Cardinal Richelieu’s use of communication as a tool of influence From the conquest of power to the exercise of it, the emphasis placed on communication was a consistent feature of Cardinal Richelieu’s career. His ministry initiated trends in political communication that have survived the centuries and are now considered to be self-‐evident. His principal innovation lies less in the creation of means of communication than it does in the systematization and rationalization of their use by the government with a view to conquer, control and secure the support of public opinion, a phenomenon that emerged along side the modern state in 17th century. A man of the world before becoming a statesman, Armand Jean du Plessis, Cardinal-‐duc de Richelieu et de Fronsac, was there at the start of it all and was able to use this to his advantage. A new political and media space The emergence of the modern state The reign of Henri IV, Louis XIII's predecessor, is still marked by its ancient conception of the public space as a ‘mystical’ body that symbolically combined the people and the king, all the while maintaining a strict separation between public and private domains. The state is forced to deal with a complex network of arrangements and special rights ranging from the Third Estate to the nobility, confining the king to a status of primus inter pares. However, it is the only actor in the public debate where everything is proscribed, leaving individuals ‘free to come to their own conclusions in the privacy of their offices’1. Its empowerment, made possible by the submission of nobles to royal authority, made it gradually more and more capable of imposing its will in the fiscal or military domains as well as increasing its interaction with private players. Acting as a corollary to physical coercion, royal propaganda helped sustain this new authority. The connotations of the 1
Gilles Feyel « Renaudot et les lecteurs de la Gazette, les « mystères de l'État » et la « voix publique », au cours des années 1630 », Le Temps des médias 1/2004 (n° 2).
term ‘propaganda’ then are far removed from those which are attributed to it today. Then, it simply referred to the propagation of the faith: for supporters of Richelieu, the Cardinal was spreading the Christian faith in his endeavours to make the king God’s Lieutenant on Earth and by encouraging the people to acknowledge his authority. As in ‘contemporary democracies, where a citizen’s “freedom” is determined in relation to the constraints posed by the law’, obedience to the king gradually came to define ‘the liberty of the subject’2. At the foundation of state authority, it allowed Louis XIII to bequeath to his son ‘the great tools of the state, the army, the navy, diplomacy, intelligence, not to mention the arts and letters in full creative ferment’3. The emergence of a public sphere For Jean-‐Christian Petitfils, public opinion became essential in the seventeenth century due to the pamphlets and satires in constant circulation, commenting on public policy. Evidenced by the personal arguments between writers in publications that presented the lively debate of various viewpoints. Engravings complemented this ‘avalanche of pamphlets’. They were displayed in cities and which informed the people–the majority of whom were illiterate–of royal policy. This new use of printed images saw them used as a tool to present reactions to events and, more specifically, the sharing of these reactions. An increased audience and a simultaneous growth in these publications situated this interaction in an autonomous space: these images and publications were no longer considered extra tools whose use remained subsidiary, but as essential to a sphere-‐in-‐itself with its own rules. For Helen Duccini, the use of print for informational and propagandist purposes is, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, an indication of ‘a good command in methods of communication’4. The most important players in the kingdom quickly took note of the significance of this newfound ‘battle of quills’. The Great Revolt (1614-‐1615) made them aware of the need to publicly justify their policy choices: witness the fiery manifestos written by Condé directed at queen and parliament5. On a religious level, relative peace had succeeded the clashes of the previous century between the Catholics and the Huguenots. France nevertheless was left permanently divided, making the mastery of writing and argumentation all the more essential. In the absence of armed 2
Diane Trudel, « Un art de propagande à la gloire de Richelieu », in Vie des Arts, vol. 46, n°188, 2002. Jean-‐Christian Petitfils, Louis XIII, Perrin, 2008. 4 Hélène Duccini, Faire voir, faire croire. L’opinion publique sous Louis XIII, Champ Vallon, 2003. 5 Idem. 3
clashes between Catholics and Protestants, speech enabled some pacified form of ‘the continuation of war by other means’6. Communication as a tool to influence the population Faced with the autonomous structure of the public sphere and the increasingly important role of public opinion in development, Richelieu and the political authority tried to capture this ‘public voice’7. He wanted to channel pamphleteers most hostile to royal policy and himself used the power of writing as a tool of political justification. Cutting the Gordian knot of private arrangements with which he intended to replace the unconditional authority of the State, Richelieu streamlined the use of methods to influence public opinion. Beyond the circles of power, he helped in this endeavour to systematize political thought8. A paradox of ‘veiled / unveiled’ began to take shape, which consisted in defending the ‘mysteries of the State’, placed above the morality of men, ‘by submitting them to public debate where they were discussed and were often contradicted’9. This interaction created a lasting bond between public and private, binding the sovereign personally to his people. A reader of Theophrastus Renaudot’s highly distributed Gazette10, Louis XIII published regular articles with the magazine. Precursor to press forums and conferences, he wrote personally the article dedicated to the return to France of his brother. Until the siege of Perpignan in 1642, two years before his death, he recounted every week military operations in which he participated. Promoting royal policy, from the Third Estate to the elites Richelieu’s communication policy was aimed at very different audiences, and he adapted it accordingly. The prints were commissioned to the most famous artists of the time and were aimed at stirring popular emotion. Plastered in sight of all, they regularly broadcasted information to the
6
Christian Jouhaud, « Les libelles en France au XVIIe siècle : action et publication », in Cahiers d'histoire. Revue d'histoire critique, 90-‐-‐-‐91 | 2003. 7 Helene Duccini, ibid. 8 Jörg Wollenberg « Richelieu et le système européen de sécurité collective, La Bibliothèque du Cardinal comme centre intellectuel d’une nouvelle politique », conférence du 9 février 1995, Ecole Normale Supérieure. 9 Gilles Feyel, « Renaudot et les lecteurs de la Gazette, les « mystères de l’État » et la « voix publique », au cours des années 1630 », in Le Temps des médias n°2, printemps 2004. 10 Stéphane Haffemayer, L'information dans la France du XVIIe siècle : la gazette Renaudot de 1647 à 1663, Honoré Champion, 2002.
