T2 Husn camp: Analysis by ciel grommen

© Copyright by K.U.Leuven Zonder voorafgaande schriftelijke toestemming van zowel de promotor(en) als de auteur(s) is overnemen, kopiëren, gebruiken of realiseren van deze uitgave of gedeelten ervan verboden. Voor aanvragen tot of informatie i.v.m. het overnemen en/of gebruik en/of realisatie van gedeelten uit deze publicatie, wend u tot de K.U.Leuven, Faculteit Ingenieurswetenschappen – Kasteelpark Arenberg 1, B-3001 Heverlee (België). Telefoon +32-16-32 13 50 & Fax. +32-16-32 19 88. Voorafgaande schriftelijke toestemming van de promotor(en) is eveneens vereist voor het aanwenden van de in dit afstudeerwerk beschreven (originele) methoden, producten, schakelingen en programma’s voor industrieel of commercieel nut en voor de inzending van deze publicatie ter deelname aan wetenschappelijke prijzen of wedstrijden. © Copyright by K.U.Leuven Without written permission of the promoters and the authors it is forbidden to reproduce or adapt in any form or by any means any part of this publication. Requests for obtaining the right to reproduce or utilize parts of this publication should be addressed to K.U.Leuven, Faculty of Engineering – Kasteelpark Arenberg 1, B-3001 Heverlee (België). Telefoon +32-16-32 13 50 & Fax. +32-16-32 19 88. A written permission of the promotor is also required to use the methods, products, schematics and programs described in this work for industrial or commercial use, and All images used in this book are, unless otherwise credited, made or drawn by the authors. 2

Husn Camp Island, Extending the Identity of a Palestinian Presence Thesis voorgedragen tot het behalen van de graad van Master of Science in de ingenieurswetenschappen: architectuur

AUTEURS_

LOTTE DIETVORST CIEL GROMMEN MARTHE THEUNS

PROMOTOR_ ASSESSOR_ LEZERS_

Prof. Dr. Bruno De Meulder Prof. Guido Geenen Prof. Dr. Lieven De Cauter PhD candidate Ismaeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;l Sheikh Hassan Prof. Dr. Kelly Shannon

ACADEMIEJAAR_

2011-2012

PREFACE 1 Palestinian Refugee Camps in Jordan, a Brief Introduction 2.1 Husn Camp Island, Extending the Identity of a Palestinian Presence (Volume 1) 2.2 Husn Camp Island, Extending the Identity of a Palestinian Presence (Volume II) 3.1 Decampenizing Talbiyeh, Scaping a City (Volume 1) 3.2 Decampenizing Talbiyeh, Scaping a City (Volume ||) 5

THANKS TO ...

... The community of Husn camp. Your incredible hospitality and openness towards us has left a great impression. We will never forget the beautiful aspects of Islamic culture that you made us experience. It was an honour for us to be allowed to be a part of this community. ... The family Wash. During our stay in Husn camp, your shelter was both a very luxury hotel and a home for us. We learned so much about your culture. Thanks to Umbara, for making us conscious of all culinary treasures of Jordan and Palestine; to father Mohammed (alias Roger), who made us laugh; to the children who made us feel at home. ... Bara and Zakarias, our funny friends, loyal bodyguards and useful translators. Without your help, we wouldn’t have been so mobile in and around the camp. Even when you did not feel like it, you took care of our daily contacts and made sure that we would reach the right people and the right places. Over time our conversations turned into a friendship, open and honest about a lot of things. We spent wonderful times learning from each other. ... Razan Khalaf, Maram Sha’ ban, Alaa Awad and Dr. Fatima Nammari of UNRWAs CIP team. Your guidance, architectural knowledge and sympathetic ear redeemed us from our uncertainty. It was an interesting cooperation! Besides, and also really important, you introduced us to another kind of life in Jordan, thinking about the nice cultural activities in Amman and the pleasant invitations to eat together or go on a trip.

... Ismael Sheikh Hassan, our specialist on site. In Jordan you brought us good down the road. Afterwards, the rare but intensive consultations were very illuminative and repointed us to the reality. Your work served as an example. ... Lieven De Cauter. Thank you for your enthusiasm and interest. The theoretical issues about camps in your the weekly courses enriched our discussions. ... Bert Ruelens, Xena Kalouti … You suggested interesting sources of information. It was also a nice sharing of experiences. ... Lyne Jabri, Youd Kasawneh, Safaa Batrawi and her friend. You were open and able to help. It took a long time to listen to our design bottlenecks. Your architectural skills and knowledge of Arab culture really made us make huge steps in our design process. For this, really thank you! ... Our family, boyfriends, friends and housemates, for listening and supporting us during this long period of intensive work. ... KULeuven, ASRO, OSA and VLIR. You gave us the opportunity for this unique and wonderful experience. cooperation, pleasant stay and interesting discussions about related topics.

... UNRWAs volunteers, for your willingness to guide us through the camp and translate. It pleased us to meet ... Bruno De Meulder and Guido Geenen, our promoters. Your guidance and personal support were very stimulating. The extensive discussions we had, have brought us to a better understanding about the topic and pushed us to be ambitious and bring our design to a higher level. We have learned a lot from thiese discussions 7

TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION

RESEARCH QUESTION

1 Problem Statement

2 Analysis

2.1 Valley of the Wolves

A. Husn Camp in its Environment

B. Hsun Camp’s Relation With its Environment

C. Parcelling

D. Morphological Comparison Husn Camp and Hsun Village

2.2 Internal Organisation

A History

B Living in the Camp’s Grid

C Communal Landscape

D Open Space

E Freedom of Movement

107

3 Conclusion

113

4 Priority List

115

Bibliography

117 9

INTRODUCTION 11

PERSPECTIVE Ten weeks, from August to October, we joined CIP staff of UNRWA in their research in Jordan. Three days a week additional data and literature. Our background evidently affects the applied focus set on Husn camp. Differences in cultural origin were an important drawback in our research. As we lived so intensively in Husn, it was capital Amman and our occasional trips to other Palestinian camps was a good choice to learn to sense these differences.

Meulder and Ismae’l Sheikh Hassan. We noticed a main focus on West Bank and Palestine, so that during our stay in Jordan we had been searching for comparisons and discussing dissimilarities. Hence our position as inexperienced Belgian students was not completely optimal in some aspects. Though we discovered some advantages. As described, the refugee camps in Jordan suffer stigmatization. In the beginning we were not fully aware of this. Somewhat naïve, but very open we entered the camp and talked to people without with Palestinian roots and UNRWA architect for Husn camp, whose parents initially prohibited her to eat in the camp. Also the language had a determinate effect of our feeling of well being in the camp. When an Italian volunteer with some knowledge of Arab joined us in the last weeks, we realized that the ignorance of Arabic provided us immunity against indecent language that was sometimes shouted. The CIP group was also surprised by our preference to reside in the camp itself instead of in a neighboring city. Though, this was the best choice we could have made. It gave us the possibility to experience the different rhythms of a day in the camp. We made the greatest possible use of our stay here and were almost always on the way. This frequent presence made an impression on the camp’s community. They recognized us as the guests of the camp and We took advantage of being both insider and outsider. On the one hand, we were part of UNRWA, so our presence and research was legitimized, but on the other hand we weren’t, so that we could reach UNRWAs opponents too. Our western origin could break taboo issues: we are graceful to be entrusted such complicated things, as drug use and rebellion against parent’s morals. A last but obviously not to be underestimated, aspect of us, was our sex. The traditional Islamic culture of the camp instances easier. The advantages were yet more noteworthy during the shelter analysis. We could freely move in the rooms and perceive the present status of the shelters, something that was not the case for our male interpreters. We were lucky that rules for women of the camp were often weakened for us, so we were not inhibited to walk around late at night. Although we often made a fool of ourselves, we realize that this was only possible thanks to the devotion of Bara and Zakarias in their task of protecting us every moment of the day.

INTRODUCTION

METHODOLOGY OF RESEARCH AND DESIGN Camp Improvement Program UNRWA’s Camp Improvement Program in Husn was still in its starting phase when we joined them.

In Husn, UNRWA has one camp resident in employment, Bara Wash. His task is of a logistical nature: being present task and Ir. Nahim, head of the social program of CIP in Jordan, announced that more people would follow. The architectural analysis and design of the camp is performed by a central team of young Palestinian architects. They are with Husn’s community. At the time we were in Jordan, the program in Husn camp had only started a few months earlier and the responsible

their engagements. We had the feeling that this engagement created a close group. Razan has been informing us about the subsequent course of their work: up to now, they have been developing their urban vision on the camp. The involvement of the community remains an important aspect. Furthermore professional designers are consulted Walking around in the camp, we were often confronted with critical Palestinians who shouted ‘We do not believe in your project, they have been working a while and we haven’t seen anything yet!’ Our cooperation with CIP remained quite limited during our stay. From Alla’a we received some detailed hand-made and the reports of the focus groups. All this information was very useful for a quick understanding of the camp. Alaa’ had a few very clear questions towards us, which we needed to focus on. With these themes in mind we took off our urban analysis of this camp. This analysis, we did mainly by ourselves, since UNRWA was collecting its material of Husn camp made-so-far in Amman. Occasionally, the responsible architects for Husn camp, came to the camp to The last document we received was the camp’s list of needs. This list is a document of working points composed by the community representatives themselves. All organizations, schools and community groups were given a voice on this list. It consisted of more than sixty points varying from heating sources in the schools to a swimming pool in the camp. Since it was very practical and extended we didn’t use it a lot during our stay there, however afterwards we picked it up again as a feedback on our project. (*)As UNRWA operates a policy of participation, these ‘focus groups’ are an interactive platform where the camp is represented for all its different groups of residents. Sources: www.unrwa.org/userfiles, www.unrwa.org/etemplate , both last consulted on the 12th of May UNRWA, 2011, Manual on Camp Improvement Program, recieved during fieldwork in Jordan in August 2011

INTRODUCTION

Our Fieldwork camp. Together with Fatima Al Nammari, at that moment head of CIP Jordan, we laid out a program for the whole their selling products and typology. We also tried to understand from observations and interviews what the most

Husn residents. In this way, we got a good insight in the different moving patterns that take place in the camp during the day. Close to the end of our stay, after a meeting with Ismael in the last weeks, we decided to map 2 blocks in the camp with the aim of incorporating the scale of the shelter in our study. We visited almost all the houses in these 2 blocks. During these visits we drew a basic plan of the shelters with an additional description of the spaces. We tried also to A last aspect we looked at what was the surrounding of the camp. We rented a taxi for one day that drove us to interviews and additionally afterwards we organized some discussion groups in order to understand the usage of these places and how frequentlythey were visited. During the whole of our stay we wrote down all our social experiences in the camp going from unforeseen dinners we also observed some of the main places of the camp to understand how who uses them, and when, including the camp’s boarders. Also we visited all the main players in the camp: schools, NGO’s, police ... In all these investigations we tried to reconstruct the history of Husn camp through its inhabitants, its main functions and main events. Every moment spent in the camp taught us something, in this way, we were analyzing everything, even when we were invited somewhere for dinner. But at the same time we had a relaxing time and enjoyed the community and its amazing hospitality. It was important for us to discuss about our investigations with other outsiders, such as the UNRWA-architects, Ismael Sheikh Hassan or residents of other camps, in order to be able to discern what was typical Arab, or what

Studio Work in Belgium After our return to Belgium, it took us a while to overview all our experiences and collected data. Frequent meetings with Bruno De Meulder and Guido Geenen forced us to zoom out and regard the camp as a theoretical urbanist that is in search to give a pamphleteer-like answer to the problem. After a though-out problem statement, we started Long-lasting discussions with our promoters mostly concerned our cautious and hesitating interventions, not going further than would be realistic in UNRWA-terms. In these meetings also the importance of the architecture of the projects was put in to the attention again, which was very useful. The process was often a rough ride since it is very

intensively, because he was cooperating with the Husn’s CIP’s architects at the time of our thesis. Among other themes, he was the one who pointed out to us to keep in mind economic feasibility of our projects. All these different people made the design process an indulging experience that enriched our understanding of the camp further more.

