Water risk climate human settlements by DIDA

UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI FIRENZE THE UNIVERSITY OF TOKYO TOKYO UNIVERSITY OF THE ARTS

[acqua | 水 | water]

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design Japan-Italy Research Cooperation Meeting

Friday 27 January 2012, 9,30-18,00 - Aula Magna Florence via San Gallo, 10

UNIVERSITÀ

degli STUDI

FIRENZE

UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI FIRENZE Department of Technology of Architecture and Design Department of Construction and Conservation Department of Historical and Geographical Studies Department of Regional and Urban Planning Department of Economy, Engineering, Science and Technologies, Agricultural and Forestry Science and Technology Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering

THE UNIVERSITY OF TOKYO Graduate School of Engineering, Department of Architecture TOKYO UNIVERSITY OF THE ARTS Graduate School of Fine Arts, Department of Architecture

Friday 27 January 2012, 9,30-18,00 - Aula Magna Florence via San Gallo, 10

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design Japan-Italy Research Cooperation Meeting

UNIVERSITÀ

degli STUDI

FIRENZE Facoltà di Architettura

Water, Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design Japan-Italy Research Cooperation Meeting in Florence 27th January 2012, Aula Magna, Via San Gallo 10, Firenze

Università degli Studi di Firenze Prof. Saverio Mecca - Technology of Architecture and Design Dr. Natalia Jorquera Silva - PhD Course, Technology of Architecture and Design Prof. Bruno Vecchio - Historical and Geographical Studies Prof. Francesco Salvestrini - Historical and Geographical Studies Prof. Mirella Loda - Historical and Geographical Studies Prof. Margherita Azzari - Historical and Geographical Studies Prof. Marco Fioravanti - Agricultural and Forest Economics, Engineering, Sciences and Technologies Prof. Mario de Stefano - Construction and Restauro Prof. Giuseppe De Luca - Urban and Regional Planning Prof. Giancarlo Paba - Urban and Regional Planning Prof. Gabriele Corsani - Urban and Regional Planning Prof. Claudio Lubello - Civil and Environmental Engineering Japanese universities Prof. Takeshi Ito - The University of Tokyo Prof. Masao Noguchi - Tokyo University of the Arts Ph.D. Noriko Matsuda - The University of Tokyo Ph.D. Federico Scaroni - The University of Tokyo Ph.D. Kazue Akamatsu - Japan Women’s University Ph.D. Yukako Yoshida - Japan Women’s University Dr. Ryoko Kaita - Tokyo University of the Arts Cosponsor Università degli Studi di Firenze, Florence, Italy Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research Group: Comparative Urban History from the Viewpoint of Urban Infrastructure, 2009-2012 (Project leader: Takeshi Ito) Global Center of Excellence for Sustainable Urban Regeneration, 2008-2012, Department of urban engineering, civil engineering and architecture, Graduate School of Engineering, the University of Tokyo Historical Research Group on Low Land and Water in Urban Territory Historical Research Group on Urban Infrastructure Society of Urban History

Sponsorship

Ambasciata del Giappone in Italia 在イタリア日本国大使館

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

Crisis and City Takeshi ITO Scientific Coordinator of the Workshop

Name: Takeshi ITO Designation: Professor, Dr. of Eng. Organisation: Department of Architecture, Graduate Schoo of Engineering, The University of Tokyo Education: 1987 Doctor of Engineering, The University of Tokyo, Japan 1979 Master, The University of Tokyo, Japan 1977 Bachelor, The University of Tokyo, Japan Academic and Administrative Appointments (selected): 2011 Vice President, the Society of Architectural Historians of Japan (SAHJ) 2011 Chairman of Research Committee on the History and Theory of Architecture, Architectural Institute of Japan (AIJ) Recent Publications (selected): 2010 Nobuyuki Yoshida and Takeshi Ito (eds.), Cities in Tradition Vol.4, Tokyo: Tokyo University Press. 2009 Takeshi Ito (ed.) The Bastides: Medieval New Towns and Architecture in South West France, Tokyo: Chuokoronbijyutsushuppan. 2007 Takeshi Ito, Town House and Townscape, Tokyo: Yamakawashuppansha. 2003 Takeshi Ito, History of Urban Space, Tokyo: Yoshikawakobunkan.

We have been inevitably forced to become conscious of ‘crisis’ of the city in all the aspects since the time rushed into 21st century. Crisis of ecology of our planet was already alerted in 1960s and 1970s reflecting the energy consumption and the limit of resources and growth. During modern development, natural disaster has never stopped attacking every weak point of the earth here and there. Political conflict and religious antagonism among ethnic groups, regions and nations come to be more and more serious in this century. These various types of crisis have shown off their presence especially in our cities - huge physical built environment, supported by the artificial infrastructure and energy where most of our daily lives and activities are taken place.Eric Hobsbawm, a most wellknown great historian, properly defined twentieth century as a whole ` age of extremes’ regarding the role of the U.S. globalism ( ‘The History of Twentieth Century’).Following Hobsbawm’s saying, a future historian might well wrap up 21th century as an ‘age of crisis’. 11th of March, 2011 extraordinal disaster left sharp and deep scars in Japan, which is called Higashi Nihon Great Earthquake and Tsunami. Not only these natural violence destroyed broad coastal area of Tohoku and took away numerous human lives, but also triggered the explosion and melt-down of Fukushima Dai-ichi nuclear plant. The chains of serious accidents persuaded us to confront the reality how modern infrastructure and energy system are fragile which almost all of our modern life rely on. Once we fail to control this huge invisible system error, we have no way to recover from crisis by ourselves especially about the radioactive contamination. We could have known well this critical moment in the case of Chernobyl disaster in 1986. Repose of missing souls and effort of reconstruction for the damaged area have been our heavy aporia lying before us. However on the contrary, we should never fail to keep in our mind the fact that the city itself is a human great creation which includes crisis in the earliest history. Imagine that human group settlements started in order to defend against the thread or menace by the enemy or other external attacks including frequent disasters, we can easily understand that city and crisis cannot be separated one and another, we can rather say that city-crisis forms one entity. earthquake, fire, tsunami are regarded only as ‘disasters’ which stand outside of our settlement , yet we should place these crisis as the basic gene which forms the city tracing back to the history of water-along settlement in Japan. Introduction Short history of disaster in Japan Japanese Water-along Community Crisis-City and Problematic of ‘ Risk Society’ by Ulrich Beck Terrain and Territory, figure and Ground Conclusion

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In this presentation, I attempt to find the new viewpoint towards the urbanism, getting over the conventional thinking that the

Floodplain – marsh – lagoon: Water management systems and settlements at the water’s edge in Niigata from the 16th to 19th centuries Noriko MATSUDA The University of Tokyo

Contents: Introduction Location of Urban Areas and Water in Japan 1. Water and Terrain of Kambara, Nuttari and Niigata 1-1 Locations of Kambara, Nuttari and Niigata 1-2 Water from all Directions; The Kambara Plain 1-3 Formation of Sand Hills and Marshes

Name: Noriko MATSUDA Designation: Ph.D , lecturer, Academic Support Specialist Organisation: Department of Architecture, Graduate School of Engineering, The University of Tokyo Education: 2006 Ph.D, Kyoto Prefectural University, Japan 2003 Master, Kyoto Prefectural University, Japan 2000 Bachelor, Kyoto Prefectural University, Japan Scholarships and Awards (selected): 2009 First prize of Kyoto mono-zukuri competition (the product design competition in Kyoto), Japan 2009 Encouraging prize of Japan Institute of Tourism Research (JITR), Japan 2008 PhD researcher, Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) Fellowship, The University of Tokyo, Japan Lectures (selected): 2011 “The History of Garden and Urban Environment in Japan”, Atomi University, Japan 2010 “The History of Housing and Interior Design in Japan, Europe, and America”, Otsuma Women’s University, Japan Academic and Administrative Appointments (selected): 2008 Executive, Council of Special research for promoted young researcher, Architectural Institute of Japan (AIJ) 2009 Executive, History Book Editing committee, City of Atami, Shizuoka prefecture Recent Publications (selected): 2012 Noriko MATSUDA, “Beppu Hot Spring Town in Picture Postcards of the Modern Ages”, Tokyo: Sayusha. 2010 Noriko MATSUDA, “The Spatial Configuration of “Sangyo Area” in Hot Spring Towns: The Structure of Ryoriya, Machiai and Okiya in Early Showa Atami”, The Urban History Annual 17, Tokyo: Yamakawa Shuppannsya. 2009 Noriko MATSUDA, “A Study of Space Structure of Hot Spring Towns in the Edo Period: The Case Study of Atami”, The Urban History Annual 16, Tokyo: Yamakawa Shuppannsya.

2. Shujyutai and Micro-Terrain in the Floodplain 2-1 Mountains a Few Meters High 2-2 Spatial Configuration of Villages and the Typology of Micro-Highlands 2-3 Formation of Villages and Its Background; The Development by Samurai Soldiers and Religion 3. Technology of Water Management and Shujutai in Floodplains 3-1 Water Channels and Embankments; E and Emaru 3-2 Social Units of Infrastructures and Communities Conclusion Towards the History of the Terrain through Social-Soft Technology at the Water’s Edge Introduction Location of Urban areas and Water in Japan Most big cities in Japan developed on a delta area at a river mouth. Tokyo (or Edo), Osaka and Nagoya are no exception. Their geography is an alluvial plain, which was formed by the deposit of soils through river floods. Today, flooding is averted but the power of the rivers still remains the same. In addition, these cities are in lowland areas at mouths of rivers facing oceans. They stand at risk 2011. In other words, most cities in Japan are under threat of several kinds of water disasters. I would like to introduce the word ‘Mizugiwa, water’s edge’ to explain the character of ‘Shujutai, flock living form’, cities and villages, in Japan. Mizugiwa is a new concept that includes not only the meaning of water amenity or water-friendly space described by the word water-front but also threatend environments that arise from the water (including floods and tsunamis). Two cities, Niigata and Nuttari and an agricultural area, Kambara, that are now included in Niigata City today, will be the focus in this report. These cities and areas were deloped during the end of the 16th century to the begining of the 17th century. They were built at a vast floodplain or a flat marsh named Kambara Plain in between two large rivers directly facing the Sea of Japan. This paper discusses an environment of water and landform, the relationship between micro-terrain and Shujutai, spatial configuration of villages, development process of flat marsh and its background and also water management technology before the 19th century. Throughout these discussions, a further direction on the behavior and points of view to describe cities, agricultural villages and flat marshes (those consisting floodplains, marshes, and lagoons), in a cross-sectoral manner, will be noted.

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of flooding, and what is more, they are facing the danger of tsunamis like the one that recently hit East Japan on the 11th of march,

1 Water and Terrain of Kambara, Nuttari and Niigata 1-1 Locations of Kambara, Nuttari and Niigata The city of Niigata is the capital city of Niigata Prefecture and is an example of a typical city that was developed along a shoreline (fig.1). Niigata-minato, the Port city which can be regarded as the center of the city, was built by Hori Naoyori, a domain head of Nagaoka domain1, in the third year of Genna period (1617) which is the beginning of the Edo Era; the location of which is similar to Edo and Osaka, which is a delta area at a river mouth. Niigata has been flourishing since then as the largest port on the Sea of Japan side of Japan. Niigata literally means ‘new lagoon’ and it was actually a city developed at a new sand hill formed during the Muromachi Period (the beginning of the 14C to the end of the 16C). At the opposite side of the port facing across the Shinano River stands Nuttari, another port town which belongs to Shibata domain. The origin of Nuttari dates back to the ancient barrier Nutari-no-ki2, which was built in A.D.647, whose name indicates that it is a marsh. There is a plot in Kojiki, the ancient book which edits mythologies during the 8th Century, related to Niigata. The lord at that time, Ookuninushi-no-mikoto marries Nunakawa-hime, a princess of the hinterland Koshi-no-kuni, nowadays called Niigata. Nunakawa-hime is a princess of a marsh and a river. That is, in ancient times, Niigata was regarded as a county of marshes and rivers. In the early modern period, the Nuttari port city was located on the East side of the Agano River, a river that joins the Shinano River at the mouth of both rivers. But it had to be moved four times due to the flood of the Agano and the shifting of the current between

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

1640 and 16843. This fact tells us that it was a difficult time since the port city had to moved every 10 or 15 years.

At the front edge of a lowland spread on the south side of Niigata and the port of Nuttari stands Kambara, which was settled during the medieval ages. The location of which is inside the mouth of the merged Shinano and Agano Rivers. Behind Kambara village spreads a vast flat marsh (fig.2). This flat marsh will be called the Kambara Plain in this report 4. 1-2 Water from All Directions; The Kambara Plain The Shinano River, the Agano, the Ko-agano River and the Sea of Japan enclose the Kambara Plain. In every direction there is some kind of water feature enclosing the plain. It was in a submerged condition where frequent flood disasters hit. Ryokan (1758-1831), a famous Buddhist priest in the Edo era, and settled in a temple that provides a sweeping vista of the Kambara plain. He left his notion of flood disaster in the following quotation: “It is better to receive disaster when you have encountered a disaster. It is better to die when it is the time to die.”5 The Kambara Plain had endured at least 54 major floods, which can be counted from the records, over 260 years from 1653 to 1917. It is said that there are twice as many disasters hitting the plain that do not appear in any historical documents. How the relationship between the floodplain consisting of marshes or lagoons and the Plain of Kambara has developed and been undertaken and how Shujutai, or a flock living form, was configured will be illustrated and discussed in sections below. 1-3 Formation of Sand Hills and Marshes Kambara Plain is the alluvial plain formed by the deposit of soils comming from the Shinano River and the Agano River stopped by the current of the Sea of Japan. Sands were moved by stiff seasonal winds and naturaly embanked to form coastal dunes up to 30 to 50m high (fig.3). The Kambara Plain lays on this dune. In addition to the coastal dune, there are many other sand hills standing at several meters high in the plain. These sand hills are aligned in groups in three large arcs, which are centered on the sea. Let us name these groups sand hills I to III (fig.4). The positions of these sand hills imply the shifting of the shoreline. Further inland are older and dunes while closer to the sea are the later dunes. The furthest inland sand hill I, whose front row, Kameda Sand Hill, and the rear, is said to be formed before the Mid-Jomon era

Domain, 藩: Domain of Daimyo in Edo era (大名領). Daimyo, 大名: Bushi or warrior who governed a certain amount of land given by Shogun during Edo Era. Ki, 柵: Ki is a barrier which was built to defend against aliens from the Northern part of Japan by an ancient dynasty. 3 Nuttari town moves from Ose, which is on the east bank of the Agano to area closer to the sea in 1640. In 1654, they moved to the middle of the river where the Agano and the Shinano join, called Oshima. Next, it was moved to the western edge of the Kambara plain in 1665, and went to the eastern edge in 1684. 4 The plain is not called the Kambara Plain in today’s maps edited by the Geospatial Information Authority of Japan. It is called the Echigo Plain, which includes the surrounding area. In this report, Kambara Plain is defined as an area which was called Yokogoshijima or Kambara during the Edo era around the lower reaches of the Shinano and the Agano. However, the same area has been called Yokogoshijima in the Edo era and Kameda-go after WWII. 5 “災難に逢ふ時節には、災難に逢ふがよく候。死ぬる時節には、死ぬがよく候。…此災難を避くる妙法なり”,Ryokan, June 1804. 1

(B.C.3500-2500) according to unearthed articles. The mid hill, sand hill II: Ishiyama, Meike and Botanyama Sand Hill, were formed before Kofun Era (the end of the 3C to the 7C), and sand hill III , or the coastal dune, which is nearest to the sea is considered to have been shaped around the Muromachi era (the beginning of the 14C to the end of the 16C) according to carbon dating6. The Shinano and the Agano ran through the sand hills diverting into the mouth of the rivers many times because of the high coastal dune. Drainage from inland was blocked by the hills and this resulted in a vast flat marsh. Many micro-highlands on about one meter high can be found at the plain formed through numerous floods. 2 Shujutai and Micro-Terrain in the Floodplain 2-1 Mountains a Few Meters High Today, there are many names of place that indicate a mountain in ex-Kambara County. These places have a micro-highland elevated a few meters high. Local people still call this terrain a mountain (fig.5). Yokogoshijima-Edsu (1639) is the oldest map showing the whole area of the Kambara Plain. Taking a closer look at the map, two types of villages can be found. The first being villages named “-- mura”, which are located along the upper stream of the Agano River and the Ko-agano River, while the other are named “-- shinden (a new cultivated field)” located along the Shinano River, and the lower stream of the Agano, at swampy lowlands. Hence, villages in the Kambara Plain were first settled on a natural embankment at the Ko-agano River and the upper stream of the Agano before the Edo era. It was a relatively calm place in area of many flood disasters. After the start of Edo Shogunate, villages were developed at natural embankments along the Shinano and the lower stream of the Agano, which often breaks its banks, and at the ridge of sand hills in swampy lowlands. Soon after those villages have developed, other new villages began to be settled at lower places within swamps after the map was drawn7. 2-2 Spatial Configuration of Villages and the Typology of Micro-Highlands Three types of micro-highlands: natural embankment, sand hill, and flat marsh, and the villages of the Kambara Plain will be described in this section. Natural Embankment Type Amano is a village built on a natural embankment that was created by a river in between the Shinano River and the Ko-agano (fig.6). It is said that Kondo Kanjuro setteled in Amano during the Keicho Period (1596-1615). The height of the natural embankment is approximately 2.5m and people have built additional banks of about 1.5m on top of it. This artificial bank is used as a footing for houses. One survey has been done reporting a situation of villages in the Kambara Plain in 1978 when the village still remained as a completely farming hamlet8. At that time, there were about 300 old houses in Amano that can be classified into three categories depending on social positions, which are called so-honke, honke, and bunke. So-honke and bunke whose origin can be dated back to the 17th century are built at higher place. In contrast with these cases, bunke that were founded later, were built near the edge of the bank or at the lower part than the former. Typical house in this village had unique storage areas called mizukura; literally water storage. This storage has an elevated floor and high by a soil- filled embankment. Sand Hill Type Takeo village stands along the Ishiyama Sand Hills and is a typical rice field development town settled at the beginning of Edo era (1636) (fig.7). The elevation of Ishiyama Sand Hills are lower than Kameda Sand Hill, whose formation dates back earlier, and the

TANAKA, Hisao. “Micro-Terrain and Surface of Soil in Kambara Wetland (蒲原低湿地帯の微地形と表層地質)”, Annual Niigata Prefecture Cultural Heritage Research 17 Kamedago(新潟県文化財調査年報第 17 亀田郷), Ed. Niigata Prefecture Education Committee, Niigata, 1978, 15-17 7 “Niigata Sand Hill (新潟砂丘)”, Ed. Niigata City, Niigata, 2011, 34-35 8 UEMURA, Toshihide, “Position of Village in Kambara Flat Bog ~ A Case Study on Kamedago (蒲原低湿地帯における集落立地亀田号の場合)”, Annual Niigata Prefecture Cultural Heritage Research 17 Kamedago (新潟県文化財調査年報第17 亀田郷), Ed. Niigata Prefecture Education Committee, Niigata, 1978, 66-104 6

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its basement are also elevated in order to prepare for flood disasters. Mizukura basements in Amano are elevated from 1.5 to 2m

highest point is still lower than 1m above sea level. A shinto shrine was built at this highest point and it worked as an evacuation site from flood disasters. The water channels, roads and houses of this village are carefully positioned along according a ridge of the micro-highland. Along the northern side of the ridge runs a water channel, which is set lower than others, with roads built on the southern part of the ridge. On the ridge in-between the channels and the roads is a residential area. It is almost 140m wide and divided into lots. The main building in each house stands at the highest part of the lot. Mizukura is built more closely to the road than a main building. The basement of mizukura in Takeo are lower than it Amano (;the natural embankment type), which is about 50cm. It is more difficult to get soils near Takeo than in Amano since it has to be picked up and gathered from surrounding farms or from the bottom of lagoons. Flat Marsh Type Marugata is located below sea level on a flat marsh, which spreads to the North-east of Amano (fig.8). The village was settled in 1648. At that time a temple was also built here. The village stands on a micro-highland elevated at about 0.4m above sea level, which is a surrounds a crescent shaped nestled along sand hill lake that is also named Marugata. In contrast with the other two types, water channels run at the center of the settlement where the its altitude is the highest in Marugata while the river runs at the lowest part in the other two cases. In Marugata, houses are set along the channel facing across water. This difference in configuration results from the elevation of land surfaces. Channels are set at a high position in order to

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connect a channel network to surrounding villages since Marugata was settled lower than the other villages.

Each house has storage areas, but it is not a mizukura since it doesn’t have a soil filled basement underneath. The reason why housing in Marugata does not have mizukura even through has the largest risk of water disasters among the three typologies is that Marugata is located at the place where surroundings areas are all water surfaces and it is nearly impossible to prepare an abundant amount of soil to build a mizukura basement. As stated above, the three village typologies vary according to the terrain where they have been found. Only a few centimeters or a few meters of difference in the height of the terrain had an influence on the spatial configuration of villages. It has affected the arrangement of infrastructures such as roads and water channels, the relationship between their social position of the family and elevation, the shape of housing lots, the layout of buildings and building storages types. It is proper to say that the dimension of the micro-highlands define the character and the spatial configuration of the villages. 2-3 Formation of Villages and Its Background; The Development by Samurai Soldiers and Religion Development of Kambara plain and Samurai Soldiers There are only 5 villages that can be found from documents during the Middle Age (Before the Bunroku period which began in 1592) Niigata, Nuttari, Kambara, Matsuzaki and Tsushima, but we can find about 100 villages in documents written in a half century dating from 1596 to 1646. That is, the Kambara Plain was increasingly developed at the beginning of the 17th Century (fig.9). It could no have been easy to cultivate a new paddy in a vast ponding area. Even though they had some difficulties, the reason why they cultivated new fields is that they have expected for crops whose occasional flood brought in several times the yield compared to the years without floods. There are questions surrounding who had developed these new fields and what kind of backgrounds they had. An interesting characteristic that was shared amongst these villages and people can be found by taking a look at their origins9. The first type or group of immigrants was an originator or a developer and also a resident, were the samurai soldiers (bushi) although it is folklore or an oral tradition. It is said that they came with their lord from Kaga, from the southern part of what is now Ishikawa Prefecture located about 300km the southwest from Kambara, facing the Sea of Japan. Toyotomi Hideyoshi offered a lord of the Kaga-Daishoji Citadel, Mizoguchi Hidekatsu (1548-1610) property to move to Shibata Citadel in Kambara. Incidentally, Hideyoshi ordered to move all samurai soldiers of Mizoguchi’s to Kambara. Some soldiers started developing new crop fields and become kusawake-byakusho, prime peasants. It is assumed that they had become nanushi (a headman of the village).

HASEGAWA, Shin. “Formation of Villages in Wetland during the Middle Ages to the Pre Modern Ages – Thinking about the development of the Echigo Kambara Plain and Extending of Jodo-Shinsyu Sect (中世〜近世初期、低湿地における「村」の形成過程—越後蒲原平野の開発と浄土真宗の展開を考える)”, Environment and Development in Pre Modern Ages (近世の環境と開発), Shibunkaku, Kyoto, 2010. 9

Lord Mizoguchi encouraged the development of new field and it was complemented with infrastructure constructions led by him. As a result of his decreed, the crop yield has increased from 50,000 koku10 to 75,000 koku in seventeen years dating from 1610 to 1627. Development of The Kambara Plain and Religions The second group of originators is related to religions or Buddhism. The second group were people belonging to the Jodo-Shinsyu sect (The True Pure Land Sect of Buddhism) moving from counties such as Echizen, which is today belongs to the northern part of Fukui Prefecture and is located about 400km southwest of Kambara facing the Sea of Japan. The second group of originators were given a Jigo (the temple name) from Saint Kennyo (1543-1592), a holy priest at the head temple of the sect, Honganji Temple. They have given their temple names after participating or supporting Ishiyama-Gassen11. Taking a look at a distribution map of Jodo-Shinsyu sect temples in Niigata Prefecture during Edo era, the diagram indicates that the temples are gathered at swampy lowlands. This distribution implies the mass of immigration of believers of the sect and an extension of their missions. It is said that people who settled these temples were priests whose origins were ronin bushi, or a masterless samurai12. Both types of the original immigrants had the following issues, immigrants were samurai soldiers who become farmers and Kambara was increasingly developed in the first half of the 17th Century. These kinds of developments and encouragement suppose they had an engineering technology and an ability to govern. A lord of Nagaoka han, Hori Naoyori (1577-1639) also developed The Kambara Plain after Mizoguchi from 1616 (; at the same time, both lords have built port cities. Mizoguchi have settled Nuttari-minato, and Hori Niigata-minato). At the time, Hori Naoyori directed a flood prevention works for the upper Shinano River, or the Chikuma River and a development of alluvial terrain. Both Mizoguchi and Hori was kashin (vassals) who have served great rulers Oda Nobunaga and Toyotomi Hideyoshi. In addition they were both born in same flood plain, Noubi Plain13 where three large rivers, the Kiso River, the Ibi and the Nagara gather14. These common characteristics among developers remind us a flood controlling technology that was handled and advanced by groups of samurai soldiers during the Medieval Ages and also locations of three big cities in Japan, mentioned at the beginning of the report, Tokyo, Osaka and Nagoya, which was developed basing a castle towns built on a floodplain during the Sengoku era. The development of the Kambara Plain is related to this genealogy of the technology and the location. 3 Technology of Water Management and Shujutai in Floodplains 3-1 Water Channels and Embankments; E and Emaru E There is a network of water channels in each village. It is called ‘e’, whose name indicates a developer, the date of completion or circumstances. E works as both water and sewage. There are small dams and gates in places. It was necessary to irrigate water from a river to supply enough water to cultivate even though it was a wetland. Drainage was designed to reach the Shinano River through e after 17th century according to historical maps. It also worked as a canal for small ships to come and go. The width of which was 4 to 6 meters. Small boats for rice cropping are tied up at channels. People go out with boats to their own paddy fields as if they are going out fishing. They farm their paddy by soaking themselves breast-deep. It got jammed up with boats for cultivation during the harvest season (fig.10). E would also carry crops from villages to cities such as the Niigata and the Nuttari port cities. All villagers took part to maintain the system in terms of money and working force if the e was in a single village. In the case of a

10 11 12 13 14 15

koku: A unit of rice crop amount. Ishiyama-Gassen 石山合戦: Wars fought between the Jodo-Shinsyu Sect and Oda Nobunaga from 1570 to 1580. HASEGAWA, 2010. 137. Nagoya, a big city mentioned previously at the beginning of the report is located in this Plain. HASEGAWA, 2010. 138-139. Toyano Lagoon is the largest lake in Kambara Plain. The Kurinoki River is sought as a very old artificial canal piercing sand hills.

