Most striking are some contradicting UN resolutions: UN Resolution 181, which mandated the 1947 Partition Plan, divides Palestine into Arab and Jewish states. UN resolution 194. “The General Assembly… resolves that the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date . . . “***
Agency began operations on 1st May 1950. In the absence of a solution to the Palestinian refugee problem, the General Assembly repeatedly renewed UNRWA’s mandate, most recently extending it until the 30th of June 2014. Syria, but furthermore also the Gaza strip and West Bank. However, Palestinians residing in other hosting countries than the aforementioned fall under the jurisdiction of the UNHCR.**** (UNRWA & UNHCR, 2007).
* last consulted on 22nd May 2012 ** last consulted on 22nd May 2012 *** paragraph 11, UN Resolution 194 (III), 11 December 1948 **** UNHCR is an organisation of UN which “protects, assists, and seeks durable solutions for refugees as well as for other people in need of international protection”. (UNRWA & UNHCR, 2007))
1 PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN JORDAN | The Emergence of two Institutional Bodies
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WHO?
MEANING?
Yellow Card
Jordanian Palestinians (1948 – Palestinians & 1967 – Palestinians)
_ Permanent Jordanian passport _ Have a national ID number _ They have a permit for family
Green Card
Palestinians living in West Bank
Are allowed to visit Jordan (East Bank) and to return to West Bank
Blue Card
Palestinians from Gaza
_ Are allowed to visit Jordan (East bank) and to return to Gaza _ Are allowed to work with a work permit
Pink Card
Palestinians from Gaza
These Palestinians are allowed a temporary stay in Jordan (East Bank). They are treated as foreigners / visitors / tourists.
(Oroub al Abed, 2004)
22
1.3 POLITICAL AND SOCIAL STATUS OF PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN JORDAN TODAY A complicated history of passports
A complex structure of passports was established in June 1983; the Jordanian authorities worked with a construction of colour-coded cards. After 1988 – when King Hussein failed to negotiate with the PLO about a future confederation between Jordan and Palestine – the Jordanian government retreated from the West Bank. The Jordanian king stated in the royal speech of the 31th of July 1988: “Today, we respond to the wish of the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the be understood in all clarity, and without any ambiguity or equivocation, that our measures regarding the West Bank concern only the occupied Palestinian land and its people. They naturally do not relate in any way to the Jordanian citizens of Palestinian origins in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. They all have the full rights of citizenship and all its obligations, the same as any other citizen irrespective of his origin.” (Kassim, 1987) Consequently, the Jordanian coloured passports were withdrawn too. Alternatively Palestinians residing in West Bank at that time received a temporary passport, which needed to be renewed every two years (from 1995 off, every 5 years) in order to be valuable. This system of working with a temporary passport placed these Palestinians at the same level as the ex-Gaza refugees (estimated at 150 000 in Jordan in 2000 according to a US Human Rights report at that time) after 1968. They too needed to work with a renewable temporary passport. (Al Abed, 2004) However, the Palestinians who were originally from the West Bank but residing at the East Bank weren’t deprived from their Jordanian nationality. This political concession has led to the current demographics of the Jordanian people, half of which has Palestinian roots (Human Rights Watch, 2010:1) Even though the coexistence of Palestinians and Jordanians has been peaceful and stable after the civil war in 1970, Human Rights Watch warns for a recent trend of randomly withdrawing nationality from Jordanian Palestinians who used to reside in the West Bank. The consequence of such a decision isn’t minor; these people don’t have the opportunity anymore to use public schools, health care, etc. These Palestinians from West Bank origin discover that they are deprived from their Jordanian nationality during small administrative procedures such as renewing a driver’s The Jordanian authorities defend themselves by stating that these actions needed to be undertaken in order to severance of ties with the West Bank. (Human Rights watch, 2010:1) Another claimed argument is the prohibition for dual Arab nationality by the League of Arab States. In 1988 the Arab League indeed adopted a decision prohibiting dual Arab nationality, but Palestine has not been recognized as a state under international law, and the Arab League decision is not binding law in Jordan. (Human Rights Watch 2010:2)* Nonetheless, a lot of Palestinian people who do have a Jordanian passport are able to go abroad for travelling, as an extra number on their passports reveals their Palestinian roots and border controls are aware of this fact. This is the reason why Palestinians try to obtain different nationalities on top of their Palestinian or Jordanian one, as it ironically permits them a visit to their homeland. Also, by doing so, they aren’t stuck to their current place of identity. Of course, this ‘luck’ is not evident. Most refugees who receive a temporary work permit, work for several years abroad and often come back to live in the camp or build a much bigger and more beautiful house outside the camp’s border. It is important to emphasize that the fact of possessing a Jordanian passport does not mean that they have forgotten or neglected their Right of Return nor does it mean that they don’t feel Palestinian.. Improving their social and economic lives does not intertwine with the right of return. (Al Abed, 2004)
*
http://www.hrw.org/node/87905/section/2, last consulted on 11th May 2012
1 PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN JORDAN | Political and Social Status of Palestinian Refugees in Jordan Today
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24
Different categorizations
Distinctions has been made between Palestinians on the basis of their passports, but there are distinctions made on other levels too. In order to accommodate the great amount of Palestinians that came to Jordan after 1948 and 1967, relief organisations and governmental institutions had to develop strategies, which enabled them to manage the
refugees as displaced people are entitled to relief from UNRWA. But displaced people and Gaza-refugees need to prove that they live in the camp in order to enjoy the UNRWA facilities. Since both the displaced Palestinians and the refugees resided in Jordan in 1988 they obtained Jordanian citizenship, opportunity to Gaza-refugees because they are considered to be the responsibility of Egypt. The same approach and have an exceptional status in the nation of Jordan. (Al Abed, 2004 and Peretz, 1995) The DPA, in contrast to the approach of the UNRWA, has the task to assist all Palestinians on Jordanian territory, regardless of their status as refugee or displaced. Logically, this categorization had huge consequences in living circumstances (see education and real-estate) and as such divided Palestinians in different social groups (Peteet, 2005).