IINTRODUCTION

Diary fragment, a difficult first focus group, 6/9/2012 ‘Three older men who want to talk with us about the history of the camp’, that was what we asked UNRWA’s logistic worker and our host, Bara. ‘I will ask my father and we will do it at home’ was his answer. In this way, we were a little surprised when meeting all these seven men. We did not know how to start and quickly stuck some maps together. Maybe this was not really necessary and we weren’t even sure if these men were used to read maps. We did try an official opening, but after the first question already, it was chaos, all the men were answering our questions at the same moment, so it turned out that we couldn’t understand any of them. They did not take the pictures or the maps we took with us, Bara was so impressed by the presence of these elderly that he did not translate consequently, Zakarias sometimes interferes with better translations but neither consistent. We were sitting in a cramped position and tried to save the day with our own questions. Because we were all three equally entrepreneurial, this resulted also in chaos. The poor father of Bara was wise waiting for a moment of silence. We ourselves had become nervous, ashamed and at the same time amused by the whole situation (we, three young snots and girls in between the council of elders). The evening prayer redeemed both them and us. Only a gentle man and Bara’s father came back. Finally, we were having a good conversation. The questions for detailed data and information were a bit tiresome, but the friendly grandfathers were patient. We ended asking whether they still had questions for us, and for sure they asked what exactly we were doing. ‘You look like detectives.’ Losing our self-confidence and doing our best to explain our good intentions, Bara’s father added ‘but you are most welcome here.’

INTRODUCTION

THESIS STRUCTURE introduction, we explained the general implications of residing in a camp. Later, in this Problem Analysis, we discuss the characteristics of Husn and formulate an answer in the next Volume, the design. For the design, we start with one concept note, which subsequently will be spun in graphics.

INTRODUCTION

RESEARCH QUESTION 1 Problem Statement 2 Analysis 3 Conclusion 4 Priority List 23

1 PROBLEM STATEMENT Diary fragment, during Traffic Analysis, Mid September 2012 Osama has a shop for mobile phones and men perfume next to the bus station, which is daily open from around 8 o’clock in the morning, until 7 o’clock in the evening. Business is not really going well. Nevertheless, there is almost all the time someone in the shop, sitting in a plastic chair at the other side of Osama’s desk, discussing the people in the street. I spent two days with him, counting cars for traffic analysis. Together we saw the days go by. During these hours, we managed to have a meaningful conversation, patiently decomposing English and Arab words by sign language and drawings. Strange was his reaction when I asked where he lived. He answered emphatically that he was ‘not from the camp but from Husn village’. This accentuation brought me to ask some vague questions about where he felt home and so on. I found out that he was born in the camp, that whole his family is still living in the camp and that his wife was originally also from the camp, but after each phrase he stressed that his house is in the village now and not in the camp anymore. PROBLEM STATEMENT

1 PROBLEM STATEMENT efforts to talk to as many different people as possible, language and cultural limits made that the best conversations happened with mainly younger Palestinian refugees with whom the language barrier was partly broken down. These conversations made a special impression and did arise many questions. A negative self-perception seemed to determine the overall opinions. As mentioned in the general introduction (Reasons for living in the camp), an important reason to reside in the camp is the temporary state. But often this principle seemed a heavy burden and the poverty transformed these principled arguments into a lament about the living circumstances and the wish to live somewhere else. Especially to overshadow their parents’ principled struggle for the right of return by claiming the temporality of the camp. Razan Khalaf, UNRWA architect for Husn camp agrees and formulates our problem statement more clear than we could: ‘how Husn team could sense the schizophrenia in identity and future vision. The temporarily permanent status in camps have resulted in some innovative physical solutions and a prominent ghost-like Palestinian identity...’ (E-mail-conversation in January 2012) Whether the reason to live in the camp is poverty or the symbolism of temporality, it appeared that people considered their own lifetime in the camp as a life with no importance, as if it is only a phase in between past and future. However we believe that this existence in the camp, regardless the duration, is certainly of importance. People are born in the camp, grow up, get married and die in the camp. Maybe in the future some or even everyone will be able to move out, yet in our opinion, this camp leaves a footprint on people’s identity. In the following problem analysis, research is done on the contribution of urban and spatial elements to this contempt camp has the opportunity to be a place that can coop with the exceptional identity: a place of remembrance, of historic lives and stories passed over generations but also of current ones, of family and friends, community and proud.

PROBLEM STATEMENT

The Concept of Identity

implicit complexity of the term itself and the multiple layers that the Palestinian identity contains. As we are architects and not linguists, an ‘ordinary language’ analysis of the current meaning of identity provides us with the best words to explain our conception of ‘identity’. James D. Fearon of Stanford University, points out that in common language, identity is used in two linked senses, which can be termed ‘social’ and ‘personal’.

Sources: TAYLOR Charles, The Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989. FEARON James D., 1999, “What is identity (as we now use the word) ?”, Stanford University, California, Department of Social Science

A former, more traditional sense of identity simply refers to a social category, a group of people with which one has important characteristics in common and where one feels part of. Hopf adds that this group has to be labeled the same and that this label has to be invoked often. (Hopf, 1998) This statement is to be replenished by Stuart Hall, who emphases; ‘Identity is merely the relationship between you and the Other.’ As for the personal identity, Taylor interprets it as the personal moral code or compass. (Taylor, 1989 ). Fearon adds that it contains mostly distinguishing characteristics that form the basis of our self-esteem. It therefore contains aspects and acts that a person takes a special pride in and that is considered more-or-less unchangeable. The force of the word identity is the incorporated linkage between these two senses. In the understanding beyond the individual’s control crucially shapes something that the individual may understand as deeply personal.’ topics of identity could engage such deep emotions. declared, because membership in ethnic categories is often an important basis for peoples’ sense of belonging relatively low socio-economic status seem to appeal most strongly to their ‘ethnic’ identity. Namely, it is logical that more value is added to the ethnic category (in which membership is ensured), if occupation and social rank are not available as strong sources of selfesteem.(Berkeley, Donald, Horowith,1985) If we project these general ideas on the Palestinians, we for their personal self-esteem. The different political and geopolitical events that took place over the years have devastated the refugees’ socio-economic situation. It declares the unconditional struggle for the right of return.

PROBLEM STATEMENT

Source: Authors, fieldwork conductted from August - October, 2011

PROBLEM STATEMENT

A Palestinian identity in the Exile of the Palestinian identity. This paragraph gives an overview of the evolution and important characteristics of the Palestinian people in exile. We conceived this paragraph as our interpretation of what several theorists and historians wrote about this topic. According to Sa’di’s (2002) extensive description and the Darwish, the national poet of Palestine. Nakba literally means ‘disaster’ and refers to 1947 when Israel declared its independence. Al-Nakbah led to the diaspora of the Palestinian people and to the loss of their homeland. Almost every Palestinian has, in one way or another, been affected by the immense catastrophes. their homes, lands and source of living, but also their entire society they had been living in for decades. This was the beginning of the hasty destruction of their culture. Nowadays, this Palestinian identity hinges on the experience of dispossession and exile. In addition, since they spread over several neighboring countries, Al-Nakba led to new categorizations of Palestinians. Furthermore, and as mentioned in the general introduction; UNRWA’s subdivision in Refugees, Displaced persons and others, also had strong social implications. Beside the Nakba, repeated operations of dispossession, indignity and exclusion gave form to the present Palestinian memory. After the expulsion of the Arab armies in 1967, Palestinians were expelled from Gaza and West Bank for the second time. By this moment more Palestinians turned out to be homeless again. Feeling at home elsewhere became an impossible idea and Palestinians were labeled as ‘nomads’. Constant feelings of oppression aggravated the already low sense of dignity. Today one can state that refugees only reside physically in their current host countries. Their inhabitation of the camps functions as a rejection (Sheik Hassan I., 2005) In literature it is said that people live in the camp out of symbolic reason, a feeling we also noticed during a focus group with the elderly from the camp. (Focus group conducted with older men and women, seperatly) If they would live outside the borders of the camp, they feel more integrated and more or less accepted their expulsion from their host country. (Several reasons for residing inside a camp are listed in the general introduction). As the absence of a home became a constant source of misery, the house key became a symbol for their history and of the different life they once used to have. (Sa’di, A. 2002, UNRWA and SIAAL, 2006, Zumot M., 2008)

My homeland is a suitcase. And my suitcase is my homeland. But . . . there is neither a terminal nor a wall . . . My homeland is a suitcase I open it in the nights as a bed And sleep in it, I make love with women in it And bury in it my beloved ones Accept it as a destiny And die in it . . . Up to the present day, three generations have been born in a country that they do not consider as their home. After more than 60 years in exile, Palestinian Refugees still strive for their right to return. However, the Palestinian identity and the struggle for the right to return has taken other forms. New generations only know their home from what they are told: the collective memory and their social identity serves as a link between the preceding and the succeeding generations. (Sheikh Hassan I., 2005, Zumot M., 2008) Palestinian refugees try to stick on whatever is Palestinian and concepts like collective memory and nationalism have developed. The such as the apricot tree, the olive trees and cactuses. In this way they tend to isolate themselves from the host country, which in turn, leads to the creation of a collective refugee identity, which even strengthened the ethnic group. (Sheik Hassan I. 2010; Zumot M. 2009). “Temporariness is a state of mind” (Sheikh Hassan I., during camp debates in Nahr-El-Bared) In some regions, the Palestinian identity is associated more and more with tenacity to struggle and resistance. This reversal manifested itself in culture, politics and history. (Sheikh Hassan I., 2005) One of the most striking examples in Jordan is Al-Wihdat camp in Amman, which is famous because of its professional football team. From what we understood from our conversations would call them famous, others prefer labeling them notorious. Al-Wihdat used to be the headquarters of the PLO, before this tenor got expelled and moved to Lebanon while suppressing their Palestinian nationalism. Nowadays, Al-Wihdat remained the headquarters of the residual Palestinian guerrillas in Jordan and the pride of their origin is therefore masked by their fanatical support for the Al-Wihdat football team. While visiting the camp, an important sense of community feeling and pride could be experienced. It is an example of a camp with a strong identity. (Tuastad D., s.d.) PROBLEM STATEMENT

