Archiving the City in Flux by CLUSTER

ARCHIVING THE CITY IN FLUX Cairoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Shifting Urban Landscape Since the January 25th Revolution

Omar Nagati and Beth Stryker

ARCHIVING THE CITY IN FLUX

Cairo’s Shifting Urban Landscape Since the January 25th Revolution Archiving the City in Flux examines new modes of informal urban interventions in public space that have emerged in Cairo since January 2011. During this time a in the city. Archiving the City in Flux offers a preliminary account of the city as it has evolved over this two-year period, focusing primarily on public space and emerging urban orders, and attempts to draw lessons from informality towards the development of alternative design guidelines and planning policies.

‫ﺗﻌﺮض ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ »ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﻮﻟﺔ« أﻧﺴﺎق ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﺘﺪﺧﻼت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻏري‬ ‫ ﺣﻴﺚ أدى اﻻﻧﻬﻴﺎر اﻟﺠﺰيئ‬،‫ ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬٢٥ ‫اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة اﻟﺘﻲ ﻇﻬﺮت ﻣﻨﺬ ﺛﻮرة‬ ‫ ﻳﻘﺪم »ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬.‫ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ اﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ إﱃ إﺣﺪاث ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﻮﻟﺔ ﻏري اﳌﺴﺒﻮﻗﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ ،‫ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﻮﻟﺔ« رﺻﺪ أوﱃ ﻟﻠﺘﻐريات اﳌﺘﻼﺣﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻌﺎﻣني اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘني‬ ‫ﻣﻊ اﻟﱰﻛﻴﺰ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ أﺳﺎﳼ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم واﳌامرﺳﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ وﻛﺬا ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ إﺳﺘﺨﻼص‬ .‫دروس ﻣﻦ اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻧﺤﻮ رؤى ﺗﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ وﻣﻌﺎﻳري ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ وﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ‬

ARCHIVING THE CITY IN FLUX Cairoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Shifting Landscape since the January 25th Revolution

Omar Nagati and Beth Stryker

Nagati, Omar and Beth Stryker Archiving the City in Flux: Cairo's Shifting Urban Landscape since the January 25th Revolution / Omar Nagati and Beth Stryker - Cairo: CLUSTER, 2013 © 2013 CLUSTER All Rights Reserved ISBN 978-0-615-91141-0 Cover photo courtesy of Amar El Zaman Abdel Halim Book design: Yasmina Taha and Adham Bakry Printed in Cairo

‫ ﻋﻤﺮ وﺑﺚ ﺳﱰﻳﻜﺮ‬،‫ﻧﺠﺎىت‬ ‫ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﰱ اﻟﻌﻤﺮان ﻣﻨﺬ ﺛﻮرة‬:‫ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﰱ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﻮﻟﺔ‬ ٢٠١٣ ،‫ ﻛﻠﺴﱰ‬:‫ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬- ‫ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺠﺎىت وﺑﺚ ﺳﱰﻳﻜﺮ‬/‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻇﺔ‬ ٠-٩١١٤١-٦١٥-٠-٩٧٨ ‫رﻗﻢ ﺗﺴﻠﺴﻞ اﻟﻜﺘﺎب اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‬ ‫ ﻗﻤﺮ اﻟﺰﻣﺎن ﻋﺒﺪاﻟﺤﻠﻴﻢ‬: ‫ﺻﻮرة اﻟﻐﻼف ل‬ ‫ ﻳﺎﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎ ﻃﻪ وأدﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﺮي‬:‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻃُﺒﻊ ﰱ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬

‫اﳌﺤﺘﻮى‬

Contents Preface

4|5

‫اﳌﻘﺪّﻣﺔ‬

I. Context: Cairo Urban Revolution

‫ اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬:‫ اﻟﺴﻴﺎق‬.١

II. A City in Flux: New Urban Citizenship

‫ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﺔ ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‬:‫ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﰱ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﻮﻟﺔ‬.٢

III. Methodology: Three Parameters of Documentation

‫ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺤﺎور ﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت‬:‫ ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﳌﻴﺪاىن‬.٣

Case Study 1: Street Vendors

Case Study 2: Roadside Development

‫ دراﺳـﺎت اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ‬.٤ ‫ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني‬:‫اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج اﻷول‬ ‫ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮي‬:‫اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج اﻟﺜﺎين‬

‫ اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬.٥

IV. Case Studies

V. Conclusions and Guidelines Endnotes Suggested Reading

72|73 74

‫ﻫﻮاﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎدر ﻣﻘﱰﺣﺔ‬

Research Team and Acknowledgements

76|77

‫ﻓﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﺷﻜﺮ‬

Image Credits

78|79

‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﺼﻮر واﻷﺷﻜﺎل‬

Preface This research began almost two years ago, in the months

Archiving the City in Flux offers a preliminary account of the city

preceding the momentous events of January 2011 that shook

as it evolved in this period, focusing primarily on public space,

the country and the region at large. Subsequent changes on

and the relevance of politics on the ground to an ephemeral and

the ground would subject the city of Cairo, the focus of our

fast-changing urban order. This publication presents a sample

research, to a state of unprecedented fluidity and, some would

of an ongoing research project of a broader scope. While the

argue, lawlessness.

research team acknowledges the timeliness of this document, we hope that some of this documentation and analysis may

In the two intervening years, successive governments and

contribute to long-term urban planning strategies, in terms of

their attempts to restore “order” fell short in the face of

both policy and design.

overwhelming forces of change. Even as this publication is written (Summer 2013), Cairo witnesses yet another turn of events, and, as before, new patterns emerge. Depending on which narrative you subscribe to, a “new wave of revolution” and opposing political factions between “revolutionary” and “counter revolutionary” forces engage in violent confrontation on the city streets. Definitions of “true revolutionaries” versus

fulul , or remnants of the former regime are repeatedly contested and blurred. Heroes and villains swap places and roles. Such ambiguity attests to the fluidity of the political landscape, contributing to a state of flux and confusion that renders the articulation of clear positions and finite theoretical reflections unattainable at this stage.

‫اﳌﻘﺪّ ﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺪأ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺮب اﻟﻌﺎﻣني ﺧﻼل اﻷﺷﻬﺮ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻠﺖ اﻷﺣﺪاث اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﰱ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ‪ ،٢٠١١‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﻫ ّﺰت ﻣﴫ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ واﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ أدّت اﻟﺘﻐﻴريات اﳌﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ أرض اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ إﱃ إﻧﺰﻻق اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮع ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ ،‬إﱃ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﻮﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻏري اﳌﺴﺒﻮﻗﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﺪﻫﺎ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ »ﻓﻮﴇ أو ﻋﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪة«‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺑﺎءت‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﳌﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ وﻣﺤﺎوﻻﺗﻬﺎ ﰲ إﻋﺎدة »اﻟﻨﻈﺎم« ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎﻣني اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴني ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺸﻞ أﻣﺎم‬ ‫أﻣﻮاج اﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﻟﻌﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﻟﺬى ﺗﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ – ﺻﻴﻒ ‪-٢٠١٣‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻬﺪت اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﺪاث‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺎت ﻋﻨﻴﻔﺔ ﺑني‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺟﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺜﻮرة« و»ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ّﻴﺔ ﻣﻀﺎدّة«‪ ،‬أو ﺑني »اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﺜﻮرﻳّﺔ«‬ ‫أي ﻣﻦ اﻟﴪدﻳﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫و»اﻟﻘﻮى اﳌﻀﺎدة ﻟﻠﺜﻮرة‪ «،‬وذﻟﻚ اﻋﺘامدا ً ﻋﲆ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻀﻊ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎت ﻣﺜﻞ »اﻟﺜﻮار اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﻮن« ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ »اﻟﻔﻠﻮل« )أو ﻋﻨﺎﴏ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ( ﻟﻌﻤﻠ ّﻴﺎت ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ وإﻋﺎدة ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺴﺘﻤ ّﺮة‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺒﺎدل ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻷﺑﻄﺎل‬ ‫واﻷﴍار اﳌﻮاﻗﻒ واﻷدوار‪ .‬وﻳﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻐﻤﻮض ﻋﲆ اﳌﺸﻬﺪ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ اﳌﺘﺴﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐري واﻻرﺗﺒﺎك‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل ﳌﻮاﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﻴﻮﻋﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﴏﻳﺤﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺄ ّﻣﻼت ﻧﻈﺮﻳّﺔ ﻣﺤﺪدة أﻣﺮا ﺷﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐري ﻳﺤﺎول اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﳌﻌﻨﻮن ب »ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺧﻀ ّﻢ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﺆﻗﺘﺔ وﴎﻳﻌﺔ ّ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﰱ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﻮﻟﺔ«‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻘﺎط ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﺑﺮة‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺮﻛّﺰ ﺑﺎﻷﺳﺎس ﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎ ّﻣﺔ واﻟﺪور اﻟﺬي ﺗﻠﻌﺒﻪ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﳌﺘﻀﺎرﺑﺔ ﻋﲆ أرض اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺘﱪ‬ ‫ﻫﺬه اﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺎري ﻋﲆ ﻧﻄﺎق أوﺳﻊ ﻳُﻌﺮض ﻓﻴﻬﺎ أﻣﺜﻠﺔ ومنﺎذج‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪدة ﺿﻤﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ رﺻﺪ أﺷﻤﻞ‪ .‬وﺑﺮﻏﻢ ارﺗﺒﺎط ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺑﻠﺤﻈﺔ زﻣﻨ ّﻴﺔ ﻣﻌ ّﻴﻨﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺄﻣﻞ أن ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ واﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ رؤى ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ اﻷﻣﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ اﳌﻘﱰﺣﺎت اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4|5‬‬

I. Context: Cairo Urban Revolution

I. Context: Cairo Urban Revolution The events of the so-called Arab Spring represent what we have previously termed an “urban revolution,” rooted in unjust urban conditions and played out in the public spaces of large cities across Egypt and throughout the region. 1 Its implications are changing the face of streets and neighborhoods where shifting local and national politics are contested on a daily basis. In Egypt, a disenfranchised urban majority took to the streets and demanded their right to the city, marching from the social and geographical margins and hitting the urban and political center. It is within the context of decades of the urbanization of injustice, we argue, the January 25th Revolution should be viewed. At the outset of the second decade of the twenty-first century, Cairo exhibits three definitive socio-spatial conditions and trajectories of urbanization. They are: 1) a deteriorating urban core; 2) encroaching informal settlements; and 3) new desert developments. A cumulative agglomeration developed through the middle of the twentieth century around the medieval center, today representing a historic urban core that accounts for

‫ اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﰱ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬:‫ اﻟﺴﻴﺎق‬.١ ‫متﺜّﻞ اﻷﺣﺪاث اﻟﺘﻲ ُﺳ ّﻤﻴﺖ »ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮيب« ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ وأﻃﻠﻘﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ »ﺛﻮرة‬ ‫« ﻧﺘﺠﺖ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻤﺮان ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﺗُﺘﺨﺬ ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎ ّﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺪن ﻣﴫ‬،‫ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ وﻗﺪ أدّت ﺗﺪاﻋﻴﺎت ﻫﺬه اﻷﺣﺪاث إﱃ ﺗﻐﻴري ﻣﻼﻣﺢ‬١.‫واﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﴪﺣﺎ ﻟﻪ‬ ‫ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﺰاع‬.‫اﻟﺸﻮارع واﻷﺣﻴﺎء ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ وﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺛﻮرة اﻟﻔﻼﺣني‬.‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻣامرﺳﺎت ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻻرﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌامﻟﻴّﺔ اﻟﺮوﺳﻴّﺔ‬ ّ ‫ أو اﻟﺜﻮرة‬،‫ﺿ ّﺪ اﻻرﺳﺘﻘﺮاﻃﻴّﺔ اﻹﻗﻄﺎﻋﻴّﺔ ﰲ أواﺧﺮ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻋﴩ‬ ‫ أو اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﰲ أوروﺑﺎ وﺷامل أﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻌﻘﻮد‬،‫ﰲ أوج اﻟﻌﴫ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺠﲆ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ّﻴﺔ »اﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮيب« ﰲ ﻛﺸﻔﻪ ﻋﻦ‬ ّ ،‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻠﺖ اﻟﺤﺮب اﻟﻌﺎﳌ ّﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ ﺣﻴﺚ‬،‫ﺳﻴﺎﻗﺎت ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﳌامرﺳﺎت ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻗﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﻘﻮد اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﺜﻮرة‬ ‫زﺣﻔﺖ اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﻬﻤﺸﺔ إﱃ اﻟﺸﻮارع واﳌﻴﺎدﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﺪة وﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺤﻘّﻬﺎ‬ ‫ وﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﲆ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺔ ﺗﻔﴪ أﺣﺪاث ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬.‫ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ واﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم‬ ‫ ﻛﺜﻮرة ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺈﻣﺘﻴﺎز ﻳﻌﺎد ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ اﳌﻮاﻃﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬٢٠١١ .‫وﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ميﻜﻦ رﺻﺪ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ أﻧﺴﺎق ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ وﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺠﻠّﺖ ﰱ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﺧﻼل اﻟﻌﻘﺪ‬ ‫ ب( ﻻرﺳﻤﻴﺔ زاﺣﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ‬،‫ أ( ﻗﻠﺐ ﻋﻤﺮاىن ﻣﺘﺪاع‬.‫اﻷ ّول ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﺤﺎدي واﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ ﻳﺘﺄﻟّﻒ اﻟﻘﻠﺐ اﳌﺘﺪاﻋﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮاﻛامت‬.‫ ج( ﻣﺪن ﺻﺤﺮاوﻳّﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة وﻣﻤﺘﺪة‬،‫اﻷﻃﺮاف‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻼﺣﻘﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ ﺣﻮل اﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻲ اﻟﺬي ﺗﺮﺟﻊ‬ .‫ﺛﻠﺜﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‬ ّ ‫ وﻫﻮ ميﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺮب ﻣﻦ‬،‫ﻧﺸﺄﺗﻪ إﱃ اﻟﻘﺮون اﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‬

almost two-thirds of the city's geographical area.