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gathered in the Toyano Lagoon or the Kurinoki River15. The drainage system is assumed to have been completed in the middle of the

long e that traveled across several villages, each village made an agreement as to where and which part would be maintained in cooperation with other villages and villagers to manage it. It was prohibited to change its width or its height according to the interests of any single village. Emaru An embankment set at each agricultural unit ‘ko-aza’ is called ‘emaru‘ while an embankment that encloses the whole area of a village is called ‘kakoi-tsutsumi’. Each plays a different role. Let us take Marugata village as an example. The emaru at the village are mainly constructed in the direction of the upper stream of a river. It prevents wastewater from other villages above the Marugata to come in. Kakoi-tsutsumi are set mainly at the lower stream of a river and prevent sea water from flowing backwards during the autumn and winter seasons. Emaru embankments are about 0.6 to 1 m high and about 1.6m wide. Their banks are not as high and narrower than channels. Usually e are arranged along this type of embankment. The bank was a place to draw ships from the shore, which means that the banks and channels were in pairs (fig.11). 3-2 Social Units of Infrastructures and Communities The whole system of water and sewage is linked together in the Kambara Plain. The importance of the domain of the governor

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or government is critical since the area requires the implementation of techniques on the control of water fluxing and maintain-

ing a continuous water system. A social unit of agricultural area in pre-modern ages is the mura, or a village. In contrast with this self-enclosed unit or village, water and technology to control water tends to go beyond the borders of a village. The contradiction between this enclosed social group ‘mura’, which tries to control water within the technology of a traversing water system have never ceased during the pre-modern ages in the Kambara Plain. Water supply and flood control would succeed only after overcoming this contradiction. Villages at the meeting point of the Shinano and the Ko-agano are called ’Tsutsumi-dori’ (Embankment zone). It was difficult to maintain a 1.8km long embankment for villages along it. In this case, people from 15 villages in total from both Shibata domain and Nagaoka domain were dispatched to maintain the bank when it was hit by a flood. Unoko-gata, or cormorant-lagoon, is a strip-shaped lagoon located on the southeast side of Toyano Lagoon. Unoko village is located upstream and three more villages, Dorokata village, Katsuno village and Chinoyama village are upstream from Unoko. Downstream from the lagoon are two villages, Nishiyama-futatsu-shinden and Ubagayama-shinden. The three upstream villages drain water to the Unoko Lagoon running through the domain of Unoko village. Water goes through a gate and runs through the rice fields of Nishiyama-futatsu-shinden and Ubagayama-shinden and reaches the Kurinoki River. These villages have made a contract to sustain and maintain the fragile water system using a mild slope figured with micro-terrains. Despite this, a natural disaster or a change by humans, or problems with the water system, such as a trouble with a water gate, would cause a damaging reverse flow. This fragile balance appears in a struggle between villages in 1857. The cause of trouble was a small mound, 9 to 15 cm in height, added at the emaru along Unoko-gata. A technique used to construct a gigantic dam or similar types of infrastructures is uncalled-for technology in this water or river system. The height of the embankment is minimized and water is connected to the whole system by running through or not running through that point. A bureaucrat for accommodation, ‘Toriainin’, maintains the water system from each village. A relationship between villages along the water system is sometimes cooperative but sometimes not. The number of villages maintaining this relationship or accommodation varies. Sometimes the unit consists of 3 or 4 villages, but sometimes all the villages in the Kambara Plain are included. That is, the social unit over water system flexibly changs its association according to the scale of troubles they were facing then. For example, when there was trouble at the Kurinoki River, which has the largest water flow through the Kambara Plain, 74 villages cooperated to fight against the Nuttari port city which stands across the Kurinoki River. Usually adversarial villages cooperated in this case. The Port of Nuttari demanded to decrease the width of the Kurinoki River to enlarge their land, but people in the Kambara plain opposed this idea to maintain the proper amount of drainage. The Kurinoki was also important for the Niigata port city. If the quantity

of its flow decreasesed, silt would collect at the bottom of the port and the depth would decrease. It was a critical problem for the port town16. Kambara, Nuttari and Niigata, that is villages and cities on the floodplain, marsh and lagoon, are a continuously related with water system and a linked group of settlements or shujutai. Conclusion Towards the History of the Terrain through Social-Soft Technology at the Water’s Edge The history of controlling water and infrastructure, such as embankments or water gates, was first made by each village and the expanded into a huge system that connects large numbers of villages in the Kambara Plain from the 16th to the 19th Centuries. Villages and their drainage systems had an ambiguous relationship to each other. Sometimes they worked together but sometimes they were adversarial. They have changed the scale of a socially connected group and spatial domain according to their own interests. This group or domain is the so-called territory in the Kambara Plain. The territory re-scales itself occasionally to confront problems sometimes overlapping the domains of the two lords. There are no great overarching civil engineering technologies in the Kambara Plain. The one in Kambara is a technique to arrange an agreement among flexibly articulated social groups, and infrastructures that accommodate a social balance between villages. Organization maintains or manipulates these techniques and infrastructures, and the relationship between them. I would like to call this a ‘Social-Soft Technology’17. This technology is defined by terrain, a circumstance of water, spatial configurations of villages utilizing a micro-terrain and the alignment of embankments and channels in the Kambara Plain. The location of many cities and villages in Japan could easily be submerged in water. But modern engineering has made the soft technologies obsolete, along with the organizations and wisdom they accumulated. Construction of huge embankments made with modern technologies can be described with an idea of capitalized land, which increasingly became dominant after the Meiji era. After World War II, the Kambara Plain completed a unified irrigation system, which was an earnest wish of the people. E and emaru were demolished and crops were reformed into rectangular shapes. This big project was called ‘Tochi-kairyo’, literally meaning land improvement, dried up the Kambara Plain and created a vast divisible area. On the other hand, the project also demolished the relationship and organizations of villages. The rice paddy turned into a realm of landlords. This is a modern history completely opposite to the past intricate relationship between water and people, which was fertile but now severe, and one based purely on land as a resource. Further research on the Kambara Plain from the 16th to the 19th centuries would describe a more apparent history of territory including agricultural areas, cities and also a uniqueness of lowland swamp, taking a closer look at the developing process and the role of a Social-Soft Technology. I will select some interesting cases create a study based on it.

This section referred to pre-modern documents edited in the following book: TOYABE, Hiroshi. Ed. “History of Flood Prevention in Kamedago (亀田郷治水

史)”, Organization of Flood Prevention Kamedago, Niigata, 1966, 9-153. 17 Social-Soft Technology is a flexible and negotiable influence on terrain, operated by social organizations, striking a balance between the needs of people and their the environmental context.

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Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

Fig.1 The location of the Kambara plain, Nuttari and Niigata port city (1911).

Fig.2 A lagoon in the Kambara plain (1950â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s).

Fig.4 Sand hills I - III.

Fig.3 Niigata port city and sand hills (1886).

Fig.5 A few meters high mountains in Shichiku lagoon.

Fig.6 Amano village (1911)

Fig.7 Takeo village (1911).

Fig.8 Marugata village (1911).

Fig.10 Boats floated on E in harvest season (1950â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s)

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Fig.9 The map of the Kambara plain (17-18C).

Fig.11 E and Emaru of Marugata (1894).

The making of Urban Tokyo from the second half of 19th century Ryoko KAITA Tokyo University of the Arts

Name: Ryoko KAITA Designation: Master of Fine Arts Organisation: Department of Architecture, Graduate School of Fine Arts, Tokyo University of the Arts Education: 2011/12 Italian government scholarship student (Faculty of Architecture, University of Florence, Italy) 2008 Master, Tokyo University of the Arts, Japan 2007/8 Studied at University of Florence, Italy 2005 Bachelor, National University of Yokohama, Japan Recent publication: 2011 Kaita, R., “The role of the architect Giuseppe Poggi, and the scope of his work in the urban planning of nineteenth century Florence”, in The Journal of Architecture Planning, Architecture Institute of Japan, no. 76-667, 2011. Presentation: 2010 Kaita, R., “The urban planning by the Architect Giuseppe Poggi of nineteenth century Florence” at the 35th congress of The Collegium Mediterranistarum at Japan Womens’ University. Others: 2010 Assistant for the congress Italo-Japanese a comparision on histric cities between Italy and Japan: conservation and transformation organized by University of Bologna and Tokyo University of the Arts, at Tokyo University of the Arts 2008 Assistant for the workshop Veneto Experience 2008 organized by Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Contents: Introduction 1. Before the modernization: the urban structure in the Edo period (1600-1868) 2. The great fires in the Meiji period and the Tokyo City Improvement 3. The 1923 Great Kanto Earthquake and the Reconstruction Projects 4. The Post-war Reconstruction 5. Urban development in the rapid economic growth and in the bubble economy, away from disasters Conclusion Introduction Tokyo is an enormous city. While a series of skyscrapers illuminate the city in the night time, old medium-rise buildings are packed behind them. It can be seen people gathering and talking in a back alley of wooden houses. At the Christmas time, the brilliant illuminations are shining in the fashion areas as Omotesando, Ginza and Roppongi. After the 25th of December, the city decoration totally change for the Japanese traditional new year and it can be heard the temples’ bell ringing from all over. Surrounding of the Hama Rikyu (Ex-Imperial Villa) is one of the most particular places which represents the coexistence of the traditional and the new architecture. It can be seen the group of new skyscrapers covered with glass walls behind the traditional Japanese garden of the Edo period. The electric town Akihabara is now becoming one of the most popular places for foreign tourists. The base of urban Tokyo was Edo, which was constructed by Tokugawa government (1600-1868) but it is now very difficult to understand visually its remains. Townscapes constructed in the Edo period have been changed through three kinds of disasters and through latter urban developments. I would like to overview briefly how these disasters influenced on the making of Urban Tokyo and how historical aspects remain.

ment after the restoration.

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Buildings in the Edo period were basically built of wood, rarely of mortar and plaster. For the commoners’ housing, flammable ma-

1. The urban structure in the Edo period (1600-1868) Edo was already an enormous city (the population exceeded 1.1 million) which was founded near the actual Tokyo Bay. The Edo castle, the habitation and the fortress of the Shogun (the head of samurai) was in the central Edo, surrounded by a double moat (fig.1, 2). The most important temple Kan’ei-ji was constructed at the foot of mountain on the northeast of the castle, and the second important temple Zoujo-ji was on the other side of the castle. The commoners’ area was on the east of the castle where a lot of canals were running through with a commercial and cultural focus on the Nihonbashi (Japan bridge), which was frequently painted in various Ukiyoe works. The rest of the land was owned by samurai and temples. The main spatial division of Edo was that between the areas of the samurai (68.6%), the areas of the temples (15.8%) and the areas of the commoners (15.6%). Vast range of land owned by samurai prepared sufficient land for the Meiji new govern-

terials such as thatched or wooden board roof were mainly used, so there were frequently great fires in the Edo period as it is said “fires and fights are spectacles of Edo” in a proverb (fig.3). Even though the water supply system was advanced, it could cover only 15 % of the whole city. The lack of water frequently caused great fires. The population density was tremendously high in the commoners’ area (ex. 539/ha on the average, 1516/ha in the highest town Kanda Hashimoto-cho), which worsened the sanitary condition. 2. The great fires in the Meiji period and the Tokyo City Improvement With the great fire in 1872, which burned down 34 blocks and 2926 buildings, the Tokyo prefecture took an opportunity to transform into a modern city while the new Meiji government was pushing forward to the modernization. The Ginza Brick Town was planned as fire-proof urban planning on the burned down area. It was designed by an English architect Thomas James Waters. The boulevards, the roadside trees and the gas lamps as modern urban element appeared (fIg.4). The western architectural style was chosen also in order to keep up appearance for diplomacy because Ginza was located in front of the first train station Shinbashi where foreign people passed by for the first time. Although some districts were being modernized and new style of architecture began to appear (fig, 5), the majority of the urban structure had remained unvaried since the Edo period. The rapid development of horse tram network aggravated the sanitary condition. In addition, cholera was prevalent in 1882. The worst fire of the Meiji period in 1881 destroyed a total of 10,637 buildings. The month after, regulations provided for fire-

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prevention zones arranged in long strips to act as firebreaks and tile roofs throughout the central city area (fig. 6).

In 1884 Tokyo’s eighth governor, Yoshikawa Akimasa, presented the Tokyo City Improvement Plan which covered the whole wards of Tokyo and outlined an approach to modernize the transportation system by widening and improving roads, building railroads, canals, and constructing a new harbour (fig.7). While this plan was being modified several times to make it possible to realize, the tram network had been developed rapidly. When the final Tokyo City Improvement Plan was passed in 1903, the road network corresponded to the tram network. This is one of the reasons why Tokyo became an enormous city. 3. The 1923 Great Kanto Earthquake and the reconstruction projects September 1st in 1923, while the urban area was being rapidly expanded, the Great Kanto Earthquake (M 7.9) hit Tokyo and Yokohama. 694,621 households were damaged, 106,509 were killed or missing and over 3.4 million people suffered from this catastrophic disaster (fig. 8, 9). Tokyo fell down into serious social confusion as groundless rumours grew, and also slaughter of Koreans, socialists and anarchists were recorded. It aggravated the inflationary trend and caused the financial crisis at the end of 1920s. Shimpei Goto became the Home Minister the day after the earthquake and decided that the reconstruction of Tokyo as government project (fig.10), which brought a great change to the urban area of Tokyo. The plan covered about 3,600ha to be rezoned, the road rate rose up from 14.0% up to 26.1% and the dimension of park increased 16%. The rivers and canals were improved and a total of 424 bridges were constructed. In regard to the architecture, various reforms were made. The structure of public schools had been changed into reinforced concrete, new public hospitals and institutes of social work were established, and the Dojunkai Apartments in reinforced concrete were constructed for sufferers. These had a great impact on the Japanese life style. A series of urbanism laws has been prepared from 1919 to 1930s, and researches on foreign urbanism system and thought progressed. The case of Letchworth based on the Howard’s garden city theory was picked up in English garden city (1926) published in Japan, whose theory became realized in the Tamagawadai Gardencity project (fig. 11). Furthermore, the 1924 Amsterdam International Urbanism Congress had a big impact on Japanese urbanism as it can be seen in the 1939 Tokyo green space system plan (fig. 12) and the 1940 Kanto region metropolitan structure plan (fig. 13). However, under the difficult financial situation after the great earthquake, the Japanese government heeled over to militarism. Large lands expropriated for the green space system were utilized for military usage. In later years, these green areas were fortunately transformed into public gardens and parks in residential area. 4. Post-war reconstruction Japan surrendered unconditionally after the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and on Nagasaki in August 1945. Though Japan

did great damages on China and other Asian countries during the war, Japan itself was also damaged seriously. In the case of Tokyo, 759,000 buildings throughout 16,230ha were damaged by series of incendiary (fig.14, 15). In December 1945 a Basic Policy for War-damaged Areas Reconstruction was passed, which set ambitious targets for rebuilding, including detailed and strengthened land use planning controls, building standards and controls on building coverage. The policy established a target of 10 per cent of all urban areas to be allocated to park and playground use, and the designation of board greenbelts to prevent sprawl (fig. 16). The plan was designed ward area of Tokyo at the 3.5 million that remained in 1945, compared to the more than 6.5 million in 1940. The reconstruction of Tokyo considerably delayed because of its wide range of devastating damage. Japanese economic situation was collapsing because of the accelerated inflationary tendency of 1949. With a drastic financial reform policy by GHQ (General Headquarter), the reconstruction plan had been sharply reduced, in this way, the reconstruction plan proceeded. When the Korean War broke out in 1950, a special procurement activated private companies’ activity. The abolition of controls on the architecture materials of wood, cement, iron and steel caused a building construction boom (fig. 17). In addition, the Housing Loan Corporation was established, which led construction of housings in suburbs. It became more and more difficult to control the urban planning because of the unbalanced relation between public works and private productions. 5. Urban development in the rapid economic growth and the bubble economy, away from disasters With the National Land Development Law in 1950 for economic growth, local areas had been rapidly developed. As a result of centralization of capitals and industrials, over 5 million increased in population of Tokyo. Urban problems as urban sprawl, formation of low quality wooden apartment area, train commuters’ hell, traffic accidents and pollutions were aggravated. The government adopted a fire-prevention policy in 1952. And the law which drastically change the skyline of Tokyo was approved in 1961. The height of buildings became depended on volume rate instead of height and of building coverage in some areas (fig. 18). The establishment of public corporations in 1950s conducted development in suburbs, construction of skyscrapers area in the central Tokyo, highway network etc. Thus, thousand of urban development proceeded in 1950s and 60s. It seemed Historic context was nearly abandoned, as we can see in a view of historical bridge Nihonbashi with the Metropolitan Highway passing above (fig. 19). At the same time, influential urban spaces as skyscrapers town, underground town, pedestrian deck and mall appeared. On the occasion of the Tokyo Olympic in 1964, the Komazawa Olympic Park (1959-64) and a lot of masterpieces as Yoyogi National Gymnasium (1964) by Kenzo Tange were born. There was a big controversy if Tokyo should be a smaller city with satellite cities or become a megalopolis. As we can see in the Tange’s Tokyo Plan 1960 (fig. 20), Tokyo proceeded to become a megalopolis. Private developers started full-scale urban development both in the central Tokyo and in the suburbs and construction of condominiums sold in lots with fire-proof structure, which caused a condominium construction boom. In 1980s, during so called “the bubble economy”, the urban development was at the height of its prosperity. Though, after “the bubble collapse”, private developers were devastated and big dimensions of unused land and unsold rooms of condominiums were left. Thus, after the Second World War, Japan had pushed forward with the urban and local development. On the other hand, the firewere a lot in other areas of Japan, which is utilized not only for skyscrapers but also for historic temples and buildings that are important elements of Tokyo’s urbanscape. Conclusion Tokyo was transformed three times on occasion of great fires in the Meiji period (1860s-80s), The Great Kanto Earthquake (1923) and the war-damage of The Second World War (1945), and a number of historical architecture had been lost. However, there are many surviving traditional temples and gardens, some residential sites of samurai transformed into university site as Hongo, or into embassies and public parks which give us green open urban space. Some areas as Nezu and Yanaka keep its antique urban fabric which evokes Edo culture. Historical urban framework is still alive in the megalopolis Tokyo. In addition, some western and eclectic style architecture, built in the Meiji period, are anti-seismic reinforced for being in use. Even though the Ginza Brick Town is no longer in brick after the 1923 earthquake, Ginza is now the most popular commercial and cultural

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prevention and seismic technology had been significantly progressed while Tokyo was away from disasters even though there

area in which antique restaurants and shops, inaugurated in the Meiji period, are assembled. The black market under the worst economic situation just after the Second World War has been transformed into the electric town Akihabara which recently attracts more and more foreign visitors. In this way, Tokyo obtained complex layered sceneries generated in each period. Though, the conservation issue for modern architecture and urban structure has not been solved yet. The demolition of the Dojunkai apartment for the sufferers of the 1923 earthquake caused a series of protest movements and gave rise to the social phenomenon. Kudan Kaikan (Ex-Military Institute) built in 1932 in eclectic style has been returned to the state and now closed because of a fatal accident when the recent 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake. While it is more and more difficult to conserve historical buildings especially modern architecture as public works, the reconstruction project of Mitsubishi Ichigokan, the first office building in Marunouchi business district, organized by private company Mitsubishi presented a sort of new method of conservation, even though it has not been determinably evaluated yet. On stronger demand for reinforcement of fire-proof and anti-seismic structure and disaster-resistant city after the 2011 earthquake and tsunami, the megalopolis Tokyo is now facing another turning point. References (selected): -Ishida, Y., The Last 100 Years of Japanese Urban Planning, Jichitai Kenkyusha, 1987.

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-Fujimori, T., Tokyo Urban Planning of Meiji, Iwanami Shoten, 1982.

-Hatsuta, T., Tokyo: 130 years of Urbanism and Architecture, Kawade Shobou Shinsha, 2007. - Jinnai, H., Tokyo: A Spatial Anthropology, Chikuma Shobou, 1985. -Kondo, K. and Ito, T. (edited by), Edo and London, The Urban History (extra issue), Yamakawa Shuppansha, 2007. -Sorensen, A., The Making of Urban Japan: Cities and planning from Edo to the twenty-first century, Routledge, New York, 2002.

Fig.1 Edo-zu Byobu, partial (ca. 17c)

Fig.2 Meireki Edo Oezu, partial (ca. 1657)

Fig.3 Shoushitsu Shichu Hatsudouzu (1855)

Fig.4 Ginza Brick Town (1873) Fig.5 Mitsui Bank Headquarter, Mitsui Sangaiya Seiyonozu (1873)

Fig.6 Tokyo fire-prevention plan (1881)

Fig.7 Tokyo City Improvement Plan (1884)

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Fig.8 Kanda-Jinbocho after the Great Kanto Earthquake (1923)

Fig.9 Destroyed area of Tokyo (1924)

Fig.11 Garden city Tamagawadai plan (ca. 1923)

Fig.12 Tokyo green space system plan (1939)

• Fig.10 Reconstruction plan for Tokyo (1923)

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

Fig.13 Kanto region metropolitan structure plan (1940)

Fig.14 Devastated land of the central Tokyo (1945)

Fig.16 The post-war reconstruction plan for Tokyo (1946)

Fig.15 War-damaged areas of the central Tokyo

Fig.17 Packed with medium-rise multiuse buildings in the central Tokyo

Fig.19 Actual Nihonbashi bridge

Fig.20 Tokyo Plan 1960 by Kenzo Tange

Fig.18 The first skyscraper of Japan, Mitsui Kasumigaseki Building (1968)

The Transformation of the Suburbs: The Case of Kamakura and Kamakura-yama Kazue AKAMATSU Japan Women’s University

Contents: Introduction 1. The Transformation of Kamakura 1-1 Location and Urban Structure 1-2 As Health Resort and villa area 1-3 Great Kanto Earthquake in Kamakura 1-4 The Development as a Residential Area in Kamakura

Name: Kazue AKAMATSU Designation: PhD, Researcher, Organisation: Department of Housing and Architecture, Japan Women’s University Education: 2008 PhD, Tokyo University of the Arts, Japan 2001 Master, Japan Women’s University, Japan 1998 Bachelor, Japan Women’s University, Japan Scolarships and Awards (selected): 1999 Researcher, Scholarship of Italian Government, Università degli Studi di Firenze, Italy 2010 Researcher, Support of Research, Housing Research Foundation Jusoken, Japan Lectures (selected): 2008 “The History of Architecture” ”The History of Housing”, Kyoritsu Women’s University. 2010 “The Utilization of Historical Architecture in Kamakura”, Hosei University. 2011 “The History of Modern Architecture”, Tama Art University. Academic and Administrative Appointments (selected): 2009 Executive, Council of Landscape, City of Kamakura 2008 Executive, Council of Special Research for Promoted Young Researcher, Architectural Institute of Japan (AIJ) Recent Publications (selected): 2011 Kouichi Kabayama, Masao Noguchi, Kiyoshi Ishikawa,Koji Kuwakino,Naoki Inagawa and Kazue Akamatsu, Director in renaissance, Vasari, Hakusui-sha. 2010 Kazue Akamatsu, “Teatro noh e la sensibilità spaziale in Giappone”, in GIAPPONE Tutela e conservazione di antiche tradizioni, a cura di Olimpia Niglio, Koji Kuwakino, Pisa University Press, pp.193-209. 2001 Piero degl’Innocenti, Architetture per lo spettacolo, Gli edifici per il teatro, la musica e il divertimento dall’antichità ad oggi, Note introduttive di Guido Spezza e Alfonso Stocchetti, Con la collaborazione di Kazue Akamatsu per le ricerche sull’architettura dei teatri del Rinascimento, Firenze, Alfani, pp.67-82. 2011 Koji Nishimoto(ed.) Encyclopedia di culutura italiana, Associazione italo-giapponese.

2. The Formation of A Residential Site of Kamakura-yama 2-1 The Suburban Residential Areas in Japan and Kamakura-yama 2-2 Ideal Residential Area 2-3 Formation of Ideal Residential area by Resident Consciousness 3. The Present Condition of Kamakura and Kamakura-yama Conclusion Introduction The aim of this thesis is to consider the ideal human settlements by clarifying the formation and transformation in the suburbs that contain abundant nature. At the end of the 19th century in Japan, as the way idea of the “resort” arrived from the West, the seaside area with rich nature gained attention as the ideal resort area. Kamakura, which is one of these areas, has been considered the ideal residential area with the background of the charm of a villa area, as well as the short commute to Tokyo. However when people left the city and moved to area with more nature, we destroyed the ideal settlements. Moreover we have to struggle with the natural disasters because of the abundant nature that we have never experienced in the city. As the main subjects of this essay,

Taking advantage of such defensive and complicated geographical features, the samurai built the first government in the 12th

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I will deal with the two areas, Kamakura and Kamakura-yama. I will reveal the features and the ideal figure that have been describe.

century. Centering on Tsurugaoka Hachimangu shrine as a religious and political center, the government formed the central axis

Through them I would like to seek a way of creating the ideal settlements not only with the nice environment and “paesaggio storico” but also natural disaster. 1. The Transformation of Kamakura 1-1. Location and Urban Structure Kamakura is located in the southernmost end of the Kanto district 54 km from Tokyo. It is surrounded on three sides by mountains and one side by the ocean, so it is called a natural stronghold. The geographical feature is formed by the many valleys resembling tree branches. Moreover, in order to connect the inside and the exterior of these mountains, there are the seven passes called Kiritoshi that cut through the mountains.

which goes to the sea and the residential region was built on the outskirts (fig.1). Since the samurai government believed in Zen Buddhism for 150 years, many temples and shrines were built around the city, and still remain. Thus, in medieval times, an urban structure was formed in Kamakura and the culture also prospered. However, the urban structure that is surrounded by the hills and the sea is also faced with the dangers of natural disasters. From medieval times, in Kamakura, many disaster records exist. In the earthquake in 1495, a record remains describing the Hall of the Great Buddha being washed away by the tidal wave. The earthquake in 1697 destroyed the Gate of Hachimangu Shrine, and the situation of a large-scale landslide remains in the pictorial map of the earthquake in 17031. Thus, Kamakura was always historically side-by-side with natural disasters such as the tsunami from the sea and landslides in the mountains. 1-2. As Health Resort and villa area It was during the Meiji Era (1868-1912), the period of being a westernization, that Kamakura was brought into the limelight as ideal living environment. In the Meiji period, Japan received a new way of thinking from the West, together with their technology and industry. One of these ideas was the view of the “health resort” by avoiding the heat of the city and bathing in the sea. One example used for a health resort was Brighton which is in the suburbs of London, and is a summer resort by the sea2. The Shonan district near Tokyo was found to be an area suitable for recreation along the seashore like Brighton. Also in the Shonan district, “Kamakura” was recommended by a German doctor named Bältz as a health resort in 18803.