Another camp that strikes the eye in terms of community feeling is Deheishe, a West Bank camp. A ‘camp improvement pilot research project’, run by UNRWA and SIAAL, included Deheishe because of the potential it provides to function as a model. ‘Deheishe has gone furthest in developing a local economy and civil society institutions. Whereas in other camps, UNRWA’s “camp development” programmes raise suspicion and fear of “normalization”, in Deheishe camp improvement is practiced by camp residents themselves.’ Comparing camps is not evident, taking into account the differences in policy, support... A mark for West Bank is the relatively high level of community mobilization and engagement. Compared to other camps in West Bank, Deheishe still has the largest rate of institutions commitment. There are several major innovative centers, built up and managed entirely by local people and already suggest its vivant civil society. Outstanding is the clustering of CBOs, NGOs and the mosque, bisected by the main internal road and hub of commercial activity, the camp is both intuitively and a planned center for itself historically during the intifada, with the largest number of arrests and the total closure of the camp. Their involvement is still today labeled as striking, and is considered as an example for all Palestinians. (Ruelens B., 2010; UNRWA and SIAAL, 2006) Sources HASSAN, Ismae’l Sheikh, “Reconstructing the Oxymoron: the Palestinian Refugee Camp of Nahr el Bareed”, in: D’AURIA V., DE MEULDER B., SHANNON K., (eds), Human Settlements; Formulations and (re)Calibrations, Amsterdam, Sun, 2010. pp.134-141 DARWISH, Mahmoud.“Une Lettre à Edward Said.”, in: MARROUCHI M., Cry no more for me, Palestine – Mahmoud Darwish, College Literature 38.4 (Fall 2011) DE CAUTER, Lieven, Architecture and disaster; the spatial order of a dualized world, Berlage Instituut, 2010-2011. PETEET, Julie, Between exclusion and Isolation: Palestinian Refugee Camps, Philadelphia: University of Pennysylvania Press, 2005. PREM KUMAR, Rajaram, Borderspaces: Hidden Geographies and Politics at Territory’s Edge, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007 RUELENS, Bert, Acts of return: Spatial Interventions in Palestinian refugee camps and former villages, unpublished thesis, KuLeuven, faculty of engineering sciences, 2011 SA’DI Ahmad, Catastrophe, Memory and Identity: Al-Nakbah as a Component of Palestinian Identity, EBSCO-publishing, 2002. HASSAN, Ismae’l Sheikh, Charting a Palestinian strategy of exile Burj El Barajneh, unpublished thesis, KuLeuven, faculty of engineering sciences, 2005. SHOSHAN Malkit, Atlas of the conflict, 010 Publishers, Rotterdam, Nederland, 2010. UNRWA & SIAAL, Camp Development Pilot Research Project. Main Research Report, 2007 TUASTD Dag, Al-Wihdat: The pride of the Palestinians in Jordan, PRIO – the International Peace Research Institute in Oslo, 2009. Zumot M. Between exclusion and isolation: Tha case of the Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, Kuleuven. Faculty of social sciences: Unpublished Thesis, 2009.

PROBLEM STATEMENT

2 ANALYSIS 2.1 Valley of the wolves A. Situating Husn Camp in its Environment B. Husn Camp’s Relation towards its Environment C. Parcelling D. Morphological Comparison between Husn Camp and Husn Village 2.2 Husn’s Internal Organisation A; Historical Evolution B. Living in the Camp’s Grid C; Communal Landscape D. Open Space E. Freedom of Movement 37

1.1 VALLEY OF THE WOLVES A. Situating Husn Camp in its Environment B. Husn Campâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Relationship towards its Environment B.1 Connectivity B.2 Jobs B.3 Schooling B.4 Shopping and Leisure C. Parcelling D.Morphological Comparison between Husn cCmp and Husn Village ANALYSIS 1 VALLEY OF THE WOLVES

Source: google maps, last consulted 10/05/2012

1km

1.1 VALLEY OF THE WOLVES Diary fragment, Husn Island, 20-10-2011 Husn camp is as an island of stones in between an agricultural dessertshown on the satellite picture . This hallucinating image raises questions immediately. That sharp boundary, the position on a hillside, exposed to the highway, only one entrance… How is that possible? The astonishment does not stop. When we turn off the satellite picture and just turn on the map-function on Google maps, the camp totally disappears. The existence is denied by the road map! We scroll to other camps, recognizable by their high density, in comparison with the surrounding. Fortunately here, some streets are marked on the road map.

This blind spot next to Husn village, this dense spot southeast of Irbid proclaims a problematic relation of Husn with its environment. Next to the density, which is rather a ‘normal’ characteristic for camps, the isolation of Husn camp catches the eye. It is very remarkable that there is almost no sprawl outside the camps’ borders. Contrary to Talbiyeh camp for instance, it is still possible to clearly distinguish the camps’ borders. Normally, the centre of the city is the most dense place, and the surroundings consists of an urban sprawl gradually decreasing in density the larger the radius centred around the heart of the city. We notice this practice in Husn-village, with an exception for the grain of Husn-camp, which is the most dense site laying in the periphery of Husn-village. There seemed to be several reasons for this strong separation of inside and outside the camp. First of all the camp is implemented far away from other settlements, such as the village of Husn or the large city of Irbid. The surrounding from the UNRWA-architects and the residents of the camp, people with no linkages to the camp’s community have no reason to live close to it. The camp residents themselves, who managed to save enough money to buy or build a house outside the camp, in general didn’t want to live next to the camp close to their relatives as happens in many other camps. For its inhabitants, Husn camp is a negative place of poverty, unemployment and crime. People, who leave, try to lose the bonds with the camp as soon as possible. ‘Husn is called the Valley of the Wolves.’ This quote speaks to the imagination. The camp suffers a lot of stigmatisation from outside. Not only the refugees tell many stories about situations in which they are discriminated: schooling, jobs … Also people from outside don’t themselves. It is very easy in the camps’ surrounding to regard it as ‘the other’. Outsiders from the surrounding never pass through it. Only if their destination is located in the camp, they would go there, what honestly never happens. Whether the camp really is a dangerous place for outsiders, is hard for us to understand since we were there in a special context as the female western guests in the camp. In the next chapter, we also give an overview of the few control bodies that are working in the camp. In this context, it is important to know that police is physically present dangerous for outsiders as well as for insiders, especially at night. As a consequence, the camp is a popular place for drugs and other illegal activities, as we noticed during different The stigmatization is an important aspect of Husn’s negative self-esteem and a vicious circle originates: negative self-esteems fosters drug use, drugs stigmatizes, stigmatization leads to discrimination, to isolation, to a negative self-esteem…

ANALYSIS 1 VALLEY OF THE WOLVES

Diary Fragment, Stigmatization, 19/10/2011 “The last week of our stay in Jordan. After a nice evening at Maram’s house, one of our colleagues at UNRWA, we had to return to Husn camp to finish our work in time. Around 10 p.m. we arrived at Tabarbour bus station in Amman. Here rude taxi drivers surrounded a Jordanian student, who was clearly upset about the price they dared to ask, “evening price”. Eventually we shared a service taxi with him to beat down the price. All seemed reconciled between the student and the taxi driver and they started chatting enthusiastically. After a while we got involved in the conversation. Little by little we revealed that we were going to Husn refugee camp, a subject that is sometimes answered with silence. This time the student looked surprised and asked more about our intentions and project. After a few hesitating questions why we would go there, the truth came out; ‘People are all f*cked up there!’. A lot of refugees already had been complaining about prejudices on them. For us this was the first time we literally experienced this stigmatization. The boy revealed that he never went inside Husn camp, but that this bad rumours are just common knowledge among people in Irbid. The main reason he said is not drugs, the fact of violence is much more known. ‘They tell that if you enter, people will attack.’ When we eventually arrived, we did not ask the taxi driver to enter the camp, because we all ready knew this implied doubling the price. The taxi driver asked if somebody was coming for us. We said we texted our friends and that they were coming, but with some Arab minutes of delay. He insisted us to wait for them... The Arab minutes lasted longer that expected.. We realized that it was silly to wait for our ‘bodyguards’ this evening in this taxi; we had been taking the road unaccompanied all eight weeks before. We stepped out of the car with a final warning. We had to laugh over their anxiety, but we were also affected by the student’s accusations. A single van took the same road and slowed down next to us. We got afraid. We suddenly realized that we only took this road during daytime. We thought about the alarming stories told by the refugees themselves about the ‘killers’ and bad people in the camp. What did they want from us? The van driver open his window and smiled broadly: .....Bara....? We laughed out loud, because we understood he was a friend of Bara, our ‘bodyguard’ and friend after so long.. All prejudices were forgotten again and we answered like before whit our most enthusiastic and friendly sign language to make him clear Bara is coming, but is too late again..”

ANALYSIS 1 VALLEY OF THE WOLVES

5. 44

1km

A. SITUATING HUSN CAMP IN ITS ENVIRONMENT Husn camp is positioned in the second largest area in Jordan: Irbid Government. The district houses 18% of Jordanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population in an area of 1621 km2 (www. sumpa-med.net). It consists of 18 municipalities with Irbid as capital. The area is known for its large amount of universities, regarded as a major center for higher education. Public transportation, busses, taxiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, minibuses. are one of the most important means of transportation in the area. Source Text: www.sumpa-med.net, Last consulted on 25/04/2012

Husn Camp in its surrouding Villages: 1. Houara 2. Husn Camp 3. Husn Village 4. Irbid 5. Neaime 6. Ramtha 7. Sarih Source: Google Maps, consulted on 07/04/2012

ANALYSIS 1 VALLEY OF THE WOLVES

1km

Centigrade

Winter

Spring

Summer

Autumn

45 40 35 30 25 20 15 5 0

Daily high temp Daily low temp Jan

Febr

Mar

Apr

May

Jun

Jul

Aug

Sep

Oct

Nov

Dec

24 22

Time of the day

20 18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

Daylight

Jan

Febr

Mar

Apr

May

Jun

Jul

Aug

Sep

Oct

Nov

320 280 240 200 160 120 80 40 0

Dec

Precipitation Jan

Febr

Mar

Apr

May

Jun

Jul

Aug

Sep

Oct

Nov

Dec

Overview of the daily high and low temperatures, the houres of daylight and the precipitation Source topographic map: http://mapy.mk.cvut.cz/data/Stredni_vychod-Middle_East/ Jordan_50k/. Consulted 12/05/2012 Source diagrams: http://www.climate-charts.com/Locations/t/TJ40255.php, consulted 07/04/2012

ANALYSIS 1 VALLEY OF THE WOLVES

1km

B. HUSN CAMPâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S RELATIONSHIP WITH ITS ENVIRONMENT The following maps will give an overview of Husn campâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s relationship with the environment on different subjects. Unlike other refugee camps, the island of Husn camp does not serve as a centre but is very dependant from the surrounding for schooling, jobs and shopping as we noted during our stay. The majority of Palestinians access to these facilities compared to native Jordanians. During this activities the inhabitants meet a lot of new people from Irbid, Husn, Kittin, Sarie... One can surmise that these contacts can help them out of their isolation but Husn inhabitants testify that their place of residence creates a discriminating distance. It is very remarkable that this stigmatization is not related to the Palestinian identity but to the fact of living in a refugee camp. Source basic image: Google Maps, consulted on 07/04/2012

CONNECTIVITY

SHOPPING AND LEISURE

JOBS

SCHOOLING

ANALYSIS 1 VALLEY OF THE WOLVES

Irbid bus station Connection point for the inhabitants to several locations such has surrounding villages and cities, schools and universities, working areas... Amman Factory Night Shift

Main connection for residents from the camp to Husn village

Bus line for the private busses from the several factories during the day. At night these busses leave from Irbid

Husn camp bus station Daily busses each 30 minutes to Irbid bus station

Crossing Main street Husn camp - Highway Irbid - Amman = Taxi stop = Bus stop

m Am an

1km

B.1 Connectivity As mentioned before, the camp is physically very isolated. Only one road from the surrounding leads into the camp. This road serves as the main vein of the camp. On this vein the bus station is located. From the bus station busses leave daily to only one location: Irbid. From here all other locations can be reached. This detour The lack of a diverse offer of destinations in the camp is often an issue for a lot of residents, since they need to take the more expensive private taxis, as they entrusted us. Because not many residents in the camp own a car, Additionally to this bus network there are daily busses from the camp to the factories where a lot of the refugees work. At night these busses don’t pass through the camp because it is too dangerous. The workers with a night shift have to go to Irbid and from there on to the factories. SYRIA

The bus network is the only way to enter the camp, besides with a private car. Private taxis or service taxis to enter the camp. They drop people at the crossing of the main road of the camp and the highway. Off course for extra payment they will drop you in the camp, or at least at the very beginning of it. But these prices are most of the time half of what you pay to go from Amman to Irbid, ridiculously expensive. Taxi driver from Amman: “I need 1 JD for your ride of an hour, if you want me to enter the camp, I need 1 JD extra each.”