6|7

Prayer at Tahrir Square (above) Typical informal urban fabric surrounding the Greater Cairo Region (below)

(‫ﺻﻔﻮف اﳌﺼﻠني ﰱ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ )أﻋﲆ‬ (‫ﻧﺴﻴﺞ منﻄﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺮان ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻰ اﳌﺤﻴﻂ مبﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة اﻟﻜﱪى )أﺳﻔﻞ‬

‫ﺑﺤﻠﻮل ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ ﺳﺒﻌﻴﻨ ّﻴﺎت اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺪت ﻣﴫ ﺗﻐﻴريات ﺟﺬرﻳّﺔ ﻣﺘﻼﺣﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳّﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﰱ اﻟﺘﺤ ّﺮك ﻧﺤﻮ اﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺴﻮق اﻟﺤ ّﺮ‬ ‫واﻟﺒﺪء ﰱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎح اﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺪت ﺗﺮاﺟﻌﺎ ﰲ دور اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻤﻤ ّﻮل‬ ‫ﻟﱪاﻣﺞ اﻟﺪﻋﻢ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ واﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻹﺳﻜﺎن واﻟﻨﻘﻞ واﻟﺼﺤﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ .‬وﻛﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﻣﻤﻨﻬﺠﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺺ دور اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻌﻘﻮد اﻟﻼﺣﻘﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎت ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﳌﴫﻳني ﺑﺪون ﻏﻄﺎء ﺗﺄﻣني ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬واﻟﺬي أدّى ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻟﺨﻠﻖ ﻣﺴﺎرﻳﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ واﻟﺤﻠﻮل اﻟﻔﺮدﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ اﳌﺴﺎر‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻠني وإن ﻛﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﺘﻘﺎرﺑني ﻣﻦ اﳌﺒﺎدرات‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫اﻷ ّول ﰲ ﺗﻄ ّﻮر ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻻرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻜﺘﻈّﺔ )ﺗﻌﺮف »ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺎت« ﰲ اﻟﺨﻄﺎب اﻟﻌﺎم(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻘﻮﺻﺔ اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت واﳌﺮاﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻊ أﻏﻠﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﻟﻴﺲ ﺣﴫا‪ ،‬ﻋﲆ أر ٍ‬ ‫اض زراﻋ ّﻴﺔ ذات‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺆﻟّﻒ اﻟﻴﻮم ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺮب ﻣﻦ ‪ ٪٧٠‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮع اﻟﻮﺣﺪات اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫أﻣﺎ اﳌﺴﺎر اﻟﺜﺎين ﻓﻴﺘﺠﲆ ﰲ اﻟﻨﻤ ّﻮ اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪ ﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ ﺳﻜﻨﻴّﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺪن ﺻﺤﺮاوﻳّﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‬ ‫ﺣﻮل اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻋﺪة ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎ وﻗﺎﴏة ﻋﲆ ﻓﺌﺎت اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮن‬ ‫‪٢‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴ ّﻮرة‪ ،‬متﺜﻞ اﻟﺴ ّﻴﺎرة ﻓﻴﻬﺎ وﺳﻴﻠﺔ اﳌﻮاﺻﻼت اﻻﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﻫﻢ اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ اﻟﺼﺎرخ ﺑني ﻫﺬه اﻷﻧﺴﺎق اﳌﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺔ اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺎ وﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺎ إﱃ زﻳﺎدة‬ ‫اﻹﺣﺴﺎس ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻬﻤﻴﺶ واﻹﻗﺼﺎء ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ ﺧﻄﺎب رﺳﻤﻲ ﻳﺼﻒ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﻤﺮاﺳﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ »ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺎت« مبﺎ ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﺬا اﳌﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﻣﻦ إداﻧﺔ وﺗﺠﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣام دﻓﻊ‬ ‫أﻏﻠﺒﻴّﺔ ﺳﻜّﺎن اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة اﻟﻘﺎﻃﻨني ﰱ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ إﱃ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻹﺣﺒﺎط واﻟﺴﺨﻂ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪ ﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﻮاﻃﻨني درﺟﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬وميﻜﻦ رﺻﺪ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﳌﺴريات‬ ‫واﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮات ﺳﻮاء اﻟﺘﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ أو اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﺒﻘﺎ واﻟﺘﻲ إﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖ ﻣﻦ أﻃﺮاف‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﺣﻮل ﻧﻘﺎط إﻟﺘﻘﺎء اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﳌﺨﻄﻄﺔ واﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪان‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ وﺳﻂ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣام ﺣﻤﻞ دﻻﻟﺔ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ ﻋﺪد ﻛﺒري ﻣﻦ اﳌﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ اﳌﻌﱪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺛﻮرة اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻴﺎءاﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻫﻜﺬا ميﻜﻦ رﺳﻢ ﺻﻮرة ذﻫﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻮرة زﺣﻒ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ ﻟﻴﴬب اﻟﻘﻠﺐ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ واﻟﻌﻤﺮاىن ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8|9‬‬

‫‪By the middle of the 1970s, Egypt had witnessed a set of‬‬ ‫‪fundamental changes in its political ideology and economic‬‬ ‫‪policies. A shift to a free-market economy in this period led to‬‬ ‫‪the withdrawal of the state from its earlier role as provider of‬‬ ‫‪social welfare programs and urban services including housing,‬‬ ‫‪transportation, health and education. Systematic deregulation‬‬ ‫‪programs in subsequent decades left most Egyptians without‬‬ ‫‪a state-supported safety net, resulting in the emergence of‬‬ ‫‪two divergent, if interrelated trajectories founded upon private‬‬ ‫‪initiative: On the one hand, the evolution of high-density,‬‬ ‫‪underserved informal development, which is located mostly, but‬‬ ‫‪not exclusively on privately owned agricultural land, accounts‬‬ ‫‪today for almost 70 percent of all housing stock. On the other,‬‬ ‫‪a surge in the development of dispersed, exclusive, and often‬‬ ‫‪gated housing developments in the new desert cities around‬‬ ‫‪Cairo has led to a new, automobile driven, evolution of the city. 2‬‬ ‫‪The physical proximity of the formal and informal areas and‬‬ ‫‪limitations on access to already insufficient public services‬‬ ‫‪available in the latter accentuate an awareness of the‬‬ ‫‪asymmetrical nature of these disparate living conditions.‬‬

Meeting point for marches Tahrir Square

Geography of the Revolution: Marches and protests originating at the city's peripheries, at the interface of formal and informal areas, move towards Tahrir Square at the city’s geographical and political center.

‫ زﺣﻔﺖ اﻟﺠامﻫري اﳌﻬﻤﺸﺔ ﻣﻦ أﻃﺮاف اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ وﺣﻮاﻓﻬﺎ ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﴬب ﻗﻠﺒﻬﺎ‬- ‫ﺟﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻮرة‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﰲ‬

In addition to the inequalities present in urban conditions, public policy and official discourse directed at informal urban development have compounded the sense of marginalization and exclusion, leaving the vast majority of Cairo’s residents with little recourse to address an escalating sense of frustration and discontent. Maps outlining the trajectory of marches and protests in the city reveal that a large percentage of the protests making up Cairo’s urban revolution originated on the outskirts of the city, or at the interface of formal and informal developments, before moving towards Tahrir Square at the city's geographical and political center.

Railway crossings constitute one of the main access points between formal and informal areas in Giza to the west of Cairo.

‫ﺗﻌﺘﱪ اﳌﺰﻟﻘﺎﻧﺎت إﺣﺪى ﻧﻘﺎط اﳌﺮور اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑني اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ وﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﰱ اﻟﺠﻴﺰة ﻏﺮب اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬ 10 | 11

II. A City in Flux - Archiving the City in Flux

Los Angeles Times

II. A City in Flux: New Urban Citizenship

II. A City in Flux: New Urban Citizenship This research focuses on the past two years (2011-2012), during which time Cairo has experienced a process of urban transformation that is unparalleled in its recent history, with respect both to changes on the ground and the evolution of a new mode of urban citizenship. 3 While informal interventions have been a hallmark of Cairo’s public spaces for decades, new modes of informality have emerged throughout the last two years that take advantage of state vulnerability and newly empowered communities to contribute to the constitution of an urban landscape in a state of flux. In addition to conspicuous material transformations in the fabric of the city produced by marches, protests and street battles, Cairo’s neighborhoods and public spaces have been subject to an accelerated process of more subtle informal encroachments. Emboldened by the overthrow of the regime, individuals and communities are challenging authorities and reclaiming their right to the city and public space.

‫ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﺔ ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‬:‫ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﻮﻟﺔ‬.٢ ‫ اﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺪت اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﺧﻼﻟﻬام ﻋﻤﻠ ّﻴﺔ‬،‫ﻳﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻌﺎﻣني اﳌﺎﺿﻴني‬ ‫ ﺳﻮا ًء ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ اﻟﺘﻐﻴريات ﻋﲆ أرض‬،‫ﺗﺤ ّﻮل ﻋﻤﺮاىن ﻏري ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻗﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻬﺎ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‬ ‫ وﺑﺮﻏﻢ أن اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت‬٣.‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ أم ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻇﻬﻮر أﺷﻜﺎل ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‬ ،‫اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﻤﺔ أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺳامت اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎ ّﻣﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﻟﻌﻘﻮد ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ‬ ‫ واﻟﺘﻲ اﺳﺘﻐﻠﺖ‬،‫إﻻّ أ ّن أمنﺎﻃﺎً ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻧﺸﺄت ﰲ اﻟﻔﱰة ﻣﺤﻞ اﻟﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ‬ ‫ وﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻘﻮاء واﻟﺘﻤﻜني‬،‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻀﻌﻒ اﻟﺘﻰ أﺻﺎﺑﺖ أرﻛﺎن اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ ﻓﺒﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ اﻟﺘﺤ ّﻮﻻت اﳌﻠﻤﻮﺳﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺗﺠﺔ ﻋﻦ‬.‫ﻟﻸﻫﺎﱃ واﻷﻓﺮاد ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى‬ ‫ ﺑﺎﺗﺖ أﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة وﻓﺮاﻏﺎﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﺎ ّﻣﺔ ﻋﺮﺿﺔ‬،‫اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮات واﳌﺴريات ﰲ اﻟﺸﻮارع‬ ‫ﻟﻌﻤﻠ ّﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﺪّي ﺑﻼﺿﻮاﺑﻂ ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺪ اﻟﻘ ّﻮة ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ إﺳﻘﺎط اﻟﻨﻈﺎم واﻟﻐﻴﺎب اﳌﺆﻗﺖ‬ - ‫ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﺤﺪّى اﻷﻓﺮاد واﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒني ﺑﺤﻘّﻬﻢ‬،‫ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ اﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ وﰱ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﻴﺎق ميﻜﻦ‬.‫ ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ وﰲ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎ ّﻣﺔ‬- ‫اﻟﺬي ﺗﻢ إﻏﻔﺎﻟﻪ ﻟﻌﻘﻮد‬ «،‫اﻟﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ‬/‫ أو ﻣﺎ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺘﻪ »ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت اﻟﺨﻔﻴﻔﺔ‬،‫اﻟﺘﻔﺮﻗﺔ ﺑني اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت اﳌﺆﻗّﺘﺔ‬ ‫ أو ﺑﺎﻋﺔ‬،‫وﻫﻲ ﻣامرﺳﺎت ميﻜﻦ إزاﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺠﺮاﻓﻴﺘﻲ اﻟﺬى ميﻜﻦ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻼء‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺒﺔ« ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻨﺸﺂت‬/‫ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺎ ميﻜﻦ وﺻﻔﻪ »ﺑﺘﺪاﺧﻼت ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺔ‬،‫ﺟﺎﺋﻠني ميﻜﻦ ﻧﻘﻠﻬﻢ‬ ‫ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﻫﺪﻣﻬﺎ‬،‫ﻏري ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴّﺔ ﻣﺒﻨﻴّﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮاد أﻛرث دميﻮﻣﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﺨﺮﺳﺎﻧﺔ اﳌﺴﻠّﺤﺔ‬ ‫ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘ ّﻢ ﻋﲆ اﻷرﺟﺢ اﻟﻘﺒﻮل ﺑﻬﺎ‬،‫ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﻮدة ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن‬ .‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺔ أو ﻏﺮاﻣﺔ‬

Some of these manifestations have been temporary, or what might be termed “soft interventions”: reversible applications such as graffiti that may be painted over or the staging of street vendors and peddlers who may be relocated.

12 | 13

Protestor standing up to security forces on January 25, 2011

٢٠١١ ،‫ ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬٢٥ ‫ﻣﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻳﻘﻒ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎ ﻗﻮات اﻷﻣﻦ ﰲ‬

However, we are also witnessing the appearance of “hard interventions”: illegal structures built of more permanent materials, such as reinforced concrete, that are unlikely to be completely demolished with the return of law enforcement, but rather accepted on condition of a leverage of some penalty or fine.

Friday prayer and a vegetable market share space in a narrow street in Cairo.

‫ ﺻﻼة اﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ وﺳﻮق اﻟﺨﻀﺎر ﻳﺘﻘﺎﺳام ﺷﺎرع ﺿﻴﻖ ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬:‫إﻋﺎدة ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم‬

14 | 15

16 | 17

Kiosks - Decoding Informal Streetscapes

III. Methodology: Three Parameters of Documentation

III. Methodology: Three Parameters of Documentation Our research seeks to create an archive to capture the transient conditions characterizing the contemporary moment. It was undertaken in anticipation of the potentially imminent establishment of a new â&#x20AC;&#x153;correctiveâ&#x20AC;? order, against which the informal practices in question might continue to push back.

TYPOLOGICAL

The project aims to explore alternative, yet dominant and proliferating, urban orders through the documentation of informal spatial practices. By critically engaging emerging trajectories for urban development it becomes possible, moreover, to envision potential scenarios to help renegotiate the formal-informal relationship. The first stage of research focused on the production of an index of the geographical, temporal and typological dimensions

GEOGRAPHICAL

TEMPORAL

of informal practices in public space. Definitions of these three axes of analysis are followed here by the elaboration of two case studies addressing street vendors and roadside development, which help illustrate principal points defining the transitions currently sustained by the city.

18 | 19

‫‪ .٣‬ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﳌﻴﺪاىن‪ :‬ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺤﺎور ﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت‬ ‫ﻳﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﲆ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺔ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻌﺎرض ‪ /‬اﻟﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﻮﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬ ‫وﻫﻰ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﺮح أﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺘﻢ ‪-‬ﻋﺎﺟﻼ أو أﺟﻼ‪ -‬ﺗﺼﻔﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌامرﺳﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﻐﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬وﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ إﱃ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ أرﺷﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺛ ّﻖ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﺆﻗّﺘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻢ رﺻﺪ اﳌامرﺳﺎت اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﻴّﺔ اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ أن ﺗﻄﺮح ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌامرﺳﺎت »ﻧﻈﻢ« ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ‪ .‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ميﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻫﺬه اﻷﻧﺴﺎق اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻟﻴﺔ واﳌﺘﺄزﻣﺔ ﺑني اﻷﻃﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ واﳌﺨﻄﻄﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬واﻻﻧﺴﺎق اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﻨﺘﺎج اﻟﻌﻤﺮاىن اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻰ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺔ أﺧﺮى‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ اﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ اﻷوﱃ‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ وﺿﻊ أﺳﺲ ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﺿﻤﻦ إﻃﺎر ﻳﺠﻤﻊ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺤﺎور‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻃﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮف ﺑﺎﻷﺑﻌﺎد اﳌﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺰﻣﺎﻧ ّﻴﺔ واﻟﻨﻮﻋ ّﻴﺔ ﻟﻠامرﺳﺎت اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎ ّﻣﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫أ‪ .‬اﳌﻨﻈﻮر اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﰲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎم ﻓﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﺼﻮر ﳌﺴﺎرات اﻟﺮﺣﻼت اﳌﻴﺪاﻧ ّﻴﺔ ﻛﻘﻄﺎع ﻋﺮﴇ ﻣﺠﺎزى‬ ‫مي ّﺮ ﺑﺎﻷﻧﺴﺎق اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴّﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻫﺮة اﻟﺘﻲ ذُﻛﺮت ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ وﻫﻲ اﻟﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤﺮاىن اﳌﺘﺪاﻋﻰ‪ ،‬واﻟﺤﺰام اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻰ اﻟﺰاﺣﻒ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺼﺤﺮاوﻳﺔ اﳌﻤﺘﺪة‪ .‬وﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻢ اﻟﱰﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﲆ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﻧﺴﺎق اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺮﺣﻼت ﻟﺘﺸﻜﻞ رﻛﻴﺰة‬ ‫ﳌﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻻﺣﻘﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪A. Geographical Perspective:‬‬ ‫‪In order to document the first, or geographical parameter, the‬‬ ‫‪research team undertook a series of survey trips across Cairo’s‬‬ ‫‪three basic urban conditions outlined previously. Preliminary‬‬ ‫‪patterns of informal development were thus identified in various‬‬ ‫‪areas of the city.‬‬ ‫‪For example, one research cycle documented interventions‬‬ ‫‪of various scales along the Ring Road, and another identified‬‬ ‫‪different patterns of informal parking regulations. Other cycles‬‬ ‫‪of field visits were organized in coordination with seasonal‬‬ ‫‪events, such as religious festivities and national holidays or to‬‬ ‫‪respond to changes that arose due to political turmoil, such as‬‬ ‫‪the erection of walls and barricades in response to protests and‬‬ ‫‪street battles.‬‬

‫ﺧﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﻹﺣﺪى اﻟﺠﻮﻻت اﳌﻴﺪاﻧﻴﺔ ﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻧﴫ وﻋﺰﺑﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﺤﺎً ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎر وﺗﺴﻠﺴﻞ اﻟﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ اﻟﻔﻮﺗﻮﻏﺮاﰲ‬ ‫‪20 | 21‬‬

‫‪indicating the path and sequence of photographic documentation‬‬

B. Temporal Perspective: A second parameter of documentation focused on changes manifesting over time. The duration of site investigations ranged from a period of one day--exploring, for example the daily cycle of street vendors captured through time-lapse photography-- to weekly or seasonal events.