people and ensured a wide publicity to the events they advertised11. These prints exalted the idea of a warrior king, fighting against heresy in the kingdom and against the Spanish enemy, as much as they did that of a king of peace going about ‘the noble deeds of daily life’12. Countless manifestos of political analysis aiming at the strengthening of state authority were also destined for opinions that were considered not ‘enlightened’. Aristocratic elites ‘from the capital and the provinces alike [...] robines and even merchants from the good towns of the kingdom’ constituted the first public of prints. From now on, the function of these manifestos was limited to propaganda, due to the development of regular means of information (e. g. the creation of the Gazette in May 1631). Faced with the violent rebellion of the Croquants that threatened to spread to the rest of the kingdom, Richelieu spread ‘curious manifestos in which doctrines of the divine right of kings and absolutism were pushed to extremes. Holy Spirit constantly guided the “prudent and outstanding Council of His Majesty”’, labeling the revolt as the ‘work of the Devil’13. From communication to political analysis Beyond the defense of the royal policy, Richelieu wrote many works justifying the objectives of his policies and actions. These include Défense des principaux points de la foi catholique contre la lettre des quatre ministres de Charenton (‘Defense of the Main Points of the Catholic Faith against the Letter Written by the Four Ministers of Charenton’), his theological works, in particular the Traité (‘Treaty’) containing information on converting those who have broken away from the Church, La Succincte narration des grandes actions du Roy Louis XIII (‘Brief History of King Louis XIII’s Great Deeds’) and the famous Testament politique (‘Political Testament’), published posthumously in order to justify the Cardinal’s policies to posterity. The emphasis on argumentation in defending royal politics was a constant feature of Richelieu’s career: he collected many works as possible to form a sort of ‘data bank’ to counter the critics wielding the written word against divine power. Far from reducing his opponents to silence the Cardinal always preferred to publish his responses to their attacks, sometimes leaving this to his scribes, but more often than not, writing these responses in person14. Françoise Hildesheimer also notes that he was as anxious about his library as he was of his own documents towards the end of his life and that it was under his ministry that the library ‘was opened for the first time to the 11
Hélène Duccini, ibid. Idem. 13 Philippe Erlanger, Richelieu, Perrin, 1967. 14 Idem. 12
public’15. It was with regards to religious politics that analysis was most energetically advanced, and this for obvious reasons. The polarization of France between faiths and the ravages of the religious wars disqualified any attempt to unify religious by force. The writings of Armand Jean du Plessis, while still bishop of Luzon, also show great confidence in the power of arguments and make a call to ‘discuss with the utmost restraint’ in order to ‘heal the reformed, and not to hurt them’, the future Cardinal having learned ‘from experience that souls are not tamed by force’16. For Cardinal Khlesl, only this guerra spirituale would enable these quills to put an end to religious war once and for all. More broadly, this approach constitutes a major step in the history of political science, in that for the first time, political discourse is approached in a scientifically calculated manner. The use of communication as a tool of political control Control of the printing press Whether it concerned the couriers responsible for transporting letters between French and foreign aristocratic elites, or Matthew de Morgues’ tirades violently attacking financial policy or satires and plays ridiculing l’Éminence rouge (‘the Red Eminence’), the circulation of information was for Louis XIII an issue of paramount importance. A plan to kill the king and Richelieu, an attempt to kidnap the niece of Cardinal were circumvented by the monitoring of communication between the agents. For all that, the action of power remained essentially the ordering of influence and rarely resorted to coercion. Despite security concerns, the control of the printing press was used primarily as a tool for strengthening state prerogatives and not as a tool of repression. Emphasizing the low number of arrests and sanctions imposed by the monarchy against the authors, printers and booksellers distributing pamphlets, Hélène Duccini believes that ‘all in all, censorship was a benevolent force and the bookselling business was allowed to thrive’17. Policies to control the printing press aimed more at endowing the state with means to influence the discourse: the desire of the Cardinal to strengthen state authority was satisfied as much into the reduction of opposition enclaves as it was by the creation of viable tools of influence for the monarchy. 15
Canal Académie, Un jour dans l’histoire, « Richelieu, avec Françoise Hildesheimer », 1st January 2005. Jörg Wollenberg, ibid. 17 Hélène Duccini, ibid. 16