Sources: Traffic Analysis, conducted 11/09 – 16/09

ANALYSIS 1 VALLEY OF THE WOLVES

Ramtha: Cheap Syrian products are bought here Irbid: main shopping activity food, cloths, household products.. Irbid is also the city where young adults come to meet friends in coffee shops

Husn Village: Bigger purchases such as rice, oil..

Only small shopping

Shopping/Leisure Areas

1 km

B.2 Shopping and Leisure Most shops in Husn camp are concentrated around the spine and the loop and are therefore named ‘markets’. Because of the isolation in the camp, the refugees always need a private car, an expensive taxi or a bus to do purchases outside the camp. From our market analysis and from conversations with the UNRWA-architects, we noticed that the camp’s shop owners take advantage of this situation and higher their prices, in contrast with other camps, where a thriving black market also attracts people from outside the camp. (Sheik Hassan, 2005) Consequently the shops in the camp, owned by residents or some by people who used to live in the camp, are not that popular and only for daily purchases; little supermarkets, bakeries, grocery shops, school supplies, household equipment ... Remarkable are the 2 construction stores, located in the northern old. Apparently people from outside come to these shops. around the school’s gates. At the northern edge of the camp is the assembly place for some scrub sellers. They go around the camp, collect scrub and sell it to factories. The practice is generally regarded as environmentally disturbing and not appreciated by residents. Isa, 29 years old: “Leisure places are not allowed in the camp, because it is not a city. To open a shop like that you need approval from the government. The pool bar exists only for one year. Internet cafés have been here ten years already, but we need more.” Popular businesses that have an important social function for men are coffee bars with football broadcasts and some entertainment centers and Internet cafés. NGOs are other places for leisure time. Women and girls do not visit coffee bars but gather in female NGOs or at places for their free time in the camp. Hasan, 24 years old: “If you want to meet a girl, you go to the University Street in Irbid and invite her for a coffee in a cross street bar. In these bars no one you know can see you.” Leisure activities such as shopping for cloths, sports, meeting friends in a teahouse, dating, going to entertainment centres ... all take place in Irbid. These activities address the young adults, male and female, and

Sources: HASSAN, Ismae’l Sheikh, Charting a Palestinian strategy of exile Burj El Barajneh, unpublished thesis, KuLeuven, faculty of engineering sciences, 2005. Market analysis, conducted 04/09 – 09/09

These places allow them to meet people from the other sex and to act freely without the strict supervision from their family and relatives. From our interrogations of different residents if the camp, we understood that because of the high prices, also the main shopping happens in Irbid: the city is the cheapest place for buying daily products as well as cloths, cars, household material... Rarely people go to Husn village for some basic purchases such as rice, oil... Ramtha, located at the border with Syria, used to be a popular place for cheap Syrian products. However since the political instability in Syria, the inhabitants aren’t really willing to go there anymore. ANALYSIS 1 VALLEY OF THE WOLVES

Lots of job opportunities for women and men

Shop ownership

Labour in large agricultural companies

Jordanian brick factories. Egyptian workers

Industrial cities with textile factories

Labour migration amongst male inhabitants of Husn 54

1km

B.3 Jobs ‘If I tell that I am living in Husn camp, an interview is precluded.’ According to a recent statistics, the camp is confronted with a high rate of unemployment: 19,9 % against the Jordanian average of 13,1%. The most important reason is the discrimination of the camp residents. The inequality is applicable for people of all levels of education; also corresponding to their level of education. Another reason we often noticed among higher educated refugees is their pride; NGO board member: ‘Camp inhabitants are different from villagers. We have a different mentality and intelligence. It is humiliating if we have to do those jobs.’ Consequently most of the residents have to rely on low-wage jobs. The two industrial cities near the camp are the main employers. Mainly women work in the clothing factories, where they co-operate with Bangladeshi and Chinese work immigrants. Although they all work in the same place, they still live next to each other however sometimes friendships appear. Next to this, agricultural companies still have a stake in providing jobs. Mainly elderly people apply for these jobs because of their origin as farmers. (Kwajawa & Tiltness 2002) Nevertheless it is hard labour and often only seasonal. In the camp, some residents have their own business. their consumers arsenal is limited to the inhabitants of Husn, which in turn leave the camp for larger purchases since outside It is cheaper. UNRWA and DPA also offer a small number of jobs in the service: teacher, CIP staff… Owner of brick factory, around 40 years old: “Sometimes when I don’t have enough people to work, I go into the camp and take the first boy I see to work for me one day. The refugees can work with me but they don’t want to.” On the south edge of the camp there are some brick factories. These are small Jordanian companies, conducted quite heavy manual labour. The payment is good, but the refugees refuse to work there because the work is too hard. Nowadays Egyptian immigrants do these jobs. Another remarkable trend in the camp is work migration to Europe and other Arab countries. A lot of the families in the camp have male members that have been abroad for some years, working in a foreign company, sending money to their family in the camp. In the past it was Germany, but nowadays the Gulf States are more in demand, not only for manual labour but also for highly skilled tasks. These men often have lived for some 10 years abroad, starting a family of their own after returning to the camp. Sources: AL-ATOM, Basem; ATHAMNEH, Abdel-Baset, Poverty Diagnosis in Two Refugee CampsJordan, Yarmouk University Irbid, Jordan, 2008. Market analysis, conducted 04/09 – 09/09

ANALYSIS 1 VALLEY OF THE WOLVES

Colleges (Mixed) Nursing, teaching..

Secondary School for Boys Technical training: crafts..

Yarmouk University (Mixed) Public University Social and Linguistic Sciences

Jordan University of Science and Technology Public University

Secondary School for Girls Technical training: hairdressing..

UNRWA Primary Schools (Seperate: Boys, Girls) Age 7-14

DPA Secondary Schools (Seperate: Boys and Girls) Academic education: Linguistic, Science, Management... Age 14-18

Primary School Neaime

Jordan National University (Mixed) Private University

1km

B.4 Schooling refugee from 1948, UNRWA provides free primary education for these boys and girls. Also displaced refugees can go here if they can prove that they are living in the camp. In the past these schools were known because of their high level of education. But today, due Primary schools are divided into two shifts to lower the number of students per class. First shift starts at 7, second shift at 12. After primary school, students can continue their education in the two secondary DPA schools in the camp. These schools offer academic education such as literature, management and science. For technical/professional education such as hairdresser, car mechanics... students have to go to Irbid, Husn or Amman. This is often a threshold because of the high transport costs that go along with it. The DPA Schools also attract children from the surrounding. Bara, 27 years old: “At university, you had separate groups: the students from the camp were always together.” Around the camp, there are many colleges and universities. Mostly Husn residents don’t have the economical means to send their children to university or college. Over 60% of total families in the sample of the study ‘Poverty Diagnosis in two Refugee Camps’ (2008) had no individuals joining training courses or education after primary school. Public universities are only an option for the best students: they can get a government scholarship. The alternative is a private university. For these universities the student’s family or an NGO pays for the attendance. Additionally to these forms of education, there are multiple NGO’s in the camp and surrounding areas that offer training courses such as sewing, computer skills, English...

Sources: AL-ATOM, Basem; ATHAMNEH, Abdel-Baset, Poverty Diagnosis in Two Refugee CampsJordan, Yarmouk University Irbid, Jordan, 2008. www.unrwa.org, Last onsulted on 12/05/2012

ANALYSIS 1 VALLEY OF THE WOLVES

1km

C. PARCELLING On the site of the Department of Lands and Survey (DLS), a vision of the plots in and around the camp can be found. Apparently, the government again denies the existence of the camp. It is not mentioned on the maps and as a result possible linkages through important streets are non-existant. The intended future vision for the area of greater Husn village makes a distinction in housing density: west of the camp high density is proposed while in the south low dense buildings are placed. In between the parcelling large linear plots occur; this is simply because these land owners did not divide and sell their land yet (Sheikh Hassan 2012). The western northern border will remain agricultural. Nowadays, some of these plots are already bought and, consequently, roads are being implemented at the same time. These roads are not positioned with regard of the camp. This is no continuation of the campsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; structure to the outside of the borders. Remarkable in the south is that the parcelling runs perpendicular to the border of the camp, without considering the existence of the Wadi (Arab for river). Source: Google Maps, consulted on 07/04/2012 www.dls.gov.jo, consulted on 11/05/ 2012 Consultation with Ismaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;el Sheikh Hassan, 16/05/2012

ANALYSIS 1 VALLEY OF THE WOLVES

Typological Section Husn Village

33 000 inhabitans

Average family size 8,29 Dependency Rate* 4,1

9,5 kmÂ˛

Monthly income 269,03 JOD Unemployment rate 11,76%

3 473,68 inh / kmÂ˛

1 km

D. MORPHOLOGICAL COMPARISON HUSN CAMP AND HUSN VILLAGE Husn village, located next to Husn camp, can be considered as emblematic for other villages in Jordan. It is an interesting comparison as both the inhabitants of Husn village and Husn camp live in the same climate and in the same proximity of facilities of the greater Irbid of Husn camp residents. Sources: AL-ATOM, Basem; ATHAMNEH, Abdel-Baset, Some of the socio-economic Charecteristics of the Palestinian Refugees and Displaced Persons in two refugee camps or Irbid Govenate and the surrounding areas: A comparative Analysis, 2011

Typological Section Husn Camp

>22 000 inhabitans

Average family size 8,11 Dependency Rate* 5,2

0,77 km²

Monthly income 182,7 JOD 28 571 inh / km² Public Street Private Garden

Unemployment rate 22,67%

‘Dependency Ratio’= A measure showing the number of dependents (aged 0-14 and 65+) to the total population (aged 15-64). Also referred to as the “total dependency ratio”. (http://www.investopedia.com/terms/d/dependencyratio.asp, colsulted on 07/04/2012)²

Typological Section

ANALYSIS 1 VALLEY OF THE WOLVES

2.2 INTERNAL ORGANISATION A. History A.1 Double Flight A.2 Historiclal Evolution A.3 Overview of the Camp Border Today B. Living in the Campâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Grid B.1 Importance of Hierarchy B.2 Comparing Tissua C. Communal landscape C.1 Centrality C.2 Organizations D. Open space D.1 Typological Overview D.2 Time-related Presence in Open Space E Freedom of Movement 63

2.2 INTERNAL ORGANIZATION In 1968 the Palestinian population, consisting largely of a farming community and coming from different regions in in Palestine and Jordan. In Husn, a camp is organised by the Red Cross and UNRWA, according logic planning principles applied in case of refugee camps. A grid pattern divides the Arab families across the camp. The proposed grid laid the foundation of the current street system. Since the intrinsic temporariness of a camp, only Foucaults’ bio power facilities are built. This paradigm of temporariness and the functional camp architecture are not without consequences for the way of living in the camp. This paragraph takes a deeper look at the peculiar use of space in the camp. We describe traditional Arab cities in order to explain the problematic combination of an Arab culture forced to live in a grid. (El-Sadek S., Seregeldin I., 1982) As highlighted in the general introduction, Husn suffers a high density. Due to poor land and lack of decent foundations, beyond), leaving hardly any private outdoor space like a garden or a courtyard. New generations built on top of it, a habit that will lead to an unhealthy vertical expansion of the shelters, similar to what happened in all ’48 camps. (Sheik Hassan, 2005) So in this dense fabric, shelters are very dark and badly ventilated. If people want to sit outdoors, they would normally use the roof or the streets, but because visual privacy is very important in Arab culture, these places are not good alternatives since because of the slope, people can easily be watched by their neighbours. Regarding the public open space, Husn has an asset: contrary to other refugee camps, it has a large amount of open

as they are now, they are badly used in the sense that they are dominated by young men, playing football, or simply not used. Nobody feels responsible and garbage is omnipresent. Weaker groups like little children, women and elderly never use these spaces. Their living environment and breathing space is very small, too small, almost restricted to their narrow shelters.