Broader transformation at the city scale inscribed on urban symbols (Qasr al-Nil Bridge Statue)

‫اﻟﺘﺤﻮل اﻟﻬﻴﻜﲆ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ متﺜﺎل أﺳﺪ ﻛﻮﺑﺮى‬:‫ﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻣﻮز اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﴫ اﻟﻨﻴﻞ‬

Statue before Revolution

‫اﻟﺘﻤﺜﺎل ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺜﻮرة‬

January 2011

٢٠١١ ‫ ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬- ‫ﺟﺮاﻓﻴﺘﻰ اﳌﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳني‬

Long-term changes were also documented with reference, in part, to media or archival material. For example, one study focused on the statues of lions stationed at either end of the Qasr al-Nil Bridge, which were subjected to an array of interventions, from vandalization to restoration. Documentation of this process offered small scale representation of similar processes underway at a citywide scale. In another example,

‫ ﺗﻢ رﺻﺪ وﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺘﴩ ﻋﲆ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ‬،‫ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‬ ‫ وأﻧﺴﺎق اﻻﻧﺘﻈﺎر ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎرات ﰲ ﺟﻮﻟﺔ‬،‫اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى ﰲ أﺣﺪ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺠﻮﻻت‬ ‫ ﺑﻴﻨام ﺗﻢ إﻋﺪاد رﺣﻼت ﻣﻴﺪاﻧﻴّﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺰاﻣﻦ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎت ﻣﻮﺳﻤﻴّﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ‬،‫أﺧﺮى‬ ‫ أو ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﺘﻐﻴريات ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ ﻧﺘﺠﺖ‬،‫اﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻻت اﻟﺪﻳﻨ ّﻴﺔ واﻷﻋﻴﺎد اﻟﺮﺳﻤ ّﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ اﺿﻄﺮاﺑﺎت ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ّﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻨﺎء ﺟﺪران أو ﺣﻮاﺟﺰ أو ﺗﻐﻴري ﰲ ﻣﺴﺎرات اﳌﺮور‬ .‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺮق‬

we documented the shifting epicenter of the Revolution from Tahrir, to Mustafa Mahmoud and 'Abbasiya, to Rab'a to al-Nahda squares.

Expression of victory February 2011

Commemorations of martyrs November 2011

Process of cleaning February 2011

٢٠١١ ‫ ﻓﱪاﻳﺮ‬- ‫ﺗﻌﺒري ﻋﻦ اﻹﻧﺘﺼﺎر‬

٢٠١١ ‫ ﻧﻮﻓﻤﱪ‬- ‫إﺣﻴﺎء ذﻛﺮى اﻟﺸﻬﺪاء‬

٢٠١٢ ‫ ﻓﱪاﻳﺮ‬- ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻒ‬

Restoration of statue November 2012

٢٠١٢ ‫ ﻧﻮﻓﻤﱪ‬- ‫ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﺎل‬

February 2013

٢٠١٣ ‫ ﻓﱪاﻳﺮ‬- ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ اﻋامل اﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﻣﺮة اﺧﺮى‬ 22 | 23

9:00 AM (before opening time)

9:30 AM

Unfolding process of a kiosk in a commercial passageway Downtown

‫اﻟﺘﻰ ميﺮ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻚ ﻳﻘﻊ ﰱ ﻣﻤﺮ ﺗﺠﺎرى ﺑﻮﺳﻂ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬-‫اﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ واﻹﻧﻜامش‬- ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻹﻓﺮاد اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬

10:00 AM

1:00 PM

‫‪8:00 PM‬‬

‫‪7:00 PM‬‬

‫ب‪ .‬اﻟﺒﻌﺪ اﻟﺰﻣﺎين‪:‬‬ ‫رﻛّﺰ اﳌﺤﻮر اﻟﺜﺎين ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ اﳌﻴﺪاىن ﻋﲆ اﻷﻧﺴﺎق اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻐرية ﻋﱪ‬ ‫اﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻔﺎوﺗﺖ اﻟﻔﱰات اﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴّﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑني رﺻﺪ ﻳﻮﻣﻰ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪام‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ اﻟﻔﻮﺗﻮﻏﺮاﰲ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ اﺧﺘﺼﺎر اﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ اﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫أو اﳌﻮﺳﻤﻰ ﻷﻧﺴﺎق اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ودﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺻﻼة اﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬واﻷﻋﻴﺎد‪ ،‬واﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎت‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻷﻓﺮاح‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﻐريات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﱰة ﺑﻌﻴﺪة ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘامد‬ ‫ﻛام ﺗ ّﻢ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﻋﺒﺔ أرﺷﻴﻔﻴﺔ ّ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋ ّﻴﺎ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻋﻼم أو اﳌﻮاد اﻷرﺷﻴﻔ ّﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﻹﻧﱰﻧﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ اﳌﺴريات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ‬ ‫اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻨﻴﺎﺑﻴﺔ أو ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء أو ﺗﻨﺼﻴﺐ رﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪24 | 25‬‬

‫‪6:00 PM‬‬

‫)‪3:00 PM (afternoon peak hour‬‬

‫‪Shelving for chips and‬‬ ‫‪packed goods‬‬ ‫‪Chips boxes‬‬

‫‪Fridges for water, soft‬‬ ‫‪drinks and juice‬‬

‫ﺻﻨﺎدﻳﻖ ﺷﻴﺒﴗ‬ ‫‪Main kiosk‬‬

‫اﻟﻜﺸﻚ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﴗ‬

‫ﺛﻼﺟﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎه و اﳌﴩوﺑﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻐﺎزﻳﺔ واﻟﻌﺼﺎﺋﺮ‬

‫رﻓﻮف ﻟﻠﺸﻴﺒﴗ واﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ‬ ‫اﳌﻌﺒﺄة ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻜﺮواﺳﺎن‬

‫‪Chips and water cartons‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﺪد ﻛﺮﺗﻮﻧﺎت اﳌﻴﺎه واﻟﺸﻴﺒﴗ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺰ اﻟﻜﺸﻚ‬

‫‪C. Typological Perspective:‬‬ ‫‪Focusing on the intersection of the geographical and temporal‬‬ ‫‪parameters, research has allowed us to document and‬‬ ‫‪classify three levels of informal practices in public space.‬‬ ‫‪Micro-scale interventions are typified by activities such as‬‬ ‫‪kiosk assemblage, street peddling, parking interventions, and‬‬ ‫‪sidewalk extensions, including cafes, shops and mosques.‬‬

‫ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺎع ﻛﻮﺑﺮي‬ ‫ﻗﴫ اﻟﻨﻴﻞ‪ ،‬اﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻮا ﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت ﺳﻮاء ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ أو ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻤﻮذج ﻣﺼﻐﺮ ﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ وﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ أﺷﻤﻞ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻛﻜﻞ‪ .‬وﰱ‬ ‫دراﺳﺔ أﺧﺮى ﺗﻢ رﺻﺪ وﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ اﻹزاﺣﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﻌﻤﺮاىن ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺪان‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬وﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮد‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﺒﺎﺳﻴﺔ إﱃ راﺑﻌﺔ اﻟﻌﺪوﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ورﻣﺴﻴﺲ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ ﻻﺣﻘﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪Cigarettes‬‬ ‫‪tissues‬‬ ‫‪gum‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﺐ اﻟﺴﺠﺎﺋﺮ‬ ‫واﳌﻨﺎدﻳﻞ واﻟﻌﻠﻜﺔ‬

‫‪Soft drinks boxes‬‬

‫ﺻﻨﺎدﻳﻖ ﻣﴩوﺑﺎت ﻏﺎزﻳﺔ‬

‫اﻟﻌﻨﺎﴏ اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ إﻣﺘﺪادات ﻟﻠﻜﺸﻚ‬

‫‪Chips boxes‬‬

‫ﺻﻨﺎدﻳﻖ ﺷﻴﺒﴗ‬

‫‪Fridges‬‬

‫ﺛﻼﺟﺔ‬

‫‪Elements used to create kiosk extensions‬‬

‫ﺟـ‪ .‬اﻷﻧﺴﺎق اﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫ميﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ اﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻌﺎت اﳌﺤﺘﻤﻠﺔ ﺑني اﳌﺤﻮرﻳﻦ اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﰲ واﻟﺰﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬إﱃ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ وأمنﺎط ﻣﻦ اﳌامرﺳﺎت اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎ ّﻣﺔ‪ :‬وﻫﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﺎرع‪ ،‬واﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬واﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﺸﻤﻞ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﳌﺼﻐّﺮ ﺗﺪﺧﻼت ﻣﺜﻞ اﻷﻛﺸﺎك واﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني‪ ،‬ﻣﺮورا ﺑﺘﻮﺳﻌﺎت اﳌﻘﺎﻫﻲ واﳌﺤﻼت واﳌﺴﺎﺟﺪ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻢ ﻋﲆ اﻷرﺻﻔﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ‪ ،‬إﱃ أﻧﺴﺎق ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﻟﺴ ّﻴﺎرات ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪enclosures‬‬

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‫ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم اﻻﻛﺸﺎك اﳌﻮﺟﻮده ﰱ اﻟﺸﺎرع وﺣﺪات ﻓﺮاﻏﻴﺔ )ﻣﻮدﻳﻮﻻت( ﻣﺘﺪرﺟﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺤﺠﻢ ﻟﻠﺘﻮﺳﻌﺔ وﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎت‬ ‫ﺣﺪودﻳﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬

A distinct neighborhood scale is characterized by the â&#x20AC;&#x153;taking overâ&#x20AC;? of streets or open spaces for communal purposes beyond the mere self-interest of individuals, such as setting up structures for weddings or wakes on the street. The third level of investigation registered at the city scale, documenting large infrastructural interventions not only requiring massive mobilization, organization, fundraising and technical know-how, but also impacting the city at large. This documentation process has served as the basis for further analysis and the development of working hypotheses linking these practices on the ground to broader socioeconomic and political processes. For example, changes in the urban landscape over the past twenty-four months could be understood as mediating between political shifts at the superstructural level (such as elections, new cabinets, and constitutional reforms) on the one hand, and the revolutionary process on the ground (ranging from marches and protests, to the construction of walls and the burning of public buildings), on the other.

Examples of objects used as tools to informally demarcate areas reserved for parking spaces

‫وﻳﺘﺴﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺤﻰ »ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻐﻼل« اﻟﺸﻮارع أو اﳌﻴﺎدﻳﻦ اﻟﻌﺎ ّﻣﺔ ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎت ﺟامﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺠﺎوز اﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻓﺮاد ﻣﺜﻞ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﴎادق ﻟﻠﻌﺰاء أو ﻓﺮح ﺷﻌﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨام‬ ‫ﻳﺮﺻﺪ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﺗﺪﺧﻼت ﺿﺨﻤﺔ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﰲ اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴّﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺘﴫ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪ /‬اﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎ اﻟﻮاﺳﻊ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ ﺑﻞ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ أﻳﻀﺎ اﻟﻘﺪرة‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ واﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ واﻣﺘﻼك اﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ اﻟﺘﻘﻨ ّﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱃ ﺗﺪاﻋﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ اﳌﻠﻤﻮﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻛﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻣﻨﺤﺪرات ﻣﻦ وإﱃ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮي ﻛام ﺳﻴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﴍﺣﻪ ﻻﺣﻘﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜّﻞ ﻋﻤﻠ ّﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺔ اﻟﺮﻛﻴﺰة اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ وﻃﺮح‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺿﻴّﺎت ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺮﺑﻂ ﻫﺬه اﳌامرﺳﺎت اﳌﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﺟﺘامﻋﻴّﺔ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳّﺔ أوﺳﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻐري ﺧﻼل اﻷﺷﻬﺮ اﻷرﺑﻌﺔ وﻋﴩﻳﻦ اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻤﻜﻦ رﺻﺪ اﳌﺸﻬﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاىن اﳌﻜﺎىن ّ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐريات اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳ ّﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻬﻴﻜﲇ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺑني ّ‬ ‫اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت وﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎت واﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎت اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳّﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺤﺮﻛﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺜﻮرﻳّﺔ ﻋﲆ أرض اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮات وﻣﺴريات وﻛﺬا ﺑﻨﺎء ﺟﺪران واﻧﺪﻻع ﺣﺮاﺋﻖ‬ ‫ﰱ اﳌﺒﺎين اﻟﻌﺎ ّﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ميﺜﻞ اﻟﺒﻌﺪ اﳌﻜﺎىن ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑني‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﳌامرﺳﺎت اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻃﺮاف اﳌﺘﻌﺪدة ﰱ اﻟﺸﺎرع‪ .‬ﻛام ﻳﻄﺮح‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺤﺚ أﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬه اﳌامرﺳﺎت‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني ﻣﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺜري ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮة ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ أﻋﻢ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ واﻟﺘﻬﻤﻴﺶ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻰ وأﺧﺮى دﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﺤﻖ ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ واﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎ ّﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣام ميﻜﻦ أن ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻣﻘﱰﺣﺎت‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧ ّﻴﺔ وﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤ ّﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﻀ ّﻴﺔ اﳌﻠ ّﺤﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫أﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻨﺎﴏ اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻛﺄدوات ﻹﺳﺘﻘﻄﺎع ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎت ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻹﻧﺘﻈﺎر اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‬

At a more intimate register, and affording a greater degree of

Typological analysis thus constitutes a third analytical framework,

specificity, this research has raised questions about the activity

allowing us to explore dynamics of modularity and accretion in the

of street vendors in the city. We address both the economic

process of informal spatial development and compare patterns at

dimension of this phenomenon and competing claims and rights

two ends of the informal spectrum, namely kiosks and informal

to public space as potentially productive of a set of design and

settlements.

legal propositions targeted to address this pressing issue.

Examples of outdoor extensions to stores, workshops, cafes, and mosques through the usage of objects to informally demarcate areas of territorial claims

‫ واﳌﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﴏ ﻣﻦ اﻷﺛﺎث وأدوات اﻟﻌﺮض ﻛﺮواﺳﻢ‬،‫ واﳌﻘﺎﻫﻲ‬،‫ واﻟﻮرش‬،‫أﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻹﻣﺘﺪادت اﳌﺤﻼت‬ ‫ﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎت ﺣﺪودﻳﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬

30 | 31

Street Vendors - Contestation of Public Space

‫ﺗﻌﺎىن اﳌﺒﺎىن ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺺ أﻋامل اﻟﺼﻴﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫وﻋﺪم إﺣﱰام اﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﱰاﺛﻴﺔ ﰱ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‬

‫‪Real Estate Developers‬‬

‫اﳌﻄﻮرﻳﻦ اﻟﻌﻘﺎرﻳني‬ ‫‪Heritage Preservation Agencies‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﲆ اﻟﱰاث‬ ‫‪Residents‬‬

‫ﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻘﺎرﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺔ ﳌﺒﺎىن وﺳﻂ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ إﻻ‬ ‫اﻧﻬﺎﻣﻌﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﺘﺪﻫﻮر اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ وإﻧﺘﺸﺎر اﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻏرياﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫اﻟﺴﻜﺎن‬ ‫زاد ﰱ وﺳﻂ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﻀﻮﺿﺎء واﻹزدﺣﺎم‬ ‫وإﻧﺘﺸﺎر اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني‬

‫‪Shop Owners‬‬

‫أﺻﺤﺎب اﳌﺤﻼت‬

‫‪Environmental Agencies‬‬

‫أﺻﺤﺎب اﳌﺤﻼت‬ ‫‪Pedestrians‬‬

‫اﳌﺸﺎة‬

‫‪Car Drivers‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﺋﻘﻰ اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‬

‫ﺗﻘﻠﺼﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﺴري‬ ‫ﻣﻊ زﻳﺎدة اﻹﺣﺘﻜﺎك‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني‬

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‫ﻳﺮﺗﺎد اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻓﺌﺎت إﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺴﻮق واﻟﱰﻓﻴﻪ وﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎﺟﺮات واﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﻏري اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﺔ‬

‫ﻧﻌﻤﻞ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ زﻣﻦ‬ ‫وﻧﻌﺎىن ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻏري ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮة‬

‫وﺳﻂ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﻌﺮوﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺴﻮق وﻟﻜﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻊ إﻧﺘﺸﺎر ﻇﺎﻫﺮة اﻟﺘﺤﺮش ﺑﻬﺎ‬

‫اﺻﺒﺤﺖ اﻷﺷﺠﺎر اداة ﻋﺮض‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺎت اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني وﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻈﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻞ اﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ اﳌﺘﻮﻓﺮة‬ ‫ﻹﻧﺘﻈﺎر اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻊ إﺳﺘﺤﻮاذ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫أﻏﻠﺐ اﳌﺴﺎﺣﺎت‬

‫‪Women's Rights NGOs‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﻈامت ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﺮأة‬ ‫‪Street Vendors‬‬

‫اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني‬

IV. Case Studies: Street Vendors

IV. Case Studies

‫ منﺎذج ﻟﻠﺪراﺳﺔ‬.٤

Case Study 1: Street Vendors

‫ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠﻮن‬:‫أ‬.٤

Street vendors represent a significant portion of the informal economy, which the International Labor Organization (ILO) estimates makes up almost half of the Egyptian nonagricultural domestic economy. 4 Statistics vary, with studies estimating their numbers at anywhere from 1.5 to 5 million. 5 While street vending and other types of informal trade have represented a vital element of Cairo’s streetscape, and that of other Egyptian cities for many decades, the security breakdown and the state’s inability or unwillingness to reinforce “urban order” in the wake of January 2011 has led to the proliferation of street vendor activity in almost every neighborhood. The magnitude and intensity of this phenomenon, however, have been particularly prevalent in Downtown Cairo.