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Kamakura attracted attention as a villa area of the suburbs in the center of Tokyo by a train opening in 1889, and many villas were

built by the nobility, and the prominent people in the political and business circles. According to records of those days, Kamakura was recognized as a place with a historical atmosphere, a nice climate for one’s health and beautiful views, and was regarded as ideal suburbs4. In 1905 the cottages occupied one fourth of the total number of houses and in 1912 it became one third5. Thus Kamakura is recognized as the ideal environment with rich nature and cultural –historical climates. 1-3. Great Kanto Earthquake in Kamakura However, the greatest earthquake in the Kanto district “Great Kanto Earthquake” happened in 1923. It is said that 1,900,000 people suffered a great deal of damage, and a little more than 105,000 people went died or went missing. As for damage to buildings, complete collapse was about 109,000 buildings and total destruction by fire was about 212,000 buildings. As Kamakura was close to the hypocenter, there were especially serious damages. Because of fires and tsunami at least 85% of the houses were damaged. Also the Great Buddha sank 45 cm. According to the “Kamakura earthquake disaster magazine6”, it is told that the tsunami which hit Kamakura was over 8 m. By crashing river banks and rock walls in the Kiritoshi, transportation of relief supplies stopped. As mentioned above, because of this earthquake disaster, many villas also suffered damage and casted a shadow over the villa culture till then. 1-4. The Development as a Residential Area in Kamakura The population of Kamakura increased in the 1960’s 7. This was partly due to the increase in population in the center of Tokyo8 Also in Kamakura the residential areas had progressed by developing on hills and destroying nature. However, the nature was rich, and the image of a good living environment of rich history and culture was deep-rooted, and residents came to show the strong attachment to the environment of the area. One of them is the example in which the intellects living in Kamakura preserved the green hills. In 1964, to stop the development of the back hill of Hachimangu Shrine, they took the lead and bought 1.5 ha with the help of contributions from citizens and the city, and prevented development. In 1966 this movement became an opportunity in Japan to

Kamakura koku hou kan, “Kamakura no koezu (The pictorial map of Kamakura)”, in Kamakura kokuhou kan zuroku vol.17, 2005. Kazunari Shimamoto,Kamakura bessou monogatari (the story of the villas of Kamakura),Nakajima Publishing, 1993, pp.16-20. 3 op.cit,p.29. 4 Sabun Nozaki,Nihon meisho chishi(the topography of scenic spots in Japan),vol.2,1894 5 Kamakura gikaishi hensan iinkai,Kamakura gikai shi kijutsu hen(the Editing Committee of Kamakura assembly,story of assembly of Kamakura,the part of description)1969. 6 The town office in Kamakura,Kamakura shinsai zasshi(Kamakura earthquake disaster magazine) ,1930. 7 The Management planning division in Kamakura, Kamakura-shi no Jinko doukou, 2005. p. 115. 8 Fukutaro Okui,Gendai dai toshiron (The Theory of Great Cites in modern times), Ozora publishing,1996, p.65 1

introduce the law called “Koto Hozon Hou (the prevention law in historical areas)” which was the first law that keeps “paesaggio storico”. This also became the first National Trust in Japan. Thus, I mention that in Kamakura there is the local culture in which the residents have a strong consciousness of the living environment and preservation of nature from a background of the city’s history and culture. However, as mentioned above, having nature is accompanied by natural disasters. Landslides caused by typhoons occur frequently, and the danger of tsunami from the sea is high. Contrary to high resident consciousness, the concrete walls to prevent from landslides have made a blemish on the landscape. The scenery and environment of rich nature of Kamakura, which has been the living environment that people long for, have been destroyed remarkably now. There is no accumulation of the knowledge of the experience of historical disasters. After the large earthquake this year, the city produced a hazard map showing the refuge sites at the time of tsunami9. However, there is neither an introduction of large-scale systems for disaster prevention nor a new proposal there, and the style to a natural disaster remains strictly passive. 2. A Residential Site of Kamakura-yama 2-1. The Suburban Residential Areas in Japan and “Kamakura-yama” As mentioned above, Kamakura formed the ideal environment image from the high-class image of history, culture, nature, and a cottage place. Kamakura-yama was developed in 1929 as a residential area with the privileged image of Kamakura, 10 and the feature of a convenient suburban residential area with the motorization in the 20th century. Development of suburban residential areas in Japan began from the 1910s from the population expansion in the center of Tokyo and the development of a railroad. The population of Tokyo increased from about 1,500,000 in 1887 to 3,100,000 in 191311. Expansion in the center of Tokyo and the development of a railroad called for the necessity for the new residential areas in the suburbs. Also the rural city concept by E. Howard is influenced Japanese people from 1907 and onwards 12. However, in Japan, Howard’s viewpoint was lost, and was confused with the residential section development in the suburbs with nature and convenience. Then in Japan the suburban residential areas became new residential areas for the middle class13 and made in various places. While many suburban residential areas began to be made, “Kamakura-yama “ was developed in a suburb of Kamakura aiming at the new ideal residential site. The peculiarity of Kamakura-yama is that of a position of ambivalence. There are both faces of a rich natural environment with a privileged image of the past Kamakura and a convenient living environment connected with Tokyo as a symbol of the new period. It was the figure itself of the holiday resort image of Kamakura changing. Kamakura-yama is located in the forest far from both Ofuna and Kamakura Stations (fig.2). Mr. Sugawara, a producer of Kamakura-yama, developed it as “a rich green healthy residential section” like other suburban residential areas of those days. It was not a railroad company or a realty company that differs from other suburban residential areas, either, and it was developed by a road company. The original business purpose of create a principal axis in the management of a carriage way, sightseers’ transportation, and the sales of tourist resort management also deserves attention. The opening of a road exclusively for cars was the first time in Japan, and Kamakura-yama adjoining such a road attracted the attention as the arrival of a new era of automobile traffic. It was also the presentation of a new life style in which workers in the center

2-2. Ideal Residential Area We can learn about the ideal residential area of the 1930s from studying the development of Kamakura-yama. Reading the “Kamakura-yama graph14” published for advertisement around 1934, two points are emphasized. The first is the beautiful view and rich nature that it has. The second is the distance from the center of Tokyo only 1 hour. Then, the convenience of life is shown. For set-

Kamakura bousai hazard map, city of Kamakura, 2011. Enoshima Ofuna Senyou Jidousya dou kabushiki kaisya jigyo gaiyou(the summary of the project of the car road company of Enoshima Ofuna.),1928. Nihon Teikoku Jinkou Seitai Toukei(the static statistics of population in Japan) ,Toyo publishing, 1993. 12 Naimu sho chihokyoku yushi,Denen Toshi(the group of volunteers of the Bureau of Areas at Ministry of Home Affairs, The garden city),Hakubun publishing,1907 13 Atsuhi Katagi, Yoetsu Fujiya, Yukihiro Kadono,Kindai Nihon no Kougai Jutakuchi (The modern residential site in suburbs in Japan),2000,pp.12-28. 14 Kamakurayama tochi kabushiki kaisya,the Graph of Kamakura-yama ,（the Kamakurayama estate Co.Ltd.）1934. 9

10 11

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of Tokyo used a new means of transportation.

tling permanently, the district supplied items, such as daily necessities, an electric cooperative, hospital, a kindergarten, a school, and a post office. These showed the difference from resort areas.On the other hand, photographs demonstrated amusement facilities, such as a social club, a hot spring institution and a golf course. Furthermore, the residents that were famous for the political, business and entertainment world are in photos with their expensive houses. These are reminders of the privileged atmosphere of the villa period of Kamakura. So it can be said that Kamakura-yama was described by the following five points: 1) the nature with rich green and beautiful landscape, 2) the nearness to the center of Tokyo by a carriage way, 3) the convenience of the life, 4) the recreation facilities like a resort, 5) the high-class image of the residents. That is intermingled with the elements of leisure and the element connected to the center of Tokyo, as well as an exclusive cultural climate. It can be said that the Kamakura-yama area was a high-class villa area for leisure and yet was connected the center of Tokyo. This is in contrast to many suburban residential areas which were made in the middle of resort and the city for the middle class. That is, it was created with two different ideal images of a housing environment. One is drawn from the villa place Kamakura. Another is a new ideal concept of a life style that connected with the center of Tokyo. 2-3. Formation of Ideal Residential Area by Resident Consciousness Kamakura-yama was ambitiously made as an ideal residential area in this period. However, the managing company which should lead Kamakura-yama to a new ideal residential image, was bought out in 1947. Nevertheless, the Kamakura-yama residential area

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still has the image of an ideal living environment.

The reason can be seen in the peculiar resident structure of Kamakura-yama. In Kamakura-yama, rather than buying the land, one method was to buy stocks of the developing company called “Japanese Expressway, Inc.” and the land would come with them. Most residents chose this method. That is, the stockholder of the residential area became residents. This means that the stock price also goes up if the worth of the residential area goes up. This affected a sense of belonging and sense of solidarity over a residential area to people who are stockholders and residents. So residents began to be concerned with management in order to improve the residential area themselves. In 1932, residents, increasing the dissatisfaction to a company, built the management organization for the residential section called “Yu-bi-kai”. Their concept was to “aim at friendship between residents and being based on am autonomous soul, to create this residential section as a Utopia “. Some of their affairs were as follows15: 1) Inspect and guard the estates and the houses of members in twice a week. 2) Installation of a night-watch and a crime prevention facilities. 3) Negotiation with administration office about taxes, traffic, and education. 4) Consultation with the management company: establishment and repair of roads, change of geographical features, felling of trees. 5) Instructions to new residents: design houses in consideration of harmony with the natural environment, not disturbing the view of other houses and beautify the street environment using a hedge or natural stone. Thus, this organization was not merely a residents’ group but positively participated in the management of the residential area. Moreover, the work content shows the peculiarity of this residential area. For example, 1) and 2) show that the necessity for a guard and crime prevention meant that there were many users as a holiday home. 3) shows that there were many candidates wanting proxies to handle the administrative procedure in a life. 4) shows the lack of leadership of the company. Moreover 5) expresses the height of the resident consciousness to which they tried to make the residential section better, concerning with the fine sight maintenance and beautification in a residential section. The “cherry blossom street” which is still famous was also planted by the “Yu-bi-kai”. Moreover, the stone walls have maintained the landscape of that time, and are also protected in consideration between residents. The “Yu-bi-kai” had strong pride and attachment to the residential area, and managed the place. The spirit continues to this day the local magazine “Kamakura-yama” has been published by the residents for years. Thus, Kamakura-yama was established by ambitious ideal residential site, but it created and maintained the ideal image and the good living environment supported by residents’ high consciousness.

Hisashi Yoneyama,Kamakurayama Shoshi (The real history in Kamakura-yama), Gendo Publishing, 2008, pp.60-65.

3. The Present Condition of Kamakura and Kamakura-yama However, because of the influence of rapid economic growth, the landscape of Kamakura-yama was also destroyed especially after the 1970s. The intense development from 1985 is clear from development records of the Kamakura city planning division. However, there still remains natural abundance and the image as an ideal residential area. This is because it became clear from a complete enumeration that the site is still the original size and that the boundary between the “cherry blossom street” and the houses maintains the original hedge even if the owner changed (fig.3). For the background, it became clear from the interview to old residents that the consciousness of the “Yu-bi-kai” is inherited to this day. But in recent years the landscape is changing, in spite of having been maintained by residents, not only to develop the housing land but to prevent a landslide in the hills from the original stone walls to practical concrete walls. Conclusion It became clear that though these two areas, Kamakura and Kamakura-yama, the changed over time, but are still regarded as ideal living environments with abundant nature and the exclusive cultural climate. And both of the living environments had been loved and maintained by residents. However, ideal living environments with rich nature are very close with natural disasters. Though earthquake disaster damage is suffered, it does not appear the proposal backed by experience in the recent provision for a calamity. Rather, the disaster prevention maintenance to tsunami or landslide has barred the charm as a ground of original rich nature. We should accumulate the wisdom against a calamity, as it is the place that has an attraction with abundant nature. It can be said that it is the time to create the method of maintaining, without making the ideal living environment into a sacrifice for the development of housing or disaster prevention. fig.1, “Yukino shita mura (The Map in ditail of “Yukinoshita area” in Kamakura), 1880s, Kanagawa Prefecture Library. fig.2. The location of Kamakura and Kamakura-yama fig.3. The present condition of the land and the boundary in Kamakura-yama

A Comparison of Japanese and Italian Artistic Representation of the Urban Water System between the 16th and 19th Century Federico Scaroni The University of Tokyo

Contents: Introduction 1. Western artistry and Japan, first approaches 2. Italy and Japan, a short comparison on urban water system 3. A comparison on urban water system as depicted in artistry 4. Two study cases: low town work life and pleasure crusades Conclusion Introduction Japan and Italy share many different kinds of features, starting from a long and complex history, similar geomorphological conditions with frequent natural disasters, ter-

Name: Federico SCARONI Designation: PhD, Architect Organisation: Department of Architecture, Graduate School of Engineering, The University of Tokyo Education: 2009 PhD in Architecture and Theory of Architecture, Sapienza Università di Roma 2003 Master in Architecture, Sapienza Università di Roma Scolarships and Awards (selected): 2011 Kenkyu-in researcher, JSPS Fellowship, The University of Tokyo, Japan 2009 Kenkyu-sei researcher, MEXT Scholarship, The University of Tokyo, Japan 2005 PhD researcher, University Scholarship, Sapienza Università di Roma, Italy Lectures (selected): 2010 Restoration and Renovation in modern Japanese Architeture, Hosei University, Japan 2007 The Verbs of Architecture, Sapienza Università di Roma, Italy 2005 Fascist Artistry and Architecture, G.C.O.E. program, Keio University, Japan Recent Publications (selected): 2010 Renovation of Nombei Yokocho, in Namba Kazuhiko, All the documents of the activities of Namba Laboratory, Dep. of Architecture, The university of Tokyo, Tokyo, Kadokawa publ. 2009 A study on Corviale, in Barbera, Plunz, Corviale Accomplished - Uno studio per il Corviale, Roma, Università La Sapienza ed. 2009 A restoration for Giuditta Taviani square, in AA.VV., Trastevere from the past to the future, Roma, Università La Sapienza ed. 2007 A project for the new Biomedical center of Sapienza, in AA.VV. 5 idee per Pietralata, Roma, Università La Sapienza ed. 2007 A project for the renovation of Nombei Yokocho, in AA.VV. Nombei Yokocho Renovation, Tokyo, Tokyo University publ. 2006 Cronaca e storia di un rimosso cantiere di regime: Il mausoleo di Costanzo Ciano a Livorno (History of the abandoned Fascist mausoleum of Costanzo Ciano in Livorno), in AA.VV., Quaderni dell’Istituto di storia dell’architettura, 42/2003, Roma, Bonsignori.

ritories rich of water mostly covered by mountains. They share a strong and enduring sensibility for the artistic representation of their own landscapes, both natural and anthropic. On the other hand they basically didn’t create direct mutual strong cultural ties for centuries, starting their political and social relationship only after Italian Unification process (1860-70) and Meiji Restoration (1868). When I started to study Japanese urban and artistic history for the first time, some years ago, I discovered the similarities on the interest the artists of both lands put on the representation of water system. The enormous importance of the presence of water in the works of art of Japan and Italy has been particularly important and massive in the same historic period, between the 16th and the 19th century. In that time the artists used to come mostly from the same social level, merchants and middle class in general. Water and waterways in particular were subject and more often important scenery for rural and urban scenes. The reason of this strong interest in waterways representation can rely on the social class the artists were coming from, since canals and rivers were bearer of wealth through the massive trades.

Anyhow, in this first century of exchange, the influence of European artistry became quite important with the birth of Namban art,

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This short article will try to underline how such artists felt the importance of water as a symbol of life and development and which

literally influenced from the South Foreigner, referred to Spanish and Portuguese people, who showed their works and started to

differences and similarities relied in these two different situations. 1. Western artistry and Japan, first approaches In 1543, after the shipwreck landing near Kagoshima of a Chinese junk carrying two Portuguese men, Japan became the theatre of one of the most fascinating encounters of different cultures ever. What happened in the following century was a period dense of cultural exchange, from the technical, religious and artistic point of view. In a first phase of fast expansion, Catholic religion played an important role in this exchange, due to the strong presence of Jesuit missionaries. After the beginning of Tokugawa period however, Christian religion was banned and prosecuted and the entire Japan became also secluded from the rest of the world through Sakoku policies, emitted between 1633 and 1641.

teach subjects and styles from their Renaissance background. Many Japanese artists, often converted to Christian religion, learned the basic painting instruments through Jesuit missionaries’ lessons and soon started to produce copies of European originals. Japanese artists mixed their own style with the new one managing to add interesting modifications on common themes and soon succeeded in proposing original works, though partially influenced by Western atmosphere or subjects. One interesting example of this kind of Seiyo Fuzoku Zu (Western Genre Scene) is this anonymous painting of 1610 (fig.4). The subject is a pastoral scene but there is a Japanese woman in the middle. The most interesting feature is the mixture of technical styles, with ink on paper coming from traditional Japanese artistry and the whole composition directly influenced by Western one. Finally it is important to underline how the artist succeeded in expressing the sfumato technique for both the landscape description and the figures contours. Giovanni Belllini and Leonardo, among the others, massively experienced the possibilities offered, in terms of depth representation, by the sfumato and this technique spread out in Europe soon after its discovery. Again it’s interesting to highlight the presence of maritime elements in this Japanese painting, not differently from Bellini’s Compianto del Cristo Morto (fig.3). If aerial perspective, through the sfumato, received a mixed but enduring acceptance, other Renaissance and Mannerist techniques were introduced in Japan as well, but their cultural impact was reduced by the strengthening of Sakoku policies that blocked the evolution of Namban art. Mathematical perspective and chiaroscuro were almost lost and gradually rediscovered only after 1720, when Chinese artistry influenced by Western one and Dutch paintings could be studied again, due to a relaxation of the seclusion, under Tokugawa Yoshimune.

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

The birth of Rangaku, (literally Dutch learning and Western learning) permitted once again the study of Western art techniques

with consequences on the improvement of Uki-e (floating picture or perspective picture) and then Ukiyo-e print style. Artists like Utagawa Toyoharu (fig.12), Yasuda Raishu (fig.6), Hanegawa Toei (fig.5), Shiba Kokan (fig.27), Aodo Denzen (fig.9) and then Hokusai Katsushika (fig.32) and Utagawa Kuniyoshi (fig.8) were directly or indirectly strongly influenced by this new cultural movement in the period between 1720 and 1853, year of Commodore Perry arrival to Japan. It’s important once again to underline how Japanese artists did not only copied and studied original Western and Chinese paintings and prints, but created their own style with a syncretic work that could stand for more than a century. Ukiyo-e artists, used this syncretism for the representation of their own world, a world in which waterways were a preeminent urban and landscape element. The peak of water system development described through artistry in Japan, the first half of the 19th Cent, corresponds to Italian main period of Water landscape representation in Lombardy and Veneto. It’s interesting to underscore how art techniques born in Italy were absorbed In Japanese artistry, yet trough many degrees of cultural filters (figg.11, 12). 2. Italy and Japan, a short comparison on urban water system As stated in the introduction, water played a strong part in urban development in both Japan and Italy. Canal system in whole Padan plain lived a precocious season of elaboration and improvement while the first artificial waterways belonged to the early Communal period in cities like Milan, Parma, Modena, Vicenza and Padova. In Italy, thanks to a considerable technology exchange between Padana plain cities, the first modern locks were created and elaborated since 13th Cent, modern pound locks were built near Milan by Bertola da Novate in the 15th Cent and then improved after Leonardo da Vinci studies in the early 16th Cent (figg.13, 14). Cities like Milan and Padova shared a multilevel system of canals for irrigation, energy production and transportation use. This mixed system provided a net of rural canals connecting the cities with the nearest sea access. On the other hand they permitted the double use of water for energy production through a massive use of watermills (fig.15) and irrigation thanks to a strict regulation on the use of canals. A road system called Restare was created aside of every canal to permit upstream navigation; in this way, horses drew the boats using these roads (fig.16). As entering the cities, the canals were connected with a secondary waterway system called Naviglio interno or Cerchia dei Navigli, which can be found in different configurations in many North Italian cities (fig.18). This secondary infrastructure provided direct access for people and goods and greatly improved those cities economy helping to develop the first seed of industrial production. Canals were also important in keeping clean the city since they were partly used for trashing natural waste. In the beginning of 19th Cent, the development of Italian pound lock system was so much developed that navigable canals connected the most important cities of Padan plain. Nobles and rich families also used the canals for the connection between their rural villas and the urban palaces providing themselves a pleasure cruise trip on the way (fig.17).

At the very beginning of Edo period, water system in Japan was quite developed and local engineers intensively used watermills (fig.19), imported at the end of VIII Cent from China, and subterranean aqueducts. There was a system, similar to the Restare one, for permitting upstream navigation with the only difference of the use of manpower instead of the one provided by horses (fig.20). Waterways were also used for goods and people transportation, mostly in Kansai area and modern canals were built in the main cities in the whole Japan since the end of the period Azuchi-Momoyama (1573-1603) but it was only from the Edo period that there was a real spread out of water works. The Takase canal in Kyoto has been built in 1614, Dotonbori in Osaka in 1615. After the beginning of Edo city urban expansion (end of 16th Cent), city rulers gradually planned the construction of a wide water net system for transportation, water supply and defence. Edo became the metropolis at the centre of Japanese economy and the waterways permitted the city to receive every kind of goods. Starting with the construction of Kanda canal (josui) after 1590, several other waterworks were realized, like Tonegawa diversion from 1604, Kyobashi and Nihombashi canals in 1611, Tamagawa Josui from 1653, Fukugawa canal system on the east side of the city and so on. Particularly remarkable are the works on the Minuma canal of 1731, with a wooden two-stage lock gate, the first in Japan (fig.21). All around the castle, Sotobori moat was also connected with the other canals forming a spiralled defence still partially recognizable today. Nihombashi area was the geographical centre of Japan and was also the main commercial district of the city. The canals surrounding this area hosted many docks (kashi) forming literally the most important commercial hub of Japan of Edo period. This kind of diffuse urban harbour can be considered quite similar to the Italian Naviglio Interno system and this comparison will be deepened in the 4th paragraph. It’s quite important to remember that Nihombashi area was the birthplace of Ukiyo-e artistry (fig.1). 3. A comparison on urban water system as depicted in artistry Although Italy and Japan didn’t share any diplomatic contact during Edo period, it’s still possible to make a first stylistic comparison on their artistry since Western painting influences on Japan were mostly coming de relato from Italian area and finally because Italy and Japan shared a similar evolution of their own urban water systems environment. For this kind of analysis it will be useful to divide the works in periods and themes, underlining the importance of Ukiyo-e prints as well as Post-Renaissance paintings and prints depicting waterways, locks and watermills in everyday life. Watermills have been portrayed in artistry of many different cultures, Holland first, but rarely obtained the centrality of the composition as happened in Japan. Though waterwheels arrived in Japan only in Nara period (8th Cent), they were massively used for a big variety of purposes such as powering forge bellows, husking rice, beating iron and grinding grain. Some of these functions were implemented in Italy only by the late medieval period. However the importance of waterwheels in artistry it’s doubtless, in both Italy and Japan (figg.22, 23). Locks and Dams suffered of less popularity on paintings and prints due to a different diffusion in the two countries. More locks in Italy and more dams in Japan. The representation style yet is quite naturalistic and the anthropic context plays a great importance although the subject is clearly the centre of the composition (fig.24, 25).Restare pathway along the canals played an enduring importance in canals representation, both in Japan and in Italy. Since they were mostly a countryside element they contributed to a Urban harbours and docks (Sciostre and Kashi) played a great role in the definition of water system urban vision in the history of artistry. Both can be considered as the city elements that have mostly contributed in depicting a lively image of popular areas, rich in human activities and cultural exchanges (figg.28, 29). Canals connected cities to rural environments, often being a gradual media between different areas. Human activities were set all along the waterways creating different sceneries through all their lengths. Artists in both countries found particular interest in the description of human settlements outside main cities. It’s relevant the use of a basic sfumato in both the artists (figg.30, 31). Even though the examples here shown are quite different from each other for themes, techniques, supports, they all share some relevant features for a comparison: the period of time in which the works have been realized is almost the same, subjects are really similar and the social status of the authors is almost the same, merchants and middle class that wanted to be represented together with their own medium of success: artificial water system.

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give a naturalistic and lively vision of artificial waterways (fig.26, 27).

Two study cases: low town work life and pleasure crusades The similarity examples examined so far provided a first general overview on the theme, but in this section the analysis will deepen the comparison between Japan and Italy on two different study-cases. The first one is the representation of urban harbours in Edo canals (Kashi, fig.34) and Milan Inner circle of Navigli (Sciostre, fig.33). The similarities between those two storage systems are subject of many paintings and prints giving us a vivid description of the economies and daily life styles of both cities. Shitamachi, Edo downtown, was the most popular, crowded and lively area of the city. Here, thousands of people were building the economy of Japan everyday. Freighters full of every kind of goods were brought and traded in the many urban harbours of this area, mostly located along the Kyobashi and Nihombashi canals. These havens, called Kashi, were the primary storage system for the main distribution but along the canals nearby there was a secondary level of storage system. Many shops had a dock entrance, not differently from Venice. These docks, aligned all along the canals formed an interesting urban façade, often depicted by Ukiyo-e artists. Similarly Milan merchants developed a dock system along the inner circle of Navigli, where those storage buildings were called Sciostre. For centuries, the Sciostre became the backbone of Milan trading system as part of an integrated system with the three urban harbours of the city. Unfortunately, both Sciostre and Kashi almost disappeared in the second half of the 20th Century. For the representation of these docks system, the authors often chose a centred point of view perspective, offering a bigger sense of depth enhancing the importance of the docks. Biggest difference is the focal point, invisible in the Italian case and centred on the

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

Fuji Mount or on the Edo castle; both pride elements of Edo landscape (figg.32, 33).

As Italian and Japanese lower classes were sharing a common storage system, upper classes and nobles were sharing another tradition with the use of cruises and dinners on pleasure crafts such as the Yakatabune (fig.36) in Edo period and the Burchielli (figg.35, 37) in Veneto area. Both these boats, often depicted by local artists, were designed specifically to offer their passengers a unique experience of water enjoinment. Since journeys from countryside villas to the city palaces were often long and uncomfortable, rich and noble people enhanced their ferries with new facilities like dinner on board and possibility of resting or having parties. Burchielli, in their cheaper version, had been used as normal ferry service along the Brenta canal until the 19th Century. Conclusion The aim of this compared analysis is to bring attention on how artistry felt the importance of describing water as an instrument of richness and how it improved urban development in a similar way in the two countries. Such comparison is important due to the fact that Italy and Japan shared a limited number of contacts in the period taken in consideration. Basically every influence ever arrived to Japan from Italy had always been filtered through other Western or Eastern points of view. However, even with the great number of limitations, the two countries developed a particularly similar technical approach on the development of urban and rural water system and, more peculiarly, they adopted a similar taste for its representation. This is possible to verify through the two study cases above, which demonstrated a comparable approach to waterway as a transportation medium not only as a source of wealth but even as a source of pleasure. References: - AA.VV., Japanesque – The Japanese Print in the Era of Impressionism, Prestel publ., New York, 2010 - E. Malara, Il Naviglio di Milano, Hoepli, Milano, 2008 - AA.VV., Japan Envisions the West, University of Washington press, Seattle, 2007 - A. Lucas, Wind, Water, Work, Ancient and Medieval Milling Technology, Brill, NL, 2006 - AA.VV., I Navigli da Milano lungo i canali – La bellezza nell’arte e nel paesaggio, Celip, Milano, 2002 - A. Micheli, T. Nicolini, In viaggio sui Navigli - Il Naviglio Pavese da Milano al Ticino, Skira, Milano, 2001 - M. Cortellazzo, L’ambiente e il Paesaggio, Amilcare Pizzi ed., Cinisello Balsamo, 1990 - C. Semenzato, Padova Illustrata (La citta’ e il territorio…), Editoriale Programma, Padova, 1989 - T. Celona, G. Beltrame, I Navigli Milanesi, Silvana ed., Milano, 1988 - F. Ogliari, Navi in città : storia del trasporto urbano nella laguna veneta, Cavalotti Ed., Milano,1988 - AA.VV., Canali e burci. Battaglia Terme, Editrice La Galiverna, 1981 - R.J. Forbes, Studies in Ancient Technologies, Malta, 1965

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Fig.1 The Ferry at Yoroi, Edo, U.Hiroshige, 1875 Fig.2 Santo Stefano harbor in Milan, 17th cent Fig.3 Compianto del Cristo morto, G. Bellini, 1515 Fig.4 Western Genre scene, Japanese anonymous, 1610 Fig.5 Procession of Korean mission in Edo, T. Hanegawa, 1748 Fig.6 The 47 retainers after the revenge, Y. Raishu, 1830 Fig.7 Houses in Batavia, J. Nieuhof, 1682 Fig.8 The 47 retainers, the Night Attack, U. Kuniyoshi, 1831

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

Fig.9 Senso-Ji at Kinryuzan, Edo, A. Denzen, 1809 Fig.10 Nagasaki Harbor, K. Kawahara, 1810c. Fig.11 Le chiuse di Dolo, Canaletto, 1728 Fig.12 Venetian landscape, U. Toyoharu, 1750 Fig.13 Lock’s gates in Dolo, Venezia, Canaletto, 1742 Fig.14 Waterstairs lock, Pavia, C. Cantù, 1857 Fig.15 Watermill on Naviglio canal, Milan, Anonymous, XIX Cent Fig.16 Burchiello on Brenta, Padova, Anonymous, 1591 Fig.17 Villa Armeni in Fiesso, Brenta, G.F. Costa, 1760 Fig.18 S.to Stefano harbor, Milan, A. Ferrari, 1800 c.