can have a rest, sitting under the rare olive trees, away from the view of others, or the opposite, together with a lot of people, playing football, herding animals… It is the main breathing space of the camp. Sources: HASSAN, Ismae’l Sheikh, Charting a Palestinian strategy of exile Burj El Barajneh, unpublished thesis, KuLeuven, faculty of engineering sciences, 2005. SERAGELDIN I., EL-SADEK S., FADEL, R., “Social interaction as a determinant in the design of the Arab city”, In: EL-SADEK, Samir, SEREGELDIN Ismael (eds) The Arab City , Arab Urban Development Institute, 1982. P62-70

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

A. HISTORY The overview of the historical evolution of the camp given in the following chapter was derived from several conversations since no written sources exist on this matter. Firstly we conducted 2 focus groups, one with older men and one with older women (Focus group “old men” conducted on 12/06/2011, Focus group “old women” conducted on 11/10/2011). To check this information we also had meetings with the UNRWA Camp manager (25/09/2011) and the Head of the DPA for Husn Camp (25/09/2011). Sources: www.unrwa.org. Historical pictures Husn camp, received from UNRWA’s online database

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

Haifa

Jenin

Husn camp

Tablus

Tulkarem

Jaffa AMMAN Bisan

Beersheba

100 km

A.1 DOUBLE FLIGHT Husn camp inhabitants arrived in the camp after the that strong communal relationships between residents have loosened through time. Also living circumstances were forced to change. The picture shows the contrast between their different places between open lands (most common place of origin) to a densely populated camp is most shocking: the surface The second move, from an organic organised ’48 camp to a rigid planned ’69 camp, had, be it less extreme, implications for the living circumstances of the refugees. First of all, family bonds weakened. When people arrived, the camp was prepared and people could not choose where to live: they were assigned a shelter by the relief bodies, so that families got divided over the camp. That grid laid the foundation for the current grid structure of the camp. Because forty years later, the lack of hierarchy still characterises the camp’s layout.

Place of origin, Palestine

Change of Density and neighborhood structure through different moves

Second, permanent refugee place, Husn camp. Flee of 1968

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

100m

500m

A.2 HISTORICAL EVOLUTION From the Beginning up to 1978 Later in 1988, the rocky soil in the north got dynamited to create more living space for the refugees. Also in the south, later on, stairs were built on the steep slopes to make this land accessible for housing. Electricity got instituted by a private Jordan company in 1882. In 1990, both the restaurants closed. On their area came respectively the women centre and an expansion of the health centre. In this period, also the cemetery appears implementing date. Development of the new markets came after 1980 and was established around 1985, from west to east, because there was more passage. Mostly people from old markets rented their old shop and built a new one at the new markets. Grid Evolution

Block 2,

realised in 1969

Block 1 and 3, realised in 1970 Block 4,

realised in 1971

Founding Instances

2. 3.

1. UNRWA camp, 1969 2. UNRWA Restaurant, 1971 3. UNRWA Primary Girl School in tents, 1971 4. UNRWA Primary Boy School in tents, 1971 5. UNRWA Restaurant, 1975

Development of Markets

Markets North and South, 1969 Source: Royal Jordanian Geographical centre, 1978

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

100m

500m

From 1978 to 1992 Later in 1988, the rocky soil in the north got dynamited to create more living space for the refugees. also in the south, Later on, stairs were built on the steep slopes to make this land accessible for housing. Electricity got instituted by a private Jordan company in 1882. In 1990, both the restaurants closed. On their area came respectively the womencentre and an expansion of the health centre. In this period, also the cemetery appears implementing date. Development of the new markets came after 1980 and was established around 1885, from west to east, because there was more passage. Mostly people from old markets rented their old shop and build a new one at the new markets.

Grid Evolution

Realised in 1980 Realised in 1985

Founding Instances

2. 3.

1. UNRWA Primary Girl School in buildings, 1990 2. UNRWA Primary Boy School in buildings, 1990 3. DPA Secondary Boy School, 1992 4. Cemetry

Development of Markets

New market North and South, 1980 West market and spine development, 1985 Source: Royal Jordanian Geographical centre, 1992

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

100m

500m

From 1992 till 2011 The camp is only becoming more and more dense. Open plots are fully occupied as families expand; making the camp appear to be bursting out of its seams. The American government in 2003 donated new street coverage and a replacement for the open sewage.

Grid Evolution

Founding Instances

1. DPA Secondary Girl School, 1994

Development of Markets

Source: Google maps, consulted on 21.05.2012

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

Institutions under surveillance of DPA

Secondary Girl School

Secondary Boy School

Institutions under surveillance of UNRWA

Health Centre

Bus station DPA

UNRWA Camp Manager

Primary Girl School Primary Boy School

Institutions provided by Jordanian government

100m

Jordanian Police

500m

Playground

A.3 OVERVIEW OF THE CAMP TODAY Nowadays the camp is built up around a set of main coming from the highway running all through the camp. Secondly there are the 2 side streets in the west running up the hill, connected by a parallel street, close to the west border. UNRWA calls these 2 elements ‘the spine’ and ‘the loop’ of the camp. In between this dominant

Cemetry

same character except for some streets, where because of the steep topography, stairs are implemented to make the streets more accessible. The border of the camp is a paved street. It is an important thoroughfare for all cars leaving and entering the camp, as well as a local street serving as a sitting area and breathing space for the people from the neighbouring blocks. As an introduction to the following sections, this map situates the most important places of the camp. Accordingly these places have the biggest grain in the grid.

Block 3

Block 2

Block 4

Block 1

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

Diary fragment visit at the Police Station, 12/10/2011 Driven by curiosity, this evening, we went to the police. The funny thing was that both Bara and Zakaria had never entered the police station. The announcement of our visit was received with astonishment, but nevertheless we were welcome. Once the usual formalities of tea and official proposals had passed, the conversation turned to the task of the police in the camp. Because of the usual language difficulties, Bara was present as interpreter. He translated literally what the police officer told us, but at the same time, he added his own interpretation of the performances of their duties, which was quite the opposite of what the officer told us. As an example, the most common task for the police, is intervening when there is a fight (at a wedding, in the household,... ) According to Bara â&#x20AC;&#x153;This is bullshit!â&#x20AC;?: they never appear if there is any fight, and even if they would intervene, they would come far too late. Because the police cannot intervene in domestic situations, the Muchtar ( the patriarch of the family clans) must negotiate between both parties. Furthermore, there was uncertainty about building restrictions. A request must be submitted to the DPA, which the police should retrace after the construction. Only few people are aware of the existence of these rules. The police claimed to patrol daily in order to prevent drug trafficking. But on the contrary, from what we have learned from our focus group, the camp is the place par excellence for drug trafficking and usage Also they do not have a car in the camp, . they are unable to perform their tasks, since the police in the camp always have to wait for a car to come from Husn or Irbid. However, according to Bara, the police never operates, out of fear for the camp residents, which can only strengthen the stigmatization.

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

B. LIVING IN THE CAMP’S GRID Source: www.unrwa.org, achieved from their online database, original Zinc room in Husn-camp

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

It is still an original zinc room.

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

B.1 ESSAY: THE IMPORTANCE OF HIERARCHY An important part of the problem statement is related to the habitat of the camp. The grid-shape, implemented by UNRWA in 1968, has important implications for the daily routines of Arab life. In order to understand the arising For our study we take a closer look at the traditional Arab Islamic city. We chose the city as an example, even though Husn Camp’s mixed population originally lived in different environments: villages, towns, a Bedouin life... Nevertheless nowadays, this population, which has their Arab culture in common, is forced to live in a camp of a city-like scale In literature, the traditional Islamic Arabic city is predominantly conceived and applied as a typology, consisting of a set of functions and architectural principles. Theoretical arguments always refer to the typological city, with rarely a reference to an existing city. Consequently apply the principles in a certain context. In the following

Shari’a, the Islamic divine law. All cities populated mainly by Muslims share this Islamic identity. The values of the Shari’a have a big impact on daily life, they are translated in a set of building principles and rules produced by the Fiqh (the Fiqh is the interpreting science and application of the Shari’a concerned with all aspects of public and private life and business). These create a structuring of life, implying an entire social order. In his article S. Hakim selects 7 principles from the Fiqh that have an impact on the built environment: “Basis for action is the freedom to act (1). Stimulated and judged by the intentions for those actions (2) which are constrained by the prevention of damages to others (3). However it is sometimes necessary to tolerate lesser damages as to avoid greater ones (4). Older established facts must be taken into account by adjusting to their presence and conditions (5). People’s customs must be respected and followed (6) however time might change those customs and new solutions will be needed (7).”

regards this level as the vital heart of the city. It consists of clusters of socially related groups according to religion, beliefs... ‘The city of family clans ‘ (Berardi, 2008) A cluster consists of around 200 families (about 1000 people), with houses built back to back. Within these quarters people lived together in a familiar safe environment enhancing strong social control, creating almost self-supporting entities (Raymond, 2008). Within this fabric, there were some small shops providing for basic means and a smaller mosque. The architecture at this level was given form by much more direct decisions that determined social structures and dependency among people. A central issue in these decisions was the concern for privacy and proper behavior as mentioned before. The network is formed, not by streets, but by the intersections of architectural organisms (Berardi, 2008) The city was built at the scale of pedestrian movement, transition zone between different sorts of spaces. It avoided the crossing of enclosed spaces, which were not meant for everybody’s gaze (Bianca, 1981). Gates were used in this context as ‘an element of the ‘urban apparatus of welcome and selection’ (Berardi, 2008) in order to underline possible permeation of the different levels (Bianca, 1981). This strong hierarchical system determined that the city became permeable only in

From these rules we can understand that the urban spaces arose as a direct response to the needs, means and objectives of their inhabitants (Duraid Al-Yawer, 1981). Consequently processes of formation depended on the individual users and social groups to which it was related, and resulted in spaces and structures that gave people protection and identity (Bianca, 1981). Generally we can state that the Islamic Arabic city consisted of 2 systems that are shaped through different principles of decision making (Besim S. Hakim, 2008). A the city with its large square around it as a representation of social cohesion and the souks (markets). These spaces represented the blurring space of the city where those activities enhancing exchange, took place (Raymond, 2008). Decisions at this level were made by the reigning government. Today these spaces still are the places of exchange, however they are expanded by spaces such as the university… (Authers, own experience of living in Amman, from August- Octobre, 2011) ‘The second level is the space of women and children where men only spent the night. Berardi in his text