‫ واﻟﺬي ﻳﺆﻟﻒ ﻣﺎ‬،‫ميﺜّﻞ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠﻮن ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻛﺒرية ﻣﻦ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫اﳌﺤﲇ ﻏري اﻟﺰراﻋﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﻈّﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ّ ‫ﻳﻘﺮب ﻣﻦ ﻧﺼﻒ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﳌﴫي‬ ٥ ‫ إﱃ‬١،٥ ‫ وﺗﱰاوح اﻹﺣﺼﺎءات واﻟﺪراﺳﺎت ﻟﻌﺪد اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني ﻣﻦ‬٤.‫اﻟﺪوﻟ ّﻴﺔ‬ ‫ وﺑﺮﻏﻢ أ ّن اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني وﻏريﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ أﻓﺮاد اﻟﺘﺠﺎرة ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴّﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻮارع‬٥.‫ﻣﻼﻳني‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮا وﻻ ﻳﺰاﻟﻮن ﺟﺰءا ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠ ّﺰأ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺸﻬﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاىن ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة وﻏريﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪن‬ ،٢٠١١ ‫ إﻻّ أ ّن اﻻﻧﻬﻴﺎر ﰲ أﺟﻬﺰة اﻷﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬،‫اﳌﴫﻳّﺔ اﻟﻜﺒرية ﻟﻌﻘﻮد ﻋﺪﻳﺪة‬ ‫وﻋﺪم ﻗﺪرة اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ أو ﻋﺪم اﺳﺘﻌﺪادﻫﺎ ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ »اﻟﻨﻈﺎم« ﻗﺪ أدّى إﱃ ﺗﻀﺨّﻢ ﴎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ وﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮة وﺷﺪّﺗﻬﺎ‬.‫ﺣﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ّ ‫ﰲ ﻋﺪد اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني ﰲ‬ ّ ‫ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ وذﻟﻚ ﻟﻌﺪّة أﺳﺒﺎب أﻫﻤﻬﺎ أﻧّﻪ ﻟﻄﺎﳌﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬،‫ﰲ وﺳﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﺬات‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫وﺳﻂ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺰا ﺗﺠﺎرﻳّﺎ أﺳﺎﺳ ّﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺴﻮق ﻳﺨﺪم اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼت ذات اﻟﺪﺧﻞ‬ ّ ‫ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺤﺪّﻫﺎ أﺳﻮاق ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻼﺑﺲ واﻟﺨﺮدوات واﻷﺟﻬﺰة اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ‬،‫واﳌﺤﺪود‬ .‫ﺟﻬﺘﻲ اﻟﴩق وﺷامل ﴍق‬ ‫وإﻛﺴﺴﻮارات اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات ﻣﻦ‬ ّ

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Typical stretch of a sidewalk in Downtown Cairo. Street vendors are self-organizing, claiming large portions of pedestrian space to display and sell their merchandise.

‫ﻣﺜﺎل منﻄﻲ ﻹﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻷرﺻﻔﺔ ﰱ وﺳﻂ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠﻮن أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻮذﻳﻦ ﻋﲆ أﺟﺰاء‬ .‫ﻛﺒرية ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ اﳌﺸﺎة ﻟﻌﺮض وﺑﻴﻊ ﺑﻀﺎﺋﻌﻬﻢ‬

Examples of furniture and setup used by street vendors to display and sell their merchandise

‫أﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮش واﻟﺘﺠﻬﻴﺰات اﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻪ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠﻮن ﻟﻌﺮض وﺑﻴﻊ ﺑﻀﺎﺋﻌﻬﻢ‬ 36 | 37

‫ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﺳﻮق ﺗﺠﺎري؟ منﺎذج ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ اﳌﻌﺮوﺿﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻴﻊ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ وﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ ﺧﻼل اﻷوﻗﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮل ﻓﻴﻪ إﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻪ وﻣﻌﻨﺎه ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺪان ﻟﻠﻤﻈﺎﻫﺮات وﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻟﻺﻋﺘﺼﺎم اﳌﻤﺘﺪ إﱃ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﻛﺮﻧﻔﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺛﻢ ﺳﻮق ﺗﺠﺎرى‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻓﻤﱪ ‪) ٢٠١١‬أﺳﻔﻞ( وﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ ‪) ٢٠١٢‬أﻋﲆ(‬

‫‪Tahrir Square: a marketplace? Goods for sale in Tahrir Square changed as the use and‬‬ ‫‪meaning of public space shifted between being a stage for protest, a campsite, and a‬‬ ‫)‪marketplace. November 2011 (bottom) and July 2012 (top‬‬

Downtown has long been a main shopping center for low- and middle-income families, bordered on the east and northeast by specialized markets for clothing, hardware, and appliances. It was not a large leap, therefore, for many of these activities to migrate westwards to the more lucrative market presented by the high exposure of Downtown, once circumstances became conducive for this move. Furthermore, Downtown Cairo is located in the “backyard” of the revolutionary epicenter at Tahrir Square, where the most violent clashes occurred in 2011. It was perhaps inevitable that this ground, which was “won back” from the state be overtaken by street vendors who, shortly after the first eighteen days of the Revolution, and in the absence of security police or local authorities, transformed

‫ مل ﺗﺠﺪ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ‬،‫وﻣﺎ إن أﺻﺒﺤﺖ اﻟﻈﺮوف ﻣﻮاﺗﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺜﻮرة‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺰﺣﻒ ﺑﺎﺗّﺠﺎه اﻟﻐﺮب ﺣﻴﺚ رﺑﺤﺎ أﻛﱪ وﺟﻤﻬﻮرا ً أﺿﺨﻢ وﺷﻮارع أﻛرث‬ ‫ وﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﲆ ذﻟﻚ اﻋﺘﺒﺎر وﺳﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻇﻬريٍ ﻋﻤﺮا ٍين‬.‫ﺳﻌﺔ ورﺣﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺜﻮرة ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ واﻟﺸﻮارع اﳌﺤﻴﻄﺔ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ أﻛرث اﻟﺼﺪاﻣﺎت‬ ‫ وﻟﺬا مل ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﺘﻐﺮب أن ﻳﻘﻮم اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠﻮن ﺑﺘﺤﺪي اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺬى‬.‫ﻋﻨﻔﺎ‬ ‫ وﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻴﺪان‬،‫ وﻣﻊ اﻟﻐﻴﺎب اﳌﺆﻗﺖ ﻟﻠﴩﻃﺔ واﻹدارة اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‬،‫ﻛﺎن ﺳﺎﺋﺪا ﰲ اﳌﺎﴇ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ واﻟﺸﻮارع اﳌﺤﻴﻄﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﺮ اﻻﻋﺘﺼﺎم واﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ إﱃ ﺳﻮق ﺗﺠﺎرى وﺳﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫ ﺗﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻬﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﻟﺪ – ﻳﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻊ ﺑﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﺗﻌﱪ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻮﻋﻬﺎ‬-‫ذات ﻃﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺮﻧﻔﺎﱃ‬ ‫ ﻓﺘﻢ ﻣﺜﻼ رﺻﺪ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻊ ﺣﻠﻮى ﻏﺰل اﻟﺒﻨﺎت‬.‫اﳌﺘﻐرية‬ ّ ‫ﻋﻦ اﻷﺣﺪاث اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫إﱃ ﺑﺎﺋﻌﻰ أﻗﻨﻌﺔ واﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻐﺎز ﰲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻻﺣﻘﺔ أو ﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﺪ أﺛﻨﺎء ﻓﱰات‬ ‫ وﻗﺪ ﻗﺎم ﻓﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺑﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت وأﻧﺴﺎﻗﻬﺎ اﳌﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ‬.‫اﻹﻋﺘﺼﺎم اﳌﻤﺘﺪ‬ .‫اﻟﺸﺎرع ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﻮع أﺛﺎث اﻟﻌﺮض وﻣﺴﺎﺣﺘﻪ وﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺻﻴﻒ واﻟﺸﺎرع‬

Tahrir into a fair grounds and marketplace.

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Over time this marketplace, with its fluctuations in merchandise has served as an indicator of political changes on the ground: cotton candy vendors gave way to stands selling gas masks that were replaced, in turn, by pillows sold in front of al-Mujamma‘ during the extended encampment of Tahrir following protests in Spring 2012. The research team took note of the issue of street vendors as this transformation of Tahrir began to move further away into the streets of Downtown, identifying the types of merchandise on sale, the perimeters of territorial domains, and the typologies of street furniture they devised for their use.

Typical moveable setup (farsha) of a street vendor using recycled cardboard cylinders for storage and wooden trays for display

‫أﺛﺎث منﻄﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺮك )ﻓَﺮﺷﺔ( ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻪ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠﻮن ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮاﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮرق اﳌﻘﻮى اﳌﻌﺎد ﺗﺪوﻳﺮه ﻟﻠﺘﺨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫وأﻟﻮاح ﺧﺸﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺮض‬

Unmetered parking is regulated by informal valets (sayis) who often have informal “arrangements”

‫ﻋﺎدة ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﺴﺎﻳﺲ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ اﻻﻧﺘﻈﺎر ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل‬ ‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎت ﻏري ﻣﻌﻠﻨﺔ ﻣﻊ ادارة اﳌﺮور واﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎذﻟني ﻟﺘﺄﻣني ﺣﻴﺰ‬ .‫ﻣﻌني ﻟﻼﻧﺘﻈﺎر ﻧﻈري رﺳﻮم ﻳﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪي اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‬

Displayed goods range from clothing and accessories, to toys and small appliances/mobile phones. Shop owners view these illicit goods as a threat to their legitimate businesses.

‫ﺗﱰاوح ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻼﺑﺲ واﻻﻛﺴﺴﻮارات‬ ‫اﱄ ﻟﻌﺐ اﻷﻃﻔﺎل واﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎت واﺟﻬﺰة اﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﻮن‬ ‫ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻷﺻﺤﺎب اﳌﺤﻼت‬،‫اﳌﻤﺤﻤﻮل‬ .‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪا وﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻏري ﻋﺎدﻟﺔ‬

Street vendor: ~64% of sidewalk width

:‫اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮض اﻟﺮﺻﻴﻒ‬٪٦٤ Barrels are used as a pedestal to support merchandise displays, as well as for storage. These barrels can then be moved at the end of evening to a safe area, often through arrangements with doormen (bawwab). Sidewalks as a margin of demarcation between private and public domains are often rendered irrelevant as passageways for pedestrians, raising questions about the right to public space.

‫ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬-‫ ﻛﻬﺎﻣﺶ ﺣﺪودي ﺑني اﻟﺤﻴﺰﻳﻦ اﻟﻌﺎم واﻟﺨﺎص‬-‫ﺗﺘﻌﺮض اﻷرﺻﻔﺔ‬ ‫ ﻟﺘﻌﻴﺪ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ اﻟﺤﻖ‬،‫متﻴﻴﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮة ﻟﺘﻔﻘﺪ دورﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻤﺮ اﻣﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎة‬ .‫ﰲ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم‬

‫ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﺑﺮاﻣﻴﻞ اﻟﻮرق اﳌﻘﻮي اﳌﻌﺎد ﺗﺪوﻳﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻘﺎﻋﺪة ل"ﻓﺮﺷﺔ" ﻋﺮض اﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ وﻛﺬا ﻟﺘﺨﺰﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻢ اﻳﺪاﻋﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﻼ ﺑﺄﺣﺪي اﻟﻐﺮف‬،‫ﺑﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم‬ .‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﻔﺎق ﻣﻊ اﻟﺒﻮاب‬

Pedestrian and window shoppers are squeezed between shops and street vendors, enjoying a wider range of displayed goods, while suffering crowdedness and occasional harassment.