The construction of cultural power The creation of the Académie Française in this respect is a good example. It is not by mere chance that Richelieu decided in 1635 to establish this institution to protect the French language. Recognizing the important role of the public and intellectuals in the perception of conflicts, the Cardinal founded the Academy a few months after the entry into war of France against Spain. The Précieuses and the Hôtel de Rambouillet then ruled the ‘kingdom of ideas’. Richelieu launched a veritable counter-‐barrage against numerous ‘enemies of the “the Red Eminence” [and] sympathisers of the Spanish cause’18 in making the Académie Française a legitimate cultural authority. This is evidenced by the famous argument around Le Cid, where Corneille was reproached for not having complied with the rules of classical theatre19 and which enflamed the cultural life of Paris in 1637. By allowing a judgement of the piece to be passed by the Académie without attempting to influence its outcome, Richelieu showed that his goal was to create a public institution recognized for its cultural, without interfering personally with its operation. Promoting a unified French language also endowed the language of the crown with an authority outweighing Latin, Italian or Spanish20. The creation of the Imprimerie Royale in 1639 followed a similar logic. Officially billed as a means of ‘multiplying beautiful publications promoting the glory of the king’21, it guaranteed the state first look at the publications, while endowing France with works which could compete with those of the Netherlands, both in terms of typography and ornamentation22. The Imprimerie Royale also enjoyed a notable permanence in French culture: known today Imprimerie Nationale, it is one of the largest printing presses in France and employs almost 2000 people. A ‘Man of letters within himself’23, the Cardinal remained throughout his life attached to literature, to theatre, to the opera, all of which he systematically used as instruments of cultural power. Poets and men of letters would be mobilized as would jurists and theologians to justify his policies24, and they were even engaged to act directly in interactions with foreign states. Richelieu in 1633 spoke of intense artistic exchange with Pope Urban VIII in Rome. He wished to 18
Philippe Erlanger, ibid. Unity of time, action and place. 20 Diane Trudel, ibid. 21 URL : http://www.finances.gouv.fr/directions_services/caef/aef/pages/15/15.html 22 Diane Trudel, ibid. 23 Canal Académie, ibid. 24 Jörg Wollenberg, ibid. 19
demonstrate to Rome that France was ‘its best student in the diplomatic game, the letters and the arts’25. Aware of the cultural influence produced by its Masters collections on foreign envoys, the commercial bourgeoisie and the nobility, he initiated frequent exchanges of works of art with European sovereigns that beyond their artistic merit, presenting to the young nobility ‘paragons of virtue, courage and patriotism, such as Joan of Arc and Abbot Suger’26. Placing literature at the forefront of the struggle against Habsburg hegemony, Richelieu personally wrote a heroic comedy in five acts, Europe, which was an allegory of French foreign policy. Courted by the proud Iberian, who tries to seduce her and then kidnap her, the princess Europe is saved by Francion who manages to restore peace at the price of questionable alliances, making the King of France ‘defender of European liberty and the precursor of some prototype of European unity’27. Protean in his speech depending on his audience and his objectives, founding modern strategies of influence, the communication strategy implemented by Richelieu truly reflects the political genius of the Cardinal. Between Protestant states and the Holy Roman Empire, Spain and England, the clergy and nobility, ‘Good Frenchmen’ and ‘Good Christians’, the ‘Red Eminence’ knew how to manipulate the antagonisms of the actors involved, acting in the interest of the monarchy that he believed was a conciliatory power capable of restoring stability. Similarly, the practice of communication is the result of a complex balance involving various objectives and multiple actors. If at times Richelieu resorted to repression, it was to promote royal policy by an argument adapted to foreign audiences and the various classes of the population, as the Cardinal understood the importance of winning popular support. Three and a half centuries before its conceptualization by Joseph Nye28, the communication strategy of the Grand Cardinal marked the Grand siècle (the classical period of Louis XIV that marked a flourishing of French art and literature) and laid the foundations of French soft power. Furthermore, it demonstrates a remarkable permanence of the relationship between communication, culture and influence. Club du Millénaire: Louis-‐Marie Bureau Editorial board: Lara Deger, Sarah Laffon Translation: Rosalind Tan 25
Diane Trudel, ibid. Philippe Erlanger, ibid. 27 Jörg Wollenberg, ibid. 28 Joseph Nye, Bound to Lead, 1990. 26