Political representation
The CSIC (Camp Service Improvement Committee - see p. 21) is the only body representing camp residents. Refugees have the support from the Jordanian government – as well nationally and internationally -in providing them funding and services, but not to represent them politically. (Rempel, 2000) This has been stated by the former King Hussein in a letter to former Jordanian Prime Minister in December 1997: “As for refugees, we must remember that Jordan is the largest host country of Palestinian refugees, most of whom hold Jordanian citizenship, as honourable citizens, who share our rights and duties until their problem is solved with return and/ or compensation. At that juncture, they will make their own free choice when we, along with the Arab negotiating parties, succeed in securing them these rights..”* Jordan has said that it would continue this hosting until the future of the Palestinians improves.
Long-term implications in education and real-estate
Palestinians who are Jordanian citizens are almost always treated as equals, they have equal rights to proper education and other public services as Jordanians do, even so for real estate. On the contrary, Palestinians only possessing a universities. (Peteet, 2005) Independently from having a Jordanian passport, Palestinians can and do use the UNRWA facilities like schools and health centres. Gaza refugees don’t possess the Jordanian citizenship and consequently, they are faced with social real-estate market of the camp, but they are aware of the fact that the land on which this building is located will never be their property. (Khawaja, 2003)
An ethnic division of labour
Jordan has been the most safe and stable country during the last 60 years - compared to other hosting countries like national level the request is to stop the discrimination between Palestinian refugees who are citizens of Jordan and persons of Jordanian origin, especially in public sector employment. (Rempel, 2000) There are some With the 1970 civil war (Black September) friction between Palestinians and Jordanians became visible under the form of an implicit State Policy, a so-called ‘Jordanisation’-policy. (Dejong & Tell, 1997 and Al Abed, 2004) Since then, ‘original’ Jordanians are being favoured in the public sector, including the army. Consequently, Jordanian Palestinians are being forced to of the people working in the private sector are of Palestinian origin. Those having only a temporary passport need to apply for a working permit in order to be able to work in the private sector. (Al Abed, 2004 and El Said & Harrigan, 2004) This situation is visible in a tension where they both envy each other. The Jordanian Palestinians tend to have government in sectors such as health insurance. (El-Said & Harrigan, 2004) residence: whether they are living in a camp or not. Besides principal reasons, living in or outside a camp is largely
*
www.kinghussein.gov.jo, last consulted on 11th May 2012
1 PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN JORDAN | Political and Social Status of Palestinian Refugees in Jordan Today
25
2 PALESTINIAN REFUGEE CAMPS IN JORDAN 2.1 Dispersion of the Camps 2.2 Extraterritorial Area 2.3 General Characteristics 2.4 Reasons of living inside the camp 27
Camp of the second wave (1967), recognised by DPA & UNRWA Camp of the second wave (1967), recognised only by the DPA 28
0
90
360 km
2.1 DISPERSION OF THE CAMPS During the two big immigration waves, Jordan received a large number of Palestinian refugees. They were hosted in thirteen different refugee camps – all are recognized by the Jordanian Government and thus by the DPA. UNRWA, however, recognises only ten. A concentration of camps can be noticed in the area of the metropolitan Amman and in a lesser extend in northern governorates. All of the camps can be considered urban in character, but those located in the north are more rural in terms of the population’s involvement in agriculture. (Khawaja 2003)
Dispersion of the Refuge camp www.wikimapia.org googlemaps Consulted on 14th December, 2011
2 PALESTINIAN REFUGEE CAMPS IN JORDAN | Dispersion of the Camps
29
13. Azmi Al Mufti 1968
3. Amman New Camp 1955
2. Husein 1952
5. Irbid 1950
11. Prince Hassan 1967
8. Sukhneh 1969
4. Zarqa 1949
30
0
400
1600 m
These camps are divided according to their set up
7. Baqaa Camp 1968
12. Hitteen / Marka 1968
9. Jerash 1968
1. Madaba 1956
10. Souf 1967
6. Talbiyah 1968
Wihdat, Hussein, Madaba and Zarqa, the oldest. The remaining eight camps were established for refugees and displaced Palestinians after the 1967 war. The architects (UNRWA, 2011) of UNRWA’s Camp Improvement Programme pointed on the differences in urban morphology. In 1948, the refugees had moved in a relatively unregulated manner, consequently these 1948-camps were formed in a more organic way* problems. In the second wave the displaced refugees in 1967 had to move different times from place to place in Jordan until they received a personal shelter in a refugee camp on land granted by the Jordanian Government. (Khawaja, 2003) Consequently we recognise 1967-camps with rational street patterns and a rigid urban grid.These camps are still referred to as ‘emergency camps’ because of their formal preparation by the UNRWA and the Red Cross. Most camps are thus situated in the outskirts of the main cities of Jordan. Khawaja’s paper interprets from DPA’s literature that the campsites were chosen ‘at random’ due to the sudden or otherwise unorganized nature of the refugees’ movement (Khawaja 2003). The Jordanian government rents the lands from its private Jordanian owners. (DPA, 2008)
*
Conversation with Ismae’l Sheikh Hassan, experience
Refugee Camps in Jordan googlemaps Consulted on 14th December, 2011
2 PALESTINIAN REFUGEE CAMPS IN JORDAN | Dispersion of the Camps
31
32
2.2 EXTRATERRITORIAL AREA Agamben and the state of exception