‫ﺑﻴﻨام ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠﻮن ﰲ زﻳﺎدة ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﻌﺮض‬ ‫ ﻳﻌﺎين اﳌﺸﺎة ﻣﻦ‬،‫ﻣام ﻗﺪ ﻳﺼﺐ ﰲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ اﳌﺘﺴﻮﻗني‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻀﻴﻴﻖ اﳌﺴﺘﺘﻤﺮ ﻟﻸرﺻﻔﺔ واﻟﺘﻌﺮض ﻟﻠﻤﻀﺎﻳﻘﺎت‬ .‫واﻟﺘﺤﺮش اﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ‬

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‫ﻛام ﺗﻢ رﺻﺪ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ أﺛﺎرﺗﻬﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮة اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني ﰲ اﻹﻋﻼم واﻟﺮأى‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎم‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻀ ّﻢ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻋﱰاض ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﺴري‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺤﺮش‪ ،‬واﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻏري‬ ‫اﳌﺤﻼت‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ ﻣﺎ ﺗ ّﻢ اﻋﺘﺒﺎره ﺗﺄﺛريا ﺑﴫﻳﺎ ﺳﻠﺒﻴّﺎ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﺔ ﻣﻊ أﺻﺤﺎب ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺮاث وﺳﻂ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ وﻃﺎﺑﻌﻬﺎ اﳌﻌامري‪ .‬وﻟﻘﺪ اﺷﺘﻤﻠﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ واﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫رﺻﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻰ ﻟﻠﺮوﺗني اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻰ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﺮش ﰲ أول اﻟﻴﻮم‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺬروة ﻟﻠﺒﻴﻊ وﺣﺘﻰ اﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﻚ وﺗﺨﺰﻳﻦ اﻟﺒﻀﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﺴﺎ ًء‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ ذﻟﻚ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت ﻣﺎ ﺑني ﻣﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﳌﺘﺠﺎورﻳﻦ وﺗﻠﻚ ﺑني اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺤﻼت‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﻟﺴ ّﻴﺎرات‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني وأﺻﺤﺎب ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻼل أﻳﺎم اﻷﺳﺒﻮع‪ ،‬وﰲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﺳﺒﻮع‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺰاﻣﻦ ﻣﻊ اﳌﻮاﺳﻢ واﻷﻋﻴﺎد اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺈﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ اﻟﻔﻮﺗﻮﻏﺮاﰲ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ إﺧﺘﺼﺎر اﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ أواﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮ أﻏﺴﻄﺲ ‪ ،٢٠١٢‬واﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﺸﻜﺎوى اﻟﺮأي اﻟﻌﺎم ﻣﻦ وﺟﻮد اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني وﻛﺠﺰء ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄّﺔ ال»‪ ١٠٠‬ﻳﻮم‪ «،‬اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﴍت اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﻄﺮح ﺗﺼﻮر‬ ‫ﳌﴩوع ﻧﻘﻞ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎرع ﻗﴫ اﻟﻨﻴﻞ إﱃ ﺧﺎﻧﺎت ﻣﻘﺴﻤﺔ وﻣﺮﻗّﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻐﻞ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻴﺰا ً ﺑﺄﺑﻌﺎد ‪١،٥‬م ‪١،٢٥ X‬م‪ ،‬داﺧﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺒﻮرﺻﺔ – اﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎة أﺻﻼ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﻂ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ ٦.‬وﻗﺪ أﻋﺘﱪ ﻫﺬا اﳌﴩوع مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ منﻮذﺟﺎً ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺒﻴﺎً ﺿﻤﻦ ﺧﻄّﺔ أﻛﱪ ﻹﻋﺎدة‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻮﻃني ﺗﻄﺮح ﺣﻼ ﺷﺎﻣﻼ ﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني وﻫﻮ »ﺳﻮق اﻟﻴﻮم اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ« اﳌﺘﻨﻘّﻞ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻋﺪّة أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﻮﺳﻂ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻨﻬﺎ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ أﻣﺎم اﳌﺠ ّﻤﻊ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻣﻮﻗﻒ اﻟﺴﻴّﺎرات ﰲ ﺑﺎب اﻟﻠﻮق‪ ،‬وﺣﺪﻳﻘﺔ اﻷزﺑﻜﻴّﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪We also monitored key issues raised in the media and among the‬‬ ‫‪wider public by the growing street vendor presence. They included the‬‬ ‫‪unfair by shop owners, and what is perceived as a negative impact on‬‬ ‫‪Downtown’s lasting architectural heritage. Our documentation and‬‬ ‫‪analysis involved capturing street vendors’ daily set up and break‬‬ ‫‪down routine, as well as the rule system governing relationships‬‬ ‫‪between neighboring vendor stands. We traced the relationships‬‬ ‫‪being negotiated between vendors and formal stores, on one side,‬‬ ‫‪and the parking zone, on the other. Time-lapse photography was used‬‬ ‫‪to document activities over the course of weekdays, weekends, and‬‬ ‫‪religious festivities and holidays. We also observed that street vendors‬‬ ‫)‪are part of a larger network of bawwabs (doormen, building guards‬‬ ‫‪renting small spaces under the stairwell to store their merchandise‬‬ ‫‪over night and during periodic eviction campaigns by municipal‬‬ ‫‪authorities and police.‬‬

In mid-August 2012, the government embarked on a project for the relocation of vendors at Qasr al-Nil Street: a response to public outcry about street vendors and as part of the new president’s "100-day" plan. Vendors were assigned to numbered plots, each measuring 1.5 by 1.25 meters in the neighboring pedestrian al-Bursa area. 6 This was a pilot project within a larger scheme involving a rotating "one-day market" to be established in locations throughout Downtown including the grounds in front of al-Mujamma‘ in Tahrir Square, the Bab al-Luq parking area and al-Azbakiya Gardens. The scheme created an uproar and generated such negative responses from almost all involved parties that it was shortly aborted. Overnight, coffee shop owners and residents in al-Bursa area literally erased the white paint designating future stalls. Critics amongst both urban scholars and heritage preservation groups attacked the choice of proposed locations out of concern they would degenerate into further decay. 7 For their part, vendors refused to be removed from their original assumed locations. They accused the media of mischaracterizing their condition and argued that the new locations would result in a loss of

‫ﻛﻞ اﻷﻃﺮاف اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ّ ‫ﻗﺪ أﺛﺎر اﳌﴩوع ﺿ ّﺠﺔ ووﻟّﺪ ردود ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻠﺒ ّﻴﺔ إﱃ درﺟﺔ ﻛﺒرية ﻣﻦ‬ ،‫ وﺑﺤﻠﻮل اﻟﻴﻮم اﻟﺘﺎﱃ‬.‫اﻟﺘﺨﲇ ﻋﻨﻪ‬ ّ ‫ ﻣام أدّى ﰲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﻣﺮ إﱃ‬،‫ﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﴩوع‬ ‫ﻗﺎم أﺻﺤﺎب اﳌﻘﺎﻫﻲ وﺳﻜّﺎن اﻟﺒﻮرﺻﺔ ﺑﺈزاﻟﺔ اﻟﺪﻫﺎن اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺤﺪد أﻣﺎﻛﻦ‬ ‫ ﻛام ﻗﺎم اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻘّﺎد ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺣﺜني ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴني واﳌﺪاﻓﻌني‬.‫اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻼ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﻟﱰاث ﺑﺎﻹﻋﱰاض ﻋﲆ اﳌﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ﺧﻮﻓﺎ ﻣﻦ إﺻﺎﺑﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺪاﻋﻲ‬ ‫ ﻣﺘﻬﻤني‬،‫ ﻓﺮﻓﻀﻮا اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎل ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮاﻗﻌﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻷﺳﺎس‬،‫ أ ّﻣﺎ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‬٧.‫واﻟﺨﺮاب‬ ‫اﻹﻋﻼم ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼت أﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﺑﺘﺸﻮﻳﻪ ﺻﻮرة أوﺿﺎﻋﻬﻢ واﻟﱪﻫﻨﺔ ﻋﲆ أ ّن اﳌﻮاﻗﻊ‬ ٨ .‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ﺳﺘﺤﺮﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮر واﻟﺰﺑﺎﺋﻦ وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻘﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺠﺎوز ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴّﺔ أﺻﺤﺎب ﻫﺬه اﳌﻬﻨﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺬات أو‬ ‫ ﻟﻴﻄﺮح أﺳﺌﻠﺔ أﻛﱪ ﻋﻦ ﻣﴩوﻋﻴﺔ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻔﺮاغ‬،‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت أﺧﺮى ﻣﺤﺪودة اﻟﺪﺧﻞ‬ ‫ ﻛام ﻳﻀﻊ ﻧﺼﺐ أﻋﻴﻨﻨﺎ أﺣﺪ أﻛرث اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ‬.‫اﻟﻌﺎم واﻷﺣﻘﻴ ّﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺎرع واﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻛﻜﻞ‬ ‫ وﺗﺤﺪّي‬،‫ وإﻋﺎدة ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻫﺎ‬،‫وﺿﻮﺣﺎ وﻓﺠﺎﺟﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺘﻨﺎزع ﻋﲆ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎ ّﻣﺔ‬ ‫ وﻋﻮﺿﺎ ﻋﻦ رؤﻳﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني ﻋﲆ أﻧّﻪ‬.‫اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻜﻢ اﳌامرﺳﺎت ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺤﻠني اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳّني ﻫﺬه اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﻴّﺔ‬،‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎ ّﻣﺔ‬ ،‫ﻳﺠﺴﺪ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠﻮن‬ ّ ‫ وﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬.‫منﺎذج ﺗﺠﺎرﻳّﺔ ﻣﺼﻐّﺮة ذات رﻳﺎدة ﻣﻬﻨ ّﻴﺔ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮة‬ ‫ واﺣﺪا ً ﻣﻦ أﻫﻢ اﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳ ّﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ‬،‫ﻛﻤﻤﺜﻠني ﻹﺣﺪى اﳌﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﳌﺘﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻘﺮر ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎ ّﻣﺔ وﻣﻦ ﻟﻪ اﻟﺤﻖ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ‬:‫اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة اﻟﻴﻮم‬ .«‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎﺗﻬﺎ »اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ؟‬

visibility and clientele, and, as such, their livelihoods. 8

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The issues raised by the street vendor presence in Downtown Cairo far transcend the specificity of this particular trade or income group, translating into broader questions of legality and rights to the street and city at large. They also represent one of the starkest examples of the contestation of public space in this period, redefining the meaning of public space and challenging the rules governing practices within it. Rather than viewing street vending solely as an encroachment upon public space, economic analysis suggests that these spatial patterns represent a microbusiness model and highly creative form of entrepreneurship. The question of legality is complicated, particularly as during this time new laws are being drafted in order to account (at least in theory) for those who had previously been marginalized. As they play out competing interests and urban orders, street vendors exemplify one of the key questions facing Cairo today: Who decides what counts as public space and what is “appropriate” to its use?

Street food vendors often use mobile carts and negotiate parking areas when stationary.

‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﺑﺎﺋﻌﻮا اﻻﻏﺬﻳﺔ اﳌﺘﺠﻮﻟﻮن ﻋﺮﺑﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻘﻠﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻔﺎوﺿﻮن ﻋﲆ وﻗﻮﻓﻬﻢ ﰱ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ‬ .‫ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ إﻧﺘﻈﺎر اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‬

Food being prepared by vendors creates an olfactory space attracting passers-by.

‫ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ راﺋﺤﺔ اﳌﺄﻛﻮﻻت وﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎت اﻟﻄﻌﺎم ﰲ‬ .‫اﻻﻋﻼن ﻋﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ Umbrellas and other shading devices are used by street vendors to mark territorial domains.

‫ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم اﳌﻈﻼت وﻣﻮاد ﺗﺴﻘﻴﻔﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى‬ .‫ﻟﺨﻠﻖ أﺣﻴﺰة ﺣﺪودﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني‬

Sidewalks as a margin of demarcation between private and public domains are encroached upon and often rendered impassable for pedestrians.

‫ ﻛﻬﺎﻣﺶ ﺣﺪودي‬-‫ﺗﺘﻌﺮض اﻷرﺻﻔﺔ‬ ‫ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬-‫ﺑني اﻟﺤﻴﺰﻳﻦ اﻟﻌﺎم واﻟﺨﺎص‬ ‫متﻴﻴﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮة ﻟﺘﻔﻘﺪ دورﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻤﺮ‬ .‫اﻣﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎة‬

Mobile carts enable food vendors they negotiate their position vis-à-vis municipal authorities, Parking cars compete for space with vendors, often resulting in

‫ ﻋﺎدة ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻨﺎزع اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ‬:‫إﻧﺘﻈﺎر ﺳﻴﺎرات‬. ‫اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠﻮن ﻣﻊ أﺻﺤﺎب اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات ﻋﲆ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻴﺰ‬

car drivers.

‫متﻜﻦ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﻨﺎورة واﻟﺘﻔﺎوض اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻣﻊ اﻻدارات اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ وﻛﺬا أﺻﺤﺎب اﳌﺤﻼت‬،‫وﴍﻃﺔ اﳌﺮور واﳌﺮاﻓﻖ‬ .‫وﻗﺎﺋﺪي اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‬ 44 | 45

Early morning

‫اﻟﺼﺒﺎح اﻟﺒﺎﻛﺮ‬

Unfolding

‫ﻓﺮش اﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ‬

Changing pattern of street vendors' setup during daily, weekly and seasonal events

Peak hour

‫ﺳﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺬروة‬

During rain

‫ﻳﻮم ﻣﻤﻄﺮ‬

‫أﻋﻴﺎد وﻣﻮاﺳﻢ‬

‫‪Seasonal festivities‬‬

‫ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻒ‬

‫اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﰱ أمنﺎط أﺛﺎث اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬أو إﺳﺒﻮﻋﻰ‪ ،‬أو أﺛﻨﺎء اﻷﻋﻴﺎد واﳌﻮاﺳﻢ‬

‫‪46 | 47‬‬

‫‪Cleaning‬‬

‫ﺣﻤﻠﺔ إزاﻟﺔ‬

‫‪Eviction‬‬

‫أﺛﻨﺎء ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮة أو ﻣﺴرية‬

‫‪Protests‬‬

Roadside Development residential zone No. of bus stops on one side of the Ring Road 48

Ring Road minimum sidewalk width: 0.5m

stair width: 1.2m

15% of bus stops have tea stands

Ring Road residential zone

62% of bus stops have staircases

Ring Road

residential zone tea/food stands informal ramps staircases car repair shops bus stops

Bus stop - microbus stop near informal neighborhood access point

Tea stand - small kiosk that sells tea and snacks near bus stop

Staircase - access point to the Ring Road from informal residential area on a lower level

Staircase - access point to the Ring Road from an elevated informal residential area

Car repair shop - The display of car tires on the roadside indicates the existence of a car repair shop on the other side of the barrier wall

Analysis of activity on both sides of the Ring Road 8% of bus stops have car repair shops

Local transportation in residential neighborhood (toktok)

21% of bus stops have staircases

57% of bus stops have staircases

2% of bus stops have car repair shops 18% of bus stops have car tea stands

18% of bus stops have car tea stands

48 | 49

IV. Case Studies: Informal Roadside Development

Case Study 2: Informal Roadside Development The Ring Road in Cairo, which was completed towards the end of the 1990s, was conceived officially with the aim of diverting regional traffic away from the city center. At the same time, it served to contain informal housing development on agricultural land and set a new limit to the city, beyond which construction would be illegal. What it did not intend to do was give access to communities in informal areas alongside the Ring Road, despite the immediate proximity between the elevated highways and neighboring buildings—some so close one could almost reach out and touch the roadway without gaining access to it. Of course, the effective walling off of neighboring communities from one of the city’s major transportation arteries reflects a

‫ ﺗﺪﺧﻼت ﻻرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى‬:‫ب‬.٤ ‫ اﻟﺬي ﺗ ّﻢ اﻹﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﻣﻨﻪ ﰲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﻨ ّﻴﺎت‬،‫مل ﻳﻘﺘﴫ اﻟﻬﺪف ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮي‬ ‫ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﺴري اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴّﺔ ﺑﻌﻴﺪا ﻋﻦ ﻗﻠﺐ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين‬،‫اﻟﻘﺮن اﳌﺎﴈ‬ ‫ ﺑﻞ ُﺻﻤﻢ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻟﺘﺤﺰﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻰ ﻋﲆ اﻷراﴈ اﻟﺰراﻋﻴّﺔ‬،‫ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‬ ‫ وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ مل ﻳﺆﺧﺬ ﰲ‬.‫ووﺿﻊ أﺣﻴﺰة ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻟﻴﺼﺒﺢ اﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﺧﺎرﺟﻬﺎ ﻏري ﻗﺎﻧﻮ ّين‬ ‫اﻹﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻋﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺪاﺧﻞ وﻣﺨﺎرج ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ وﻳﺘﺠﲆ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺠﺎور أﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎً ﺣني‬.‫ﻋﲆ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺠﺎور اﳌﺒﺎﴍ ﺑﻴﻨﻬام‬ ‫ﻳﻼﺻﻖ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﻌﻠﻮي أﺣﺪ اﳌﺒﺎين ﻋﲆ ﺣﻮاﻓﻪ إﱃ درﺟﺔ ﻳﻜﺎد اﳌﺮء أن ﻳﻠﻤﺴﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ وﻳﱰﺟﻢ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﳌﺎدى‬.‫ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻔﺎرﻗﺔ ﻋﺪم وﺟﻮد إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺼﻌﻮد إﻟﻴﻪ‬،‫اﻟﴩﻓﺎت‬ ‫إﻗﺼﺎ ًء ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎ واﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺎً ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﺑﺪوره ﺗﻬﻤﻴﺸﺎً ﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎت ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ واﺳﻌﺔ ﺗﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ وﻣﻦ ﻋﺪم ﺗﻮاﻓﺮ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬،‫أﻃﺮاف اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ وﺗﻌﺎىن ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﺺ اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت واﳌﺮاﻓﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‬ .‫ﻣﻮاﺻﻼت ﻣﺒﺎﴍة إﱃ ﻗﻠﺐ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ أﺧﺮى‬

broader and more abstract political and economic condition of exclusion sustained by a largely marginalized urban underclass, which lacks services and other forms of connectivity to the city and society.

One of the urban corridors leading to the Ring Road cuts through an informal area, showing close proximity to the buildings on both sides.