Fig.19 Watermill, Tekisson Uda, 1926 Fig.20 Tow boats on the canal next Yotsugi road , U. Hiroshige, 1857 Fig.22 Canale delle Moline, Bologna, A.Basoli, 1832 Fig.23 Watermill at Onden, Edo, K.Hokusai, 1830 Fig.24 Kanda river, Oarai Dam, Edo, Hasegawa, 1834 Fig.25 Il naviglio presso S. Marco, Milano, A.Inganni, 1834 Fig.26 Vaprio d’Adda, Milano, G. Vanvitelli, 1772 Fig.27 View of Mimeguri, Edo, S.Kokan, 1783 Fig.28 Nihombashi and Edogawabashi, Edo, U. Hiroshige, 1858 Fig.29 Porta Portello harbour, Padova, P.Chevalier, 1842 Fig.30 Battaglia terme, Padova, P.Chevalier, 1862

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pag. 42

Fig.31 Sakaigawa and Tonegawa, Edo, U. Hiroshige, 1856-58 Fig.32 Nihombashi in Edo, Edo, K. Hokusai, 1830 Fig.33 Naviglio in Via Molino delle armi, MIlan, G.Grossi, 1900 Fig.34 View on Sumida in Dutch style, Edo, K. Heisei, 1830 Fig.35 Burchiello in Oriago, Brenta canal, 19th Cent Fig.36 Swimmer and pleasure boat, Edo, H. Kuniyoshi, 1846 Fig.37 Reconstruction of a Burchiello on Brenta canal

Pisa Flat Lands during the Medicean period From the 16th to 17th centuries by the comparison between description and reality Yukako YOSHIDA Japan Women’s University

Contents: Introduction 1. Geographical features of the lower Arno 2. The construction of the Navicelli Canal during the Medicean period 3. Description of the Navicelli Canal and flat lands of Pisa 4. The canal and economic policy to Leghorn Port and the territory of Pisa Conclusion Introduction From the ancient unique chorography around the lower Arno has influenced rise and fall of Pisa. The Medici, new sovereign, reigned over the city and the territory of Pisa

Name: Yukako YOSHIDA Designation: Researcher, PhD Organization: Department of Housing and Architecture, Japan Women’s University Education: 2009 PhD of Art History, University of Pisa, Italy. 2001 Master of Architecture, Hosei University, Japan. 1997 Bachelor of Architecture, Musashi Institute of Technology (present Tokyo City University), Japan. Academic and Administrative Appointments (selected): 2011 Curator, exhibition “Toscana Architects” in Tokyo (2013). 2011 Coordinator and Translator, 24th World Congress of Architecture (UIA 2011 TOKYO). 2009 Founder and President, The Japan Italy Cultural Association “MIRAI” in Pisa, Italy. 2003 Editor, architectural journal “Architetture pisane” (Edizioni ETS ), Italy. Scholarships and Awards (selected): 2005 PhD researcher, University Scholarship, University of Pisa, Italy. 2003 Researcher, Italian Government Scholarship, University of Pisa, Italy. 1999 Researcher, Hosei University Scholarship, University of Pisa, Italy. Lectures (selected): 2011 Il terremoto di Fukushima, Department of Structural Engineering, Politecnico di Milano (Lecco campus), Italy. 2010 Urban History of Pisa: influence from water, NHK Cultural Center in Tokyo, Japan. 2009 Meraviglie di Kimono, Department of Architectural Technology and Design “Pierluigi Spadolini”, University of Florence, Italy. 2008 Tokyo. La storia ed i progetti attuali, Department of Civil Engineering, Tor Vergata University of Rome, Italy. 2001 Urban and architectural transform of Pisa during the Medicean period, 25th Congress of the Collegium Mediterranistarum in Okinawa, Japan. Recent Publications (selected): 2011 Koji Nishimoto (Supervision), Encyclopedia di culutura italiana, Tokyo: Maruzen. 2011 Renzo Cresti, Yukako Yoshida, Lucca. City of art and music and Giacomo Puccini,Tokyo: Ichigeisha. 2007 Paolo Galluzzi (Supervision), Hidehiro Ikegami (Japanese side Supervision), Yukako Yoshida (Co-translator), The mind of Leonardo. The universal genius at work, Tokyo: Asahi Shimbun and NHK.

adopting original compatible system with water which was handed down among the citizens to live close the marshland. The aim of this research is verify a value of the Medicean policy to the territory, above all southern part of the lower Arno, through an examination of maintenance of infrastructure, especially hydraulic works such as establishment of the Navicelli Canal and others, reclamation and expansion of Leghorn Port. To analyze between idea and real change in those lands by the Meidci, it needs comparative study between historical records and geographical maps at that time, included mural painting and printed maps, from the latter half of the 15th century to whole 16th century as follows: 1) Tuscia Novela by Piero del Massaio in 1456 ca., 2) geographical designs of flat lands of Pisa by Leonardo da Vinci, 3) mural painting maps of Tuscany in the Vatican, the Palazzo Vecchio and the Uffizi Gallery, 4) printed maps and 5) minute maps produced from the latter half of the 16th century to whole 17th century, kept in Public Records Office in Pisa and Florence. practice works of those flat lands of Pisa. 1. Geographical features of the lower Arno In the past along the Tyrrhenian cost, in the proximity of Pisa, the sea pushed up to inland and created a wide sinuous beach and a shallow zone which was called Sinus Pisanus where existed the Pisa Port. The several documents of ancient Greece and Rome give notice of Pisa Port. Science 11601, in the republican epoch of Pisa, the magistrate denominated Consoli del Mare engaged in all hydraulic works such as maintenance of the port, defense of the territory, construction of roads, bridges, aqueducts, fortification, lighthouse, regarding of

FIASCHI, p. 23.

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements

The result of this research demonstrates some different points between the propaganda created strongly by the Medici and their

necessity for local commerce and development of maritime activities. Consoli del Mare always dedicated carefully maintenance of the waterway. Most of all canals the Fosso Vecchio, the Fossa Nuova and the Fosso Caligi were important (Fig.1). 2. The construction of the Navicelli Canal during the Medicean period Pisa declined after the defeat in the Battle of Meloria in 1284 against Genoa. The ordinary maintenance of infrastructure, as well as the intervention to control of territory, was abandoned. Lack of many works drew serious troubles and a large part of the land was covered again with the insalubrious marsh. To solve these problems, the new Florentine governor had to renovate the magistrate for flood control works, based on a preexistent structure. After the abandonment of Pisa Port, the economic function of the city was changed. Pisa became one of landing places for the merchandise from Leghorn Port. Initially the principal transportation route was passed at the Arno estuary but it was very risky because of opposite running from the sea. This is the reason to construct a safe inland waterway to join two cities. According to historical documents, the plan of a canal came out in 1468, but the practical construction started later, in 1560 from Cosimo I. In 1563 the canal was led to San Piero a Grado. Ferdinando I, Cosimo I’s son, resumed the project carrying from San Pietro a Grado to Stagno in 1603, then he accomplished the work between Stagno and Leghorn in 1606 (Fig.2). In 17th century there were about eight hundred navicelli, typical wide and flat boats, which were suitable to navigate through the narrow canal with heavy voluminous merchandise not only stone, wood, iron and brick but also food such as wheat, salt, wine and

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

others. Those boats were accompanied by navicellai people, most of them came of peasant from Valdarno inferior area such as S.

Croce sull’Arno, Calcinaia, S. Giovanni alla Vena, Uliveto and Caprona. Their family had to care the low return territory because of the frequent flood of the Arno River. They formed some small communities in which there were many craftsmen related to boatyard. Since the watercourse constituted an important way to transport not only merchandise but the people, the government directed to its maintenance and management with the severe law which was developed over the years. The heaviest one was forced labor in galley. 3. Description of the Navicelli Canal and flat lands of Pisa In the 15th century in Europe cartographical representing method was changed by experiment. Compared to a precedent which was based essentially on the empirical aspect, those new maps became more realistic and concrete because an artistic value was more considered in representation of territory, particularly in case of mural circle maps influenced by owner; indeed, for politic reason Stefano Bonsignori, cartographer in Medicean Court, drew only Cosimo I’s public works and ignored other medieval watercourses on the mural map of the territory of Pisa at Uffizi Gallery. Many maps of Tuscany Region show us clearly two types in reference to portray around Stagno. In the first type the Navicelli Canal doesn’t appear and a great marsh of Stagno has one or two inlets and one effluent, although their proportion is not always respected satisfying way. For example Tuscia Novela designed by Piero del Massaio in 1456 ca. (Fig.3), chorography of Tuscany, Emilia and Romagna designed by Leonardo da Vinci in 1503ca. (Fig.4), Chorographia Tusciae by Girolamo Bellarmato in 1536 and printed maps of Tuscany (Fig.5) which were realized using precedent maps as a model belong in this type. Confront with another contemporaneous or posterior maps such as Toscana marittima in and hydrographical sketch of Pisa flat lands designed by Leonardo da Vinci in 1503 ca., two inlets represented in Fig. 4-5 will be the Fossa Nuova (northern ditch) and the Sannone River (southern one). Generally, in the second type above-mentioned in which the Navicelli Canal appears, Stagno has a lot of ditches and their proportion is more respected. Etrvria painted by Egnazio Danti between 1580 and 1585 in Gallery of Maps in the Vatican (Fig.6), Dominio Fiorentino painted by Giovanni Antonio Magini and Stefano Buonsignori in Uffizi Gallery (Fig.7) and an anonym printed map Dominio Fiorentino produced in 1636 in Amsterdam belong in this type. The following is identity of those watercourses, from nord in a clockwise direction: 1) A watercourse from Pisa to Stagno indicates a part of the Navicelli Canal which was started to construct from 1560 by Cosimo I. It was completed later so far as Stagno by Ferdinando I. 2) A short watercourse is the Fosso Bocchette built in 1558 by Cosimo I. 3) An upper ditch of double watercourses represents the Fosso d’Arnaccio costructed between 1564 to 1565 by Cosimo I. 4) The other lower one is the Fosso d’Arno realized in 1554 by Cosimo I. 5) A longest watercourse will be considerate to the Fossa Nuova which dates back to Republic of Pisa in Medieval, but according to another hypothesis it could be the Fosso Reale built in 1554 by Cosimo I.

6) A watercourse from Stagno to Leghorn Port is a part of the Navicelli Canal completed in 1606 by Ferdinando I. 7) One of three effluents from Stagno to the sea is the Fosso del Duca realized in this area in 1551 by Cosimo I2. Unmistakably these watercourses agree with all ditches which were desired by Cosimo I whereas the other pre-existing watercourses, which were designed on Carta topografica del Valdarno pisano da Pontedera e Ponsacco al mare between 1562 to 1564 (Fig.9), all of them are ignored decidedly3. From these verifications in detail, that longest watercourse which is mentioned in no.5 must be the Fosso Reale desired by Cosimo I (Fig. 6,7,8). This fact demonstrates that the hydrographical representation such as circle mural maps realized by Stefano Buonsignori in Florence and Egnazio Danti4 in the Vatican weren’t fully realistic because the maps were aimed at worming into metaphor to celebrate their owners; Cosimo I and the Popes. 4. The canal and economic policy to Leghorn Port and the territory of Pisa However the original course of the Navicelli Canal was very tortuous because probably it coincides with an old branch in the Arno Delta5, the canal is represented rectilinear in all maps of Tuscany to evidence its artificiality with a new Leghorn Port in grow which t was designed with a fortification and four towers in the sea. Medicean Grand Dukes loved the city view of Leghorn because of a glory and a familial pride at the realization of the port6. That is identifiable from other materials, for example a fresco painted by Bernardino Poccetti in 1609 ca. (Fig.10) in Palazzo Pitti and an inlay board with pietra dura, hard stone, created by Cristofano Gaffuri between 1600 and 16047 (Fig.11) show a particular urban planning with perimeter moat and some buildings which had been constructed at that time. A matter of great interest is that many elements which testify economic liveliness of the city such as sailing ships, navicelli boats and inland waterway network ,are emphasized in these representations. While Cosimo I encouraged the development of Leghorn Port, he had to face some problems constituted by depopulation and squalor spread over the territory of Pisa. After the fall of Pisa Republic, he adopted tax relief to repopulate, executed reclamation of lands and founded ditches and aqueduct8. Ferdinando I, getting priority at the development of Leghorn Port, took some particular measure to attract merchant and new inhabitant which has different specialized ability. Under the politics in 1590, 1591 and 1595, Leghorn hailed many foreign communities, giving them not only various economic privileges but also some rights to practice own religion and to shelter from religious persecutions, as inquisition9, for who moved from Pisa to Leghorn to establish commercial activity. The economic axis was moved from Pisa to Leghorn by progress in city extension and the increase in traffic in Leghon. In Leghorn, always in growth, in 1629 the Medicean government determined an extension project in a zone close to old town, between Fortezza Vecchia and Fortezza Nuova. The intervention, acting under a particular urban strategy, comprised transfer of the Custom Office and edification of a loggia for market and magazines, with facile access to port by waterway which was surrounded the city. Also a mouth of the Navicelli Canal was situated in this area10. Differently in Pisa, it was realized only a tettoia pentohouse, necessary refuge for navicelli boats in case of bad weather. The tettoia penthouse is situated near the Porta a Mare, in southwest of the city. Compare to view of Leghorn, presence of the Navicelli Canal looks sick and its representation is poor (Fig. 12,13). The canal appears such a any ditch and non demonstrates nether its navigability. It could deduce by representation of a boat designed on the canal, but after the latter half of the 17th century this only represented well11. They are real representative elements of Pisa, excluding the Navicelli Canal. It is the exact opposite to the case of

ERRICO-MONTANELLI, pp.241-271. FIASCHI, pp.78-79. After Leonardo’s project it was excaveted another ditch close to Fosso Vecchio, called Fosso dei Fiorentini, della guerra or Fagiano. 4 Stefano Buonsignori and Egnazio Danti served the Medici. 5 CACIAGLI, p.188. 6 NUDI, p.49ff; FARA, p.15ff; LAMBERINI, p.41ff. 7 GIUSTI, 1989a, p.39ff; GIUSTI, 1989b, pp.10-23; GIUSTI, p.47ff. 8 DELLA PINA, pp.25-30; MAZZEI, p.19. 9 GUARNIERI, p.33ff; VACARI, pp.12-53; FRATTARELLI FISCHER, pp.55-109. This ecumenical privilege enforced by Ferdinando I supported the development of maritime commerce in Leghorn, but also guaranteed a protection from religious tolerance for residents who weren’t Catholic during the Counter-Reformation epoch. 10 MATTEONI, p.58ff 11 ZAMPIERI, p.10ff; NUTI, 1982, pp.35-69. 2

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements

clue disappeared from these plans of Pisa.While monuments, the leaning tower, the Cathedral, churces and lungarno passages are

Leghorn12 (Fig.13). The Navicelli Canal was present also in foreign charts of Mediterranean ports13. That corroborates that the canal was considered an important element connected with Leghorn Port. Conclusion Under the policy of Medicean Granducato, Leghorn functioned as a port, while Pisa was an important manufacture centre. Coinciding interests between medicean regime and local ruling class, Pisa had to transform to second city in the territory, such as a small Capital in province14. Indeed in the 16th and 17th century a lot of interventions to were carried out for renewal in whole the city. At the same time public works on infrastructure, for example the Navicelli Canal and the rectification of the course of Arno River. For those works, Cosimo I desired to reorganize l’Ufficio dei Fossi in 1547, with aim of introducing an art of silk and favoring the commerce in Pisa. He instituted two exhibitions in a year (1561). In addition, he wanted to renovate an antique cultural prestige of the city and reorganized the university and the important chivalrous order Ordine di Santo Stefano. But when we analyze the policy effected to development of the Pisa flat lands , we find a great contradiction between direct political declaration as “slogan” and their practical execution, for example they declared a reclamation projects in the area to enlarge more lands for wheat. Actually it was done only a limited zone, where could be cultivate yet, and kept property in woody land and of family and upper class, in which they could enjoy hunting, and also to control the increase of wheat production . They were afraid of an excessive increase in Pisa which could be cause of recovering independence in Pisa 15.

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

Grand Dukes made their engineers create many precise hydrographical reliefs of the Pisa flat lands to for the study of solutions

to problematic marsh, in consequence, shutting out from treasury, they left all responsibility to Ufficio dei Fossi include effective costs for necessary maintenance. The sovereign preferred investigating in the adjacent territory from the Capital, while they didn’t care much in Pisa countryside, instructed only small works to keep the water structure in safety, without invest for big public works of which the declared occasionally. To make an exception, Ferdinando I realized a great public work: course deviation at the mouse of the Arno River. It is true that the deviation helps to reduce the damage from the flood, but actually the farmer were obliged on necessary high costs for maintenance. In reality of the facts, insufficient economic support from Florence didn’t permit effective solution to serious problem caused from marsh. The habitants of countryside of Pisa were forced to live in this condition. References - ALLEGRI, Ettore, CHECCHI, Alessandro, Palazzo Vecchio e i Medici. Guida storica, Firenze, Studio per edizioni scelte, 1980. - BRIZZI, Osvaldo, Il Consorzio di Bonifica Ufficio dei Fiumi e Fossi. Celebrazione del V centenario della fondazione ufficiale, Pisa, 1975. - CACIAGLI, Giuseppe, Pisa, Pontedera, Amera, 1991. - CODINI, Ewa, Karwacka, Piazza dei Cavalieri. Urbanistica e architettura dal Medioevo al Novecento, Firenze, Cassa di Risparmio di Firenze, 1989. - DELLA PINA, Marco, Andamento e distribuzione della popolazione, in Livorno e Pisa: due città e un territorio nella politica dei Medici, Pisa, Nistri-Lischi e Pacini, 1980, pp.15-30. - ERRICO, Carla, MONTANELLI, Michele, Vie d’acqua, in Vie d’Acqua, Vie di terra. La logistica d’altri tempi a Collesalvetti, a cura di G. Ciccone, C. Errico, A. Marchi, M. Montanelli, Pisa, Felici, 2006, pp.215-239. - FARA, Amelio, Bernardo Buontalenti, Milano, Electa, 1995. - FIASCHI, Ranieri, Le Magistrature Pisane delle Acque, Pisa, Nistri-Lischi, 1938. - FRATI, Piero, Antiche Stampe. Piante e vedute di Livorno e provincia, Cartografia della Toscana, Livorno, Debatte Otello, 2003. - FRATTARELLI FISCHER, Lucia, La città medicea, in Storia illustrata di Livorno, a cura di O. Vaccari, L. Frattarelli Fischer, C. Mangio, G. Panessa, M. Bettini, Pisa, Pacini, 2006, pp.55-109. - GIUSTI, Annamaria, Tesori di Pietre Dure. Palazzo Pitti, Uffizi e altri luoghi d’arte a Firenze, Firenze, Electa, 1989a.

FRATI, p.34. MATTEONI, pp.205-209; POLEGGI, 1991, p.132. GUARINI, 1980a, pp.31-42. 15 Si può osservare sulla carta del Dominio vecchio fiorentino di Stefano Buonsignori nella Galleria degli Uffizi a Firenze (1589, Fig.32,33), sulla Chorographia Tusciae di Girolamo Bellarmato (1536) ed anche su altre carte (Appendice 3.5.2) la macchia a Tombolo, raffigurata con alberi opportunamente disegnati, che rappresentavano proprio le aree boschive. 12

- GIUSTI, Annamaria, Origine e sviluppi della manifattura granducale, in Splendori di pietre dure. L’Arte di Corte nella Firenze dei Granduchi, Firenze, Giunti, 1989b.pp.10-23. - GIUSTI, Annamaria, L’arte delle pietre dure da Firenze all’Europa, Firenze, Le Lettere, 2005. - GUARINI, Elena Fasano, Le istituzioni, in Livorno e Pisa: due città e un territorio nella politica dei Medici, Pisa, Nistri-Lischi e Pacini, 1980, pp.31-42. - GUARNIERI, Gino, Livorno medicea nel quadro delle sue attrezzature portuali e della funzione economica-marittima. Dalla fondazione civica alla fine della dinastia medicea (1577-1737), Pisa, Giardini, 1970. - LAMBERINI, Daniela, Il Sanmarino. Giovanni Battista Belluzzi architetto militare e trattatista del Cinquecento, vol.I: La vita e le opere, (Arte e Archeologia Studi e Documenti 30), Firenze, Leo S. Olschki, 2007. - LE MOLLÉ, Roland, Giorgio Vasari. L’homme des Médicis, (translate in Japanese), Tokyo, Hakusui-sha, 2003. - MATTEONI, Dario, Livorno. Le città nella storia d’Italia, Roma-Bari, Laterza, 1985. - MAZZEI, Rita, Pisa medicea. L’economia cittadina da Ferdinando I a Cosimo III, Firenze, Leo S. Olschki, 1991. - NUDI, Giancinto, Storia urbanistica di Livorno. Dalle origini al secolo XVI, Venezia, Neri Pozza, 1959. - NUTI, Lucia, I lungarni di Pisa, Pisa, Pacini, 1981. - NUTI, Lucia, Le guide di Pisa fra ‘700 e ‘800: rapporti fra descrizione letterario-figurativa e città, in «Storia Urbana», n.18, Milano, Franco Angeli, 1982, pp.35-69. - PANDURI, Tiziana, Como acqua de mola: mulini ad acqua nel territorio di Calci in età medievale: ricostruzione storica, analisi topografica, studio della gestione economica (sec X – XII), Pisa, Plus, 2001. - POLEGGI, Ennio, Carte francesi e porti italiani del Seicento, Genova, Sagep, 1991. - ROMBAI, Leonardo, La politica delle acque in Toscana. Un profilo storico, in Scienziati idraulici e territorialisti nella Toscana dei Medici e dei Lorena, a cura di D. Barsanti e L. Rombai, Firenze, Centro Editoriale Toscano, 1994, pp.1-41. - VACCARI, Olimpia, Dalla leggenda alla storia: nascita di una città portuale, in Storia illustrata di Livorno, a cura di O. Vaccari, L. Frattarelli Fischer, C. Mangio, G. Panessa, M. Bettini, Pisa, Pacini, 2006, pp.12-53. - VEEN, Henk Th. van, Cosimo I de’ Medici and his self-representation in Florentine art and culture, translated by Andrew P. McCormick, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2006. - ZAMPIERI, Alberto (coordinatore), Pisa. Iconografia a stampa dal XV al XVIII secolo, Pisa, ETS, 1991.

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Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

Fig.1 Principal medieval ditches

Fig. 2 The Medicean Navicelli Canal and recent canal.

Fig.3, 4, 5 Details around Stagno in Tuscia Novela designed by Piero del Massaio in 1456 ca. (left), chorography of Tuscany, Emilia and Romagna designed by Leonardo da Vinci in 1503 ca. (middle) and a printed map in the 16th century, founded on a work by Girolamo Bellarmato (right).

Fig.6, 7, 8 Details of hydrographical feature around Stagno in Etrvria painted by Egnazio Danti between 1580 and 1585 (left), printed map of Dominio Fiorentino designed by Giovanni Antonio Magini and Stefano Buonsignori around 1600 (middle) and an anonym printed map Dominio Fiorentino produced in 1636 (right).

Fig. 9 Topographical map of Valdarno pisano from Pontedera and Ponsacco to the Tyrrhenian Sea designed between 1562 and 1564 ca., includes Fosso Vecchio which was utilized by Leonardo da Vinci to deviate the Arno River during the war between Florence and Pisa.

Fig.10 Details of assonometric plan of Leghorn painted by Bernardino Poccetti in 1609 ca., Sala di Bona in Palazzo Pitti, Florence.

Fig.11 Leghorn Port by Cristofano Gaffuri, 1600-1604, inlay board with pietra dura, Galleria degli Uffizi.

Fig.13 View of Leghorn in 17th century with Navicelli boat and boatman Navicellaio in the circle.

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements

Fig.12 Plan of Pisa designed by Achille Soli between 1603 and 1613. On the list for 97 notable city sights, the right side the plan, the ARNO river is mentioned but the Navicelli Canal is lacked. There is one Navicelli boat in the circle.

Water availability and human activities in Italy through history: an overview Bruno VECCHIO University of Florence

Contents:

Name: Bruno VECCHIO Designation: Full professor Organisation: Department of Historical and Geographical Studies, University of Florence Education: Master, 1970, University of Milan, Italy Academic and administrative appoints (selected): 2006 Head of Department of Historical and Geographical Studies, University of Florence 2001 Editor, Rivista geografica italiana, Florence Recent publication (selected): 2011 - “Classificazione e valutazione dei paesaggi italiani”, in F. Adamo (Ed), Qualità Italia. Contributi per l’analisi delle risorse turistiche, Bologna, Pàtron, pp. 137-153. 2011 - “A chi parla la geografia”, Geotema, n. 41, pp. 96-104. 2010 - “Forest Visions in Early Modern Italy”, in M. Armiero and M. Hall (Eds), Nature and History in Modern Italy, edited by, Athens OH, Ohio University Press, pp. 108125. 2009 - “Beni culturali”, in E. dell’Agnese (Ed), Geo-grafie. Strumenti e parole, Milan, Unicopli, pp. 219-238 2009 - “Comunicare un’idea. Riflessioni a margine del Museo senese del Paesaggio”, Riv. geog. it., 116, n. 4, pp. 463-482. 2009 - “Geografía de Italia y obietivo fotográfico. Consideraciones al margen de una experiencia editorial”, in C. Copeta and R. Lois (Eds) Geografía, paisaje e identitad, Madrid, Biblioteca Nueva, pp. 83-101. 2008 - “Le trasformazioni dell’ambiente fisico”, in Storia della civiltà europea, in U. Eco et Al. (Eds), vol. 10, L’Ottocento, Milan, Federico Motta, pp. 426-442 2007 - “Climi e ambienti”, in Storia della civiltà europea, in U. Eco et Al. (Eds), vol. 1, Il Cinquecento, Milan, Federico Motta, pp. 110-127.

1. Methodological remarks 2. Availability of water depending on the climate 3. Availability of water depending on the nature of soils and on physical morphology 4. Water uses by Italian society throughout the history: climate and agricultural systems 5. Water and manufacturing 6. Water and irrigation 7. Water and transportation

1. Methodological remarks A theme such as that of “water availability and human activities in Italy”, being very general, requires a strong emphasis on which principles should be used to address it. The principles in this case are summarized in the scientific paradigm of “possibilities” or “environmental values”, exposed in 1922 by French historian Lucien Febvre in his book La terre et l’evolution humaine (first English translation A Geographical Introduction to History, London, 1932; most recent translation, Westport Connecticut, Greenwood Press, 1974). This paradigm has been strongly supported in Italy by the geographer Lucio Gambi (1920-2006). In my opinion, Lucio Gambi’s thought is still to be regarded as crucial, and not only within Italian academic geography. Unfortunately, however, only his major work entitled The Gallery of the Maps in the Vatican, has been translated into English (New York, George Braziller, 1997), and thisis of little use with regard to the issues that we are about to discuss today.According to the paradigm of “possibilities”, in order to understanding the role that physical and that the these same elements can be used in different ways by human beings. Sometimes, human beings are strongly influenced by environmental factors, while in other situations - especially if they are technically and socially more advanced – they have the ability to identify, within those factors, the “values” that are more suitable to achieve their aims. Therefore, if we have to analyze the organization of the territory from the point of view of the social sciences, the knowledge produced by natural sciences (or hard sciences) is crucial. However the analysis produced by such knowledge has to be regarded as specifically conceived within the field of social sciences. This is indeed the typical line of argument defined as that of “environmental values”, , that I briefly discuss in what follows. In doing so, I will first consider the availability of water in the natural environment of Italy, on the Earth surface and in the underground. Such availability, as I will argue, depends from different environmental elements as the climate and the soil morphology. Secondly, I will discuss the ways in which these elements have been employed by different social groups of our Country in some of the most significant periods in the last two thousand years.