Many recent works on refugee camps refer in some way to the writings of the Italian political philosopher Giorgio Agamben*. In Homo Sacer, a series of books, he describes concepts as ‘sovereignty’, ‘bare life’ and the ‘state of exception’ in order to expose the current world order as a state of exception. He starts from the inferior position of the contemporary politics in relation to religion, economics, and even law. By revealing political paradigms behind rather non-political “experiences and phenomena”, he explains that the contemporary politics has been losing sight of its own ontological status. The (concentration) camp and the refugee are applied as few of these ‘phenomena’. Agamben starts with Michel Foucault’s** theory of the basis of the modern nation-state politics. In ‘The History of Sexuality’ (1976) Foucault described the increase in importance of the nation’s health and biological life as a problem of sovereign power. Politics turned into biopolitics: the modern political strategies include the management of the life, well-being and productivity of the population. (Ramadan, 2012; Agamben, 1994) With the Patriot act and Guantanamo as striking examples, Agamben continues that the ‘state of exception increasingly tends to become the dominant paradigm of governing in today’s politics’. The state of exception is the suspension or the abrogation of the rule of law. The Patriot Act is signed into law by the former president of the USA, George detention of non-nationals, suspected of participation in terrorist activities, became possible. In this way, the act can Agamben, 1994). Carl Schmitt’s notion of the sovereign is applied: sovereign power is simultaneously outside and inside the juridical order; belonging to that order and able to step outside and repeal the law. (Ramadan, 2012 after Agamben, 1998). It is the control of bare life: the authority over citizen’s life and death. It is the one that maintains the right to declare the state of exception (De Cauter, 2004). The camp is the materialization of the state of exception. “The inhabitants are stripped of every political status and reduced completely to naked life”. (Agamben, 1994) It is the place in which the division between zoé and bios***, private survival and public participation, dissolves. (De Cauter, 2004). The Nazi concentration camps exemplify how “human beings could have been so completely deprived of their rights and prerogatives to the point that committing any act towards them would no longer appear as a crime.” (Agamben, 1994) Furthermore, the camp is constituted when the state of exception (e.g. war) becomes the rule; it is thus the state of exception within the state of exception (De Cauter, 2012). In other words, camps are permanent spatial arrangements for the state of exception, which was essentially temporal and intended as an emergency procedure for the protection of the state. Evidently the refugee camp differs from the discussed concentration camps. It has another function: the role is
rights in Western liberal democracy. (Ramadan 2012) Because nation-states assume continuities between birth and nationality, they have been incapable to deal with refugee problems. “Within the nation-state system, the supposedly sacred and inalienable rights of man prove in fact to be attributable to man only in the degree to which he is . . . the citizen.” (Agamben, 1994). In this logic, the refugees can only be included in the political order of the nation-state by exclusion. At the scale of a population they are regulated in a permanent state of exception in a (refugee) camp. (Ramadan, 2012 after Owens 2009)
The State of Exception in Palestinian Refugee Camps in Jordan Palestinian refugee camps can be understood. Evidently, effective analysis of Palestinian refugee camps, result in nuances and confutations of this theoretical reasoning. An important feature of the Palestinian refugee status in Jordan, in comparison with other refugees around the world, is the fact that most Palestinian ‘refugees’ and ‘displaced’ in Jordan are granted with the Jordanian nationality so that they have full citizenship and do not fall outside the nation-state. On the other hand, many Palestinian Jordanians still reside in refugee camps, where the governance and the living status are surely exceptional within the state of Jordan. The camp is ‘zone of indistinction’ (Agamben, 1998): in the refugee camps, all aspects of the Palestinian society are gathered in the same place, regardless the origin, wealth or position and without the ability to distinguish. In this way, the traditional order of the people lost sight. In Jordanian camps, one is even unable to recognize the structure range of concepts and domains (literary theory, continental philosophy, political thought, religious studies, literature and art) and is, among (Mills, 2005) ** Michel Foucault (1926–1984) is a French philosopher and historian, considered as a part of the structuralism and post-structuralism *** Zoé and bios are two Greek terms to express ‘life’. Based on Plato’s and Aristotle’s use of the terms, Agamben explains broadly their distinction. In short ‘zoé expresses the simple fact of living common to all living beings (animals, men, or gods) , and bios indicates the form
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Irbid - areaplan - report (city in Jordan): the two white spots are the location of two Palestinian Refugee Camps. Source: Amman Institute, 2010
Emergency relief
Enhancing relationships with national, arab, international institutions
Relief and social services Providing technical and social services
Issuing documents for Palestinians in Gaza
Education
UNRWA
DPA
Participation in several Conferences and Symposia
Health Managing camp affairs
Documentation and information centre
Camp Improvement Program
The Department of Palestinian Affairs is working in the 13 Palestinian peopel nationally and international
34
services to the inhabitants of the 10 recognized camps. In all these camps UNRWA provides services in 6 domains.