‫ ﻣﺨﱰﻗﺎً ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ إﺳﻜﺎن ﻏري رﺳﻤﻲ وﻣﻮﺿﺤﺎً اﻟﺘﻼﺻﻖ ﺑﻴﻨﻪ وﺑني اﳌﺒﺎين‬،‫ﻣﺤﻮر ﺻﻔﻂ اﻟﻠنب اﳌﺆدي إﱃ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮي‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻴﻪ‬ 50 | 51

Over time, communities constructed small stairways and opened up access points onto the Ring Road, leading to improvised microbus stations, and roadside tea stands and coffee shops. As a result, the Ring Road has become increasingly moored in surrounding neighborhoods. Car repair shops began to advertise their locations using tires or mufflers, before stealthily adding a ladder or two to connect their shops to the roadside. While these interventions have been taking place in a subtle manner and on a small scale over the past decade, it was only after January 2011 that their number and magnitude became widespread. Not only did the size of certain interventions increase, but new forms and typologies of intervention began to emerge as well. The most dramatic example of the latter was an exit ramp, in fact four of them, that were realized in and by the Mu‘tamidiya village/informal housing neighborhood to gain access to the Ring Road.

Typical tea stand with a shading device on one of the bridges crossing the Nile along the Ring Road

‫"ﻧﺼﺒﺔ ﺷﺎى" منﻄﻴﺔ ﻣﻈﻠﻠﺔ ﺗﻘﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺑني أﺣﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺒﺎرى ﻋﲆ ﻧﻬﺮ اﻟﻨﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى‬

‫مبﺮور اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﻢ رﺑﻂ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﻷﺣﻴﺎء اﳌﺤﻴﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧﺸﺄ اﻷﻫﺎﱃ ﺳﻼمل ﺻﻐرية وﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺗﺆدّي ﺑﺪورﻫﺎ إﱃ ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ ﻣﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎﺻﺎت ﻻرﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ اﻧﺘﴩت أﻛﺸﺎك‬ ‫ﺷﺎي وﻣﻘﺎﻫﻲ ﻋﲆ ﻃﺮﰱ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﴪﻳﻊ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﺑﺪأت ﻣﺤﺎل ﺗﺼﻠﻴﺢ اﻟﺴﻴّﺎرات ﺑﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫إﻋﻼﻧﺎت ﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪام إﻃﺎرات وأﻧﺎﺑﻴﺐ اﻟﻌﺎدم )ﺷﻜامﻧﺎت( ﺗﻼﻫﺎ إﻧﺸﺎء ﺳﻠّﻢ أو اﺛﻨني‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻼﺗﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺮف اﻵﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ‪ .‬وﻟﻘﺪ ﺷﻬﺪ اﻟﻌﻘﺪ اﳌﺎﴈ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮل إﱃ ّ‬ ‫ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت‪ ،‬وإن ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﲆ إﺳﺘﺤﻴﺎء وﺑﺪرﺟﺎت ﻣﺘﻔﺎوﺗﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻫﺎ وﺻﻼﺑﺘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺣني ﺗﻀﺎﻋﻔﺖ أﻋﺪادﻫﺎ وإﺳﺘﴩت ﺣﺠام وﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ‪ .٢٠١١‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻘﺘﴫ‬ ‫اﻷﻣﺮ ﻋﲆ زﻳﺎدة اﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺑﺪأت أﺷﻜﺎﻻً وأمنﺎﻃﺎً ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻤﻮ واﻟﺰﺣﻒ اﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺠﻲ ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ‪ .‬وﺗﻌﺪ أﻛرث ﻫﺬه اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ وﺿﻮﺣﺎً ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎء ﻣﻨﺤﺪر ﺧﺮوج ﻟﻠﺴﻴّﺎرات ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮي‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺑﻞ أرﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻨﺤﺪرات‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎم‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻨﺎﺋﻬﺎ أﻫﺎﱃ ﻗﺮﻳﺔ اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ متﺜﻞ اﻵن ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ إﺳﻜﺎن ﻏري رﺳﻤﻰ‪.‬‬

‫‪Ad hoc tea stand evolving into a more permanent structure. Makeshift structure and‬‬ ‫‪The stand is strategically located at a transport transfer point. Note the staircase‬‬ ‫‪leading to the Ring Road.‬‬

‫"ﻧﺼﺒﺔ ﺷﺎى" ﺗﻄﻮرت إﱃ ﻣﻘﻬﻰ ذو ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﻣﺆﻗﺖ ﻋﲆ اﺳﺎس ﺣﺠﺮى ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﻤﻨﺼﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺤﺎﺋﻂ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺎﻧﺪ ﻟﻠﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى‪ .‬وﻳﻘﻊ اﳌﻘﻬﻰ ﰱ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ إﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻰ ﻋﻨﺪ أﺣﺪ ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص ﺣﻴﺚ اﻟﺴﻼمل اﳌﺆدﻳﺔ إﱃ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى‪.‬‬ ‫‪52 | 53‬‬

The construction of al-Mu‘tamidiya exit, an on-and-off ramp built as part of a local community initiative during the three months immediately following Mubarak’s ouster, may best illustrate the other extreme of informal interventions. The ramp is located in the stretch between two formal junctures: the 26th of July Corridor, less than one kilometer to the north and the Saft al-Laban Corridor, two kilometers to the south. The informal area it services evolved from a rural settlement to a fast-growing residential area west of the belt around the city’s western and northern official limits. When the Ring Road was constructed at the turn of the twenty-first century, as part of the delineation of a new city limit, the community of al-Mu‘tamidiya, like many other informal communities, was cut off from the highway. As a result, individuals in districts neighboring the highway faced difficulties commuting to schools, jobs and other services provided in the “formal city” but lacking in their own neighborhoods. 9

Al-Mu‘tamidiya exit: Four on and off ramps constructed and built entirely by local community efforts during the three months following the January 2011 Revolution

‫ ارﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻨﺤﺪرات ﺻﻌﻮد وﻧﺰول ﺷﻴﺪت ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻣﺠﻬﻮدات اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺤﲆ أﺛﻨﺎء‬:‫ﻣﺨﺮج اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﺔ‬ ٢٠١١ ‫اﻟﺸﻬﻮر اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺜﻮرة ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬

‫ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﺨﺮج اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳّﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺬي ﺑﻨﺎه اﻷﻫﺎﱃ ﻣﻦ وإﱃ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى ﺧﻼل اﻷﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﺤﻘﺖ ﺳﻘﻮط ﻣﺒﺎرك ﻣﺒﺎﴍة‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ اﳌﺜﺎل اﻷﻛرث وﺿﻮﺣﺎً‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﺪﺧﻼت‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻠﺒﺔ‪/‬اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻘﻊ اﳌﺨﺮج ﰲ اﳌﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑني ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻌني رﺳﻤﻴني‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻮر ‪٢٦‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ‪ ،‬اﻟﺬي ﻳﺒﻌﺪ أﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ‪ ١‬ﻛﻢ ﺷامﻻ‪ ،‬وﻣﺤﻮر ﺻﻔﻂ اﻟﻠنب‪ ٢ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﺎ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻨﻲ ﴎﻳﻊ اﻟﻨﻤ ّﻮ‬ ‫منﺖ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﺪرﻳﺠﻴﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﻳﺔ زراﻋ ّﻴﺔ إﱃ ﺣﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗ ّﺠﺎه اﻟﻐﺮب ﻟﻴﻠﺘﺼﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺰام ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ اﻟﺬى ﻳﺤﺪ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻏﺮﺑﺎ وﺷامﻻ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ‬ ‫أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫وﻋﻨﺪ إﻧﺸﺎء اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮي ﰲ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﺤﺎدي واﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺰء ﻣﻦ إﻋﺎدة رﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺪود ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻟﺘﺘﻀﻤﻦ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴّﺔ اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻷراﴈ‬ ‫اﻟﺰراﻋﻴّﺔ‪ ،‬وﺟﺪت اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳّﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻄﻮﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﴪﻳﻊ اﻟﺬى ميﺮ ﺑﺠﻮارﻫﺎ‪.‬‬

‫إﻃﺎرات ﺗﺸري إﱃ ﻣﺤﻞ إﺻﻼح ﺳﻴﺎرات ﻋﲆ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى‪ .‬ﻻﺣﻆ اﻟﺴﻠﻢ اﳌﺆدى إﱃ اﳌﺤﻞ ﰱ اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ اﻻﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺎﺋﻂ‬ ‫‪54 | 55‬‬

‫‪Car repair setup on the Ring Road. Note the ladder leading‬‬ ‫‪to the shop on the other side of the wall.‬‬

In response, they devised their own access points: constructing stairways and ramps that led to transportation transfer points and linking micro-modes of transit, such as toktoks , to

Ring Road transportation (microbus)

(‫وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﳌﻮﺻﻼت ﻋﲆ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى )اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص‬ Local transportation in residential neighborhood (toktok)

(‫وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﳌﻮﺻﻼت ﰱ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ) اﻟﺘﻮك ﺗﻮك‬

microbus networks along the Ring Road. Our ongoing research documents these multiple transfer points along both sides of the highway. 10 However, while stairways climbing up the sloped retaining walls have allowed for pedestrian access to the Ring Road, vehicular access reasons, as they require a higher level of coordination, resource mobilization, and engineering knowledge. Moreover, although concrete steps might be created without necessarily drawing the attention of authorities, the construction of on-and-off ramps cannot be completed without heavy machinery and large investments of both time and materials. Within this context, the Ring Road has literally passed over al-Mu‘tamidiya and other informal areas for a decade.

Embedded stairs leading to microbus stop on the Ring Road

‫ﺳﻼمل ﻣﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺤﺎﺋﻂ اﻟﺴﺎﻧﺪ ﻟﻠﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى‬ ‫وﻣﺆدﻳﺔ ﳌﻮﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص‬ Residential area on a lower level than Ring Road

‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺳﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﰱ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى‬

Staircase leading to transfer point on the Ring Road as part of a broader network linking formal and informal modes of transportation

‫درج ﻣﺆدى إﱃ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص ﻋﲆ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى ﻛﺠﺰء ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻖ ﻋﺎم ﻳﺮﺑﻂ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﳌﻮاﺻﻼت اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ أﺟﺮاﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻣﻊ أ‪.‬ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻨﺎﴏ أﺑﻮ ﻣﻮﳻ‪ ،‬أﺣﺪ اﻟﻘﻴﺎدات اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﺔ )ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔاﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﺔ ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ(‪ ،‬أﻛﺪ ﻋﲆ أن ﺑﻨﺎء ﻣﻨﺤﺪرات ﻣﻦ وإﱃ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﴪﻳﻊ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻃﺎﳌﺎ ﺗﻄﻠﻊ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ أﻫﺎﱄ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ ،‬إﻻّ أ ّن اﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﺬﻟﻚ مل ﺗُﺘَﺢ إﻻ أﺛﻨﺎء اﻟﻔﱰة اﻟﺘﻲ اﻧﻬﺎرت ﺑﻬﺎ اﻷﺟﻬﺰة اﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪ ١١.‬وﰱ ﻇﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ‬ ‫»اﻹﻧﻔﺮاﺟﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻛام أﺳامﻫﺎ أ‪.‬ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻨﺎﴏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ اﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎء ﻫﺬا اﳌﴩوع‪ ،‬اﻟﺬي ﻛﻠّﻒ ﺣﻮاﱄ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﺟﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﴫﻳّﺎ )رﺑﻊ اﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎن اﳌﴩوع ﺳﻴﻜﻠّﻔﻬﺎ ﻟﻮ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻨﺎﺋﻪ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮه(‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻢ ﺣﺸﺪ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﳌﺼﺎدر اﻟﺘﻲ متﻜّﻦ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺎم اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺑﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﳌﺎل ﻧﻘﺪا‪ ،‬وﺗﱪع آﺧﺮون ﺑﺼﻮرة ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺳﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺜريون ﺑﺎﳌﻮاد واﻵﻟ ّﻴﺎت واﻟﻌامﻟﺔ واﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﻌﺪ إزاﻟﺔ اﻟﻘامﻣﺔ واﻷﻧﻘﺎض‪ ،‬ﺗ ّﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎء أرﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻨﺤﺪرات ﻋﲆ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺔ اﳌﺨﺎرج اﳌﻮﺟﻮدة ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺎ‪ ،‬وﺑﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴّﺎت واﳌﻌﺎﻳري ﻣﻊ إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻼت‪ .‬وﻗﺎﻣﺖ »ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﺔ ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ«‬ ‫اﻣﻲ ﺗﻢ إرﺳﺎﻟﻪ إﱃ اﳌﺤﺎﻓﻆ ورﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻬﺎز‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﻋﻤﻠ ّﻴﺎت اﻹﻧﺸﺎء ﰱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﺪﻳﻮ در ّ‬ ‫اﻟﴩﻃﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ اﻟﺠﻴﺰة ودﻋﻮﺗﻬﻢ ﻟﺘﺪﺷني اﳌﴩوع‪ .‬وﻛﺈﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﻟﺪﻋﻮة‪،‬‬ ‫وﰱ ﻇﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎم ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ اﻟﺠﻴﺰة ﺑﺎﻓﺘﺘﺎح اﳌﻨﺤﺪرات ﻣﻦ وإﱃ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى وﺿﻤﻬﺎ إﱃ اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﺣﺘﻔﺎ ًء مبﺒﺎدرة اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني اﻟﺜ ّﻮار‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛام ﺧﺼﺺ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺗﺤﺖ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﴪﻳﻊ ﻹﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﺤﻄّﺔ ﴍﻃﺔ ﻣﺮور‪ .‬ﰲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﻄﺎف‪ُ ،‬ﻣ ِﻨ َﺤﺖ اﻟﴩﻋ ّﻴﺔ ﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻛﺎن ﺳﻴﻌﺘﱪ‪ ،‬ﰲ وﻗﺖ وﻣﻜﺎن ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔني‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻼ إﺟﺮاﻣ ّﻴﺎ‬ ‫وﺗﻌﺪﻳﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪Using GPS, the location and types of informal development on the Ring Road were‬‬ ‫‪mapped in an attempt to understand the underlying patterns governing these‬‬ ‫‪practices.‬‬

‫ﺑﺈﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﺟﻬﺰة ‪ ،GPS‬ﺗﻢ رﺻﺪ ﻣﻮاﻗﻊ وأﻧﻮاع اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى ﰱ ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ‬ ‫اﻷﻧﺴﺎق اﻻﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻢ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌامرﺳﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫‪56 | 57‬‬

‫اﻟﻘﻠﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاىن‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺮ اﻟﻨﻴﻞ‬

‫‪tea stand‬‬

‫‪urban core‬‬ ‫‪NIle River‬‬

‫ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺻﺤﺮاوﻳﺔ‬ ‫اراﴇ زراﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫إﺳﻜﺎن ﻏري رﺳﻤﻰ‬

‫‪desert development‬‬ ‫‪agricultural land‬‬ ‫‪informal housing‬‬

‫‪informal ramp‬‬

‫‪microbus stop‬‬

‫‪staircase‬‬

‫‪car repair shop‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص‬

Identification of Locations and Intervals between Informal Microbus Stations on Both Sides of the Ring Road

average distance between bus stops: 1.1 KM

‫ ﻛﻢ‬١٫١ :‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ اﳌﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﺑني ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص‬

average distance between bus stops: 0.56 KM

large intersection over Port Said Road

‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ اﳌﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﺑني‬ :‫ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص‬ ‫ ﻛﻢ‬٠٫٥٦

no bus stops over the river

‫ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﻬﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻴﻞ‬

average distance between bus stops: 0.8 KM

average distance between bus stops: 0.93 KM

‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ اﳌﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﺑني‬ :‫ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص‬ ‫ ﻛﻢ‬٠٫٩٣

‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ اﳌﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﺑني ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ‬ ‫ ﻛﻢ‬٠٫٨ :‫اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص‬ desert development