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements

biological elements of the Earth play in the organization of human groups (both in the present and in the past), we need to consider

2. Availability of water depending on the climate In considering the availability of water that depends on the climate, we have to taken into account the amount of rainfall, and, even more than this, its annual distribution, and then its combination with temperatures. To draw a picture of the conditions of humidity across the year in a specific Country the index of “potential evapotranspiration” is, to be sure, an essential element, as it provides crucial information on the potential loss of water within a given area, measured in millimeters of rainfall (evapotranspiration, as this phenomenon is known, is the sum combination of evaporation and transpiration from the “stomata” of the leaves) In Italy, the accurate study of this index - with regards to those specific locations for which such data were available - has been carried out by two climatologists, Sebastiano Vittorini and Mario Pinna (1976). The sum of these data and of those concerning the level of precipitations shows entirely positive values across the whole Country during winter months, while in summer these values are only partly positive. The negative values are indeed the consequence of the so-called “water deficit”. But what is more interesting to consider, in my opinion, is the degree of these negative values: In temperate climates such as that of Italy, summer is the most favorable in terms of temperature with respects to the vegetation, and thus the value of water deficit is essential to understand what should be done in agriculture during this season. On the map, at least three different areas can be identified: : those characterized by a particularly dry summer, in which the water deficit is equivalent to 200 mm ( moreover, in a large area of the south-east of Italy, in Sicily and in Sardinia, beyond 300 mm); those charac-

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

terized by significant problems in this regard (deficit between 100 and 200 mm), and those with little or no problems at all (deficit

up to 100 mm or none). I would like to stress that not only the mountainous areas of northern Italy fall into this latter case, but also the higher part of the subalpine Po river plain. 3. Availability of water depending on the nature of soils and on physical morphology Let me now consider what happens when meteoric water comes up to the ground level.Once delivered here, water circulates both on the surface and in the underground level. According to the data available at present, the average annual rainfall in Italy amounts to an average height of 990 mm, corresponding to 296 billions of cubic meters. It has been estimated that 129 billion of such quantity are destinated to get dispersed in form of evaporation and evapotranspiration, 12 billion to fall into groundwaters and thus to disappear into the sea (especially in Puglia; see Cotecchia, 1977), 155 billion to create a surface flow, which in turn could be redirected to, as well as “returned” by, groundwater flows (Fassò, 1972, p. 217). In order to complete my line of argument, some social aspects need now to be introduced and reflected upon. More precisely, we need to understand all the possible uses that human beings can make of these 155 billion of surface or underground water. As far as I am concerned, these uses are essentially four: 1) household use (i.e.: water to drink, or used for cooking, washing and cleaning, etc), 2) agricultural uses 3) energy uses, among which it’s worth mentioning the hydropower use that began about a century ago 4) transportation uses, in many cases easier and cheaper than road transportation. Moreover, if we make a distinction between water resources on the surface and in the underground, it seems that the latter can be used only for the first and the second type of uses listed above, while surface waters are suitable for each of the four. As a consequence, the presence of surface water need to be considered carefully. . As far as household uses are concerned, water consumption in the past has been so narrow that almost everywhere – at least in Italy – human settlements were provided with enough water for this specific kind of consumption. To be sure, at the local scale the question of water supplies is someway different, as the choice of the exact site of such settlements has always strongly influenced by the availability of water resources. In this respect the Monte Amiata - an ancient dormant volcano in Southern Tuscany - is an instance among many others, as here the villages are located at the same level of the water springs upsurging from the permeable volcanic soils. With regard to other relevant uses, up to a century and a half ago, the most favorable characters of waterways were, in order significance, the followings (I draw on the work of Maximilien Sorre, Les fondements de la géographie humaine, 1948 , vol. II, Volume I, pp. 294-297, 332-335, Volume II, pp. 715-721):

USES OF WATER Agriculture

Energy

REQUIREMENTS OF WATER BODIES 1. constant regime (that is: presence of a relevant flows during the dry season and/or anyway in the season requiring more water for cultivation) 2. mass 1. sharp gradients 2. constant regime 3. mass

Transportation

1. constant regime 2. mass 3. lack of sharp gradients

Let me also add that the feature of the water mass, although always very useful, acts as a “multiplier” towards the constant regime, while in its absence it loses most of its positive value. In other words, a large body of water in limited periods of the year produces less positive effects than a medium , but fairly constant flow throughout the year. That being the case, to define the main features of the Italian environment in terms of river basins, it is enough to acknowledge two main types of areas: those characterized by the presence of streams with sharp gradients, and those characterized by the presence of fairly regular flows. The first type of areas can be recognized very easily, as they are characterized by the presence of relevant gradients, required to produce power, and coinciding with the mountain areas evenly spread all across the national Italian territory. In order to recognize the second type of areas, namely those characterized by regular water flows, it is useful to draw on the study of Italian rivers proposed by the geographer Antonio Renato Toniolo in 1949. Using data provided by the Hydrographic National Service, he acknowledged eleven different seasonal regimes with which Italian rivers can be associated (Dainelli, 1940, Table 9; Toniolo, 1950). To put this in more simple words, in order to identify the areas where a certain amount of water is present throughout the year, we have to recognize first of all the Alpine and pre-Alpine watersheds. In this region there are a number of factors that play in favor of the constant presence of water. Usually, during summer the climate is notnever particularly dry. In addition to this, as a consequence of relevant altitude, the winter snow covers the tops of the mountains until mid summer, and until the late summer and early autumn water from melting glaciers provides a crucial source of supply. Besides the pre-Alpine and Alpine areas, the other major Italian region in which watersheds are permanently fed all year round, is the one characterized by the presence of permeable rocks (cracked limestone for the most part) and at the same time, by the direct contact with underlying impermeable rock, allowing the upsurge of groundwater. Even in absence of summer rainfall, this condition allows the even distribution of winter and spring rainfall across the year (Toniolo, 1950, p. 448). These are in fact the conditions of watersheds defined by Toniolo as typical “of the Central Apennine region” (see map): these areas have a number of positive features similar to the those of the regions lying at the Northern bank of Po river. 4. Water uses by Italian society throughout the history: climate and agricultural systems Let me now pass on consider the ways in which Italian society has made use of the types of water supplies discussed above, start-

has advanced the following hypothesis to explan the relationship between land and human society in the Far East: the conflict

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ing from those depending by the climate.

between the nutritional needs of men and those of domestic animals is solved essentially by removing one of the two competitors,

To be sure, the main effect of the different distribution of rainwater across the Italian territory towards the agricultural traditional systems of the Country is the fact that, up until the modern agricultural revolution, water shortage during summer acts as an obstacle to the system of crop rotation every three years: spring cereal / autumn cereal / fallow (Bloch, 1973, p. 41). By contrast, this type of rotation began to be rather widespread in Central and Western Europe starting from the Middle Ages. This latter type of rotation allows to produce a greater quantity of crop if compared to the two-year rotation system (autumn cereal / fallow), more typical of Greek-Roman and Mediterranean areas (Lemonnier, 1981, pp. 823-825); by the very fact that crop is produced 2 years out of 3 instead of 1 year out of 2 only. This difference has specific consequences towards the ways in which animals are fed. French geographer Pierre Gourou, in his seminal work Man and land in the Far East (orig. French edition. 1940, English translation London and New York: Longman, 1975)

namely the animal, even at the cost of entrusting almost all agricultural labor to human beings. In the Mediterranean region, and in Italy in particular, the beasts of burden have never been completely removed from view, but they have always been breed under great difficulty. According to some documents found by the historian Gerard Delille, for example, in France at the time of Louis XIII (namely, in the first half of the seventeenth century), the daily cost of the work carried out by one horse was only twice as of that carried out by an individual, while in the eighteenth century’s southern Italy the daily cost of the work carried out by a pair of oxen was ten times more expensive than that of one human being (Delille, 1977, pp. 133-148). This allows me to conclude that the role played by the meteoric water has been extremely crucial for a long time, by heavily influencing choice of crop and livestock in large areas of Italy. 5. Water and manufacturing Things are quite different to regard to the use of both surface and ground water flows for industrial and agricultural activities. Let’s me first consider that for manufacturing purposes the role played by surface water has been for a long time rather limited. It is indeed well known that in ancient Rome reducing time and cost of both human and animal labor has never been a primary aim (Forbes, 1962, pp. 600-602 and 611-616). Anyone who has never visited the ancient Roman city of Pompeii may recall that here urban mills were pulled by animals; unsurprisingly, moreover, the most impressive Roman water mill of which we have evidence (namely, the wheat mill of Barbegal near Arles, in France; Sellin, 1983) dates back to Late Roman era, i.e. to a time yet characterized

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

by a significant lack of manpower.

During the Middle Ages, then, the water wheels begun to be employed for many different uses, as a consequence of two innovative ideas that began to be widely and simultaneously deployed: the vertical wheel in place of horizontal one, and water streams flowing above instead of below the wheel (Munro, 2002, pp. 225-233). However, these two innovative ideas increased mills efficiency in terms of energy production, and concurrently a lesser quantity of water was required by the manufacturing activities. In what follows I provide evidence of what I have just argued. In Italy, paper mills were located in areas supplied by water, which, anyway, in some cases was present only in quite limited quantity. According to the data gathered in 1766 by Tuscan census, out of the total of twenty-six paper mills existing in the Tuscan Grandduchy, twenty-three were located in the areas of Colle Val d’Elsa, a town near Siena; to be sure, the choice of such location was not only the consequence of the presence and availability of water, but also of the presence of established industrial traditions (Dal Pane, 1971, vol. I, pp. 185-190). The presence of water appears to be even less crucial for the textile industry, mainly due to the large and recurrent employment of human labor. Moreover, in some of the cases in which hydraulic power is employed in the textile industry, it is rather difficult to see any relationship with the presence of water; on the contrary, the presence of established industrial traditions plays, again, a far more relevant role. Consider, for instance, the case of Bologna in the seventeenth century: a city with four hundred water wheels; according to historian Alberto Guenzi, in Bologna there was indeed “the highest urban concentration of water wheels in Europe” (Guenzi, 2002, p. 667); and, among these, “mills” used for silk spinning were absolutely the most abundant.. This concentration should be almost entirely accounted for through social, and not environmental, factors. As a matter of fact, the flow of the Reno creek – namely, the artificial waterway bringing water from the Reno river into the city center and used to move the mills – during August usually amounts 3.11 m3 per second, and anyway the flow of the entire Reno river in proximity of Bologna amounts to 3.86 m3, a value much lower compared to that of almost any the Alpine river. The situation is changed between the seventeenth and eighteenth century, when “silk mills” began to spread across the foothills of the Italian Alps: the natural availability of water here seems to have reverted the current state of things, and thus metaforically take its own revenge: the cause-effect relationship between water and industrial location began to be utterly self-evident. Nevertheless, this widespread phenomenon was not only the result of some particularly favourable environmental conditions, but also of very social process of appropriation and transformation of places, which is based on the following aspects: - The availability of surplus agricultural production in the nearby irrigated plains; - The availability of labor in loco, i.e. in the dry plains; - The advantages of the whole area in terms of location, e.g. the proximity to main European markets of the time. In other areas, in fact the presence of water did not produce similar effects: the silk industry, for example, did not develop in the limestone area of central Italy, although it has always been an area particularly affluent in terms of water availability.

6. Water and irrigation The role played by the availability of surface water might seem somewhat more crucial for agricultural production. Nevertheless, besides all the cases discussed above, the consumption of water for agriculture uses does not held a strong relationship with the abundance of such resource. As a matter of fact, around Xth century, the water began to be heavily employed, and thus transported from one place to another for agricultural uses; and such phenomenon took place in both poor (e.g. Sicily) and rich (e.g. Lombardy) areas in terms of water availability. Take for instance the highly advanced techniques developed in the field of irrigation in the dry climate of Sicily, such as that of widespread irrigation developed by the Arabs, which were particularly skilled in coping with water shortage.. As we all know, the Po valley (especially on its left bank, where the water flows downs from the Alps) is rather affluent in terms of surface water. However, once again, this resource began to be deployed at its fullest in different areas and in different times Let me give you an example. In western Lombardy (namely, the region nearby Milan) this exploitation begun quite early in history, due to the significant presence not only of rivers, but also of underground springs (the “fontanili”), located at the same latitude of Milan. These springs provide permanent water supplies, characterized by abundant flows of water at a steady temperature; this, in turn, allowed the production of extremely positive effects towards grass vegetation during the cold continental winter season typical of Northern Italy.Such an advantage became however effective, only when combined with the dynamism of the city dominating this territory (namely, Milan), and also with “democratic” traditions of access to water resources, such as : the right to transport water even across someone private land:a right allowed to anybody, and that could not be opposed by landlords. In the Venetia region (located in the North-East of Italy), the lack of the regulating effects produced by the presence of pre-alpine lakes certainly had a major role in delaying the development of irrigation techniques; besides this, however, also the lack of the “democratic traditions” described above, and the less dynamic character of agricultural activities - organized mainly in large estates but fragmented in small familyrun farms - contributed to create a situation unfavorable to the development of irrigation (Ciriacono, 1992, pp. 22-25, 99-102). In more recent decades, finally, technical innovation in the use of groundwater has allowed to partly counterbalance the advantages unevenly distributed across the natural environment. For example, if compared to other Northern regions Emilia in the past has recently been less advantaged for irrigation activities, which in fact depended heavily on the rivers coming from south (ie the from drier Apennine mountains instead of from the Alps). After the second world war, thank to the new, massive deployment of water resources coming from the underground, agricultural activities in this same region begun to develop as much as those of the areas lying north of the Po river. 7. Water and transportation With regards to waterways used as means of transportation, the Italian regions environmentally more advantaged in this respect (namely, the Northern regions) are also those in which such use has been more deployed. The main reason of this phenomenon, however, seems to be the very fact that this area has been, during the last 1000 years, the most dynamic of the Country, and, as a consequence, it has proven to be more capable to grasp the different opportunities offered by the natural environment. In this respect, natural “vocations” have actually been deployed. Such an account is further confirmed by the fact that even in cases when not been exploited. For example the largest rivers of the Campania region, such as the Garigliano, the Volturno, the Sele, in the eighteenth century could not be sailed not because of water shortage, but because of the lack of what in German language is called “Strombau”, that is “stream construction” (Di Vittorio, 1977, pp. 61-63). In fact, thanks to the favorable conditions of the limestone mountain mentioned earlier on, during summer and at very beginning of its course, the Volturno river is three times bigger, in terms of quantity of water, than the Arno river near Florence (17.3 m3 per second at Amorosi against 6.7 in Nave di Rosano, Ministry of Public Works, 1980, under the entry). Despite this, on the contrary of the Arno river, in the eighteenth century the Volturno could not be sailed. In fact, while the course of the Arno represented the backbone of the ancient Tuscan State, the lack of navigation of the Volturno has to be regarded as just a further consequence of the marginal conditions in which the inner of Southern Italy were lying at the time As opposed to this situation, the original pattern of settlement in Northern Italy is not very different from the one that the location of waterways in the same areas would have suggested. Northern Italy is characterized by a sharp concentration of cities located in

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the Central and Southern regions have natural conditions favorable to the navigation of inland waterways, these conditions have

the lower part of the Po plain and established - back in Roman or even in pre-Roman epochs - in proximity to existing waterways (Gambi, 1984). The role played by these pathways has been crucial also during the Middle Ages, when urban centers were regarded as key destination depending on their more or less favorable position in relation to waterways (Day, 1976, p. 94). The fact that Pavia was chosen as capital city of the Longobard kingdom between VI and VIII century provides perhaps the most clear evidence of such an argument. Starting from the twelfth century, then, the cities located at the foothills of the Alps and of the Apennines began to gain more and more significance, but since they lacked of a significant presence of natural waterways in their territories (Gambi, ibid. 132-134), they began to carry out works of trenching, in order to open up as many ways as possible and thus improve their level of accessibility. Such projects were favored by the fact that artificial waterways could be deployed as both for transportation and irrigation means. Around Milan, the dense network of canals (â&#x20AC;&#x153;navigliâ&#x20AC;?), completed between the twelfth and the eighteenth century, is quite evident still today; similar waterways networks gradually began to be created also around cities such as Bergamo, Brescia, Padua (Gianfrancesco, 1975, pp. 203-208). And more generally, the economic power of Northern Italian cities allowed the development of navigation at the urban and regional scale also in areas lees favored in terms of surface water, such as the territories lying on the Southern bank of the Po river, i.e. those of the cities of Bologna, Modena and Reggio Emilia. In conclusion, the availability of water in Italian history has played an important, but often not decisive role; this, as a consequence, supports the idea that, on the one end, the environment has to be interpreted; on the other, what is particularly crucial to understand in details is the structure of the human groups that make use of it.

Traditional Architectural Knowledge Systems and sustainable management Saverio MECCA University of Florence

Contents: Introduction Conclusions Introduction Traditional Vernacular Architecture raises several interesting scientific problems related to, underestimated during the past century because of the difficulty of managing them from a standardized industrial and commercial point of view. The main problem may lie in the reconstruction of tacit knowledge systems and related value chains and local production. The process of valorisation of pre-industrial technologies (and among them oftraditional architectural and environmental cultures) is an exemplary case (sustained by important international committees such as UNESCO and ICOMOS) founded partly on the elicitation of constructional knowledge, in compliance with the original contexts, and partly on the innovation of this knowledge through an evolutionary framework

Name: Saverio MECCA Designation: Prof, M.Arch. Organisation: Department of Technology of Architecture and Design Education: 1981 Research, CNR, Rome, Italy 1977 Master, l University of Florence, Italy Scholarships and Awards (selected): 1978 CNR scholarship, CNR Rome, Italy Academic and Administrative Appointments (selected): 2009 Dean of the Faculty of Architecture, Florence, Italy 2008 Director of INN-LINK-S Center on Innovation and Local and Indigenous Knowledge Systems - University of Florence, Florence, Italy 2002 Full Professor on Building Production, Faculty of Architecture, Florence, Italy 1999 Associate Professor on Building Technology, Faculty of Engineering, Pisa, Italy 1992 Associate Professor on Building Production, Faculty of Engineering, Rende (CS), Italy 1981 Researcher, Faculty of Architecture, University of Florence, Italy Recent Publications (selected): 2006 Mecca S., Cirinnà C., Giretti A., Stracuzzi A., La gestione della conoscenza e il piano di costruzione, Pisa: Edizioni ETS, p. 164 2007 Bucci G., Sandrucci V., Vicario E., Mecca S., An Ontological Sw Architecture For The Development Of Cooperative Web Portals, in: ICSoft. Barcellona, luglio 2007, p. 48-55 2008 Masera M., Mecca S., Cirinnà C., A semantic web portal to support knowledge contribution, sharing and management in Earthen Architectural Heritage domain, in: International Conference on the study and conservation of earthen architectural heritage, Bamako, Ma. Bamako, Mali 2009 Mecca, S. Dipasquale, L., (eds.), Earthen Domes and habitats. The Villages of Northern Syria. An architectural tradition shared by east and west, ETS, Pisa, 2009, pagg. 480 2010 Mecca, S., Dipasquale, L., Rovero, L., Tonietti, U. and Volpi, V. (eds.). Chefchaouen, Architettura e cultura costruttiva, ETS, Pisa, 2010, p. 214. 2010 Mecca, S., Dipasquale, Earthen beehive domes of northen Syria, in Terra em Seminário 2010, proceedings of 6º Seminário Arquitectura de Terra em Portugal- 9º Seminário Ibero-Americano de Arquitectura e Construção com Terra, Lisbona, 2010, pp.132-135 2011 Correia M., Dipasquale, L., Mecca, S. (eds.),Terra Europae, Earthen Architecture in the European Union, ETS, Pisa, Italia. 2011, p. 214 2011 Mecca, S. Briccoli Bati S., Forlani M.C., Germanà M.L. (eds.), Earth/Lands, Earthen Architecture in in Southern Italy, ETS, Pisa, Italia. 2011, p. 320

organized on the basis of social, economic, and technical expectations, needs and requirements in relation to reliability and sustainability of human settlements. In this sense, even the conservation issue has to be faced trough methodologies and tools concerning the design and the project organization. We need a new approach to the conservation of Immaterial Traditional Architectural Heritage because it is characterized by: - a high level of technical variability and integration in geographical and cultural environments together with their traditionally ecological and effective energy performances, which is of utmost relevance; - criticism related to the durability (in the chemical and physical sense), to mechanical weakness and to seismic vulnerability; resources and practices. 1 . The role of Local and Tacit knowledge heritage Local and tacit knowledge, at present, is dispersed, unconnected and, for some aspects, lacking. Insufficient knowledge or not well managed knowledge is in fact at the base of the technical risk, of uncertainties in the activities of the architectural heritage conservation and of perceived reliability of the traditional (pre-industrial) technology between the possible customers. The uncertainty conditions are still more emphasized in the extreme field of “earthen architecture” because a “poor” material, from a mechanical point of view, is used and above all it is characterized by extremely variable constructive techniques; therefore it is fundamental to develop a collaborative system of knowledge management, essential for the definition of the decisional processes to be placed at the base of the conservation activities, in order to reduce the risk of planning errors. The pre-industrial constructive systems are based on a proper organization of the building process that must be re-discovered in

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements

- consistent level of ‘tacit’ and local knowledge, of technical and procedural competence and of information on local materials,

each of the local declinations for understanding the effective possibilities of a rigorous operative way (respecting its peculiarities). Today, rehabilitating this kind of heritage means, at first, to predispose instruments for the knowledge organization able to describe the object through a reflection about to the linked planning and building processes, identifying and interpreting the “decay” whose diagnosis is a complex operation as referred to a particular constructive case. Moreover a systematic diagnostic process, enriched through the comparative analysis of several analogous cases, can supply precious indications about the technical “critical aspects” and the” vulnerability” of the object. In the cultural background that is essential to acquire for the success of the research target it is necessary, firstly, to possess the repertory of several constructive techniques, to recover the local technological heritage and to acquire, on scientific bases, the knowledge of the complex behaviour of building material and of the structural elements. 2. The concept of “cultural landscape” in the international debate. The world cultural and architectural heritage, the “Cultural Landscapes and cityscapes” represent traditions of the different places, cultural peculiarities, organizations, social and religious rituals of the populations. UNESCO defines as “living” or “evolutionary” cultural landscape those landscapes that preserve an active role in the contemporary society, in a tight connection with traditional life, and in which the evolutionary process is continuous. The attention of UNESCO for natural and anthropic landscape testifies the interest of public opinion for a more and more diffused and varied Cultural Heritage.

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

The monument, as isolated episode or emergency, is recognized as a part in the environmental context of reference, the “cultural

landscape”, which individualizes a specification and not repeatable identity of the places, as result of the interaction among single heritage and context, architecture and environment, art and society. It is “Cultural Landscape” because man has organized and modelled the space creating a fusion between nature and culture. If the principal goal of the actions on landscape is to rule its change, it is necessary to operate in a dynamic trial by observing the continuous transformation of the physical environment and the evolution of conceptions and cultural evaluations in a continuous historical re-elaboration. Therefore, the step of knowledge is fundamental to individualize the physical-material characters of the object on which we want to intervene, and above all the process of its evolution, the peculiarities of the elements that constitute it and guarantee its integrity. This is intended to direct the choices on what is important to preserve, and which actions and tools are the most proper for the purpose. So, cultural landscapes and urban ecosystems, join preservation to environmental, social and economic sustainability. A conscious and reliable architectural and environmental design will require a combination of specific scientific and experimental knowledge with both local and tacit knowledge systems, which, at present, are dispersed, unconnected and, in some respects, lacking. The case of earthen architecture is paradigmatic: Insufficient knowledge is, in fact, at the base of the perceived risk of unreliability of an earthen building technique, a ‘poor’ material from a mechanical point of view and an indomitable expression of cultural diversity, variable in relation to the cultural and natural characters of places. The earthen constructive system is based on a deep knowledge of each local building culture, on local technical heritage and on experimental research into the physical, energy and structural behaviour of earth as a building material, roots of the varying identities of inhabited places. An interesting research area is therefore the increase of value of local architectural and environmental heritage as an action directed to a sustainable development of a region. The complexity and the cultural, social and technical variability of traditional technological culture, together with the insufficient level of scientific knowledge of cause-effect relations between specific characteristics and total performances, is connected to the loss of the local and ‘tacit’ technical knowledge. 3. The case of Earthen Dome Villages of Northern Syria The region at south-east of Alep in Syria is characterized by an original Vernacular Architectural Heritage which is characterized, as all Vernacular Architecture, by: - a high level of technical variability and integration in geographical and cultural environments together with their traditionally ecological and effective energy performances, which is of the utmost relevance;

- consistent levels of “tacit” and local knowledge, of technical and procedural competence and of information on local materials, resources and practices; - criticism, however, related to the durability (in the chemical and physical sense), to mechanical weakness and seismic vulnerability. Syrian earthen corbelled dome architecture expresses these characteristics at the highest level: its ancient architectural and environmental culture, is based on a deep knowledge of local building culture, on local technical heritage related to the physical, energyrelated and structural behaviour of ‘earth’, stones, and ‘poor’ wood as building materials. Origin of a cultural landscape When Neolithic man first began to comprehend how to interact with and use nature, developing a process of domestication of spaces and habitats, the forming of human culture began. Hunter-gatherers embarked upon a process of appropriating natural spaces, progressing from the linear and temporary to the central and permanent, defining the fundamental necessities of a site for permanent settlement relevant to this day, and which are met with difficulty in the arid or semi-arid regions: above all, the particular necessity of water. The need to adapt to arid conditions, to scarce energy supplies, and the difficulties of satisfying the parameters of hygrothermal comfort, has determined the development of a culture of resource management, not only for agriculture and stockbreeding, but also for settlement and construction. The region southeast of Aleppo The region which has developed to the south and east of Aleppo, from the Euphrates to Salamiya, has been inhabited since Neolithic times by settlements of sedentary and nomadic peoples. Archaeological investigations have brought to light and identified hundreds of sites. The few most ancient sedentary farming populations have been identified from the Neolithic Pre-ceramic B period (9600-8000 BC), with populations settling near readily available water resources and corresponding to a climatically favourable period. In the Chalcolithic period (6000-3700 BC) there are traces of sedentary settlements, despite unchanged soil and climatic conditions, though this may be due to the difficulty of identifying the ceramics of that period. In the Fertile Crescent, the Neolithic period saw the development of agriculture and stockbreeding. The arid lands of Syria and the Aleppo region were quickly inhabited and became an area of contact, exchange and conflict between the nomads and settled populations that represented two distinct ways of life and two antagonistic ways of using the land, two different cultures, that of the sedentary farmers and that of the nomadic stockbreeders, alternatively dominating this region, and each coming to terms with the demands of the environment in their own particular ways. 4. Characters of a cultural heritage The main interest for a study of domed habitats in northern Syria is closely linked to this exceptional fluctuating culture of uncertainty. Throughout the centuries not only have sedentary peoples substituted nomadic tribes, but the populations have fluctuated between the two lifestyles, often integrating into and present in the same communities or even the same families. The various peoples who have lived in these regions down the ages have had to restrict their living and develop strategies to deal The arid climate has dominated the character of this region for millennia, a determining factor as regards settlement, architecture, building culture, use of land and various resources in relation to different kinds of topology, hydrology and geomorphology. Interaction with the environment in uncertainty Primarily, it is in the interaction with the natural world, the social and the political, in the capacity to adapt and maintain systems of settlement, that we can find the value and interest of this heritage on a global scale: the domed architecture, its form, the construction technique with its variations and adaptations, and the organisation of the houses and villages, reflect both ways of life, the two cultures of the nomad and the sedentary. The climate, in particular regarding the fluctuating presence of clean water over time, has influenced the expansion or contraction of these ways of life in relation to the capacity to adapt to or mitigate adverse climatic and natural conditions.