of origin, unlike in other host countries such as Lebanon, where the structure of the family clans or origin is still representative in the current camp fabric. Our experiences taught us that in general camp dwellers were cautious and distrusting towards non-residents entering the camp. Agamben would explain this with the following words: Palestinian refugees “abide in a zone reduced to bare life with no rights”, where “the distinction between zoé and bios, between mere life and a human existence, has been eliminated” (De Cauter, 2004) Though this statement is somewhat exagerated according to our experiences, it is worth mentioning because other authors noticed similar trends. Interior architect Meade states life. (Meade s.d.). Urbanist Sheikh Hassan explains that in a Palestinian refugee camp ‘all members constitute a very coherent community that sees itself as a kind of family/tribe/clan within which intimate “private” behavior can take place. If an outsider, a non camp person enters the camp, everyone becomes uneasy. Inappropriately dressed people would feel violated – hide indoors, behavior patterns will change and everyone would be on edge.’ (Hassan 2005). The difference in the tissue of the camps and its surroundings is illustrating the political exceptional status: there is a discontinuity in the streets pattern and parcelling, facilities like sewage etc. are separated, on master plans and municipality maps the camp is presented as a white spot. But unlike in Agamben’s camps, in which the normal legal order is suspended by the sovereign, these refugee camps have more and complex sovereignties, as illustrated by the next paragraph. (Ramadan, 2012; Minca, 2005)
Complex sovereignties in the camps community. The camps were (and are) an attempt to institutionalise humanitarian aid, protection and relief in a temporary way. (Ramadan, 2012) An outside sovereign power, in this case the United Nations, operates within the The Jordanian government, however, exercises heavy control over the camps through the DPA and the police. exceptional status of the Palestinian refugee camps in Jordan. Both UNRWA and DPA have state-like biopolitical functions* including the registration of all refugees, births and deaths, and the provision of welfare and services. (Ramadan, 2012) The scheme on the left assembles the functions, their domain is not complementary and question the dialogue. Because of the same working areas, responsibilities are about the inaction and passivity and the institutional impotence. A resident posed the question: “Who can I complain 2010; Parry, 2002) In order to get a grip on the camp’s community, these two institutional bodies have been commissioning notables had empowered former notables over the camps administration, the allocation of food and supplies and the physical organisations of the camp. Up to now, also the DPA has been addressing mukhtars (heads of a clan) like quasi-governmental employees by the DPA. Camp dwellers can apply for the job whereupon the DPA is investigating if the applicant is trusted and accepted by the camps community. This leads to the emergence of young and new
These complicated and exceptional sovereignties and the protected refugee status have made camps an attractive basis for militant groups and national liberation movements. (Ramadan, 2012) Mostly through local organisations, they exercise power and governance in the camps. In Jordan, Wihdat camp has been the headquarters of the Palestinian guerrillas until it was heavily bombarded in black September of 1970. Since that civil war Jordan acted to suppress any manifestation of Palestinian nationalism and the PLO (see 1.1) moved out to Lebanon. (Tuastad s.d.) The role of Islamic groups, religious leaders, notables, and local and international NGOs cannot be underestimated.
These variety and multiplicity of governing actors in de Jordanian refugee camps all contribute, in Agambens terms, to silenced homini sacri, residing in states of exception, are not fully applicable to the Palestinian camp dwellers in Jordan. power, enclaves in which state, non-state and international actors all exercise power and contribute to the suspension of the law.” (Ramadan, 2012 after Weizman 2005 and Elden 2009) *
‘Biopolitics is the intervention of authorities into citizens’ bodily, biological lives.’ (De Cauter, 2004
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Population Density of Registered Refugees in UNRWA’s camps (as at 31st of March 2005)
846,730 126,300 101,250 78,205 42,574 28,397
Six-quantile breaks at registered refugees population km-2
36
0
120
480 km
2.3 GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Many things can be said about the physical manifestation of refugee camps. In order to raise awareness that these refugee camps no longer exist out of cotton tents, a compact overview for outsiders will be given. It is an introduction of various aspects that characterize the camps that are dealt with. Deeper analysis can be found in the other volumes of this master paper.
Demography and Density
One of the most remarkable features that have a strong impact on the living conditions of the Palestinians in the camps is the high density. The composition of families in refugee camps in Jordan is quite different from non-camp households throughout Jordan. Families tend to be larger and the general camp residents are younger than nine years old and the median age is 18,5 years old.
Source: Khawaja & Tiltnes, 2002
Many non registered refugees reside in the camps and are not included in these estimates. The actual total population densit in camps is thus much higher than that of registered reguees only. However, to date, systematic estimations of the total population in camps are unavailable.