‫ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺻﺤﺮاوﻳﺔ‬

informal housing

‫ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻛﺒرية ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻮرﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬

‫إﺳﻜﺎن ﻏري رﺳﻤﻰ‬

agricultural land

‫اراﴇ زراﻋﻴﺔ‬

urban core

‫اﻟﻘﻠﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاىن‬

Nile River

‫ﻧﻬﺮ اﻟﻨﻴﻞ‬

‫‪average distance‬‬ ‫‪between bus stops:‬‬ ‫‪2.1 KM‬‬

‫‪desert zone with‬‬ ‫‪very few bus‬‬ ‫‪stops‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ اﳌﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﺑني‬ ‫ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ٢٫١‬ﻛﻢ‬

‫ﻋﺪد ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺪا ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص ﰱ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻄﺎق اﻟﺼﺤﺮاوى‬

‫‪no bus stops over the river‬‬

‫ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ ﻣﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﻬﺮ اﻟﻨﻴﻞ‬

‫رﺻﺪ ﳌﻮاﻗﻊ ﻣﺤﻄﺎت اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص ﻏري رﺳﻤﻴﺔ واﳌﺴﺎﻓﺎت ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮي‬ ‫‪58 | 59‬‬

‫‪average distance between bus stops: 1.3 KM‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ اﳌﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﺑني ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص‪ ١٫٣ :‬ﻛﻢ‬

In interviews with Mr. Abdel Nasser Abu Musa, one of al-

Thus, ultimately, the state lent legitimacy to what otherwise, and

Mu‘tamidiya community leaders, he acknowledged that the

in a different time and place, would have been deemed a criminal

community had long considered the proposition of constructing

act.

vehicular ramps to the highway. However, it was only following the collapse of the security apparatus that the opportunity for

The issue of the highway exit should be viewed in the context of two

executing this plan presented itself. The project, which cost 11

around one million Egyptian Pounds (LE) (or one quarter of the

resources to urban development in Cairo at large. In many instances,

amount it would have cost if constructed by the government,

residents in areas bordering the Ring Road experience the highway

according to one of the community leaders), required the

at arm’s length without gaining access to it. We have been arguing

mobilization of the entire community and its resources.

that this sort of exclusion, which generates the need for access (and,

Some individuals contributed cash; others donated in kind, offering material, machinery, labor and know-how. Once

network of the city) contributed to the urban revolt in 2011. The latter,

the piles of garbage and debris were removed, four ramps

in turn, gave rise to an absent (or intermittent) security presence,

were constructed copying the existing exits nearby, and

which, despite obvious drawbacks, such as a rise in petty and violent

adopting similar techniques and codes, within some margin of

crime, has also allowed marginalized communities a renewed sense

interpretation. The community meticulously documented the process of construction and presented it in a dramatic video,

subjectivity represents a new mode of urban citizenship.13 In short,

which was subsequently sent to the governor and police chief

individuals and communities are not merely resolving longstanding

in Giza, inviting them to inaugurate the project. As a result

urban issues, such as access points and lacking services; they are also

of the community’s solicitation, and at the peak of state’s

reconstituting the very meaning of the city and their relationship to the

vulnerability, the Giza Governorate officially integrated the new

larger whole.

on-and-off ramps into the city infrastructure, celebrating the initiative of the revolutionary citizens and designating the area under the highway as the site of a traffic police station.

‫ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﻢ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻗﻀ ّﻴﺔ ﻣﺨﺮج اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﴪﻳﻊ‪ ،‬وﻫﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺈﻣﺘﻴﺎز‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﺎق ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺘني ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻃﻌﺘني ﻣﻦ اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ :‬اﻷ ّول ﻫﻮ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻮزﻳﻊ ﻏري اﳌﺘﻜﺎﻓﺊ ﻟﻠﻤﴩوﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﻛﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻜّﺎن اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﳌﺠﺎورة ﻟﻠﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮي ﰲ ﻛﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﺑﺪون وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮل‬ ‫إﻟﻴﻪ أواﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﻟﻄﺎﳌﺎ أُﻋﺘﱪ أ ّن ﻫﺬا اﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻹﻗﺼﺎء أﻣﺮا ً ﺳﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ إﻧﺪﻻع‬ ‫ﺛﻮرة ‪ .٢٠١١‬وﻗﺪ أدت ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺜﻮرة‪ ،‬ﺑﺪورﻫﺎ‪ ،‬إﱃ اﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻈﺮوف‪،‬‬ ‫اﻷﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺳﻤﺤﺖ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ اﺗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻮﴇ اﳌﺆﻗﺘﻪ وﻏﻴﺎب اﻟﺤﻀﻮر‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫واﻷﻫﺎﱄ ﺑﺎﻛﺘﺴﺎب ﺷﻌﻮرا ً أﻛﱪ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻟﺘﺼﺒﺢ أﻛرث ﻗﺪرة ﻋﲆ ﺑﻠﻮرة رؤى ﺗﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫وإﺗّﺨﺎذ اﳌﺒﺎدرة ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ ﻋﲆ أرض اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ -‬ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺮوح أو »اﻟﺬاﺗ ّﻴﺔ« اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺸري إﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ أﻧّﻬﺎ ﺻﻴﻐﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ »اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺼﺎر‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻘﺘﴫ اﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻸﻓﺮاد واﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت ﻋﲆ إﻳﺠﺎد ﺣﻠّﻮ ٍل ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﻛﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻮاﺟﻬﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﻘﻮد‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻏﻴﺎب اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت وﻧﻘﺎط اﻟﻌﺒﻮر ﻣﻦ‬ ‫وإﱃ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﺘﺠﺎوز اﻷﻣﺮ إﱃ إﻋﺎدة ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ وﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻼل ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ذات دﻻﻻت ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ وإﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ أﺷﻤﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫متﺲ‬ ‫واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺠﲆ ﰲ ﺗﺪﺧﻼت ﻋﲆ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺘ ّﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺠﺎوز اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺘﻲ ّ‬ ‫اﻹﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴّﺔ إﱃ ﻃﺮح أﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺜﻮرة‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫وﻋﺪت ﺑﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﻘﻮق ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ وﻓﺮص ﻣﺘﺴﺎوﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﲆ اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت‪ .‬وﻳﻄﺮح‬ ‫ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺤﺚ أﻫﻤ ّﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﺎل ﻣﻨﺰل اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳّﺔ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺘﺨﻄﻰ ﰲ رﻣﺰﻳّﺘﻪ منﻮذج اﻟﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﲇ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺘﻌﺎو ّين اﻟﺬي ميﺜّﻠﻪ ﺑﺈﻣﺘﻴﺎز‪ ،‬ﺑﺈﻋﺘﺒﺎره ﺷﺎﻫﺪا ً ﻋﲆ ﻧﻈﺎم ﻋﻤﺮاىن‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤ ّ‬ ‫وﻟﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪60 | 61‬‬

‫‪By marking their presence through interventions in key‬‬ ‫‪infrastructure, local communities are transcending questions‬‬ ‫‪of basic needs and raising fundamental questions about what‬‬ ‫‪it means to be a citizen after the Revolution: including having‬‬ ‫‪equal rights and access to services. The significance of the‬‬ ‫‪project undertaken at al-Mu‘tamidiya, we argue, stands as a‬‬ ‫‪testimony of an emerging urban order. As such, the utilitarian‬‬ ‫‪role and cooperative economic model it offers is perhaps less‬‬ ‫‪significant than its symbolic import and the implications it‬‬ ‫‪carries for a redrawing of the discursive terms dictating access‬‬ ‫‪to the public sphere.‬‬

62 | 63

Learning from Informality

V. Conclusions and Guidelines

Conclusions and Guidelines

A state of flux is conditioned by a lack of a common normative order, giving way to competing frames of reference, and

In this research we have summarized some of the documented

resulting in a repeatedly renegotiated public space. The same

patterns that may contribute to the development of new

conditions open up possibilities to understand and measure

guidelines and alternative spatial codes including:

the extent to which such informal practices can maximize the interests of individuals and groups in the absence of

- Street vendors furniture and setup

effective law enforcement and political structures. The past

- Kiosks extension layout

two years have offered an invaluable opportunity to study the

- Alternative street profiles

fully-fledged manifestation of informal practices and spatial

- Access points to highways from surrounding neighborhoods

patterns. By studying the boundaries and internal domains,

- Intervals of microbus stops and related, clustered services

tools of demarcation, and evolution (across daily, weekly,

- Types and rhythms of roadside development (cafes, car repair

or seasonal cycles) of informal interventions, we are better

shops, etc.)

able to gauge the underlying rules governing them, as well

- Spaces adapted over a period of time between multiple uses

as the relations bearing between these practices and formal

(i.e., prayer extensions, coffee shops, store extensions, street

institutions in a volatile period exposing both to potential

vending)

vulnerabilities.

Taken together, these patterns lay the ground for an effort

Faced with rapidly shifting power relations between individuals and

to craft preliminary accounts of specific components of

communities, on the one hand, and formal and state institutions, on

alternative urban orders. Within the broader rubric of â&#x20AC;&#x153;learning

the other, practitioners (architects and planners), academics and

from informality,â&#x20AC;? each component raises critical questions

researchers, and policy- and decision-makers have the opportunity

challenging the hegemonic urban order, as well as complicating

to undertake readings of the political and urban landscape, and distill

many of the common premises of academic discourse and

emerging patterns and potential innovations from the apparent

professional practice related to urban development. At the same

chaos.

time they offer new directions towards the development of a more inclusive public space and the urbanization of justice. 64 | 65

Shop Extension and Frontage Design Guidelines Minimum width of passageway that allows shop extension is 2.5m.

Shop

Original Width < 3.5m

Original Width > 3.5m

Extension width

Shading & Signage Extension items

Extension methods

Mannequins Original Width < 3.5m

Level 1 territoriality of shop extension

Original Width > 3.5m

Goods Level 2 Beverages Fridge and Display stands

adding one step (max. 20 cm high)

Not permitted Mass extension of shops = 20% (max) of the original passageway width

Mass extension of shops = 20% (max) of the original passageway width

Foldable table

Adding screens or fences at the edge of the shop extension is not permitted so the passageway will not be blocked

Shop Extension Situations

Furniture

Example of proposed standards and guidelines for shop extensions derived from documentation analysis for Downtown alleyways and narrow streets (Reference: Downtown In-between Spaces, CLUSTER, 2013, unpublished)

‫أﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻳري واﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ اﳌﻘﱰﺣﺔ ﻹﻣﺘﺪادت اﳌﺤﻼت واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻣﴩوع ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ‬ ‫ ﻣﺨﺘﱪ ﻋﻤﺮان‬.‫ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﺒﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﺳﻂ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬:‫ )اﳌﺼﺪر‬.‫وﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ اﳌﻤﺮات واﻟﺸﻮارع اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ وﺳﻂ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬ (٢٠١٣ ‫ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻏري ﻣﻨﺸﻮر‬.‫اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬

‫‪ .٥‬اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬ ‫ﺗﻘﱰن ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﻮﻟﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻬﺸﺎﺷﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ وﻏﻴﺎب اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻣام‬ ‫ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﻈﻬﻮر أﻃ ٍﺮ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴّﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ وﻣﺘﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺗﺆدّي إﱃ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻓﺮاﻏﺎً ﻋﺎﻣﺎً ﻳﻌﺎد‬ ‫ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺘﻪ ﺑﺈﺳﺘﻤﺮار‪ .‬ﻛام ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻈﺮوف ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ اﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﺮﺻﺪ وﻗﻴﺎس اﳌﺪى اﻟﺬي‬ ‫ميﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺘﺨﺬه ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌامرﺳﺎت اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ وﻛﺬا ﺳﻘﻒ ﺗﺤﺪى اﻷﻓﺮاد واﻟﺠامﻋﺎت‬ ‫»ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎم« ﰲ ﻇﻞ اﻟﻐﻴﺎب اﻷﻣﻨﻰ وﰲ ﺳﻴﺎق ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ اﻟﻌﺎم‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ أ ّن‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣني اﳌﺎﺿﻴني ﻛﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﱪا مثﻴﻨﺎ ﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﻫﺬه اﻷمنﺎط اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻮرﻫﺎ اﳌﻜﺘﻤﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﻼل ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻔﱰة اﻹﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﺪراﺳﺔ ﺣﺪود وﻣﺠﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫وأدوات ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ اﻷﺣﻴﺰة‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻐرياﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﱪ اﻟﺰﻣﻦ )ﻣﺜﻞ دورات ﻳﻮﻣ ّﻴﺔ أو أﺳﺒﻮﻋ ّﻴﺔ‬ ‫أو ﻣﻮﺳﻤ ّﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺒﻖ ﴍﺣﻬﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻧﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻗﻮاﻧني وأﻋﺮاف إﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫وإﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﻮم ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ واﳌﻌﺎﻳري اﳌﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﻀﻤﻨﻴّﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﺎت اﻟﻘﻮى ﻣﺎ ﺑني ﻫﺬه اﳌامرﺳﺎت اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ أوج ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬واﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﺮﺳﻤ ّﻴﺔ واﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ أﺿﻌﻒ ﺣﺎﻻﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ أﺧﺮى‪.‬‬

‫‪66 | 67‬‬

‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻟﺨّﺼﻨﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﻧﺴﺎق اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻟﻌﻠّﻬﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎدئ إرﺷﺎدﻳﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة وﻣﻌﺎﻳري ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺎه ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاىن ﻧﺤﻮ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺗﻮزﻳﻊ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺎرع )أﺛﺎث‪ ،‬وأدوات ﻋﺮض‪ ،‬وﺗﺨﺰﻳﻦ(‬‫ ﻧﺴﻖ اﻣﺘﺪاد اﻷﻛﺸﺎك‬‫ ﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﺎرع‬‫ ﻧﻘﺎط ﻋﺒﻮر إﱃ اﻟﻄﺮق اﻟﴪﻳﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻴﺎء ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ اﳌﺤﻴﻄﺔ‬‫ ﺧﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﺗﻮزﻳﻊ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ واﳌﺴﺎﻓﺎت ﺑني اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮى‬‫)ﻣﻘﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬وﻣﺤﻼت ﺗﺼﻠﻴﺢ ﺳﻴﺎرات وﻏريﻫﺎ(‬ ‫ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎت ﺗﺸﺎرﻛﻴﺔ ﺑني اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎت اﳌﺘﻌﺪدة )اﻣﺘﺪادات ﻟﻠﺼﻼة‪ ،‬وﻣﻘﺎﻫﻲ‪،‬‬‫واﻣﺘﺪادات ﻟﻠﻤﺤﻼت اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳّﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني(‬

Street Vendor Furniture and Setup: Typological Analysis

Typological analysis of street vendor setup and furniture in Downtown Cairo

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﺮاﻏﻲ ﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻷﺛﺎث واﻟﺘﺠﻬﻴﺰات اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠﻮن ﰲ وﺳﻂ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬