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements

with climatic uncertainties, and chiefly with the supply and availability of clean drinking water.

A present closer to the distant past Secondly, the strategies and solutions of settlement, and the use of resources observed today, are similar to those developed in past millennia, reflecting a situation of continuity even through the vicissitudes of both natural and social conditions. Despite the difficulty of reconstructing in detail the history of these places and populations, often reusing as they have places, materials and structures, the technical cultures that gave form to the settlements of the territory transmit today antique signs of the relationship between the nomad and the settled, between rural populations and urban powers, between the forces of nature and an uncertain climate, technical cultures and social practicalities. Since Neolithic times, such factors have marked out these borderlands, through oscillations between crisis, abandonment, growth and development. A culture of uncertainty Thirdly, there is the architectural expression of a culture of uncertainty in relation to the environment. The specific object of the Culture 2000 project is to contribute to the general awareness of this heritage and, in particular, to bring to light the value of architecture as an intense and permanent expression of local and indigenous systems of knowledge, together with the strategies activated to manage the relationship between man and his environment. This catalogue documents, and goes some way to conserving, a mobile culture on the border between the settled and the nomadic, a culture of uncertainty that finds in its essence the potential capacity of flexibility, of adaptation to the unforeseen mutability of

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

nature, of passing from the sedentary to the nomadic when social and natural conditions dictate. The regular availability of drinking water.

been identified as a powerful structure of nature in a positive but also negative and destructive way.

The agricultural development of the arid zones finds its own equilibrium over time between the cycle of cultivation and the distribution and quantity of rainwater. Farmers and stockbreeders, however, need daily supplies of clean water, particularly in the hottest seasons. The localisation of water and its supply points are determining factors for the site of a settlement, whether permanent, seasonal or temporary. In arid climes, springs can be few and far between. Nowadays, natural springs are limited in number in the region, rivers and streams are slow flowing, particularly in summer, and are often further weakened through drawing off by centres of population or irrigation. Among the techniques used in the region to distribute water for agricultural and stockbreeding purposes are: - The birké, a simple hollow with a base made impermeable by clay to collect rainwater. Mostly found towards the coast, but also further eastwards inland towards the Wadi Abu Hawadid, associated with stockbreeding activities. - Rainwater cisterns, excavated into rock and under less compact strata, rectangular or pear-shaped, with stone walls in the upper part and fed by surface water. - Small dams, of which only two examples are known. The hydraulic infrastructure, which is the major characteristic of the region, is the quanat, or underground drainage tunnel. The longest are in the region south of Lake Jabboul, towards La Fayda, the central clayey lemon plains (Al-Andarin), while others are found on the chalky levels, fed by the water table or artesian springs. There are some longer, constituting real and proper canals that terminate in distributing basins, and shorter examples destined for more local usage. They were utilised for the supply of water for both domestic usage and irrigation. Finally, wells positioned at the height of the water table. The variety and thoroughness of the technical culture for the production and conservation of clean water testifies to the importance of this factor, explaining the localisation and permanence of the settlements over time. A basic constructive strategy: the spiral The spiral is the most ancient symbol found on every civilized continent, most likely representing the cycle of “birth-death-rebirth”, or symbolizing the continuous cycle of the sun. The spiral archetype has always been part of our natural and man-made landscapes: in the natural world spiral seashells have fascinated us for thousands of years, man has always gathered spiral-shaped objects and waded through spiral eddies and whirlpools, or seen similar patterns while making cheese in the pot. The ability to carve spiral shapes on rocks expresses the process of appropriating and managing the concept of the spiral, which has

In traditional cultures there was no separation between function, shape, symbol and relation to nature: so the spiral dynamic form is the core of many processes invented to shape nature: spirals are at the heart of basket weaving and pottery making, and also central to the concept of raising an edifice. Basket weaving is a widespread craft in any human civilization: the oldest known baskets are (according to radiocarbon dating) between 10,000 and 12,000 years old, earlier than any archaeological ceramic finds. Pottery making is one of humankind’s first inventions and better conserved because of the durability of fired clay. The earliest known pottery dates to about 10000 BC in parts of Asia with other evidence from the Middle East dating to about 6000 BC. Corbelled dome construction follows the same strategy of shaping and adapting nature to human needs, imitating and respecting natural patterns and structures. As for weaving baskets a continuous building pattern can progressively produce a new ‘natural’ shell adapted to basic human needs, and also on a greater scale, can generate the tallest of buildings as a veritable bridge to the heavens. 5. Living in the arid margins The habitats under study are situated principally in a region crossed by the 200 mm isohyet, which marks the border of the steppe lying to the east of the line (classification by the Ministry of Agriculture of the Syrian Arab Republic). The diversity of habitats in relation to the uses of the land for agriculture and stockbreeding are linked to the aridity of the area, or rather, to two principal differentiating factors: the climate and the soil. The different factors constituted by the climate, orography, hydrology, pedology and soil, in combination and interaction with the available water resources, all come together to determine a great variety of habitats. Corresponding to the variety of habitats, a great homogeneity exists in the temporal continuation of architectural and building strategies that determines a highly individual panorama of earthen settlements and architecture. The homogeneity and continuity down the millennia is based on a capacity to adapt to the natural materials available: clay, earth, limestone, basalt, and materials recovered from previous settlements, notably villages of the Byzantine era, and to the identifiable construction techniques from these settlements. The characteristic of cultural plasticity1 of earthen architecture finds in the lands of the arid margins one of its most explicit affirmations. For agriculture and stockbreeding, even slight changes in climate and soil, in orography and water supply, demand the development of fresh cultures and strategies. Indeed, an immense cultural capacity to adapt and change is required, one that induces a behaviour characteristic of nomadic populations, that of mobility, flexibility, and reversibility, the capacity to pass from the sedentary to the nomadic lifestyle, depending on social or physical conditions, for the ultimate survival of the group. For architecture and settlements a different, inverse strategy develops, predisposed to reproducing or adapting its constructional and architectural culture under diverse conditions. The sensitivity to climatic and social factors is in some way altered, on a larger geographical and temporal scale, stronger on a symbolic level for the conservation of a nomadic vision of their relationship to the environment. Apart from stone materials, the presence of cultivatable land usually coincides with the presence of construction materials, such as clay and sand. To sum up, the conditions of settlement are: - the availability of cultivatable earth with the presence of soil suitable for sowing; - a level of rainfall or water supply sufficient for the growth to maturity of certain species of plant, and the availability of clean - the availability of easily utilised construction materials, with an experienced constructional culture, accessible to the family group; - a basic constructive thinking for generating three-dimensional objects such as corbelled spiral domes. On the whole, the aridity of the climate constitutes an overriding influence, not only over agro-pastoral production, but also over the production of habitable settlements and the transformation of the territory by populations occurring in the region.

‘Earth’ offers a great capacity to respond to the housing needs of millions of human beings, not only quantitative needs compatible with limited environmental harmony and resources, but also qualitative cultural requirements, as a result of its high cultural ‘plasticity’, its ability to change and adapt in response to changes in the natural and human environment, and to be an expressive language of identities and differing histories.

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water;

Conclusions Architecture can give shape to the invisible pulses and rhythms of life, expressing the ‘magic’ power that is present in all elements of nature. Architecture is a process which gives sense and structure, organizes and composes in a systemic way different interrelated energies into a material and cultural whole. The physical manifestation of architecture is always an expression of tension, taking what is invisible and immaterial and making it visible and human. This tension we may perceive in the domes of Syrian villages. List of references Bocco, R., Jaubert, R. & Metral, F. (eds) 1993, Steppes d’Arabies. Etats, pasteurs, agriculteurs et commerçants: le devenir des zones sèches, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, et collection Cahiers de l’IUED n°23, Genève, pp. 403. Geyer, B. & Jaubert, R. (eds) 2006, Les marges arides du Croissant fertile: peuplement, exploitation et contrôle des ressources en Syrie du nord, Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, Lyon. Mecca, S., Dipasquale L. (eds) 2009, Earthen Domes and Habitats, The Villages of Northern Syria. An architectural tradition shared by East and West, ETS, Pisa

Relation between rainfall and number of human settlements.

Panoramic view of Er Raheb. Example of village with unstructured framework

Map showing the distribution of mud architecture and the geographic division of Syria with their annual rainfall average according to 1990.

Localisation of analyzed villages

Trucks supplying everyday goods

Syrian region. The highlighted area denotes where dome villages are more widespread

Communal space in Rasm Hamd

Road undefined by contiguous buildings in Rasm Hamd

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Er Raheb Oum Aamoud Kebir

Rbaiaa Rasm Hamd

Feijdane

Cheikh Hilal

Schemes of Single-dome, Twin-dome and Multi-dome unit

Housing unit evolution scheme. Re-elaboration from Nomades et sedentaires. Perspectives ethnoarchéologiques, Aurence, 1984 1. Dwelling-house 2. Stable 3.Animal fence 4. Terrace ( mastaba) 5. Oven

Organization of spaces in a housing in Oum Aamoud Seghir C. Court, ‘Haush Sahn’ D. Dwelling-house E. Hen-house F. Animal fence H. Stables, ‘Hazera’ or ‘Qabu’ S. Stores T. Terrace, ‘Mastaba’

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Map of distribution of building materials in study areas Tantour arrangement with two bricks, known as â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;two girlsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. Tantour arrangement with four bricks. Tantour arrangement in triangle.

Woods, Wetlands and Habitats in the Medieval Tuscany Francesco SALVESTRINI University of Florence

Tuscany was one of the most populated regions of Medieval Europe (its density was over 100 people per sq km in the Central and Northern sides of its territory).

Name: Francesco SALVESTRINI Designation: Lecturer, Ph.D Organisation: Department of Historical and Geographical Studies, University of Florence. Education: 1997 Ph.D, Medieval History, Florence Italy 2002 Ricercatore, University of Florence, Italy Academic and Administrative Appointments (selected): 2002 Direction of the Centre for Studies on Late Medieval Civilization (San Miniato, Pi) 2005 Confirmed lecturer in Medieval History Recent Publications (selected): 1998 Santa Maria di Vallombrosa. Patrimonio e vita economica di un grande monastero medievale, Firenze. 2005 Libera città su fiume regale. Firenze e l’Arno dall’Antichità al Quattrocento, Firenze. 2008 - Disciplina caritatis. Il monachesimo vallombrosano tra medioevo e prima età moderna, Roma. 2010 - L’Arno e l’alluvione fiorentina del 1333, in Le calamità ambientali nel tardo Medioevo europeo: realtà, percezioni, reazioni, Proceedings of the International Congress, San Miniato, May 31-June 2 2008, ed. by M. Matheus, G. Piccinni, G. Pinto, G.M. Varanini, Firenze 2010, pp. 231-256. 2010 Navigazione e trasporti sulle acque interne della Toscana medievale e protomoderna (secoli XIII-XVI), in La civiltà delle acque tra Medioevo e Rinascimento, Proceedings of the International Congress, Mantova, October 1-4 2008, ed. by A. Calzona and D. Lamberini, Firenze 2010, I, pp. 197-220. 2010 I Vallombrosani in Liguria. Storia di una presenza monastica fra XII e XVII secolo, Roma. 2011 I Vallombrosani in Lombardia (XI-XVIII secolo), ed. by F. Salvestrini, Milano-Lecco.

Each element of the social, political, economic and cultural structure was, then, conditioned by the cities. The relationship among human settlements, water, wetlands and forest areas is evident from the sources of the time especially in relation to the needs of large, mid and small urban centers, as well as simply fortified villages (castra) and open villae which stood on the plains and the hills, or were located along the main rivers of the region, ie the Arno, Sieve, Elsa, Bisenzio, Ombrone Pistoiese and Ombone in Maremma, Serchio and Magra. It can be said that in Tuscany were very few and very marginal areas where nature had the opportunity to develop whatever man, and this was already starting in the early decades of the thirteenth century. With regard to forest areas, during the Communal period (XII to XIV centuries) these were less extensive than they are today. Just the city of Florence, with its more than 100,000 inhabitants, needed a large amount of lumber for combustion, construction, infrastructure, and this had resulted in a significant reduction of Appenine forest cover. However, in the countryside, uncultivated fields were part of the production areas, and the forest plots were divided according to the use that was made of their timber and natural products (‘bosco da pali’-‘poles woods’, ‘da botti’-‘barrels woods’, ‘da cerchi’-‘circles woods’ and so on). Often the woodlands were measured on the basis of the cattle they could feed (forest of fifty swine, of a hundred swine, and so on). During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries woodlands were not an areas without men. Woodcutters, shepherds, hermits, miners, hunters assiduously frequented these places, in which prevailed the coppice, and, as we said, the ‘raised’ wood (‘bosco allevato’). Undoubtedly the population growth had led to a reduction of forests for the benefit of agriculture. However, the phenomenon of deforestation, especially strong between the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century, may have been overestimated by historians. Owners of large forests such as ecclesiastic landlords (especially the monasteries of Camaldoli and Vallombrosa) preserve large tracts of intact forest, the exploitation of which was important for and rural communities, many references to the protection of forests from excessive cutting and to the strict regulation of its productive exploitation. In any case, as we said, the city required a lot of timber work. This was carried in large quantities by rafting along the major rivers, especially the Arno. Firs, oaks, chestnut trees were tied in large rafts, called ‘foderi’, which boatmen led to the city through a path not without difficulty. But by the river did not arrive in town only wood. Florence, Pisa and other towns located along the Arno were daily supplied with food and other products to a large extent through the boats. If the woods were very populated areas, not least were the rivers, crossed by barges of various sizes (‘navicelli’) which shuttled between Florence and the sea. The navigation on the inland waters did not involved, however, only the main rivers. At the center of the region and of the Arno basin opened, in the Middle Ages, two large wetland areas now almost completely disappeared, ie the Padule di Fucecchio and the Lake of Bientina. In these large wetlands, as in some coastal areas of the Maremma, flourished an economy deeply

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the economy no less than the one of cultivated areas. For this reason we find in the sources, especially the statutes of cities

tied to fishing and transportation by boat. Through rivers, canals and lakes almost all major cities of the Northern side of the region (Florence, Pisa, Lucca, Pistoia, Prato) could be reached by boat, which turned out to be much more convenient and rapid transportation, given the rudimentary nature of the contemporary road system (for exemple a medium sized river vessel could load, in one trip, even three hundred times the weight given by a mule). However, if the major waterways were essential for the development of the region in the Medieval times, the familiarity of men with water could have serious drawbacks. The dependence of the water meant that, as we have said, many urban centers arose along the banks of rivers. These were enclosed within narrow channels and their course was often interrupted by dams (‘pescaie’) or weirs (‘steccaie’) required for fishing and for the mills and fulling mills action. Infrastructures of various kinds as hydraulic machines were built to exploit the driving force of the current, but this created obstacles to the current itself, and in the event of heavy rains the city found themselves vulnerable to disastrous floods. These were made more severe and frequent by the clearing of the heights, a phenomenon which caused water runoff and a progressive collapse of the hydrological balance. The most serious among the great floods that Florence suffered during the Middle Ages was that of 1333, which caused over 3000 deaths and dealt a severe blow to the economy of the booming city. I conclude by saying that if the relationship between men and environment, and particularly between human settlements and water, was very assiduous in Medieval Tuscany, it is impossible to believe that people and governments were not aware of the risks that a massive use of forests or the construction of buildings and infrastructure along the rivers involved. In fact

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everyone was aware. However, people chose to accept this risk because it was connected to the life of the region. The river was

presented as a bearer of life and of death and destruction. There was, thus, an implicit pact between this natural element and the city, a condition that men sometimes deliberately violated in order to increase the productive abuse of natural resources. For this citizens and peasants invoked the divine protection against the wrath of the river, by placing religious symbols on the bridges, at the river ports or along the banks. They sought in their faith the safeness from the excesses of a rebellious nature. Security was, obviously unreachable, but the appeal to the heavenly protection fueled the hope and even the illusion of good relations between man and natural environment. References F. Salvestrini, Il bosco negli statuti rurali del comprensorio chiantigiano (seconda metà del XIV-seconda metà del XVI secolo), in Atti della giornata di studio Il bosco nel Chianti, Greve (FI), 18 settembre 1993, “Il Chianti, storia, arte, cultura, territorio”, XVII, 1994, pp. 79-106. L’apport des Vallombrosains et des Camaldules à la Marine toscane (1650-1720), in Forêt et Marine, Textes réunis et présentés par A. Corvol, Groupe d’Histoire des Forêts Françaises, École Normale Supérieure, Paris 1999, pp. 243-255. Law, Forest Resources and Management of Territory in the Late Middle Ages: Woodlands in Tuscan Municipal Statutes, in Forest History. International Studies on Socio - economic and Forest Ecosystem Change, ed. by M. Agnoletti and S. Anderson, Wallingford, Oxon (UK) – New York 2000, pp. 279-288. Libera città su fiume regale. Firenze e l’Arno dall’Antichità al Quattrocento, Firenze 2005. Navigazione e trasporti sulle acque interne della Toscana medievale e protomoderna (secoli XIII-XVI), in La civiltà delle acque tra Medioevo e Rinascimento, Atti del Convegno internazionale, Mantova, 1 - 4 ottobre 2008, a cura di A. Calzona e D. Lamberini, Firenze 2010, I, pp. 197-220. L’Arno e l’alluvione fiorentina del 1333, in Le calamità ambientali nel tardo Medioevo europeo: realtà, percezioni, reazioni, Atti del Convegno, San Miniato, 31 maggio – 2 giugno 2008, a cura di M. Matheus, G. Piccinni, G. Pinto, G. M. Varanini, Firenze 2010, pp. 231-256. Les inondations de l’Arno à Florence du XIVe au XVIe siècle: risques, catastrophes, perceptions, in “Au fil de l’eau”. L’eau : ressources, risques et gestion du Néolithique à nos jours, Clermont-Ferrand, Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, 11 - 14 mars 2009, forthcoming.

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Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

Comprehension of the seismic risk in a holistic-cultural way: Earthen Chilean settlements as a case-study Natalia JORQUERA SILVA University of Florence

Contents: Introduction The Chilean seismic risk The seismic activity in Chilean territory 1-1 Seismological factors 1-2 Main earthquakes of the XX-XXI century Methodological propose for the seismic risk assessment

Name: Natalia JORQUERA SILVA Designation: Arch. PhD Researcher Organisation: Department of Technology of Architecture and Design, University of Florence Education: 2012 PhD, University of Florence , Italy 2005 Architect, Universidad de Chile, Chile 2004 Specialization, IUAV, Venice, Italy Scholarships and Awards: 2010-2012 Scholarship from the National Commission of Scientific and Technological Research (CONICYT), Chile 2009 Scholarship from the Italian Government. 2005 Best architectural thesis award, Universidad de Chile, Chile Recent Publications (selected): 2011 JORQUERA Natalia and BAGLIONI Eliana, Cobquecura, a particular Chilean earthen town. The heritage values and the damage from Chilean 2010 earthquake, in WILSON Quentin, Earth USA Proceedings, Albuquerque, p.190-199 2011 JORQUERA Natalia, Los daños al patrimonio construido en tierra luego del terremoto de Chile 2010. Mitos y verdades del comportamiento de las estructuras de tierra, in VILLANUEVA, J Cátedra. La Arquitectura construida en Tierra. Tradición e Innovación. Valladolid: ETS Universidad de Valladolid, p. 121-130. 2010 JORQUERA Natalia, Las iglesias del altiplano: un modelo de fusión entre el mundo hispánico y andino, in FERNÁNDEZ M. y CORREIA M., Terra em Seminário 2010, Lisboa: Ed Argumentum, p.125-129. 2010 DIPASQUALE Letizia and JORQUERA Natalia, El patrimonio de las falsas cúpulas de tierra del norte de Siria”. In Proceedings IV Congreso Internacional Patrimonio Cultural y Cooperación al Desarrollo, Sevilla: Ed. Comité Científico del IV Congreso, p.91-98. 2009 DIPASQUALE Letizia and JORQUERA Natalia, Corbelles domes of Apulia, in MECCA, S. and DIPASQUALE, L. (editors). Earthen Domes and Habitats. Villages of Northern Syria. An architectural tradition shared by east and west, Pisa: ETS, p.123-142.

2-1 Seismological, cultural and environmental factors 2-2 The built environmental factor 2-3 The propose of the holistic risk assessment A case of study: the Chilean earthen settlements 3-1 The diffusion of earthen architecture in Chilean territory 3-2 The earthen building cultures and the technological critical features Application of the methodology for the seismic risk assessment to the case of study 4-1 Example of the seismic risk assessment of the Andean and Central Valley building culture Conclusion Towards a local standard for the seismic risk assessment Introduction The Chilean seismic risk

In this context, the PhD thesis developed in the recent three years at the University of Florence, proposed a methodology to assess

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Among the different types of natural risks, one of the most devastating threats is the seismic one, due to the unexpected nature of

and mitigate the seismic risk of the historical buildings, especially those ones of residential use, where millions of people live; with

the event and the great destruction that it can produce. Chilean territory in the south of South America, is one of the places with the highest seismic activity in the world. The seismic risk has been from ancient times the main hazard for the country: all the main cities of Chile have been rebuilt many times after big earthquakes (with magnitudes over 7º). The modern standards for new construction are quite severe for ensuring the anti-seismic behaviour of the buildings, and thus, the response of the new buildings to the last earthquakes have been successful. For the historical constructions instead, the situation is quite different: there are no standards for mitigate their seismic risk and for prevent the damaged from seismic action, and so, after every earthquake, lot of houses and public buildings remain completely destroyed; some are repaired, but most of them are demolished.

a qualitative procedure that considers environmental, social, cultural and constructive factors. This article aims to describe the methodology proposed, to analyze the seismic risk of Chilean territory and to show the application of the methodology to two cases of studies: the settlements of the Central Valley and of the Andean region in the north of Chile, both built completely with raw earth (one of the most vulnerable materials to seismic action). 1 The seismic activity in Chilean territory 1-1 Seismological factors Chile is one of the most seismic countries of the world: its 4,300 km of coastline border the Nazca Plate, which moves about 9cm every year under the South American plate, pushing and creating a phenomenon of subduction that constantly hit the Chilean territory with earthquakes of great magnitude (fig. 1). The constant pressure caused by the Nazca plate, created the bending of the South American plate, giving rise to the formation of a big chain of mountains: the Cordillera of the Andes, which also concentrates a big volcanic activity, with about 2000 volcanoes, of which 500 are active. Chile has the sad record of having the strongest earthquakes in history. The largest earthquake ever recorded was the one of the city of Valdivia (in the south of Chile) in 1960, with a magnitude of 9.5º in Richter scale, and a rupture area of 1000km, delivering an amount of energy corresponding to 35% of the total energy released from all the world’s earthquakes occurred between 1900 and 1996. The other sad world record, is the frequency of earthquakes: in Chilean territory an earthquake of about 8º magnitude occurs every

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10 years.

Besides, the seismic activity, most of the times with epicentre in the Pacific Ocean, has often caused large tsunamis. As a consequence of the Chilean 1960’s earthquake, a big tsunami devastated the Japan coast: it is very common –for being placed in the opposite sides of the Pacific Ocean- that an earthquake in Japan provokes a tsunami in Chile and vice versa. 1-2 Main earthquakes of the XX-XXI century Only in the twentieth century there were about thirty earthquakes that have exceeded magnitude 7ºRichter (less magnitude in Chile is not considered an earthquake). The largest ones were those of Valparaiso in 1906 of 7.9°; Talca in 1928 of 8.3°; Chillán in 1939 of 8.3°; and Valdivia in 1960 of 9.5°, considered the largest earthquake in history. In these twelve years of the XXI century, Chile has already suffered the consequences of three earthquakes of magnitude greater or close to 8º Richter scale. Two of them in the extreme north and the third one in the central south of the country: the first one in 2005 with epicenter in Huara in the Region of Tarapacá (lat. 19º,98’S; long.69º,78’W), of 7.9°magnitude; the second one in 2007 with epicenter in Tocopilla, in the Region of Antofagasta (lat.22ºS; long.70º2’W), of 7.7º magnitude; and the last one in the recent February 27th 2010, with a magnitude of 8.8º (similar to the last Japan earthquake). This last earthquake with epicenter in the Pacific Ocean near the coast of Cauquenes (lat.35º96’S; long. 72º35’W), is considered one of the largest ever recorded in history (the second largest in the history of Chile and the sixth in the world, just after the last Japan earthquake), not only for the high magnitude and local intensities recorded, but because of its duration of about 2 minutes and 45 second, for registering large accelerations of the ground at large distances from the hypocenter, and for creating an area of 600 km rupture of longitude, investing the five more populated regions of Chile: the Metropolitana –where the capital Santiago is located-, Valparaíso, O’Higgins, Maule and the Bio-Bio. As a consequence of the earthquake, 45 minutes after the first shock, a big tsunami from the Pacific coast penetrated 200 meters in the coastal Maule and Bío-Bío, causing the complete destruction of a dozen small towns, and the archipelago of Juan Fernandez in front of the coast of Valparaíso. 2 Methodological propose for the seismic risk assessment 2-1 Seismological, cultural and environmental factors The comprehension of the seismic risk has for premise that seismic activity becomes a threat only when it affects anthropised areas: an earthquake in not inhabited areas, in the desert, among nomadic populations, is not a risk. Very often we wonder if in the last years the number of earthquakes has increased (just in the last three years we have seen those from Italy, Haiti, Chile, New Zealand and Japan), but it is just that inhabited areas and world population have grown, and also we get much more information about earthquakes than fifty years ago.

By the other hand, in contexts of high seismic activity, where earthquake is endemic1, and becomes part of the experience and collective memory, local communities use to deal with the phenomena and early develop strategies for managing such a risk. Instead, in other contexts where the earthquake occurs at great distances of time (over hundred years) and the effects of it are no longer remembered (because the area was less populated, because there are no traces on the buildings, or just because the event was not register and not transmitted from generation to generation), society is not prepared, and so, in front of such an unexpected event, the consequences are much bigger. Taken as an example two of the recent big earthquakes: the one from the Aquila, Italy (2009) and the one from Cauquenes, Chile (2010), we can see that the number of victims (300-400 people), the amount of destroyed buildings, and the hour that the events occurred (3 am) was almost the same, despite of the difference of magnitude: 5,8º for the Italian earthquake, and 8,8º for the Chilean one (it means that the Chilean earthquake released one thousand times more energy in the hypocenter than the Italian one, as the difference between one degree and the other is ten times). So, we can affirm than Chilean society –where big earthquakes occur every ten years- is much more prepared to manage the seismic action, than Italian society, where the frequency of the seismic event is of hundred years; besides, Italian territory has a much bigger population density and much more ancient buildings, instead in Chilean territory the population is ¼ and a big part of the buildings are new. In other words, we cannot consider the seismic risk as the immediate result of the magnitude or of the local intensity of the earthquake: it is not a problem of cause and effect, but a phenomena that responds to the system theory, where in front of the same cause they could be infinite kinds of effects. The magnitude of the risk depends -besides of the characteristics of the earthquake-, on the socio-cultural and environmental factors: - socio-cultural factor: how a society is able to protect itself from an earthquake; Does people know what to do in case of earthquake? How is the education about the theme? How’s the economic stability? Does people have money enough for maintaining their homes? - environmental: which are the environmental characteristic of the settlements? How the houses are group? How are they built and preserved? How is the soil?, etc. Despite of all these factors and the frequency of great magnitude earthquakes, Chilean standards for “anti-seismic” behavior (Nch433), just takes in consideration the characteristics of the earthquakes, dividing the territory in 3 longitudinal areas parallels to the ocean (fig.2), establishing the values of acceleration for each of them and the types of soils, no mentioning socio cultural and environmental factors. This is because -as explained in the introduction-, these standards are made for new projects, and no for existing buildings. If authorities took into account cultural and environmental factor, then local standards should be necessary. 2-2 The built environmental factor As part of the environmental factor, the characteristics and the state of conservation of the existing buildings, are a very important component for establishing the seismic vulnerability of a settlement. Most of the time, the great destruction caused by an earthquake, is due to the previous state of conservation of the building environment, and not the result of the seismic action, that often is just the last step in a chain of deterioration. how they would answer in face of a possible earthquake: what is the location? How is the urban clustering? Which are the morphological, materials and structural characteristics? Are there any technical defects of the original construction or due to wrong repairs? How is the state of conservation, are the buildings correctly maintained or are they abandoned? It is also very important after an earthquake to create a database with the identification of the damages, classifying them by building and damage typologies, with pictures of every case: an earthquake is an opportunity to learn about the seismic behavior of the buildings. In many cases where the earthquake is endemic, we will find anti-seismic solutions in the traditional architecture (fig.3), a set of rules readable in the constructive characteristics of the buildings, as well as in the general structure given to the territory.