UNRWA recognized camps
Registered refugees population in camps
Registered refugees density in camps (pers. km-2)
Irbid Husn Suf Jerash Zarqa Marka Baqa’a Jabal al Hussein Amman New Camp Talbiyeh
24,351 20,988 15,882 15,488 18,004 38,425 68,386 29,998 50,703 871
99,799 27,116 31,751 20,651 100,022 41,903 48,847 73,166 103,900 6,700
The average household size in a camp is approximately 6,3 persons and this number is higher compared to Jordan (6,1 persons), as wel as compared internationally. The rather traditional culture of the camps and the poor economic conditions of the camp-dwellers can be an explanation for this trend. (Khawaja & Tiltnes, 2002)
Source: Khawaja & Tiltnes, 2002
colours and textures are changed. Source: UNRWA, 2005
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Dwellings lived in tents or one-room shelters with their entire household. Bathroom and kitchen facilities were shared. Over the years their shelter has been developing and expanding both vertically as horizontally in order to have (Khawaja & Tiltness, 2002; Rueff & Viaro, 2009) UNRWA emphasised the temporary character of the plot, which was given to a household, was full, buildings started to erect across the boundaries of the plots, which led to the often very narrow alleys and dead-end paths. When there was almost no space left horizontally, they in the dense fabric of today. (Rueff & Viaro, 2009) This has been having its effect on the open space too. In general, the amount of public open areas for market, playing, gardens, etc. have shrunken to a minimum. (Khawaja & Tiltnes, 2002; Rueff & Viaro, 2009) Nowadays, most of these temporary shelters are concrete buildings with asbestos, zinc or concrete However this doesn’t mean that these temporary shelters are of a good quality. They endure structural defects due to improvised constructions and the lack of a good structure when expanding vertically. (Rueff & Viaro, 2009) Furthermore the interior living quality is relatively low. (Khawaja & Tiltnes, 2002) Even though the Jordanian government owns the ground of the camp or rents the ground from private owners (DPA, 2008) - camp-inhabitants can’t own any property legally-, there is an informal local housing market (renting and buying) present in the camps. In Jordan, rent their shelter in the camps. (Rueff & Viaro, 2009) We encountered much of these situations during our stay in the refugee camps. In most situations, the owner once lived in the camp, but moved out and rented out his shelter that is often of bad quality
the socio-spatial organisation of their former village or city. Families or friends, who used to live close-by in their hometown, often have the same spatial relationship in the refugee camps in order to re-establish the former community. (Rueff & Viaro, 2009)
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Infrastructure
Furthermore, the UNRWA has built medical, educational and commercial infrastructure (staffed) inside or close to the camp in order to provide some living standards towards the refugees and displaced. Mainly the DPA, but more recently also the UNRWA and in a smaller extend some NGOs, have undertaken measurements in order to improve the camps infrastructure. The DPA invests in shelter rehabilitation, structure improvements, sewage, electricity, roads, rainwater drainage, etc. (Rueff & Viaro, 2009; DPA, 2008) households that haven’t got a sewage connection. (Khawaja & Tiltnes, 2002) UNRWA has more recently set up a Camp Improvement Programme (CIP); community participation leads to an enhancement of the infrastructure, facilities and urban space of the camps. The water supply in the camps is generally the same as over the whole of Jordan: once a week or every two individual tanks of the households. This tank is usually placed on the roof of the shelter or down the street. (CIP team of Husn and Talbiyeh) In regard to waste collection and removal, UNRWA invests in workers, who collect the garbage down the streets and at the dumps.
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Privacy
As aforementioned, the density in these areas is extremely high and this has also been having its consequences in the shelters regarding privacy and a healthy living environment. (Rueff & Viaro, 2009) The next table illustrates how the density is present inside the shelters in the camps. It illustrates how many persons per room are present and how many people use the same room for sleeping. Persons per room used for sleeping less than 2
5.6
2-2.99
21.1
3-3.99
30.4
4 and above
42.9
(Rueff & Viaro, 2009) three or more people per room for sleeping, which illustrates the overcrowding in refugee camps in Jordan. Consequently, the privacy within the households exceeds its limits. From our own experience in Husn and Talbiyeh, we know that families will try – if possible – to organise a boy’s room and a girls room in order to create some sort of privacy. Furthermore, between two neighbouring dwellings, privacy isn’t self-evident. Due to the process of come to stand very close to one another, causing privacy problems for shelters on both sides of an alley. Often people can easily eavesdrop – unwillingly – conversations from their neighbours. Most problematic is the view into not appropriate. (Khawaja & Tiltnes, 2002) This explains why so much of the windows are closed off by means of wooden planking, paint, fabric … and why the interior atmosphere is off such bad quality (humidity, lack of natural lighting, fungus, smell, etc.).
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2.4 REASONS FOR LIVING IN THE CAMP Notwithstanding their Jordanian nationality - and thereby the possibility to settle anywhere in Jordan-, many Palestinians still reside in camps. One naturally wonders why, since the living circumstances are demonstrated to be bad. Two reasons can be found. First and foremost Palestinian refugee camps in Jordan are known to be a concentration of poverty, people simply do not have the means to buy a house elsewhere in Jordan and remain to utilise the available humanitarian services. Secondly the struggle regarding the Right of Return determines the principled residence in the camp.
Poverty and other long term indicators of material and non-material wellbeing) various indicators have to be taken into account: e.g. income level, subjective poverty measures, longevity of hardship, bank savings, ownership of property, the availability of household durable goods‌ (Khawaja & Tiltnes, 2002) The purpose of this introductory booklet and the available information does not admit to elaborate further. Despite this fact, the income of the family is a general accepted indicator in measuring the economic standing of a family. It includes important standards, especially low ability to provide basic life necessities.
Source: Arneberg, 1997 *
Arneberg (1997), using national level data from 1996. Remarkable is that for Palestinians living outside the camp (refugees) and Jordanians (non-refugees), the distribution of income is quite similar. This is one indication for the successful integration of the Palestinian people in Jordan. Moreover we notice a clustering of poverty in the camps. The large gap in the middle-income categories between camp refugees and other groups indicates that the camps have a disproportionately small middle class. (Khawaja, 2003)
Source: Khawaja & Tiltnes, 2002
* The most recent Fafo report from 2002, does not contain more up-to-date results and also refers to this graph of Arneberg (1997). It compares income levels of Jordanian population of 1996 to camp income levels of 1999.