Source: Tunis, Tunesia. Google maps, last consulted 13/02/2012

The circulation routes where thus incorporated in these level within the souks, secondary lanes were positioned in the residential fabric, with the culs-de-sac (dead-end street) serving as the most enclosed space within a quarter (Bianca). This urban culture implies very different habits and living conditions than in a grid-structure. The concept of a grid is a rational planning principle and has been strongly criticized in the Arab context. We based ourselves on 2 ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

examples of this theme: Western planning in Arab cities and the UNCHR planning methodologies for camps. The grain of the Arabic city differs a lot from the module in a grid-structure. Such a grid consists of parallel and perpendicular streets laid out on a piece of land. The time housing units but also public entities such as a park, a school... The street-network combining these grid-fabrics has a hierarchy of importance: the widest streets are the most public, decreasing in importance according the width. Stefano Bianca in his text ‘Traditional Muslim Cities and western Planning Ideology: an outline of down all values of Arab society, however it is important to recognize that this grid was developed according to another logic as the Islamic. It is very important to point out in this opposition of the Islamic and the Western culture that the concepts are ‘public’ and ‘private’. In the text ‘Heterotopia and Spaces in the “Other Places”. Explorations in Arab Perception and Language’ (2005) these Western concepts are positioned against the Arab language and culture in order to uncover the existing gap. The translation in Arabic for the English words ‘space’, ‘public’ and ‘private’ are non-existing (S. Hassan, 2005), which is an indication that such concepts are non-existing in Arab culture. Spaces in Arab culture are determined by who is in to the users: the place of Qareeb (=a close circle = family, friend, clan, tribe) and of Ghareed (=Stranger

neutrality, following from the belief of identical human needs and global human rights (Herz, 2007). However these camps, as a result of their unforeseen permanence, surrounding communities. Internally Husn camp lacks individual differentiation and the weight of a central area. Manuel Herz in his paper compares camps with suburbs: homogeneous areas where possibilities of social interaction are reduced. Secondly: social bonds in Husn camp were loosened during the inhabitation of this grid-structure since the refugees after arriving were given a plot and were not Islamic city several families share a communal space in the courtyard or culs-de-sac, but in the camp shelters lack of such indoor open spaces, because of overcrowding. As a result daily activities in Qareeb activities cannot take place in the open since outside the shelters, there everybody, a Ghareeb space. There are a few open spaces that give the camp a bigger grain differentiating them from the unilateral image of streets without identity, still they are very different than those in the Arabic Islamic city: these places are designed from outside rather than emerging with the residents itself. When such spaces are implemented, they lack of correspondence with the people’s patterns of life, so of the community (Bianca, 1981). Stefano Bianca even states that by implementing such a structure, organic growth from the residents is lost and with it also people’s

Together with these 2 concepts of space, different rules, more familiar space where people can be at ease. Here a person’s pose changes, gender mixes and dress codes are regarded more freely. The latter is a more formal, conservative space with stricter regulations regarding what can happen (S. Hassan, 2005). As mentioned before, spaces are thus determined in their nature by who is in the space. As a result this nature can change or even be disturbed immediately when a stranger enters. Accordingly as described above, in the Islamic Arabic city, freedom of movement is constrained. By the use of gates, different areas of the city are made exclusive for some, inclusive for others (Roberto Berardi). Also courtyards serve this principle of accessibility: the buildings are inward looking, with their communal area in the middle. The streets are only used for passage (Cantacuzino, 1981). In European context however these ideas of public and private are surely existing: streets and squares are public, alive with commercial and domestic activities (Sherban Cantacuzino, 1981), enclosed by formal fronts of lines of outward looking houses, underlining the formality of the spaces. The private sphere is lying behind the formal facades. Activities which in European cities happen in these public spaces, are in the Arabic culture translated to the souks and the square around the Mosque.

new routine and almost never liberated from the gaze of others. Sources; AL-HATHLOUL Saleh, Legislation and The Built Environment in the Arab-Muslim City, Center for the Study of the Built Environment, 2005. AL-YAWER D., “Urban spaces in the Islamic city/ development and prospects with particular reference to Kuwait”. In: EL-SADEK, Samir, SEREGELDIN Ismael (eds) The Arab City , Arab Urban Development Institute, 1982. p111-119 BIANCA S. “Traditional Muslim Cities and western Planning Ideology: an outline if structural Conflicts”. In: EL-SADEK, Samir, SEREGELDIN Ismael (eds) The Arab City , Arab Urban Development Institute, 1982. p36-54 CANTACUZINO S. “From courtyard to street: recent changes in the patterns of Arab cities”, In EL-SADEK, Samir, SEREGELDIN Ismael (eds) The Arab City , Arab Urban Development Institute, 1982. p84-92 HAKIM S. Besim, “Law and the City” In: SALMA K., HOLOD R., PETRUCCIOLI A., RAYMOND A. (eds), The City in the Islamic World, Vol. 1, Brill, Leiden Boston, 2008. RAYMOND A. , “The spatial organization of the City”. In: SALMA K., HOLOD R., PETRUCCIOLI A., RAYMOND A. (eds), The City in the Islamic World, Vol. 1, Brill, Leiden Boston, 2008. SERAGELDIN I., EL-SADEK S., FADEL, R., “Social interaction as a determinant in the design of the Arab city”, In: EL-SADEK, Samir, SEREGELDIN Ismael (eds) The Arab City , Arab Urban Development Institute, 1982. P62-70

But in the case of a refugee camp, this structure seems even more inappropriate. Generally refugee camps are planned through rational processes described in manuals. A main general planning concept in this is ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

Talbiyeh Camp

Example of Traditional Arab City

Tissue

Street Use

7. 2. 6.

2. 1. 2. 2.

2. 5.

4. 3.

1. 7. 2. 2.

15m

Plot size: around 16m by 10m Plot area 160 m²

House Example 88

1. Bath room 2. Bed Room 3. Dining Room 4. Guest room 5. Kitchen 6. Living 7. Storage

2. 5. 12m

1. 4.

1. Bath room 2. Bed Room 3. Dining Room 4. Guest room 5. Kitchen 6. Living 7. Storage Plot size: around 13m by 4m Plot area 52m²

B.2 COMPARING TISSUE As is clear from the previous text, when we compare an example of a traditional Arabic tissue with a rigid camp grid, it is obvious that daily life as it was before, doesn’t have the possibilities to continue as such in the camp. Alternative neighbourhood-like clusters, providing orientation and direction, hardly originated because the streets lack of a dominating hierarchy. Traditional courtyard houses are taken here as an example to illustrate how the life was organized around open spaces inside the houses. In these spaces the daily courses together with friends and family took place, where children play and people sit together. Towards the streets, these houses are very closed, using the street only as an entrance. As we noticed during our Block-analysis, in the camp however, because of the continuing density issue, open spaces inside the shelters are disappearing. Consequently residents have no space left to conduct Husn Camp

and Anouk Vangronsveld, taught us about Talbiyeh camp, the streets in between the houses are quite small in section which makes them inaccessible for cars and gives the people the possibility to privatize the streets for some periods e.g. women hang there laundry in between houses and create enclosed open spaces to prepare their cooking together, drinking tea... Contrastly Husn camp’s streets are much wider, with sections around 3-4m, making them accessible for cars. According to the women of the focus groups, this is the main aspect why the streets in Husn are not appropriated. In some places in the camp, people use the streets to meet friends and some of them even sit together, but this is not the general case. This is an important aspect that enhances this fragmented population inside the camp: The lack of residential quarters or areas. Since the additional open spaces in the camps, such as gardens, playgrounds are not functioning for all the members of community, today women, elderly, young children and girls stay indoors. Sources: BIANCA S. “Traditional Muslim Cities and western Planning Ideology: an outline if structural Conflicts”. In: EL-SADEK, Samir, SEREGELDIN Ismael (eds) The Arab City , Arab Urban Development Institute, 1982. p36-54 The information from Talbiyeh, we received from the fieldwork of our collegues, Josefien Vandermeulen and Anouk Vangronsveld.

2. 1.

5. 2.

12m

1. Bath room 2. Bed Room 3. Dining Room 4. Guest room 5. Kitchen 6. Living 7. Storage Plot size: around 12m by 8m Plot area 97,5m²

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

Accessibility

Destination

500m

1km

ACCESSIBILITY - DESTINATION The grid doesn’t differ the camp’s space. Accordingly all streets are accessible. Since neighboorhoud-feelings are rather rare, the grid is used as a meandering space connecting destinations. These destinations such as schools, the bus station, markets.. are the elements that orientation and determine people’s routes.

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

C. COMMUNAL LANDSCAPE ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

Communal Landscape Several NGOâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, CBOâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s and religious organisations offer activities and schooling for different groups of the community.

Eco,omical Distribution Most of the shops in the camp are positioned around the main street and the accompanying loop. Inside the residential tissue there are also some shops but they are mostly focussed on the surrounding neighbourhoods. 94

500m

1km

C.1 CENTRALITY As Husn is the (temporary) residence of more than 25 inside its borders, especially because the large open space can bear this function. During our interviews with several groups of residents, it turned out that these clearings, which have the potential in them to become a centre, are only have very limited used, or only by boys to play football. The main functions in the camp are situated around the spine and loop. DPA and UNRWA provide the main facilities along these streets. Also the markets developed around these streets. Communal organisations and mosques are more widespread through the residential areas of the camp serving adjacent neighbourhoods.

Mosques These are important meeting places for the male members of the community of all ages.

Institutes The several institutions each have their own public, except for the health centre, where different groups can meet each other.

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

2. 8. 11.

1. 6. 7.

10.

9. 5. 14. 3.

Location and Frequenty of Activities of Organisation 1. Council of Middle East Church 2. Women Program Centre (UNRWA) 3. Al-Nahda Female Society 4. Khadidge 5. Al Sokour Flower Association 6. Al Karmel Sport Club 7. Steps

8. Islamic Activity Centre 9. Al-Sanabel Society 10. Abnelkaiem 11. Zakat Committee 12. IbnTaimeaa (linked to mosque) 13. Alchatibee (linked to mosque) 14. Disability Centre

Daily Activities Few days a week Weekly Activities

Members of organisation: amount, board, gender 20 60 100 200

400

mixed male female board 96

500m

1km

amount of members = surface of circle

C.2 ORGANIZATIONS In the camp there are different types of organisations. First of all, there is a CBO, which is a Community Based Organisation, they get funding from UNRWA and yet is a NGO, which is a non-governmental organisation; these are organisations from outside with which camp inhabitants are enlisted. Beside these, there are also several religious organisations and family clans. Family clans are present in the camps in the form of diwans. A diwan is an ancient Arab traditional space that provides a meeting place for the elderly of a particular clan or hamule. Nowadays also the youth can gather here. In all camps, UNRWA noticed the survival of two types of diwan: those based on the notion of a place of origin and those formed by a particular family. In Husn camp the different clans also have the same place of origin. The four largest families of the camp have their own diwan: Haali Saba, Tayasir, Topas and Turkman. The religious organizations teach Koran courses for children and adults, while other provide charity (activities,

4. 10. 12.

Al-Nahda Female Society

STEPS

11.

13.

religious organisation

2. 14. NGO

CBO

family clan club, societies

other less fortunate people. During our visits to the different NGO’s and institutions, we notice that most institutions are categorized as

TYPE of organisation

religion and the importance of traditional representative structures in the camp. The emblems in the map show that men and women are almost equally active in the existing organizations, which is interesting to note in contrast to the limited female presence in public open spaces. It means that NGOs and others are a possible place for women to escape the household. Though, if mixed, the male members are still in the majority.

Al Nahda Female Society

UNRWAs camp managers confessed in an interview that the cooperation in Husn camp between the several organizations themselves and with UNRWA is going roughly. Organizations complain about a lack of material and Husn’s community regrets the small range of leisure, culture and sport organizations and infrastructure. Sources: SERAGELDIN I., EL-SADEK S., FADEL, R., “Social interaction as a determinant in the design of the Arab city”, In: EL-SADEK, Samir, SEREGELDIN Ismael (eds) The Arab City , Arab Urban Development Institute, 1982. P62-70

STEPS family / religion

culture, leisure, sport

UNRWA & SIAAL, Camp Development Pilot Research Project. Main Research Report, 2007 political advocacy

basic services

social services

PURPOSE of organisation Subdivision based according the frequency of the activities -Contributions to community, family and religious life such as communal meeting spaces for clan gatherings, family festivities (weddings and funerals) and prayers. -The enrichment of communal life trough culture, leisure and sports; the provision of recreational or leisure facilities such as arks, theatres, spaces for folklore and other cultural activities. -Political advocay concerns lobbying for the rights and interest of the Palestinian refugee, but also education in women rights ao.. alleviation, hospital care etc.. -Social services to community groups such as child care, support of pupils and students, educational programmes, and capacity building.