PIEROTTI Piero and ULIVIERI Denise, Culture sismiche locali, Pisa, ETS, 2001, pp.133

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So, a central part of a holistic risk assessment, is the diagnosis of the vulnerability of the existing constructions, for determining

In other examples of dynamics societies that want quickly overcome the shock2, it happens very often that just after an earthquake, authorities start to demolish everything that have been damaged, no matter the gravity of the destruction. In these cases, nothing is learned from the earthquake, and surely the same mistakes will be made again. In the last fifty years, this has been the situation of Chile: after every earthquake all the historical houses are demolish before any kind of diagnosis loosing in this way, not just the material architectural heritage, but all the immaterial knowledge concerning the anti-seismic constructive solutions, that have allowed the survival of buildings for hundreds years. One of the aims of the proposed methodology, is to recover this knowledge, for using it as tool for reduce the vulnerability of the old buildings. 2-3 The propose of the holistic risk assessment The methodology for the holistic risk assessment, takes into consideration the crossing of three factors: a) - the characteristics of the seismic action of a particular territory: making reference to the Chilean standard Nch433, and considering the effect of the foundation soil, the topography and the frequency of the earthquakes in that area; b) - the analysis of the socio-cultural and environmental factors (already explained in point 2-1); c) - the analysis of the technical characteristics of the built environment (point 2-2). In this way, the seismic action will be considered a threat, when it interacts with the rest of the factors. In a simple scheme: seismic action x vulnerability= threat.

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

In this case the threat is the seismic risk, and the vulnerability is the addition of all the factor of a specific settlement:

Seismic action x (socio-cultural, environmental vulnerability + technical vulnerability) = seismic risk. 3 A case of study: the Chilean earthen settlements 3-1 The diffusion of earthen architecture in Chilean territory In two thirds of the Chilean territory, traditional architecture is built with raw earth (earth subject to a process of sun dried). With different typologies and building technologies (“adobe” brick masonry, rammed earth), according to the specific environmental conditions, earth has been used almost as the only construction material throughout 9 regions, between latitude 17º56’ and 36ºS (northern and central part of Chile). The use of earth as the basic material construction has also a long historical continuity: since Pre-Columbian times until the first decades of XX century -when it was replaced by industrial materials-, raw earth shaped the construction of houses, churches, public buildings, etc. Nowadays it is very common to find rural areas where people live in a earthen house, and where almost all the historical monuments are built with raw earth. The massive use of this material originates in being almost the only material available in dry arid areas -as is in the case of the Atacama Desert in northern Chile-, and due to its thermo-hygrometric properties, ideal for those latitudes where there is a large temperature difference between day and night. This material that has significant environmental values, however, is very fragile from others points of view: earth has a rather low mechanical strength compared to others traditional materials, has no tensile strength, and it is particularly vulnerable to water. To manage these weaknesses, adequate technical solutions have to be created, and the maintenance of the building is essential to its preservation. It is true that it seems a contradiction, than in one of the most seismic territories in the world as Chile is, the apparent more fragile construction material is widely diffused, but as mentioned, it was by centuries the only available material. So, after hundreds of earthquakes, local communities learned how to build their houses in a safety way: one floor buildings, very thick walls, few windows, symmetric morphologies, and -where there were some wood- some additional reinforced elements for improving the behavior of the masonry (fig.4). 3-2 The earthen building cultures and the technological critical features The decision of analyzing the seismic risk of the earthen settlements, born both from the big diffusion of them in Chilean territory, as from its high vulnerability in front of the seismic action.

Ibidem, pp.138

A deep field work was made -as a part of the PhD research- for identifying the different local building cultures3 that used earth as the basis constructive material. Through a systemic analysis useful for the identification of the socio-cultural and environmental factors, as for the inquire about the technical characteristics, six big building cultures were identified; ordered from north to south they are (fig.5): the Andean Culture, the “mining” culture, the “Norte chico” culture, the Santiago culture, the Valparaiso culture and the Central Valley culture4; each one with a specific geographical area of development, and with different architectural and technological typologies, where the adobe masonry and some mix wooden-earthen techniques, were the most diffuse building solutions for residential use. After this analysis, a complete database was created, within for each building culture, were defined the socio-cultural and environmental factors, the architectural typologies, the technical aspects and defects, the conservation status and the probably response to the earthquake. In this way the “seismic vulnerability” of each building culture was established. 4 Application of the methodology for the seismic risk assessment to the case of study As an example of the application of the methodology, two cases of study will be analyze: the assessment of the seismic risk of the Andean and of the Central Valley building culture. These examples were chosen because they belong to the more extreme cases, in terms of location, state of conservation, and seismic activity of the area. The first operation was to cross the map of the six building cultures, with the map of the seismic areas (according to the Chilean standards NCh433), and so, we can see that the Andean Culture belong to zone 1, and the Central Valley Culture to zone 3 (fig.6). 4-1 Example of the seismic risk assessment of the Andean and Central Valley building cultures Applying the methodology to the case of the Andean building culture (fig.7), we have first to determine the three main factors: a) the characteristics of the seismic action of the territory: according to the Nch433, the Andean Culture belongs to the Seismic Zone 1, which means that earthquakes are perceived with an intensity lower than the rest of the Chilean territory (than in zones 2 and 3), with an acceleration of 0.2g. The foundation soil is generally rocky, so it does not register an amplification of the seismic wave. b) the socio-cultural and environmental factors: the scarcity of resources, especially water, have caused a deep change in the production system based on agriculture, provoking not only the migration towards urban centers and the abandonment of villages, but also some negative changes in the characteristics of local construction materials: the infertile soil has reduced the amount of clay in the earth, useful for the fabrication of the “adobe” bricks. c) the analysis of the technical characteristics: the great defect of all architectural typologies belonging to the Andean Culture, is the “not monolithic” behavior, due to the poor quality of material used for adobe mortar, to technical errors as the excessive thickness of the mortar, and the lack of binding between the perpendicular walls; all factors that make the building to appear rather as a “clutter” of elements than a structural unit. Crossing these factors, we can conclude that the Andean building culture is in a great state of seismic vulnerability, or in other words, that its seismic risk is high, despite of its location in seismic zone 1. It means that an earthquake of low intensity and duration, could destroy all the buildings, due to the special status of socio-cultural and environmental vulnerability, and because of the inherent weaknesses of the architectural and technological typologies. This information is confirmed by the damages observed In the example of the Central Valley building culture, the result of the seismic risk assessment is the opposite: almost being in the seismic zone 3 (with the highest earthquakes intensities), we are in front of a richer community, living in a context with abundant natural resources, and where the architectural typologies don’t have any great defect and are well maintained, because people still live in their earthen houses, and value them as an important cultural heritage. So, although earthquakes are frequent, we can say that the seismic risk is medium, or at least less high than in the Andean culture.

We understand as building culture, a particular architectural technology developed in a specific place, that represents not only a construction technique or a repertoire of material, but a set of functional solutions, constructive and structural answers to the problem of inhabit in a determined context. Every technical decision is a summary of unwritten rules that reflect the cultural (social structure, beliefs, traditions, language) and the environmental context (geography, climate, available resources, risks). 4 The names of the cultures were created from their geographical location; in some cases –because of the difficulties of the translation- the original Spanish names were used. 3

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after the earthquakes of 2005 and 2007, with epicenter in the northern Andean area.

Conclusions Towards a local standard for the seismic risk assessment The proposed methodology and the creation of a database with the technical aspects and defects of every architectural typology, could be the basis for a local standards that could become a powerful tool for national seismic risk mitigation: local regulations could implement priority and preventive measures, focused on urban planning, reducing of social vulnerability, and improving environmental problems or technical defects, according to each individual case, for reducing the seismic vulnerability and so, to reduce the seismic risk. References (selected): - Giuffrè, A. Sicurezza e conservazione dei centri storici. Il caso di Ortigia, Bari: Laterza, 1993. - ICOMOS. Heritage at risk. ICOMOS World report 2008-2010. Berlin: Bäßler, 2010 - Mecca, S. And Masera, M. Il rischio nel progetto di costruzioni. Pisa: ETS, 2002. - Niglio, O. and Ulivieri, D. Vernacular architecture and “historical seismography”: an experience research. In Structural analysis of historical constructions. London: Taylor & Francis, 2005. - Oliver, P. Built to meet needs: cultural issues in vernacular architecture. Oxford: Elsevier Ltd, 2006.

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

- Pierotti, P. and Ulivieri, D. Culture sismiche locali. Pisa: Edizioni Plus, 2001.

Fig.7. The Andean church of Parinacota, example of the Andean culture

Fig.1. The pressure of the Nazca plate under the South American plate

Fig.2. The three seismic zones according to the Nch433

Fig.3. Wooden reinforcement in the traditional adobe houses

Fig.6. The crossing of the building cultures and the seismic zones

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Fig.4. San Pedro de Atacama, example of earthen settlement

Fig.5. Map of the six building cultures

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

Water management from a regional and local perspective: comparing industrial districts in Italy Natalia JORQUERA SILVA University of Florence

Contents: Introduction

Name: Mirella LODA Designation: Prof, Ph.D Organisation: Department of Historical and Geographical Studies Education: 1989 Ph.D, Technische Universität München, Germany 1980 Master, University of Florence, Italy Scholarships and Awards (selected): 1998 Scholarship on Environmental Performances of Italian Industrial Districts, Deutsche Forschungsgesellschaft DFG, Germany Academic and Administrative Appointments (selected): 2010 Executive, Italian Cooperation Project in Herat (Afghanistan) 2003 Executive, Laboratory of Social Geography (LaGeS) , Florence University Recent Publications (selected): 2011 LODA M. e HINZ M. (a cura di), Lo spazio pubblico urbano. Teorie, progetti e pratiche in un confronto internazionale, Pisa, Pacini 2010 LODA M., “L’immagine di Firenze fra esperienza turistica e qualità urbana”, Rivista Geografica Italiana, n. 2, pp. 289-325 2008 LODA M., Geografia sociale. Storia, teoria e metodi di ricerca, Roma, Carocci, 2008 2006 LODA M. , “Morfologia sociale, comportamenti di consumo e domanda di città nel quartiere di S. Lorenzo a Firenze”, Storia Urbana , XXIX, 113, pp. 9-35 2006 LODA M. , “Der Einzelhandel im Stadtzentrum Florenz zwischen touristischem Druck und ausländischer Unternehmerschaft”, BELGEO, n. 1-2, pp. 99-111

1. Implementation of Merli Law in Italian industrial districts: Problems of territorial scale 2. Water system as an instrument of social engineering Introduction Of all so-called ‘vertical relationships’ – i.e. the complex series of actions through which human beings connect with the foundations on which they subsist, utilizing resources in what Niklas Luhmann defines ‘the spatial autopoiesis of life’ – our relationship with water is certainly the one most conditioned by the specific material and immaterial structure of the social milieu, but at the same time the one that has the greatest influence on social structuring mechanisms. Our relationship with water is therefore emblematic of the ‘duality of structure’, as Anthony Giddens defines the bijective relationship between human societies and the land (Giddens, 1986, p. 427). The dynamics of social interaction are inseparable from our relationship with water: through the use that society makes of this resource, in fact, this relationship becomes the crux of social interaction, the pivot around which society continuously constitutes and reconstitutes itself. The particularly emblematic significance that water management takes on with regard to the characteristics of the social system, along with its power to structure the social system itself, is usually associated with (traditional) farming communities. It is, however, equally to be found in industrial contexts. Also here, water management constitutes a kind of rotating platform, from which to view the past and the future. It supplies interpretative tools for deciphering the formative stages of social and territorial structures: from a forward-looking perspective it is a formidable tool which can be used to influence the dynamics of social structuring, i.e. the specific way in which relations within a group are constituted, between the social actors themselves and between them and the resources of the system. basing my reasoning on how the Merli law, the first Italian water management law (1976), has been applied in some industrial areas. Specifically I would like to organize my reflections around the following points: 1 – the territorial scale to which the dynamics of interaction between the social system and the water system are manifested and become intelligible; 2 –interaction with the water system as an instrument of social engineering. 1 –Implementation of Merli Law in industrial districts: Problems of territorial scale In 1976 the Merli law set a maximum limit to the amount of polluting substances that an industry could release into the receiving water bodies. When we carried out an empirical study on the way this law was applied in some industrial districts in the period 19761998, we found some significant differences. Since the four industrial districts observed – two sets of homogeneous pairs as regards production typology (tanning and textiles)

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I would like to illustrate the dual nature – both historical and forward-looking – of relationships with water in industrial contexts,

– were in two regions (Tuscany and Campania), between which there were considerable differences as regards administrative efficiency, we might have expected a significant regional variation in how the law was applied, with the southern areas lagging behind. Instead, the empirical study showed significant differences between the two areas in the south, a sign that the dynamics of interaction between the public administration (PA) and the production system, develop at a local (district) level rather than by region. It was in fact on this local scale that University negotiation between actors determined the law was applied. of Florence – Thethe University of involved Tokio - Tokyo University of how the Arts Water, Risk and Climate and Human Settlements.

When we observe the monitoring carried out by the PA in the four areas, we see that the organizational setup and the type of busiJapan-Italy Research Cooperation Meeting - 27th Jan. 2012, Florence ness carried out by the offices responsible for applying the Merli law vary considerably and that the dividing line between efficient and less efficient application models runs along sub-regional (local) borders. Tab. 1 Strictness of controls

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1) Real environmental (not only hygienic) agency

2) Presence of technically skilled personnel

3) Number of Inspections

4) Unannounced inspections by Health Agency

5) Unannounced inspections by Municipality

6) Frequency of inspections

7) Registry of inspections

8) Cooperation btw.local institutions

9) Cooperation at district level

10) Training and consulting activity

Tot

0 University 7 of the Arts9 7 University of Florence – The University of Tokio - Tokyo Water, Risk and Climate and Human Settlements. Data source: own survey Japan-Italy Research Cooperation Meeting - 27th Jan. 2012, Florence

A similar picture emerges from the comparison between the penalties imposed in the four areas for infringing the Merli law (rulings A similar picture emerges from the comparison between the penalties imposed in the of the Magistrate’sfour Court regarding violations the Merli areas for infringing theofMerli law law). (rulings of the Magistrate's Court regarding violations of the Merli law). Tab. 2 Severity of penalties Empoli T 1977

S. Miniato C

S. M.C.V.

Montoro S.

1978

1979

1980

1981

1982

186

174

1983

***

1984

1985

1986

1987

1988

1989

1990

1991

1992

1993

1994

***

1995

1996

***

1997

***

1998

***

Total

250

561

281 (50%)

169 (67%)

*** No information available

*** 10 (50%)

441

230 (52%)

Data source: own survey

In order of consistency in applying the law, the four districts could be placed as follows:

University of Florence – The University of Tokio - Tokyo University of the Arts Water, Risk and Climate and Human Settlements. Japan-Italy Research Cooperation Meeting - 27th Jan. 2012, Florence

In order of consistency in applying the law, the four districts could be placed as follows: Tab. 3 Summary of Regulative Models Type of productive system

Environmental impact

“Administrative culture”

Policoltural

Low

Patronage

Policoltural

Low

Civic tradition

Monocoltural

High

Particolarism

Monocoltural

High

Civic tradition

Implementation strategies Command control from above- inefficient Command control from above- efficient Command control from above- in development Pro-active cooperation

nder the same regional in legislation turn conforms to the national and community regulatory Underlegislation the same (which regional (which in turn conforms to the national and framework) the economic community regulatory framework) the economic actors foundmodels, themselves in actors found themselves working in contexts with extremely different regulatory fullyworking able to withstand the ‘external ircontexts with extremely different regulatory models, fully able to withstand the ritant’, i.e. the regulatory aggravation of the Merli law. ‘external irritant’, i.e. the regulatory aggravation of the Merli law. The reasons for such differences, and specifically for the situation in some localsituation contexts in (S.some Maria C.V), can only be underThe reasons for such differences, andworrying specifically for the worrying localperspective. contexts (S.However, Maria C.V), from a historical perspective. stood from a historical fromcan our only pointbe of understood view such a perspective is useful only in that it can supply the basic However, from our point of view such a perspective is useful only in that it can supply outline for future planning. A historical perspective thus has to be accompanied by a ‘political’ vision which embraces both underthe basic outline for future planning. A historical perspective thus has to be standing and change, and which poses the question, in the caseembraces in point, ofboth howunderstanding the huge differences in local regulative models can accompanied by a ‘political’ vision which and change, and which poses the question, in the case in point, of how the huge differences in local be tackled on a legal level, perhaps through an incisive system of awards/penalties. regulative models can be tackled on a legal level, perhaps through an incisive system of awards/penalties. 2 –Water system as an instrument of social engineering 2 –Water as an instrument As well as a paradigm of thesystem constitutive dynamics ofofasocial social engineering. system, interaction with the water system can be seen also as a As well as a paradigm of the constitutive dynamics of a social system, interaction with particularly effective implementing projects of asocial engineering. I would like to my theory by focusing on two themeans water of system can be seen also as particularly effective means of illustrate implementing projects of social engineering. I would of like to production illustrate my theory byparticularly focusing on two tanning districts, i.e. those which, because of the structure their cycle, were hard hit by the promulgation tanning districts, i.e. those which, because of the structure of their production cycle, of the Merli law: S. Croce sull’Arno in Tuscany and Solofra in Campania. were particularly hard hit by the promulgation of the Merli law: S. Croce sull’Arno in Since investing in water protection constitutes, above all, a cost for firms, the promulgation of the Merli law was received by the Tuscany and Solofra in Campania. Since investing in water constitutes, above all,they a cost theof the Unions, who were entrepreneurial sector in both areas as a threat to theprotection production system, and in this hadfor thefirms, backing promulgation of the Merli law was received by the entrepreneurial sector in both areas worried about possible effects on employment. as a threat to the production system, and in this they had the backing of the Unions, who While the Tuscan district set about applying the law effectively and rapidly, in Campania there was a delay of about ten years1. were worried about possible effects on employment. thetreatment Tuscan district set about applying the law rapidly, in 1 The biological phase of theWhile sewage plant started working in 1983 in S.effectively Croce and inand 1997 in Solofra. Campania there was a delay of about ten years1. With what may appear to be a paradox as regards the abovementioned concerns for the health of the production system, this With what may appear to be a paradox as regards the abovementioned concerns delay punished rather thanhealth appeased area in Campania, since the stimulus innovate production for the of thethe production system, this delay punishedto rather than the appeased the cycle, triggered by the area in Campania, since the stimulus to innovate the production cycle, triggered by theseen clearly if we comincreased production costs relative to the new water protection legislation, was delayed. This effect can be increased production costs relative to the new water protection legislation, was delayed. pare company productivity in the This effect cantwo be areas. seen clearly if we compare company productivity in the two areas. Given its strategic nature, water protection legislation thus acted as a stimulus to innovation for the industrial fabric of the tanning 1 But the most interesting fact isphase that,ofwhere the initiatives were correctly the and local The biological the sewage treatment plant started workinganchored in 1983 in S.atCroce in level, 1997 in calling Solofra. on local entities to take

direct charge of programmes and interventions, water management led to a greater capacity of interaction between these local actors. This situation can be observed in the area of Solofra. Here the initial decision to conceive of and realize the treatment plants at a regional level, within the restructuring plan of the Gulf of Naples (PS3) managed by the Cassa per il Mezzogiorno, generated delays and the Merli law was not applied for around ten years. Finally, the decision to move operations from a regional to a local dimension significantly accelerated the application of the Merli law. But the new standards, which restricted the allocation of means and financing to the local system’s capacity to self-organize, have also held the chief actors in the tanning industry together. The subsequent decision to set up a consortium between local businesses (Codiso) to build a treatment plant, while made under pressure from the judiciary who threatened to close the plants, was later strategic in the development of the local system’s self-organizing capacity.

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district.

The network-analysis we conducted on local actors shows that, due to the water management experience, the area began to think of itself as a community, developing a strategic, and by and large sustainable vision when interacting with other areas, both regional and national. Once an apparently technical question, water management has become a crucial factor in the organization and cohesion of the community and in its functioning as a whole. It has become a crucial factor in constituting forms of social capital2 which were traditionally rather foreign to communities in the regions of southern Italy, being instrument of the “political” vision mentioned above. References Bagnasco A., Tracce di comunità, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1999. Coleman J., “Social Capital in the Creation of Human Capital”, American Journal of Sociology, n. 94, 1988, pp. 52-120. Gambino R. e Segre A., “Quadri ambientali e patrimonio culturale” in Coppola P. (a cura di ), Geografia politica delle regioni italiane, Torino, Einaudi, 1997, pp. 95-145. Giddens A., The constitution of society: outline of the theory of structuration , 1984. Loda M., Politica ambientale ed innovazione territoriale. Il caso della normativa sulle acque nei sistemi produttivi locali, Milano, Angeli, 2001. Loda M., “Relazioni verticali, capitale sociale e sviluppo locale: il distretto conciario di Solofra”, in Sommella R. e Viganoni L. (a cura

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

di), Territori e progetti nel Mezzogiorno, Bologna, Baskerville, 2003, pp. 113-143.

Luhmann N., Soziale Systeme. Grundriß einer allgemeinen Theorie, Frankfurt/Mainz, Suhrkamp, 1984. Mutti A., Capitale sociale e sviluppo. La fiducia come risorsa, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1998. Piselli F., “Capitale sociale: un concetto situazionale e dinamico”, Stato e mercato, n. 57, 1999, pp. 395-417. Putnam R.D., Leonardi R., R. Y. Nanetti, Making Democracy Work: civic traditions in modern Italy, Princeton N.J., 1993. Trigilia C., “Capitale sociale e sviluppo locale”, Stato e mercato, n. 57, 1999, pp. 419-440.

Solofra (Southern Italy) – Leather district

Fig. 1 Map of regions by administrative efficiency

Fig. 2 Map of the regions by environmental conduct

Fig. 4 Productivity in S. Croce and Solofra (all factories)

Fig. 3 Map of districts

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Fig. 5 Productivity in S. Croce and Solofra (leather factories) Fig. 6 Productivity in S. Croce and Solofra (leather factories list wise)

City of the future: trends and perspectives of sanitary and environmental engineering Claudio LUBELLO University of Florence

Contents: Introduction Urban metabolism An example: water reuse in the Pistoia’s district Plant material and field experiments Conclusions

Name: Claudio LUBELLO Designation: Prof, Ph.D Organisation: Department of Civl and Environmental Engineering Education: 1994 Ph.D, Politecnic of Milan, Italy 1989 Master, l University of Florence, Italy Scholarships and Awards (selected): 1990 PhD scholarship, Politenic of Milan, Italy 1989 Scholarship on Groundwater management in the area of Prato , University of Florence, Italy Academic and Administrative Appointments (selected): 2005 Associate Professor on Sanitary and Environmental Engineering 2004 Vice-director of the Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering 2000 Member of the Board of Teachers of the International Ph.D on Mitigation of Risk Recent Publications (selected): 2004 LUBELLO C., GORI R., Membrane bio-reactor for textile wastewater treatment plant upgrading, Water Science & Technology, vol. 52(4). 2007 MUNZ G., GORI R., MORI G., LUBELLO C., Powdered acitivated carbon and membrane bioreactors (MBR-PAC) for tannery wastewater treatment: long term effect on biological and filtration process performances. Desalination 207. 2009 LUBELLO C., CAFFAZ S., GORI R., MUNZ G., A modified Activated Sludge Model to estimate solids production at low and high solids retention time, Water Research 43. MANNUCCI A., MUNZ G. MORI G. LUBELLO C., Anaerobic treatment of vegetable tannery wastewaters: A review. Desalination Volume: 264 Issue: 1-2 MUNZ G., GORI R., MORI G., LUBELLO C., Monitoring biological sulphide oxidation processes using combined respirometric and titrimetric techniques, Chemosphere, Vol.76(5). MUNZ G., LUBELLO C., OLESZKIEWICZ JA., Modeling the decay of ammonium oxidizing bacteria, Water Research. Volume: 45 Issue: 2

Introduction The idea of the sustainable city has a rich history, dating from concerns about the negative impacts of the industrial revolution back in the 1860’s . The modern sanitary engineering started during that decade with the urban sewer network plan of Bazalgette for central London which was instrumental in relieving the city from cholera epidemics. Even if the discoveries of Koch and Pasteur on the role of microorganisms in the spread of disease were not already achieved it was quite clear the role of contaminated water due to the presence of untreated wastewater and poor sanitary conditions all around the city. In this way from London to other cities all around Europe and North America (in Italy after the “Unità d’Italia”) the construction of sanitary sewers in order to pick away wastewater was the guideline of all the interventions proposed. Some decades later the necessity to treat wastewater was another clear target to be achieved. After more than one century from those years all around the world cities presents very different situations. We still face the presence of “plague cities” in the south of the world and uncontrolled resources consuming cities in the developed and developing countries. Today, most ideas about sustainability revolve around the balance between the environment, equity and economy, although there is considerable debate about their relative importance. Most, agree however, that the concept involves the necessity of including environmental factors when planning our future cities—the City of the Future. Ideally, a sustainable city powers itself with renewable sources of energy, creates recycles or converts waste to energy. Urban methabolism Development sustainability of the cities are related to “urban metabolism” (Wolman, 1965; Kennedy, Cuddihi, and Engel-Yan, 2007). Wolman compared an hypothetical city of one million inhabitants to a living organism in order to address “evident shortages of water and pollution of water and air” (Pamminger and Kenway, 2008) and was concerned, more than forty five years ago, about the deteriorating state of the urban environment, high pollution, and overuse of resources. Wolman was the first to define urban metabolism, also stating that it must be sustainable (Hermanowitz and Asano, 1999) and identified water as comprising over 96% of the total mass flow through the cities. For each urban system it is possible to determine a mass-balance of inputs and outputs, taking into account all the transformations and accumulation processes within the system (figure 1). The balance or imbalance between the inputs, accumulation and

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the smallest possible ecological footprint, and produces the lowest quantity of pollution possible. It also efficiently uses land and

growth, and waste resulting in emissions of undesirable pollutants determines the sustainability or unsustainability of the city. During the last century water resources have been severely polluted or overexploited, the hydrological behavior is heavily modified due to the growth of impervious areas, per capita solid waste production is still growing, there is no more place available for landfill, and global warming is accelerating. Recycling and reuse are again attracting attention as the main methods for achieving sustainability to enhance. The examples of undesirable environmental outputs are: liquid sewage, industrial wastewater and combined sewer overflows (point sources) containing suspended solids, organics, nutrients, toxic compounds and pathogens that impairs the integrity of the receiving waters, often far downstream from the city; polluted urban construction sites and highway runoff (diffuse sources) also contain solids, toxic compounds and pathogens. An example: water reuse in the Pistoia’s district Pistoia in central Italy is one of Europe’s most important areas for ornamental plants’ production; irrigation relies only on local groundwater. The existent water supply is no longer sustainable because of rising irrigation demand in the past years and potable and industrial demand, both exploiting the same source. Alternative water resources for irrigation should be found to integrate Pistoia’s traditional ones; these can be classified into two big categories: conventional (surface waters) and non-conventional (treated wastewater). The use of reclaimed wastewater for nursery irrigation represents an interesting alternative source of water and it could be an eco-

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nomical means of irrigating, decrease pollution of surface waters and provide groundwater recharge (Maurer et al., 1995). Nursery

container production of woody plants is likely one of the agriculture practices with the highest water demand per unit area and this explains why most of the nursery producers are now facing increasing pressures to avoid using high quality water supplies for irrigation (Gordon, 1994). Reclaimed wastewater reuse for ornamental plants production has some peculiarities compared to the same practice in other agricultural fields. First the ornamental plant production is an high add value activity and it involves that higher economic margins are possible in order to refinery reclaimed wastewater. At the same time the high value of plants requires that the effect of reclaimed wastewater irrigation has to be carefully evaluated. Second the ornamental plant production require an higher amount of nutrients and it permits an increase in nutrient recycling especially in the case of nitrogen compared to other types of crops. In our study we dealt with the case of Pistoia where most of nursery irrigation water is at present withdrawn from the groundwater. The irrigation period goes from May to October, with a calculated total water demand higher than 12.000.000 m3 per year (Benvenuti et al., 2000) which is approximately the annual total water civil consumption of the town of Pistoia. This water usage and demand is supposed to increase steadily in the near future and therefore alternative water resources, like treated wastewater for irrigation, are needed. The Pistoia’s Wastewater Treatment Plant (WWTP) treats more than 2,700,000 m3/yr; it is a conventional activated sludge plant consisting of pre-treatments (fine bar screen, sand removal and degrease), primary sedimentation, denitrification, oxidation-nitrification and secondary settling. Disinfection occurs by chlorination just in case of emergency. In order to identify the possibility to reuse Pistoia’s WWTP output to irrigate ornamental plants we set a pilot plant aimed at reducing solids and pathogens contents. The feed water for the pilot plant was pumped from the chlorination-contact tank (chlorination has never been operating during the experimental period). The pilot plant (see figure 2) provides for Total Suspended Solids (TSS) removal and disinfection treatment (capability ranges from 1 to 16 m3/h). Filtration is provided by a two-step pressure filter system (mod. OFSY 30 WGR, Culligan) with sand and anthracite multi-layer medium. No chemical filter-aids were added. Filtered effluent is then disinfected dosing Peracetic Acid (PAA) (Oxystrong 5, Ausimont Spa) upstream a 8-lamps UV irradiation closed system (mod. M8S, Montagna Ltd.). Disinfected effluent is stored in a tank (10 m3), whose water is used both for irrigation and filters backwashing (once a day). Stored water is pumped to the experimental site for irrigation; this operation is regulated by a control unit which regulates valves opening of irrigation plant. Disinfection section was previously optimized for UV and PAA doses during a trial period before the start of the irrigation test. Several experiments were carried out both in the case of UV upstream and UV downstream PAA addition. According to the experimental data the disinfection ran dosing 2 mg l-1 of PAA upstream UV whose level was set to 192 mW sec cm-2 (Lubello, Caretti, 2000).