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those of ‘needed income’ by household size. It is derived from the most recent Fafo report on Palestinian refugee of ‘the minimum amount of money necessary to make ends meet’. It is the best approach since conventional selected ‘necessary’ expenditures impute rent and other similar products that are not relevant for camp residents. The graph shows that the total monthly (un-adjusted) median income is lower than the needed income, regardless minimum necessary. (Khawaja & Tiltnes, 2002) This clustering of poverty and unemployment rather contradicts the story (Khawaja & Tiltness, 2002) of the vibrant explain the relatively low levels of income earned by camp refugees? Unemployment and limitation of job opportunities (public sector employment) for the camp’s inhabitants is the labour market. Different sources and our own experience pointed on the additional discrimination in the labour market – as well public as private - due to the fact that they are camp residents. (Arneberg, 1997; Khawaja, 2002; Rempel, 2000). Camp residents mostly occupy the marginal position in the Jordanian labour market: one third of the men are employed in informal economic activities, unskilled occupations with low wages, long hours, and the ‘least this population, poverty is quite common. The humble level of women’s participation in employment is another frequently analysed factor. Camps lack the general ascent of women in the Jordanian labour market because of its traditional culture and extended families. At labour intensive activities. But once married and mother, they leave the labour market very early. (Al-Atom & Athamneh, 2008; Khawaga & Tiltnes, 2002; Arneberg, 1997) A persuading explanation for the poor and stagnant character of economies is derived from an interesting paper on ‘migration and the reproduction of poverty’ (Khawaja, 2003). The survey reveals that the camp population is highly mobile, but that this mobility is also selective. The skilled and educated camp residents are able to move out the camp poorer behind. Migration into the camp is selective in the opposite direction: mainly poor, or otherwise vulnerable, refugees (e.g. female-headed families) dominate movement into the camp. Some of the motives are the low housing costs and the availability of services by UNRWA and DPA. apply the discouragement that we faced lively during our two months living in a Palestinian refugee camp in Jordan. available are not acceptable. Direct evidence to support this claim is not available, however the extended Fafo report their hardship would last forever.) (Khawaga & Tiltnes, 2002)
poverty is not the only reason for residency in the camps.
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Temporariness
The camp has never been intended to be a permanent home (Ramadan, 2012). In Agamben’s words: ‘a temporary suspension of the rule of law . . . is now given a permanent spatial arrangement’ (Agamben, 1998). Because of this enduring temporality, inherently bounded up with the camp, the camp’s dwellers underline their status of refugee and claim in this way their Right of Return. If every Palestinian would be perfectly integrated in Jordan, wouldn’t the injustice disappear in the international debate? ‘The camp is a time-space of dislocation’ (Ramadan, 2012): even after 60 years, the Palestinian refugees still show that they are surviving and waiting until they can return to their homeland. On one hand this suspended temporality is perceptible in the mandate of UNRWA that is elongated each year leaderships. (Ramadan, 2012) On the other hand the cultural and social order of the camp’s society is penetrated by this permanent temporariness. Our experiences of working and living in the refugee camps of Talbiyeh and Husn, made us aware of the importance of the originated symbols referring to the temporality. buildings, it was important to name it ‘shelter’ because (in their own words) their current dwelling “feels not different than the initial shelter in the camp”. The perception of a shelter as a temporary residence and not as a house/home relies in the fact that a shelter is a symbol of loss and struggle and cannot accommodate a safe and warm home. Furthermore, the dwelling conditions are often of such bad shape, that they cannot be called a house for them. (Rueff & Viaro, 2009) from an Iranian humanitarian organization, and often the residents think it’s important to maintain this room as a symbol for the humanitarian and temporal character of the shelter. Comprehensibly, not much attention is paid to the completion of the dwellings. An unspoken rule prohibits the the desire to decorate their dwelling and invent other solutions such as special paintwork, and thereby not breaking this social ‘contract’. UNRWA’s approach changed over time. During the early years, rehabilitation and humanitarian aid was the focus in the international refugee administration. It was mainly job-related, whereby the perception was that through work refugees could acquire a new sense of self-esteem. However, refugees perceived this form of rehabilitation as an action of trying to resettle them and they consequently rejected these kinds of projects. Starting from the early 1950s, UNRWA changed the emphasis from work to education, whereby the promotion of jobs wasn’t anymore explicitly present. The refugees, in contrast to the aforementioned job-focus, positively received this new education commitment of the UNRWA. (Peteet 2005) UNRWA launched only recently the Camp Improvement Program which main idea is to improve the built and social environment by means of a participatory, community-driven planning approach, instead of relief. More empowerment and autonomy has been given to the refugees. This program is in line with a general new approach of UNRWA, towards a more sustainable development. Here again some concerns arise that parallel with this program the doesn’t neglects the Right of Return as instead it wants to give the people a life with more dignity, social rights and some better living standards.*
Social ties
Beside these political and economic reasons, social reasons are of interest too. After marriage, tradition still states for the women to withdraw with the family of the man, even if he’s living inside a refugee camp. Also the proximity of relatives plays a role. Inside the camp, there is a large community feeling, because of their shared history. The previous Palestinian family ties are reinforced into a neighbourhood feeling, which is very important to them.