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

D. OPEN SPACE the camp functions and how space is used. Use of open space and the social life was of our particular interest. By many observations, starting early in the morning, until late at night, we became conscience of the campâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s day rhythms. Additional interviews declared the observed trends. The experience of living in a family had been a great added value for this understanding. This subchapter gives an analytic overview of the main places and general trends in the camp. The schemes and pictures demonstrate the identity-less architecture of the camp and the poor living environment of certain social groups in the camp. ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

TYPOLOGICAL OPEN SPACE UNRWA INSTITUTIONAL OPEN SPACE

EXAMPLARY SPACE

OFFICIAL ACTIVITY Time related activities: Primary Schools Health Centre

The agencyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s strategy regarding the open spaces inside their walls is to open the enclosing gates at all times. Eg. UNRWA Primary School CONTROLLED OPEN SPACE - DPA

Time related activities DPA Secondary Schools DPA Playground

The ministry provides a keeper for its open spaces: place. Eg. DPA playground at the edge of the camp LARGE OPEN SPACE - AL KARMEL FOOTBALL FIELD

Time related activities Al Karmel footbal training

CAMP BOARDERS

Used during the whole day Farming, keeping animals Garden for all the camp inhabitants

Eg. North Boarder MAIN STREETS COMMERCIAL

Used during the whole day Economical activity - Shopping Men gathering

Eg. South Market, loop RESIDENTIAL STREETS

Used during the whole day Mainly used as parking space Rarely: women/elderly sitting/ children playing

100

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS IN SECTION

D.1 TYPOLOGICAL OVERVIEW Open spaces in the camp are treated differently according to their ownership and characteristics. We could quote De Cauter L., who explained what Hilal S(*)., used to clarify. ‘open space is no space’ and as a result ‘a place won’t work if it is not enclosed by a wall.’

SECTION IN USE

In the camp we noticed that the idea of enclosing spaces by walls is applied. . However the different organisations apply a different strategy: UNRWA opens up its gates at all times, while DPA works with a responsible keeper who controls the open space at all times. It is very clear that these strategies have major implications for the space’s use.

streets are a successful typology for public life. Except for the residential streets, the road at the border of the camp and those in the commercial loop do have a varied functionality for the camp residents. Beside functions as passage and parking, they serve as a meeting place, economical place, breathing place ... Men and women also meet each other on the street, albeit that men reside and women only pass. We mention the residential streets as an exception, because in comparison with other Palestinian refugee camps, we state that the use social aspect of sitting and gathering in the streets does not happen frequently. Consequently these streets give an impersonal impression, which does not command respect. (*) Sandy Hilal is a Palestinian architect, consultant with the UNRWA on the camp improvement program , visiting professor and a founder member of The Decolonizing Architecture Institute (DAAR)

Illustration: Typological Sections

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

101

Young Girls Age 7-14

Adult Girls Age 14-21

Women Age 21-50

Young Boys Age 7-14

Adult Boys Age 14-30

Men Age 30-50

05.00 Morning Prayer

06.00

First school shift

07.00

First school shift

08.00 Leaving for work, work Start of school

09.00

10.00 Going shopping, doing daily courses 11.00

Second school shift

12.00

Second school shift

13.00

End of school

Leaving for work, Hanging around unemployed

14.00

15.00

End second school shift

Playing in the streets in front of the shelters

16.00

End of second school shift

17.00

Preparing diner for the families members.

18.00

19.00 Playing football in all open spaces 20.00

21.00

Visiting friendsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; shelters, staying with the family

22.00

23.00 Evening Prayer

24.00 102

Hanging arund with friends, drugs&drinking?

Elderly, women and men Age >50

D.2 TIME-RELATED PRESENCE IN OPEN SPACE The unfair distribution/appropriation of living and open places for different social groups in the camp has been quoted frequently. The graphics at the left summarize the presence of these groups in OPEN space: streets, squares, borders... Source: This drawing is a typological generalization based on observations, during our traffic and social analysis, with the purpose of understanding the camp rhythm. During several focusgroups, we asked our audience about their daily rhythm and the reasons of their presence/absence in the open space.

Watching the campâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s daily life, drinking thee, sewing...

Illustration: Scheme about the freedom of movement of the different groups in the camp

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

103

Diary fragment, focus group about drugs In husn camp, Mid of Octobre Diary fragment focus group about drugs In husn camp We, as Christians coming from a country famous for beer, experiments with alcohol by a Palestinian friend were entrusted. Alcohol and drugs were generally a taboo topic, but since the rumours were so numerous, we consulted this audacious friend to clarify what happened in Husn. He was willing to talk about this topic, but he said it had to be taken serious and to be discussed in a focus group, that he would organize. We did not hear from him for a long time, but suddenly we were called to go to his house. One at a time, the invited-involved men entered the room. Accompanied by the regular tea and sweets, we witnessed a traditional dance during our wait for the leaders of the gang. This time, we could not expect too much of our regular bodyguards and translators: Bara and Zakarias were silently sitting in a corner, not understanding our interest in this people. So our fate was left entirely to our inviting friend. Finally, two men entered. We were shocked by the great amount of scars that had mutilated their bodies. They on their part watched us suspiciously. What on earth made these three blond girls want to talk with them, who were labelled as the scum of the camp? A friendly smile from both sides helped us remove these initial hesitations, and it ended up in a warm and open conversation. We were surprised about the extremely honest story’s about all the things they have been involved in. Remarkably was the fact they all started their story with ‘Because of our suffering...’. They told us about how they lost themselves in these drugs and about the risks because ‘The next day, you really cannot remember anything.’ Some of them even ended up in prison. There it went from bad to worse; anger-outbursts, use of more bad drugs and self-mutilation. How deep had to be their pain and frustration to go so far? Nowadays, they were all clean, but they still claimed to know where the stuff is mostly traded and used. They very quickly drew the hotspots on the map and it seemed that the whole map turned out green. ‘Surprised’ is an understatement for how we felt, as we were sure that we had already visited some of these shelters. They declared that many families dealt in order to earn some extra cash without necessarily using it themselves. It might even be that women are unaware of the secret businesses that are traded inside the guest room. For the use of the various drugs, the men referred to other places. The common places for the camp residents are the playgrounds, the big football field and the borders, mostly because of the lack of enlightening. Of course also Husn’s extremely cheap prices and the lack of any kind of (police) control attract people from outside the camp. Next to these hard stories, the men told us the beautiful way they were forgiven and attended by their family. Nowadays they have their own business. At night they still go on the streets, but now to prevent other boys making mistakes that they have made in the past. Meanwhile the ashtrays were filled and even more sweets needed to be eaten. We said goodbye and felt respect for these men. Though, at the same time, we could understand Bara’s anxiety and accepted his overprotection.

104

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

105

106

E FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT 107

108

Young Girls Age 7-14

Young Boys Age 7-14

Adult Girls Age 14-21

Adult Boys Age 14-30

Women Age 21-50

Men Age 30-50

E. FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT The schemes below, shows the general daily destinations of people. Logically it shows social preferences: elderly do not play football anymore. Culture limits the spontaneous use of some places by some groups: we particularly marked a limited freedom of movement for women. Their destinations are mostly indoor spaces in the close environment, while all groups deserve a minimum of ‘open’ space, as an alternative for the dark and small shelters. Source: This drawing is a typological generalization based on observations, during our traffic and social analysis, with the purpose of understanding the camp rhythm. During several focusgroups, we asked our audience about their daily rhythm and the reasons of their presence/absence in the open space.

One of the mosques of the camp

The camp’s inhabitant’ shelter NGO, kindergarten,, CBO

Any open space that can be appropriated as

DPA Secondary school

UNRWA Primary school

Playground with keeper

Elderly, women and men Age >50

Illustration: Scheme about the places where people are headed

ANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

109

Journal fragment, contrasting focus groups, last week of Octobre It is our last week in Husn. We asked for some final focusgroups to clear our doubts. Notwithstanding the great amount of focus groups we had been doing, it still asked special effort to conduct these interviews. We always said that four individuals were amply sufficient. Though we always met a lot more, so that consequently one person dominates the answers and the others leave earlier because they feel useless. Remarkable was the contrast between the answers of the young men against those of the young women. We asked mainly about their jobs and the discrimination, about their vision on the camp and their desire to leave. The ‘male’ focusgroup takes place at Isa’s home. Next to Isa, Bara, Zakarias and two other friends, Isa’s notable 22 years old niece and a German speaking forty were participating. It is a very nice conversation. They speak normally and do not speak at needless exaggerations. They mainly complain about the people’s tendency to destroy everything where they enter, e.g. a new library would not work. ‘First the mentality of the people needs to be changed.’ The niece and Isa had been thinking about a way to solve the garbage problem. The niece amazes us with her almost perfect English and her intelligent sense of initiative. She tells us to be part of a group of volunteers who tackle similar problems in Irbid. She is also volunteer in the women centre, but she is frustrated about the lack of funding and bad organization. Zakarias expressed his typical proper vision on work. The others did complain about the discrimination but however, they did find a job. The jobs are hard and the connection difficult, nevertheless they say it is a common problem of Jordan. The criminality and danger in the camp were laughed off. Both the niece as the men considered the rumors exaggerated and they come out with ease all hours of the day. They say that it is possible to live in the camp without ever getting in touch with drug dealers or users. We got angry at Bara’s overly protection during our stay in the camp. The female focusgroup is organised by Eman, our ‘sister’. She invited all her friends at her home and it is really a hennery. We ask the same questions and get many demotivating answers. They are much more fearful than the men (and that one niece); going out after six p.m. is really not done and too dangerous. Also the discrimination is complained loudly. Sports or social commitment? They seemed not have time for it. The only leisure activity they can mention is shopping in Irbid. This happens approximately once a month during the day. Mixed bars are secretly visited in Irbid, but in the camp it is unthinkable. We ask how an open space for girls has to look like. ‘BODYGUARDS!’ is shouted. ‘And what if there is a bodyguard but still visual contact?’ The girls hesitate, ‘impossible.’ One girl admits that she wouldn’t mind but her parents wouldn’t let her go. We ask our mother Aisha. The translation takes a while, but when she finally understands, the given answer cannot be clearer: ‘la!’ (Arab for ‘no’).

110

IANALYSIS | INTERNAL ORGANISATION

111

112

3. CONCLUSION A ‘negative self-esteem’ and ‘identity problem’… with these two terms we tried to capture the main burdens in Husn camp. One can state that this problem is of a psychological nature and question the relevance for an architectural thesis. This chapter proved the linkages with the ‘urban space’ of Husn camp. First of all Husn is physically isolated from the surrounding settlements. It is a dense island in between the agricultural In combination with the extreme living circumstances and poverty, Husn is an easy victim for stigmatization. Consequently Husn inhabitants are discriminated and hardly enter into contact with others. The hope for an escape become low-spirited. physically present in the great amount of mosques. Also communal organisations are mainly on religious inspired: charity, Koran courses. Furthermore we noticed a strong separation of boys and girls in the use of space. Discrimination and isolation can create a strong community. Unfortunately this is neither sensible among the residents, neither visible in the camps physical appearance. An architectural reason can be found in the camp’s infrastructure. The current grid pattern and the provision of only emergency facilities, proper in a ’67 camp, restricted Husn’s community to develop an urban life. After forty years of exile, cultural facilities gradually located in the camp. Nonetheless they are scattered in the fabric and there is no sense of centre. A centre would help the residents to meet each other and form a group. Being more than 25 000 in number, the refugees need to belong to a group of a smaller scale. Here too, the ‘architectural’ layout of the camp does not encourage the formation of neighbourhoods. The wide and through

place in the public open space of the camp. Since the shelters are small and bad ventilated, this people’s small living environment is moreover very poor and without quality. It is clear that this lack of contact with the ‘other’, this limited participation to cultural and communal life and this

CONCLUSION

113

PRIORITY LIST, HUSN CAMP received from UNRWA Architects for Husn Camp during fieldwork Aug - Oct 2012.