Plant material and field experiments One-year-old uniform cutting propagated plants of two conifers (Cupressus sempervirens, Juniperus horizontalis), two mediterranean evergreen shrubs (Myrtus communis, Arbutus unedo) and two deciduous shrubs (Spiraea japonica , Weigelia florida), were selected. A total of 600 plants (100 per each species) were planted in 3 liter (0.8 gal) black plastic containers using a peatmosspumice medium (3:2 by vol). Irrigation water was provided from two sources: tertiary effluent from the nearby wastewater treatment facility (T) and fertigated well-water (F) from the nursery where the research plots were located. Fertigation, according with the standard nursery practice in the area, was adjusted to a 800 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 1200 ÂľScm-1 water conductivity, with a N/P/K ratio of 1.5:1:1 changed to 1:1:1 after 90 days of the growing season. The pilot plant proved to be able to produce an effluent which comply with microbiological limits set by the current Italian legislation. Table 1 summarizes the mean and range of values of the measured parameters (tertiary effluent and well water), the optimal range for some parameters in water irrigation and the limits set by law. Results show that the tertiary effluent has physical-chemical features that make it suitable for irrigation. Mean values of pH and chloride are within the optimal range (Ayers, Westcot, 1985). On the other hand average values of conductivity and sodium are slightly higher then those recommended for water irrigation. It must be emphasized that optimal range, especially in the borderline case, may need to be adjusted according to site condition and irrigated plant species. Higher values of sodium and chloride concentrations, usually responsible for phytotoxic phenomena, were registered in August; this is probably due to two main reasons. The first one is the summer shutdown of industrial activities in the surrounding area, most of which are artisanal activities and produce wastewater low in sodium and chloride. The second one is the reduction of infiltration water in sewer system because of the little amount of precipitation in this period. This fact is demonstrated by the chlorides levels detected during the one-week intensive sampling carried out in August and October. Metal levels (except for iron, manganese, nickel and copper) in tertiary effluent, as well as in well-water, were always below the detection limits. Comparison between the tertiary effluent and well-water characteristics showed also a zinc and copper content slightly higher in the tertiary effluent, on the other hand significantly higher concentration of iron and (overall) manganese were detected in the well-water. However metals concentration were in any case well below the EPA limits set for long period irrigation (U.S. EPA, 1992). For the other parameters comparing well-water to tertiary effluent, parameters range were, as expected, narrower while mean values of pH, conductivity, sodium and chloride were lower. It is important to highlight that nutrients content in fertigated water is very high especially for nitrogen and in some cases for phosphorous. The results (figure 3, for example) indicate no major limitations to the use of a tertiary effluent as an irrigation source in a plant nursery. As a matter of fact, the nutrient content of the tertiary effluent was able to maintain a good plant growth (in terms of total dry mass) as well as fertigated water. Conclusions A new approach to sanitary and environmental engineering is necessary to face the problems related with the development of the urbanized area. The development of the cities of the future needs a more holistic approach in order to control inputs and outputs to guarantee a sustainable development of our civilization. In this work a novel approach for nursery irrigation in the urban area of ents of the WWTP located in the area: experimental results indicate no major limitations to the use of the tertiary effluent as an irrigation source in a plant nursery; the tertiary effluent can be considered as an important source of fertilizer for some containergrown plants (e.g. Juniper, Myrtle and Cypress), with positive economic and environmental aspects related to reduction of synthetic fertilizers use; the refinery treatment by filtration and disinfection with PAA and UV together were very effectiveness in indicator bacteria removal. References Ayers RS, Westcot DW. Water quality for agriculture, FAO Irrigation and Drainage 1985; Paper No. 29, Rev 1. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Rome, Italy. Benvenuti L, Lubello C, Paris E. An integrated water resources system for nurseries supply. In: Proceedings of the International Conference on Water Supply and Water Quality, Krakow, Poland, 2000.

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Pistoia has been presented. The conflictual water consumption for potable use and irrigation should be overcame using the efflu-

Gordon I. (1994) Efficient water and fertiliser use. In Combined Proceedings International Plant Propagators’ Society, 44, 45-47. Hermanowitz, S.W. and T. Asano (1999) Abel Wolman’s “The metabolism of cities revisited: A case for water recycling and reuse, Water Sci. & Technol., 40(4-5):29-36 Kennedy, C., J. Cuddihy, and J. Engel – Yan (2007) The changing metabolism of cities, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 11(2):43-59 Lubello C, Caretti C. Wastewater disinfection with peracetic acid and UV. In: Conference Proceedings of the International Symposium on Sanitary and Environmental Engineering, Trento, Italy, 2000; (2):219-226. Maurer MA, Davies FS, Graetz DA. Reclaimed wastewater irrigation and fertilization of mature “Redblush” grapefruit trees on spodosols in Florida. J. Amer. Soc. Hort. Sci. 1995;120(3):394-402. Novotny V., Elmer V., Furumai H., Kenway S. and Phylls O. Water and energy framework and footprints for sustainable communities. Proceedings of IWA World Water Congress, Montreal, 19-24 September 2010. Pamminger, F., and S. Kenway (2008) WATER – Journal of the Australian Water Association, February Issue, pp. 45-46 U.S. EPA. Guidelines for water reuse: Manual. U.S. Environmental Protection Agency and U.S. Agency for Int. Development. Report EPA/625/R-92/004, 87, Cincinnati, OH, 1992.

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Wolman, A. (1965) The metabolism of cities, Scientific American 213(3):179-190

Figure 1. Linear (A) and circular (B) urban metabolism systems (Novotny et al., 2010).

Figure 2. Layout of the tertiary pilot plant.

Table 1. Mean and range of values of the measured parameters for tertiary effluent and well-water and optimal range for some parameters in water irrigation.

Figure 3. Wastewater irrigated plants (left) vs. groundwater irrigated plants (right).

WetTus - Wetlands Atlas of Tuscany Margherita AZZARI University of Florence Collaboration with: Camillo Berti, Paola Zamperlin, Riccardo Armellini, Peter Conti, Fulvio Landi, Mattia Michelacci, Tiziana Pileggi, Giulio Tarchi

The core of the project are the wetlands of the coastal and inland Tuscany (historical transformations and environmental, historical-cultural and socio-economic components). Wetlands, once economically marginal and unhealthy, are now considered a resource in terms of biodiversity and as places that attract responsible tourism. The deliverables of the project are: 1) a geodatabase that provides an integrated management system of different sources of knowledge (cartographic, photographic, statistical, documentary, archeological, etc.) and allows the identification of structural invariants of the landscape and the development of a support system to evaluate sustainability and durability of the environment impacts and socio-economic development projects. 2) a tool, accessible via Internet, for data exploration and production of reports and dynamic maps. The choice of formats and data infrastructure can ensure the highest interoperability and it has been carried out in a perspective of dialogue and integration between regional information systems. Key words: wetlands, GIS, historical cartography, landscape, land use/land cover Introduction Wetlands, once considered to be economically “fringe areas” and often unhealthy lands, are nowadays unanimously recognized as a resource, not only in terms of biodiversity, but also from a strictly economical point of view. They are also seen as zones which can attract a sensible and sustainable tourism. “A correct management of wetlands, which allows for their reclamation, protection

Name: Margherita AZZARI Designation: Associate Professor Organisation: Department of Historical and Geographical Studies (Dipartimento di Studi Storici e Geografici) Università degli Studi di Firenze Education: 1980 Ph.D, University of Florence, Italy Academic and Administrative Appointments (selected): 2011 co-founder of the Center of Competence-M ITHACA (Information Technology and Computer Aided Mapping) consists of CSIAF, LabGeo, Google Base U.S. and Global to spread the use of technology, Google Search and Maps in Public Administration 2008 Scientific responsible LabGeo (www.geografiaapplicata.it), Applied Geography Lab. 2006 Coordinator of the Interfaculty University Master – 2nd level – in Geographical Information Systems for the monitoring and management of the territory (University of Florence) 2000 Associate Professor on Applied Geography; Geographic Information Systems; Geography of Environment and Landscape (University of Florence) 1983 Researcher on Human Geography (University of Florence) Recent Publications (selected): 2008 Azzari M., Indicatori e strumenti per la valutazione della sostenibilità di progetti di sviluppo locale, in Meini M. (a cura) Mobilità e Territorio. Flussi, attori, strategie, Bologna, Patron, pp.252-254 2008 Azzari M. (a cura), Viaggio attraverso le acque toscane, in Grillotti M.G., Atlante tematico delle acque italiane, Genova, Brigati, 2008, pp.403-422 2008 Azzari M., Favretto A., Sistemi Informativi Geografici e telerilevamento per il monitoraggio e la gestione delle acque, in Grillotti M.G., Atlante tematico delle acque italiane, Genova, Brigati, 2008, pp.569-572 2008 Azzari M., Andreani G., Tecniche GIS per lo studio dei territori a rischio, in Azzari M., Favretto A., Beni ambientali e culturali e GIS, Atti dello workshop (Firenze, 16 novembre 2006), Pisa, Kinzica (in CD ROM 2009 Azzari M. Favretto A. (a cura), Comunicare l’ambiente. VII workshop Beni ambientali e culturali e GIS, Bologna, Patron 2010 Azzari M., Qualità territoriali e criticità ambientali: fonti cartografiche e dinamiche paesistiche, in Mautone M., Ronza M. (a cura), Patrimonio culturale e paesaggio. Un approccio di filiera per la progettualità territoriale, Roma, Gangemi, pp.65-76 2010 Azzari M., Dalla china al web. Produrre, documentare, esporre cartografie, in Carta M., Spagnoli L. (a cura), La ricerca e le istituzioni tra interpretazione e valorizzazione della documentazione cartografica, Roma, Gangemi, pp. 53-64 2010 Azzari M., Le prospettive e le problematiche d’impiego della cartografia del passato in formato digitale, Atti del Convegno AIC “La cartografia e la topografia oggi” (Firenze 6-8 maggio 2009), in “Bollettino della associazione Italiana di cartografia”, 138, aprile 2010, pp. 217-224 2011 Azzari M., Geographic Information Systems and Science. Stato dell’arte, sfide future, in Genet J.P., Zorzi A. (a cura), Les historiens et l’informatique: un métier a réinventer (Atti del convegno, Roma, 4-6 dicembre 2008), École française de Rome, 2011, pp. 221-234 2011 Azzari M. (a cura), Italia in movimento. Direttrici e paesaggi dall’Unità a oggi, Pisa, Pacini, 2011

and increase in value for social and collective aims, cannot but take into consideration an in-depth and detailed knowledge of all their territorial, naturalistic and socio-economical components. A priority is the definition of the status of Italian wetlands, their extension and their reduction rate, as well as their dynamic social and economic structures, in order to identify the priorities of intervention” (from the guidelines “Per un piano nazionale per le zone umide in Italia”, Ministero dell’Ambiente, ob. 1.1). Beginning from such a premise, one of the main objects of the research program is the reconstruction of the history of intervening transformations in wetlands and former wetlands. We have thus focused and tuned our work on and around the discovery and analysis of changes in land use as the foremost indicator of change in the historical landscape. The areas under examination are the Tuscan wetlands and former wetlands. In Tuscany as many as 59 wetland areas have been

registered. Among these we find mountain, fluvial, coastal and karstic areas, all of which are unique and with an extremely fragile ecosystem. Some of these are naturalistic oasis of considerable interest and can also be considered open-air laboratories for environmental study/education; others on the other hand still require more adequate instruments of conservation. Case studies In addition to a precise study on single wet zone it is necessary to analyze the territorial scale in order to reconstruct the processes not only in present-day residual wetlands, but also in the areas once characterized by the presence of vast marsh extensions. Therefore we have chosen to study coastal wetlands and former wetlands; areas which originated from the formation of sanddune bars created by sediment deposits of fluvial and marine origin: the coastal area around Lago di Porta (provinces of Massa and Lucca),coastal Versilia, the area surrounding the Lago di Massaciuccoli (provinces of Lucca and Pisa), the Pisa coastal plain (from the mouth of Serchio river to Livorno), the coastal plain south of Livorno up to and around Cecina, the southern Val di Cornia (province of Livorno), parts of the Grosseto Maremma (including the areas of former lake/marsh of Castiglione and Laguna di Orbetello). In addition to these coastal areas, are the principal inland wetlands created by the gradual changing process of vast levelled areas which became marshland because they were interested by complex fluvial-lacustrine systems: the wetland of Fucecchio and the former wetlands of Bientina and of the Val di Chiana.

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

Methodology

The adopted methodology is based on the integration and comparative analysis of archaeological, historical and geographical data coming from different sources (historical cadastral maps, large scale historical cartography, historical documents, aerial photographs, thematic cartography, vector databases relating to the theme land use/land cover and other digital vector layers). The central part of the research work was based upon the acquisition of historical cadastral maps preserved in the National Archives of Tuscany. The complex set of data taken into consideration has been stored and analyzed by means of a GIS. The comparability of information between past and present phenomena allows the understanding of some transformation of the wetland and former wetland landscape focusing particularly on land use change. The terms land use and land cover, notwithstanding the differences between the two different interpretative approaches, has been considered as a principal indicator of landscape transformations. A Geographical Information System and a Tuscany Wetlands Atlas can offer knowledge and analyzing tools to support projects of local sustainable and durable. The research work has been organized into phases: reconstruction of time series on land use and other layers (hydrographical network, coastline position, road network, settlement system) from different sources; census and mapping of environmental and cultural heritage; normalization and input of data in a GIS; analysis of landscape changes through GIS tools. Data sources The central part of the work is based on the research on the change of land use which, as typically done for geo-historical works, refers to a widely varied array of sources (old cartography, recent thematic cartography, aerial views, contemporary topography, etc..). Despite the use of such diverse sources (this was done in order to historically and thematically contextualize the research) and notwithstanding the differences in data availability, the research work was principally based on the acquisition of digital material (three different sources) on land use, which covers the past two centuries and differs both in technique and aim. For the first half of the 19th century, maps from three different cadastres that were made in the first half of 19th century have been used: the Catasto Ferdinandeo-Leopoldino (1817-1835); the Catasto Borbonico (1820-1860)and the Catasto Estense (1820-1825).The importance of these sources in geo-historical studies lies in the geometric precision of such cartography and in the fact that these surveys give us an historical framework of the Tuscan territorial layout in a detailed scale (the maps are in scale 1:2500 and 1:5000) before the transformations that took place in the 20th century. Such maps, integrated with registers and indication tables, constitute a precious source of information concerning the regional territorial outline before the somewhat dramatic changes brought about with the 20th century (use and distribution of property, hydrography, roads, location of human settlements). For the 1950s the aerial views of the GAI flying group (Gruppo Aereo Italiano) have been used. These were accomplished in 1954 and despite having a different scale, they are very useful as they completely cover the Italian territory.

The source used for later years is based on orthophotos done for AIMA (Azienda di Stato per gli Interventi nel Mercato Agricolo) by the Compagnia Generale Riprese Aeree di Parma. These aerial views have been used because – in addition to being of high quality and being in a large scale – they are in digital format and can thus be directly inserted in the GIS. The land cover layer has been interpreted from the aerial photographs according to the content tables created by the Istituto Sperimentale per lo Studio e la Difesa del Suolo (ISSDS) within the Sistema Informativo Nazionale Ambientale (SINA). This classification system has been studied to describe in an efficient way the features of the Italian landscape in order to be compatible with Corine Land Cover classification GIS analysis From the georeferencing and the digitalization of maps and aerial photographs (even photo-interpreted) we got georeferenced vector layers, concerning not only land use, but also hydrographical network, coastline position, road network and settlement system. If opportunely codified within a common legend, they represent a starting point for the transformation analysis and the realization of maps which synthetize trends. The integration in a geographical database of sources with different format, origin, scale and acquisition techniques has required an accurate normalization work, while the different formats by which historical data have been made available have required different practices. A new classification system of land use/land cover with limited number of categories has been studied in order to allow the comparison and the interpretation of map data. The new legend has been elaborated referring to that of the map Corine Land Cover and trying to respect as much as possible some peculiarities of the 19th century cadastral documents. The above-mentioned legend summarizes the different categories included in the original legends and gathered them in 12 categories, which, we believe, are able to efficiently describe the land use for considered period (Arable lands, Annual crops associated with permanent crops, Permanent crops, Horticultural areas, Grassland, Woodland, Scrubland and/or herbaceous vegetation associations, Open spaces with little or no vegetation, Wetlands, Water bodies, Built-up areas, Road network). During the creation of map drafts, an evocative color has been associated to each category in order to get an effective visualization. Results and Discussion The most significant fact is represented by the almost total disappearance of all the vast wetlands which constituted the characterizing stretch of landscape in the first half of the 19th century (the marshes of the Apuan coast except for the Area Naturale Protetta di Interesse Locale del Lago di Porta, the southern Padule di Massaciuccoli, the Padule Maggiore and Stagno in the Pisa plain and the large Lago di Castiglione on the Grosseto coast). The result of massive land reclamation operations, made with water-scooping machines in the ‘20s and‘30s in the Pisa and Grosseto Maremma areas, is a landscape dominated by wide and flat stretches of fields fit for seed, almost bare of any trees and marked by the regular succession of canals and straight roads. Only recently a flourishing horticulturist farming has been introduced and it has rapidly reached notable dimensions. On the Apuan area instead, the former wetlands have been occupied by industrial activities and residential settlements and only some hilly areas have partly maintained the landscape settlement photographed by 19th century cadastral cartography, with olive trees, vines, fruit trees and small settlements, often well preserved in their topographic structure, on the hills overlooking the plain and on the cones. The notable general expansion of the edified and urbanized areas that has taken place mostly since the ‘50s, has influenced the entire coast. This phenomenon regards both the growth of the historical urban areas like Carrara, Massa, Pietrasanta, Viareggio, Pisa and Grosseto (whose outer suburbs have reached the surrounding countryside)and also the development of new bathing ultimately, the realization of infrastructures such as a road network, railways and airports along the coastline. However, we might often interpret, in the sign of a substantial preservation the tendency relative to the wooded areas, as a confirmation of quantitative data, corresponding to the good quality of forest environment, variously altered by human activity. A positive exception in the study areas is represented by the areas of the Parco Naturale Migliarino, San Rossore, Massaciuccoli, where the remaining farms have limited their transformation interventions. For some decades the tendency toward the renaturalization of some environments has brought about the reform of circumscribed wetlands or the extensions of small areas which have survived the reclamation operations. The phenomenon was favored by the consolidating of territorial policies more knowledgeable and more attentive to environmental problems which, with planning norms oriented toward the conservation of natural areas, have disciplined interventions on the territory. The institution of the two parks of Migliarino, San Rossore, Massaciuccoli, and Maremma as well as some natural reserves (Diaccia Botrona and Lago di Porta) proves this trend.

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements

seaside rivieras along the coast – at first almost completely uninhabited and now massively filled up with concrete buildings and,

The analysis conducted in the chosen areas has pointed out, apart from a few exceptions, the radical transformation of these former wetlands, but it has also permitted us to register for assessment some significant remains of past territorial settlements, as well as individual environmental wealth (monumental trees, rare flora and fauna species, morphological features, etc.) and cultural heritage (monuments, old farms and rural buildings, traces of the historic road network, place-names, constructions linked to the hydraulic works of the past, etc.). In conclusion, this methodological approach, and in particular the acquisition of historical informative levels from past cartography and their successive integration in a GIS, has evidenced the importance of the contribution that the studies of historical geography can offer for a deeper knowledge of the territory, considering the historical values deposited upon the present form of the landscape with the object of activating more harmonious and sustainable local development policies. References Azzari M. 1992. Tra mare e monte, pp. 131-150. In: Greppi C. Ed. Paesaggi della costa toscana. Firenze-Venezia: Giunta Regionale Toscana, Marsilio. Azzari M., De Silva M., Pizziolo G. 2002. Cartografie del passato e GIS per lâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;analisi delle trasformazioni del paesaggio. In: Azzari M., Ed. Beni ambientali e culturali e Geographical Information Systems. Firenze: Firenze University Press.(CD-ROM, ISBN 88-8453-033-4). Azzari M., Magazzini P., GIS, remote sensing and historical cartography for analysis of changes in rural spaces, in L. Laurens and C. Bryant (eds.), The Sustainability of Rural Systems - A Social and Cultural Construction, Proceedings of the Colloquium of the

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements Architectural and Environmental Cultural Landscapes and Sustainable Habitats Design

Commission on the Sustainability of Rural Systems of the International Geographical Union (IGU), Rambouillet, France - July 2001,

Montpellier, AVL Diffusion, 565-576, 2003. Azzari M., Berti C., Paolini R., Pileggi T., Tarchi G., A geographical Information System in Tuscan wetlands. land use changes in modern and contemporary age, in Scapini F., Proceedings of the MEDCORE International Conference, Firenze, Firenze University Press, 2006, pp.43-53 Balestra G., Bertozzi R., Buscaroli A., Gherardi M., Vianello G., Applicazione dei Sistemi Informativi Geografici nella valutazione delle modificazioni ambientali e territoriali, Milano, Angeli, 1996. Camara A.S., Raper J, Spatial Multimedia and Virtual Reality, London, Taylor & Francis, 1999 Favretto A., Classification and Thematic mapping in a GIS environment, Bologna, Patron, 2005. Forte M., I Sistemi Informativi Geografici in archeologia, Roma, MondoGIS, 2002 Gregory I.N., A Place in History: a Guide to Using GIS in Historical Research, Oxford, Oxbow, 2003 Gregory I.N., Ell P.S., Historical GIS. Technologies, Methodology and Scholarship, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007 Knowles A.K., Past time, past place. GIS for history, Redlands, ESRI Press, 2002 Longley P., Goodchild M., Maguire D., Rhind D., Geographic Information Systems and Science, Chichester (England), Wiley & Sons, 2005 Macchi G., Spazio e misura, Siena, Unisi Manuali, 2009, Parkes D., Thrift N., Times, Spaces and Places: A Chronogeographic Perspective, New York, Wiley, 1980.

Water as a symbolic resource in the Garden City Gabriele CORSANI University of Florence

Name: Gabriele Corsani Designation: Full Prof. Organisation: Department of Regional and Urban Planning Education: 1971 - Graduation at the Faculty of Architecture, University of Florence, Italy Academic and Administrative Appointments (selected): 1985 - Associate Professor on Town Planning 2005 - Full Professor on Town Planning 2009 - Supervisor of the Doctorate on Town, Region and Landscape Planning Recent Publications (selected): 2007 Gherardo Bosio’s Town Planning for Albania, in The Presence of 2008 Italian Architects in Mediterranean Countries, Proceedings of the First International Conference, Bibliotheca Alexandrina, Alexandria, 15th-16th Novembre, Firenze, Maschietto, , pp. 274-285. 2008 Dziedzictwo Kulturowe i rozwój przestreenny naprzykladzie wspólczesnej Florencji, in J. Purchla, a cura di, Florencja i Kraków wobec dziedzictwa, Kraków, Miedznarodowe Centrum Kultury Kraków, pp. 257-270. 2009 Measures for a safe city in 18th and 19th century in Europe, in M.C. Treu, Città, salute, sicurezza. strumenti di governo e casi studio. la gestione del rischio, Santarcangelo di Romagna, Maggioli, pp 39-48. 2010 Corsani G., Palazzuoli P.L., Vincenzo DE Giaxa (18481928), Igiene delle città, in I. Salgado, A. Bertoni, orgs., Da Construçao di Territorio ao Planejamento das Cidades: competencias tecnica e saberes professionais na Europa e nas Américas (1850-1930), RiMa, Santa Paula - Sâo Carlos, pp. 111-121. Corsani G., ed., Territori delle acque. Esperienze e teorie in Italia e in Inghilterra nell’Ottocento, Firenze, Olschki, 2010.

At the end of the Victorian age, in England, the proposal of the Garden City by Ebenezer Howard marked a famous advancement on the debate around the problems of big cities. The care of the author for the realization of his new city was strongly determined as we can see by Water Supply, Appendix to To-Morrow. A Peaceful Path to Real Reform (1898), the first edition of Garden Cities of Tomorrow (1902). Howard used rhetoric, technical and social arguments to stress the large amount of water freely available for leisure and its connected utilities. As drinkable water was supplied by artesian wells, this surplus confirms that the environment of the Garden City, already magnificent, could be easily improved. In 1902, near to the actual passage to its implementation, the Appendix - Water Supply was omitted but it is meaningful that just water was chosen as the most representative element to express the civil virtues of the new city.

Water Risk and Climate and Human Settlements

Japan-Italy Research Cooperation Meeting Friday 27 January 2012 Florence

UNIVERSITÀ

degli STUDI

FIRENZE

THE UNIVERSITY OF TOKYO Graduate School of Engineering, Department of Architecture

TOKYO UNIVERSITY OF THE ARTS Graduate School of Fine Arts, Department of Architecture

Ambasciata del Giappone in Italia 在イタリア日本国大使館