*
Presentation of Terry Rempel, PhD Candidate in Politics at the University of Exeter, during UNRWA conference (Suleiman 2010: 12)
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3.1 Implantation
3 HUSN CAMP & TALBIYEH CAMP 51
N 52
0
90
0m
50km 360 km
3.1 IMPLANTATION
Husn (Martyr Azmi el-Mufti) Master paper of: Lotte Dietvorst Ciel Grommen Marthe Theuns
Talbiyeh (Al-Jiza, Zizia) Master paper of:
Implantation Source: googlemaps 2011
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3.2 CAMP PROFILES & MORPHOLOGICAL SCHEMES General Information
Talbiyeh
Husn
Camp name/area
Al Jiza camp / Zizia / Talbiyeh camp
Location
In the urban sprawl of Amman, approximately Within governate of Irbid, on main road from 30 km from the capital Amman to Irbid
Martyr Azmi Al-Mufti “Husn” camp/Irbid area
Status of the Camp Year of Establishement
1968
1968
Historical background
Established as an “emergency” camp in 1968, the Iranian Red Lion and Sun Society, not short after that, donated the tents and they were replaced by concrete shelters, because
Established in 1968 by the Red Cross and the UNRWA, with provision of tents. From the begin until the 80s UNRWA started building zinc and asbestos rooms. From then untill 2004, they built concrete housing. Nowadays there is only shelter improvement.
Places of Origin
Gaza, Hebron, Beer Sheba, Ramallah, Jericho, Beisan, Toubas, Jenin, Beir Sheba, Toulkarem, Jeruzalem and others Jaffa and other
Area at Present
0,133 km²
0,77 km²
Notes
Camp boundaries were changed a little because of the Informal extensions.
establishment.
Legal Status of the Land
Talbiyeh
Husn
UNRWA registered camp population at establishment
5000 persons
12 500 persons
UNRWA registered camp population at present
7 000 registered refugees
22 000 persons
Estimated Actual camp residents inside
6644 (according to UNRWA march 2008)
25000 persons (source: UNRWA march 2008
Average household size Number of families
No information 1313 families
7.2 individuals (source: poverty analysis) 413 families
Average Family Size
5.4 (Talbiyeh Fact Sheet)
No information
Special Hardship cases Emergency cases
134 according to UNRWA (March 2008)
413 according to UNRWA (March 2008)
Average monthly household income
195.8 JD
197.96 JD
Number of commercial stores
122
190
Location of commercial activity
Most of the commercial activity is located in the street parallel to the highway, with some other shops in the camp for its daily needs.
On spine and loop there are concentrated markets, old and new ones. In addition there are some shops scattered all over the camp.
Other economic activities
Some work in the factories, other at the airport, teach or own a shop. There is a weekly market nearby
There are factories close by the camp. Other economical activities are scrap selling and brick making.
Owner of enterprises.
This is mixed.
Mostly the residents are the owners, exceptionally; there are some outsiders who own a shop.
Customers of the enterprises
At the highway, the costumers are more mixed than inside the camp.
Most of the shops are visited by camp residents From outside the camp: this is rather an exception.
Talbiyeh
Husn
3 HUSN CAMP & TALBIYEH CAMP | Camp Profiles & Morphological Schemes
55
56
0
160
640 m
3.2.1 NATURAL ELEMENTS
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Technical Infrastructure and Services
Talbiyeh
Owner of distribution network
Husn
Jordanian Government
Jordanian Government
Private company
Private company
Water supply to individual shelters Electrical services Sewer disposal facilities Solid waste collection services (garbage UNRWA is responsible for discharging the collection) garbage outside the camp.
UNRWA is responsible for discharging the garbage outside the camp. Dumped on road sides/vacant lots? Yes
Storm-water drainage
Because the sewage is not deep enough,
The sewage is designed in a slope so the water won’t collect on the streets.
environmental problems by dirt water coming up.
58
0
160
640 m
3.2.2 INFRASTRUCTURE
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Spatial and Physical Conditions
Talbiyeh
Husn
Nr of shelters at present
810
2314
Number of dwellings in the units
839
3140
Area per unit
46 m²
100 m²
Building Materials
Zinc, Asbestos, Concrete
Zinc, Asbestos, Concrete Most of the houses are in concrete. There are removed for concrete rooms, by the Iranian also a lot of shelters where the original rooms Red Lion and Sun Society, which are still are still present. residing today.
of the bad or non-accessible condition. However, there is a tendency present of because of the lack of decent foundations
60
Estimation of density
82 600 residents/ km²
29 200 residents/ km²
Names of main quarters and blocks
Not applicable, given the size of the camp.
Beer El Sabjah, El Mourouth, Masarbe, Soqour, Tawapse and Turkman. Block 1,2,3 and 4
Vehicles and parking
As a result of the lack of accessible streets for cars, residents block the streets by parking, or use some open plots near the borders.
Bus station can be used as parking space, but isn’t used, because of the fear of theft. They are parked wherever possible near the house. Causing the streets to become even narrower.