18. Developing the women’s program centre – maintenance and expansion of existing space

1. Improving /expanding UNRWA schools 2. Providing an improved health services (governmental medical centre, comprehensive medical centre) 3. Improving shelters - internally and externally 4. Providing playgrounds and activities for young children 5. Improving medical services at the camp’s clinic 6. Resolving waste management problems inside the camp 7. Providing loans funds for university education for camp residents 8. Tackling unemployment issues and providing reasonable job opportunities within labour law 9. Developing educational services and programs.

hazards 20. Activate and support the role of CBO’s, NGO’s, and clubs inside the camp. Generating projects 21. Providing cultural social activity centres for girls 22. More visible police presence inside the camp 23. Solve the school toilets problems, building a new one attached to the building. 24. Providing entertainment spaces / gardens 25. Expanding the camp’s cemetery 26. Creating a zone for scrap selling, Helping craftsmen and small businesses market their product

10. Improving water supply network

27. Providing a central local market that has all grocery needs, improving the quality and distribution of markets

11. Providing social development through awareness and training courses

28. Improving the current children garden, through installing more games and planting trees

12. Providing a cultural centre for the youth – with entertainment and sports’ services

29. Provide a kindergarten, and a nursery with reasonable prices and updated plans and programs.

13. Creating a system for both personal and entrepreneur loans

30. Providing a multipurpose hall ( for various sports) 31. Creating a cultural women’s society. With committees that provide marketing space for home made products

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15. Provide vocational training centres for the youth – enabling them to practice at symbolic prices

32. Improving governmental high schools.

16. Improving and maintain sewage network

books

17. Improving the transportation network (Surfacing and maintenance for camp streets)

34. Provide branches for commercial banks in the camp

4 PRIORITY LIST CIP’s methodology to start off the design is by creating a list of all needs of the camp’s population. The elements on this list are the result of visits to different active organisations in the camp and endless discussions with different ‘focus’ groups, representative for Husn’s population, From this list, 34 points are distilled into a Priority List. The points were discussed and voted by a mixed group of 1% of the population. Again this group had to be representative the whole community, thus most of the participants were below 25% of age. UNRWAs architects do not use this list as an absolute given but as an input and main focus from the community to start the comprehensive design. Going into this priority list, we can reveal the main problems of the camp according to the refugees. First of all, the camp is still a place of poverty. People ask for loan funds for university education for camp residents (7) or personal loans (13). The camps infrastructure also seems to be of poor quality: shelters (3), medical services (2 and 5), the water supply network (10), the sewage network (16), the transportation network (17), electricity supply (19), the governmental schools (32)… all need to be improved. A lot of attention is paid to the bad economical situation of the camp, which is inherent to the isolated location. The 8th point states literally ‘tackling unemployment issues and providing reasonable job opportunities within labour law’. Other points propose different functionalities, e.g. a central local market with grocery products (27) and marketing space for women’s homemade products (31). Support bodies for entrepreneurial people and craftsmen are needed (13, 26 and 31). Also the attached importance to training (9,15 …) is economically inspired. cemetery (25). Another trend we interpret is the need for more cultural life and social development (11). Facilities such as playgrounds (4), cultural centres or social activity centres (12, 21, 31), entertainment spaces, gardens (24), a multipurpose sports freedom of movement and unequal participation in public life. Communal organisations are well respected and the population asks to support them (18, 20). Finally as described in some diary fragments, Husn inhabitants feel unsafe and ask for more visible police presence in the camp. PRIORITY LIST

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BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS &ARTICLES AGAMBEN, Giorgio, Homo Sacer: - Sovereign power and bare life, Stanford University Press, Stanford, California, 1998. AL-ATOM, Basem; ATHAMNEH, Abdel-Baset, Poverty Diagnosis in Two Refugee Camps-Jordan, Yarmouk University Irbid, Jordan, 2008. AL-ATOM, Basem; ATHAMNEH, Abdel-Baset, Some of the socio-economic Charecteristics of the Palestinian Refugees and Displaced Persons in two refugee camps or Irbid Govenate and the surrounding areas: A comparative Analysis, 2011 AL-HATHLOUL Saleh, Legislation and The Built Environment in the Arab-Muslim City, Center for the Study of the Built Environment, 2005. AL-YAWER D., “Urban spaces in the Islamic city/ development and prospects with particular reference to Kuwait”. In: EL-SADEK, Samir, SEREGELDIN Ismael (eds) The Arab City , Arab Urban Development Institute, 1982. p111-119 BERARDI R., “The spatial organization of Tunis Medina and other Arab-Muslim cities in North Africa and the Near East.” In: SALMA K., HOLOD R., PETRUCCIOLI A., RAYMOND A. (eds), The City in the Islamic World, Vol. 1, Brill, Leiden Boston, 2008. Samir, SEREGELDIN Ismael (eds) The Arab City , Arab Urban Development Institute, 1982. p36-54 CANTACUZINO S. “From courtyard to street: recent changes in the patterns of Arab cities”, In EL-SADEK, Samir, SEREGELDIN Ismael (eds) The Arab City , Arab Urban Development Institute, 1982. p84-92 DARWISH, Mahmoud.“Une Lettre à Edward Said.”, in: MARROUCHI M., Cry no more for me, Palestine – Mahmoud Darwish, College Literature 38.4 (Fall 2011) DE CAUTER, Lieven, Architecture and disaster; the spatial order of a dualized world, Berlage Instituut, 2010-2011. FEARON James D., 1999, “What is identity (as we now use the word) ?”, Stanford University, California, Department of Social Science HAKIM S. Besim, “Law and the City” In: SALMA K., HOLOD R., PETRUCCIOLI A., RAYMOND A. (eds), The City in the Islamic World, Vol. 1, Brill, Leiden Boston, 2008. HASSAN, Ismae’l Sheikh, “Reconstructing the Oxymoron: the Palestinian Refugee Camp of Nahr el Bareed”, in: D’AURIA V., DE MEULDER B., SHANNON K., (eds), Human Settlements; Formulations and (re)Calibrations, Amsterdam, Sun, 2010. pp.134-141 HASSAN, Ismae’l Sheikh, Charting a Palestinian strategy of exile Burj El Barajneh, unpublished thesis, KuLeuven, faculty of engineering sciences, 2005. KHAWAJA, Marwan, Migration and the Reproduction of Poverty: The Refugee Camps in Jordan, Blackwell Publishing Ltd, Oxford, 2003. PETEET, Julie, Between exclusion and Isolation: Palestinian Refugee Camps, Philadelphia: University of Pennysylvania Press, 2005. PREM KUMAR, Rajaram, Borderspaces: Hidden Geographies and Politics at Territory’s Edge, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007 RAYMOND A. , “The spatial organization of the City”. In: SALMA K., HOLOD R., PETRUCCIOLI A., RAYMOND A. (eds), The City in the Islamic World, Vol. 1, Brill, Leiden Boston, 2008.

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RAMADAN A., “Specialising the refugee camp”, in: Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, Royal Geographical Society, Cambridge, 2012. RUELENS, Bert, Acts of return: Spatial Interventions in Palestinian refugee camps and former villages, unpublished thesis, KuLeuven, faculty of engineering sciences, 2011 SERAGELDIN I., EL-SADEK S., FADEL, R., “Social interaction as a determinant in the design of the Arab city”, In: EL-SADEK, Samir, SEREGELDIN Ismael (eds) The Arab City , Arab Urban Development Institute, 1982. P62-70 SA’DI Ahmad, Catastrophe, Memory and Identity: Al-Nakbah as a Component of Palestinian Identity, EBSCO-publishing, 2002.

TAYLOR Charles, The Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989. TUASTD Dag, Al-Wihdat: The pride of the Palestinians in Jordan, PRIO – the International Peace Research Institute in Oslo, 2009. UNRWA & SIAAL, Camp Development Pilot Research Project. Main Research Report, 2007 UNRWA , Manual for Camp Improvement. Document received from Camp Improvement in Amman, Jordan, during Zumot M. Between exclusion and isolation: Tha case of the Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, Kuleuven. Faculty of social sciences: Unpublished Thesis, 2009.

SITES www.dls.gov.jo, Last consulted on 12/05/2012

www.unrwa.org/etemplate, Last consulted on 12/05/2012 www.sumpa-med.net, Last consulted on 25/04/2012

IMAGES www.googlemaps.be mapy.mk.cvut.cz/data/Stredni_vychod-Middle_East/Jordan_50k/, Last consulted on 12/05/2012 www.climate-charts.com/Locations/TJ40255.php, Last consulted on 07/04/2012

www.unrwa.org. Historical pictures Husn camp, received from UNRWA’s online database

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FIELD WORK

Market Analysis, conducted 04/09 – 09/09 Methodology: making inventory of the existing commercial activities in the camp and additional interviews with shop owners Additional interviews with company holders in the surrounding of the camp.

Methodology: during moments of free time, we walked around the different areas of the camp, making pictures and taking notes. During these walks we were always accompanied by an UNRWA volunteer. Additional some spaces were observed for a longer time. From the roofs of houses in the surrounding these spaces were observed during several hours a day. Block Analysis, conducted 09/10 – 12/10 ¬ Methodology: individual visits to houses in the camp. 2 blocks were chosen in the center, in the most dense area. Another one at the northern border. During these visits, an interview was conducted for the historical evolution of the shelter, family situation, current complaints and needs. Trip to Husn Camp’s surrounding, conducted 10/10/2011 Methodology: accompanied by a local resident from the camp, visit to the different places important for the camp inhabitants, Local interviews at some sites. Focus Groups (FG) As UNRWA operates a policy for participation, these focus groups are an interactive platform where the camp is represented for all its different groups of residents. FG with young female adults. Conducted on 21/10/2011 FG with young male adults. Conducted on 20/10/2011 FG with male elderly. Conducted on 12/06/2011 FG2 with male elderly. Conducted on 13/09 FG with female elderly. Conducted on 11/10/2011 Meeting with UNRWA Camp Manager. Conducted on 25/09/2011 Meeting with head of the DPA for Husn Camp. Conducted on 25/09/2011 Meeting with a muchtar of the camp. Conducted on 24/10/2011

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INTERERSTING CONVERSATIONS Consultation with Ismaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;el Sheikh Hassan, 16/05/2012 Multiple moments of communication in person and by email with Fatima Al Nammari, PhD. former Project Manager, Consultation with Joud Khasawneh, pHd student at the KUL. Her research deals with open space in Amman, Capital of Jordan. Conducted on 04/04/2012 Consultation with Lynn Jabri, Manama-student Urban Studies at the KUL. She is Libanese and was part of the design process ofn the Palestinian refugee camp Nahr-El-Bared in Lebannon. Conducted on 31/03/2012 Consultation with Saffa Albattrawi, Manama-student Human Settlements at the KUL. She lives in Gaza. At the moment of the consultation a relatif was in Belgium to visit. He has lived his youth in a Gaza Camp and has worked there for years as social worker. Today he lives in Norway. Consultation with Xena Kalouti. She is Jordanian and did here graduation project at the University of Jordan about Bakha Refugee Camp in Amman, Jordan. She won multiple prices with this project. Conducted on 30/10/2011

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