68 | 69

‫اﳌﺘﻐرية ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻷﻓﺮاد واﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫أﺧﺬا ﺑﻌني اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻋﻼﻗﺎت اﻟﻘ ّﻮة ّ‬ ‫وﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ واﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴّﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ميﻜﻦ أن متﻨﺢ دراﺳﺔ‬ ‫اﳌ َﺸﺎﻫﺪ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴّﺔ واﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﻵﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻧﺎدرة ﻟﻠﻤﻌامرﻳني واﳌﺨﻄﻄني‪ ،‬واﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜني‬ ‫واﻷﻛﺎدميﻴني‪ ،‬وﻛﺬا ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ اﻟﻘﺮار وواﺿﻌﻲ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻹﺳﺘﺨﻼص ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ‬ ‫وﻣﻌﺎﻳري ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ وﺳﻂ ﻫﺬه »اﻟﻔﻮﴇ«‪.‬‬ ‫اﳌﻨﻬﺠﻲ واﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ اﻟﺪﻗﻴﻖ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻬﻴﺎﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ أن ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ اﻟﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻮم ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺷﻮارع اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة اﻟﻌﻨﻴﺪة؟ وﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ إﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎط ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﻷمنﺎط ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻴﺔ وﻣﻌﺎﻳري ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ ﺗﻌﱰف ﺑﺎﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة »ﻋﲆ‬ ‫أرض اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ«‪ ،‬وﺗﺴﺘﺠﻴﺐ ﻹﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت وآﻣﺎل ﴍاﺋﺢ أﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ؟ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺼﺎر‪ ،‬ﻣﺎذا‬ ‫ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ أن ﻧﺘﻌﻠّﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻧﺤﻮ دﻋﻢ ﻓﺮاﻏﺎً ﻋﺎﻣﺎً أﻛرث دميﻘﺮاﻃﻴّﺔ ورﺣﺎﺑﺔ؟‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺳﻌﻰ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﺤﺎﱄ إﱃ ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ وﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ أﻧﺴﺎق ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة وأﻃﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﻋﺪة ميﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ إﻓﺴﺎح ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎت ﺗﻔﺎوﺿﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ أﺻﺤﺎب‬ ‫اﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم‪ ،‬أﻣﻼً أن ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﻫﺬه اﳌ َﺸﺎﻫﺪ واﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴّﺎت اﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ أﻣﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت ﺑﺤﺜﻴﺔ أو ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ أﻛﱪ أو أﺧﺮى ﻣﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ أﺷﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎً ﰱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻬﺪف‪ :‬أن ﻧﺴﺘﻨﺒﻂ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﻞ‪.‬‬

‫‪A number of critical questions present themselves: How can‬‬ ‫‪methodical documentation and rigorous analysis help unravel‬‬ ‫‪the underlying structures of the seemingly unruly streets of‬‬ ‫‪Cairo? How can the observations and information gleaned in this‬‬ ‫‪manner be incorporated into the revision of planning codes and‬‬ ‫‪design standards that would acknowledge new conditions “on the‬‬ ‫‪ground” and be sensitive to the needs and aspirations of larger‬‬ ‫‪segments of society? In short, how can we learn from informal‬‬ ‫‪practices to promote a more democratic and inclusive public‬‬ ‫?‪space‬‬ ‫‪The current research aims at developing a body of knowledge‬‬ ‫‪that would contribute to codifying spaces of negotiation shared‬‬ ‫‪by multiple stakeholders. While this preliminary survey only‬‬ ‫‪scratches the surface of much broader and more complex‬‬ ‫‪informal urban conditions, it is hoped that these observations‬‬ ‫‪and methodologies will facilitate further steps towards the same‬‬ ‫‪goal: learning from informality.‬‬

Informal Roadside Development Guidelines A. Staircases ‫ ﺳﻼمل‬.‫أ‬ i. Types of staircases

B. Bus stops ‫ ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎﺻﺎت‬.‫ب‬ ii. Positions of staircases

‫أﻧﻮاع اﻟﺴﻼمل‬

‫أﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﺴﻼمل‬ 200m

residential zone

minimum distances between staircases: 200m

‫ م‬٢٠٠ :‫أﻗﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﺑني درج اﻟﺴﻠﻢ‬

Ring Road minimum sidewalk width: 0.5m

i. Locations of bus stops

‫أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص‬ 200m minimum distances between bus stops in dense districts: 200m

‫أﻗﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﺑني ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص ﰱ اﻻﺣﻴﺎء ذات‬ ‫ م‬٢٠٠ :‫اﻟﻜﺜﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ pattern showing bus stops along with staircases with an average distance of 340m between them

stair width: 1.2m 1.4km furthest distances between staircases and bus stops should not exceed 1.4km

Ring Road residential zone

‫أﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﺑني اﻟﺴﻼمل وﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص ﻳﺠﺐ‬ ‫ ﻛﻢ‬١٫٤ ‫أﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﺪى‬

3.78km Ring Road

furthest distances between staircases and tea/food stands should not exceed 3.78km

residential zone

‫أﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﺑني درج اﻟﺴﻼمل وﻧﺼﺒﺎت اﻟﺸﺎى‬ ‫ ﻛﻢ‬٣ ‫واﻟﻄﻌﺎم ﻳﺠﺐ أﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﺪى‬

3.3km maximum distances between bus stops in dense districts: 3.3km

‫أﻗﴡ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﺑني ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص ﰱ‬ ‫ ﻛﻢ‬٣٫٣ :‫اﻻﺣﻴﺎء ذات اﻟﻜﺜﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬

Existing patterns of informal development on the Ring Road (types, location, intervals, etc.), potentially leading to revised codes and standards for planners and policy makers

bus stops should be located at access points (staircases) or at a maximum distance of 400m from them

‫ﻳﺸري ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻤﻂ إﱃ إﻗﱰان ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص ﺑﺪرج‬ ‫ م ﺑﻴﻨﻬام‬٣٤٠ ‫اﻟﺴﻠﻢ ومبﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫و ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﻘﻊ ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص ﻋﲆ ﻧﻘﺎط إﺗﺼﺎل‬ ‫ م‬٤٠٠ ‫)درج ﺳﻠﻢ( أو ﺑﺤﺪ أﻗﴡ ﻛﻤﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻬام‬ ‫اﻷﻧﺴﺎق اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺪﺧﻼت اﻟﻼرﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ واﻟﺘﻰ‬،(‫ واﳌﺴﺎﻓﺎت ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ‬،‫ وﻣﻮاﻗﻌﻬﺎ‬،‫اﻟﺪاﺋﺮي )أﻧﻮاﻋﻬﺎ‬ ‫متﺜﻞ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻹﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎج أﻛﻮاد ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ وﻣﻘﺎﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﻨني وﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‬ 70 | 71

Endnotes 1

Omar Nagati and Beth Stryker, “Archiving a City in Flux: Cairo’s Evolving Urbanism Pre- and Post-Revolution.” Unpublished paper presented at Revolts and Transitions in the Arab World: Towards a New Urban Agenda?, November 7-9, 2012. Cairo, Egypt.

For historical evolution of Cairo’s urban fabric, see Janet L Abu-Lughod, Cairo: 1001 years of the City Victorious, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1971. For latest analysis of Cairo’s divergent urban trajectories, see David Sims, Understanding Cairo: The Logic of a City Out of Control, Cairo, Egypt ; New York : The American University in Cairo Press, 2010.

As this publication goes to print (November 2013), Cairo has been witnessing

of buildings, and an increasing campaign to eliminate encroachments on public space, including street vendor activity.

See for example Al Ahram Gate’s article criticizing the idea of using al-Azbakiya Garden as alternative site for street vendors. http://gate.ahram.org.eg/News/248001.aspx Based on interview with representatives of vendors on Qasr al-Nil Street, Nagati and team, August 29, 2012 Based on an interview with Abdel Nasser Abou Musa, community leader, key member of al-Mu‘tamidiya Baladna NGO, and one of the organizers of the Mu‘tamidiya Exit. Personal interview with Omar Nagati, December 2011 9

For the “transfer point” typology, see David Sims, Understanding Cairo: The Logic of a City Out of Control. Cairo, Egypt; New York: The American University in Cairo Press, 2010. 10

Musa, Abdel Nasser. Personal interview. (December 2011) The term he used in

features/WCMS_154078/lang--en/index.htm

Ibid.

Amr Ramadan, “Policies for the Informal Sector in Egypt: a Case study of Clothes selling Street Vendors in Downtown Cairo.” Unpublished paper as part of graduate seminar at the American University in Cairo, 2011, quoting Ragui Assad, “Labor Supply, Employment, and Unemployment in the Egyptian Economy, 1988-2006.” The Egyptian Labor Market Revisited. Ed. Ragui Assad. Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 2009.

ILO, Youth Unemployment in the Arab World is a Major Cause for Rebellion.

For example, see media coverage of street vendors and the “100-day plan” in al-Shorouk News, September 2, 2012. http://shorouknews.com/news/view. aspx?cdate=02092012&id=e3a8764b-f33c-4c6c-b2f6-6aef05d5cbad. For the new amendment of Street Vendors Law (Law 105, 2012 to amend penalties in Law 33, 1957), refer to article in al-Shorouk News, Jan 6th, 2013, http://www. shorouknews.com/news/view.aspx?cdate=06012013&id=71911024-56f9-44938ce0-a68ae16bffd3 6

Program, the British Council, July 28, 2012. Cairo, Egypt.

‫ﻫﻮاﻣﺶ‬ ‫‪١‬ذﻛﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺠﺎىن وﺑﺚ ﺳﱰﻳﻜﺮ ﻫﺬا اﳌﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﰱ ﻋﺮض ﺗﻘﺪميﻰ ﻋﻦ »ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﰱ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﻮﻟﺔ« ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺎت ﻣﺆمتﺮ »اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت واﻟﺜﻮرات ﰱ اﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮىب«‪،‬‬

‫”‪“Archiving a City in Flux: Cairo’s Evolving Urbanism Pre- and Post-Revolution.‬‬ ‫‪Unpublished paper presented at Revolts and Transitions in the Arab World: Towards a‬‬ ‫‪New Urban Agenda?, November 7-9, 2012. Cairo, Egypt.‬‬

‫‪٢‬ميﻜﻦ اﻹﻃﻼع ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻄﻮر اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻰ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﻴﺞ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاىن ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎب ﺟﺎﻧﻴﺖ أﺑﻮ اﻟﻠﻮﻏﺪ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‪١٩٧١ ،‬‬

‫‪٦‬ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل راﺟﻊ اﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ اﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني ﻣﻊ ﺧﻄﺔ ال »‪ ١٠٠‬ﻳﻮم« ﰱ أﺧﺒﺎر ﺟﺮﻳﺪة‬ ‫اﻟﴩوق‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ٢‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ ‪،٢٠١٢‬‬

‫‪http://shorouknews.com/news/view.aspx?cdate=02092012&id=e3a8764b-f33c‬‬‫‪4c6c-b2f6-6aef05d5cbad.‬‬

‫وﻣﺎ ﺗﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺨﺎص ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني ) اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ‪ ١٠٥‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ( ٢٠١٢‬واﻟﺬى ﺗﻢ ﺑﺘﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ‪ ٣٣‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ،١٩٥٧‬وميﻜﻦ اﻟﺮﺟﻮع إﱃ اﳌﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﰱ أﺧﺒﺎر اﻟﴩوق ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ‪ ٦ ،‬ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ‪٢٠١٣‬‬

‫‪Janet L Abu-Lughod, Cairo: 1001 years of the City Victorious, Princeton,‬‬

‫‪, http://www.shorouknews.com/news/view.aspx?cdate=06012013&id=71911024-56f9‬‬‫‪4493-8ce0-a68ae16bffd3‬‬

‫; ‪David Sims, Understanding Cairo: The Logic of a City Out of Control, Cairo, Egypt‬‬

‫‪٧‬اﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل إﱃ اﳌﻘﺎل ﰱ ﺑﻮاﺑﺔ اﻷﻫﺮام اﻹﻟﻜﱰوﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻘﻞ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني إﱃ ﺣﺪﻳﻘﺔ اﻻزﺑﻜﻴﺔ‬

‫‪NJ:Princeton University Press, 1971.‬‬

‫وﻟﻠﻮﻗﻮف ﻋﲆ أﺣﺪث اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻷﻧﺴﺎق اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ميﻜﻦ اﻹﻃﻼع ﻋﲆ ﻛﺘﺎب دﻳﻔﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺰ‪٢٠١٠،‬‬

‫‪New York : The American University in Cairo Press, 2010.‬‬

‫‪٣‬ﰱ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﻟﺬى ﻳﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ )ﻧﻮﻓﻤﱪ ‪ (٢٠١٣‬ﺗﺸﻬﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻋﻮدة ﺗﺪرﻳﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﻦ‬ ‫واﻹﻧﻀﺒﺎط ﰱ اﻟﺸﺎرع ﻣﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﰱ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﺤﻤﻼت اﳌﺮورﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وإﻋﺎدة رﺻﻒ اﻟﻄﺮق‪ ،‬وﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ اﳌﺒﺎىن ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼت ﻣﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻹزاﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﺎت ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻮارع واﳌﻴﺎدﻳﻦ مبﺎ ﰱ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني‪.‬‬ ‫‪٤‬ﰲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻳﺘﻨﺎول ﺑﻄﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺸﺒﺎب ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﻌﺮىب‬

‫‪ILO,Youth Unemployment in the Arab World is a Major Cause for Rebellion. Last‬‬ ‫‪WCMS_154078/lang--en/index.htm‬‬

‫‪٥‬ﰱ ورﻗﺔ ﺑﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﺮو رﻣﻀﺎن ﻏري ﻣﻨﺸﻮرة ﺗﺘﻨﺎول دراﺳﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺔ اﳌﻼﺑﺲ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني ﰱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ وﺳﻂ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻧﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎع ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻰ‪ .‬وإﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ دراﺳﺔ ﻟﺮاﺟﻰ أﺳﻌﺪ ﺗﺘﻨﺎول ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ‬ ‫واﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﰱ اﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﳌﴫى ﺑني ﻋﺎﻣﻰ ‪ ١٩٨٨‬و ‪٢٠٠٦‬‬

‫‪Amr Ramadan, “Policies for the Informal Sector in Egypt: a Case study of Clothes‬‬ ‫‪selling Street Vendors in Downtown Cairo.” Unpublished paper as part of graduate‬‬ ‫‪seminar at the American University in Cairo, 2011, quoting Ragui Assad, “Labor‬‬ ‫‪Supply, Employment, and Unemployment in the Egyptian Economy, 1988-2006.” The‬‬ ‫‪Egyptian Labor Market Revisited. Ed. Ragui Assad. Cairo: The American University in‬‬ ‫‪Cairo Press, 2009.‬‬

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‫‪http://gate.ahram.org.eg/News/248001.aspx‬‬

‫‪٨‬اﺳﺘﻨﺎدا إﱃ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻤﺜﲇ اﻟﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﺋﻠني ﰱ ﺷﺎرع ﻗﴫ اﻟﻨﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎم ﺑﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺠﺎيت واﻟﻔﺮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪٢٩‬‬ ‫أﻏﺴﻄﺲ ‪٢٠١٢‬‬ ‫‪٩‬ﺑﻨﺎءا ً ﻋﲆ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ متﺖ ﻣﻊ ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻨﺎﴏ اﺑﻮ ﻣﻮﳻ‪ ،‬أﺣﺪ اﻟﻘﻴﺎدات اﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﰲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ »اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ« ﻏري اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وأﺣﺪ اﳌﻨﻈﻤني ﳌﻨﺰل وﻣﺨﺮج اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺠﺎيت‪ ،‬دﻳﺴﻤﱪ ‪٢٠١١‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬ﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ »اﻟﻨﻘﻄﺔ اﻷﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ« وأﻧﻮاﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ميﻜﻦ اﻹﻃﻼع ﻋﲆ ﻛﺘﺎب دﻳﻔﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺰ‪،‬‬

‫‪David Sims, Understanding Cairo: The Logic of a City Out of Control. Cairo, Egypt; New‬‬ ‫‪York: The American University in Cairo Press, 2010.‬‬

‫‪١١‬ﺑﻨﺎءا ﻋﲆ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ متﺖ ﻣﻊ ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻨﺎﴏ أﺑﻮ ﻣﻮﳻ )دﻳﺴﻤﱪ ‪ (٢٠١١‬إﺳﺘﺨﺪم ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ »إﻧﻔﺮاﺟﺔ«‬ ‫‪١٢‬اﳌﺮﺟﻊ أﻋﻼه‬ ‫‪١٣‬ﺗﻢ إﻗﱰاح ﻫﺬا اﳌﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﰲ ﻋﺮض ﺗﻘﺪميﻲ »ﻟﱪﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﳌﺒﺎدرات اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة« ‪ ،CUIP‬اﳌﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎين‪ ,‬اﻟﺬى ﺗﻢ إﻧﻌﻘﺎده ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ٢٨‬ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪.٢٠١٢ ،‬‬