0
160
640 m
3.2.3 FABRIC
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Organisations, Programs and Services
Talbiyeh
UNRWA services
Camp Manager Health centre Camp Improvement Program Community Based Organizations
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Husn Camp Manager Health Centre Camp Improvement Program Environmental Centre Social Workers
UNRWA schools
Primary Boy School (2 shifts) Primary Girl School (2 shifts) Kindergarten Secondary Boy School (2 shifts)
Primary Boy School (2 shifts) Primary Girl School (2 shifts)
Local comities (CBO’s , NGO’s and Religious organisations)
Women’s Program Centre Disability Centre Zakat Committee Society for the Preservation of the Holy Quran Council of Churches Family Care Society
Women’s Program Centre Disability Centre Council of middle east church Al-Nahda female society Al Karmel sport club Steps Al-Sanabel society AbnelKaiem Zakat Committee Khadidge IbnTaimeaa Alchatibee Samarkant Islamic activity center
0
160
640 m
3.2.4 MAIN PUBLIC FUNCTIONS
Talbiyeh
Husn
DPA services
DPA manager
DPA manager
Government
Secondary Girl school (2 shifts)
Secondary Boy school Secondary Girl school
1 Police Station 1 Police Station Clan/Family clubs + societies Other
Al Sokour Flower association 2 mosques 2 private clinics
9 mosques 4 diwans 5 private clinics
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4 DESIGN QUESTION
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All these general insights and facts about Palestinian refugee camps in Jordan, give the essential background that was needed before discussing two camps in particular. This group thesis has always intended to result in an urban or architectural design. However, the general introduction abduces already questions on the relevance of this assignment. Intrinsically a camp is a temporary entity. It is a temporary solution for the refugees to wait until they can return to their homeland. Even after more than forty years, this temporariness is present and acts as a determining feature in the life and governance in the concerned camps. The refugees still strive for their Right of Return, however the symbolic, dimensions. Physically, the camps are undergoing major changes. Concrete structures have erected; they grow simultaneously with the rapidly increasing population that they house. This uncontrolled expansion is creating unhealthy and dangerous urban environments. It can be said that a sustainable improvement of the urban space of these camps is necessary in order to ensure a humane place of residence for the refugees, assuming that the political situation will not change easily. But from the Palestinian point of view, a sustainable architectural intervention is not consistent with the essential notion of temporariness and would threaten the Right of Return. The deep and warm contacts with Palestinians during our ten weeks in Jordan made us aware of their hope and the importance of this symbolism. problematic controversy. In the case of Husn camp, this permanent temporality seems to be evolved into a negative self-esteem and a contempt of their own actual lifetime in the camp. The design tries to deal with these problems on two domains: the camp’s centre and the residential grid. Design that aims to be sustainable can be detected in the proposal for the centre: here the question is examined whether a permanent armature would be an appropriate structure to validate the camp as a place of remembrance, for those living in and outside the camp, a place of community and proud, a life worth remembering. As for the case of Talbiyeh – a camp near a small village and where both of them are expanding continuously there will also be worked around a bilateral scenario, which doesn’t need to be contradictory. On the one hand, this consists of the scenario as it is today, where the Palestinians are still forced to live in a ‘foreign country’ and where the refugee camps, as an object, still exists. The second scenario tells the story of the Palestinians, whom the Israeli Government will meet in their Right of Return and they are given the possibility to go back to their homeland. Neither way, the physical tissue is still present and the camp is at the moment conceived as a city-centre for the residential expansion, however without having the proper infrastructure. It is within this conceptual framework we’ll design the infrastructure, which is needed for a more worthy and liveable living environment for the camp-residents of today and which will furthermore form the basis for the city-to-be. The camp will be conceived and appreciated as the city-centre with its own spatial organisation and atmospheres. Finally, to summarize, we’ll give a possible sustainable answer by designing for the people of today as of tomorrow. To achieve this goal, time-resisting structures provide a spatial framework of the centre which hosts a variety of temporary possibilities, functions and people.
4 DESIGN QUESTION
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IMAGES p. 11
// Map Palestinian refugees in the world - source: DE VET, Annelys, Subjective Atlas of Palestine, O1O Publishers, Rotterdam, 2007.
p.14
// British Mandate - source: www.mfa.gov.il. MFA, Facts about Israel, Israel in maps, British mandate. Consulted on 14/12/2011
p. 15
// Nakba - source: UNRWA Photo, s.d. // Partition Plan -source: www.palestineremembered.com Maps. Consulted on 14/12/2011
p. 16
// Baqa’a Camp - source: UNRWA Photo, s. d. // Jericho Resolution - source: www.cia.gov Library, Center for the study of intelligence, CSI Publications, studies in intelligence. Consulted on 14/12/2011
p. 17
// Withdrawel of Jordan - source: www.lonelyplanet.com Map of the world. Consulted on 14/12/2011 // First Intifada - source: Peter Turnley, 25th March 1988. // Palestinian application - source: UN, s.d..
p. 20
// UNRWA is handing out food packages for the most poor households in the camps. - Source: facebook 19th May 2012.
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p. 29
// Dispersion of the refugee camp – source: www.wikimapia.org; Google Maps 2011, consulted on 14th December 2011.
p. 31
// Refugee Camps in Jordan – source: Google Maps 2011, consulted on 14th December 2011.
p. 34
// Irbid area plan – source: AMMAN INSTITUTE, Irbid – Areaplan – Report, (unpublished book), Ministry of Municipalities, 2010.
p. 36
// Detail of UNRWA map – source: UNRWA, 2005.
p. 37
// Graphs – source: Khawaja & Tiltnes, 2002.
p. 45
// Upper graph – source: Arneberg, 1997. // Lower graph – source: Khawaja & Tiltnes, 2002.
p. 53
// Implantation – source: Google Maps 2011.
EXTRA DE CAUTER, L., Discussion during courses of ‘Cities and Disaster’ at KuLeuven, March 2012.
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