August 2019
Volume 15 No. 9
La Marcha del Pueblo – July 22, 2019 Photos by Lcdo. Fabián Rodríguez Torres
Un Periódico Diferente / A Different Kind of Newspaper
Historic Protests
Force the Resignation of Puerto Rico’s Governor
Un Periódico Diferente / A Different Kind of Newspaper
Ricardo Rosselló Un Periódico Diferente / A Different Kind of Newspaper
Un Periódico Diferente / A Different Kind of Newspaper
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Editorial / Editorial
Support Centro de Periodismo Investigativo de Puerto Rico In early 2013, El Sol Latino began using the journalist investagative reports of the Centro de Periodismo Investigativo (CPI) de Puerto Rico. Since then, year after year, we have published several of their investigative stories. On July 13, 2019, the CPI released the 889 pages of the Telegram account that contained the conversations between the governor of Puerto Rico, Ricardo RossellĂł Nevares, his closest collaborators, and past and current members of his staff. The messages were considered vulgar, racist, and homophobic, among other things, towards several individuals and groups. The chat also contained discussions among members on how they would use the media to target potential political opponents. Days later, news broke that federal agents had arrested six members of Rosselló’s administration for alleged fraud and money laundering, among them, the former Secretary of Education, and the head of the Puerto Rico Health Insurance Administration. Altogether, they face 32 counts of money laundering, wire fraud, conspiracy, and theft. On July 17, CPI published an analysis entitled El saqueo a los fondos pĂşblicos detrĂĄs del chat (The looting of public funds behind the chat) by Omaya Sosa Pascual and Luis J. Valentin Ortiz. The analysis describes that what is behind the Telegram chat conversations between the governor and some of his closest collaborators is a multimillion dollar network of corruption. To the many Puerto Ricans who had endured the aftermath of Hurricanes Irma and MarĂa, the chat represented the last straw. There already was a general unrest on the island caused by years of perceived government corruption that combined with the government’s tepid response to the human suffering caused by the hurricanes, and
the mismanagement of aids and funds allocated to the victims. In the midst of this tense climate on the island, the federal arrests happened and the private chats were made public, confirming the existing corruption among public servants. The daily massive protests soon followed, ultimately forcing the governor to resign. In gratitude for the valuable public service that CPI has performed over the years and their journalistic leadership in this historic moment, we ask our readers to continue to support their investigative endeavors.
These are the journalists that exposed the corruption that led to Puerto Rico’s mass protests resulting in the resignation of Governor Ricardo Rosselló Nevares.
The Centro de Periodismo Investigativo (CPI) is an independent 501 (c) (3) nonprofit media organization that does not accept any type of government support. CPI receives donations and support from foundations, institutions and citizens who share our vision of civic empowerment and value the quality of good and ethical journalism. Donations received are tax deductible in Puerto Rico and the United States. You can send your donation: 1. Using PayPal: Use the address info@periodismoinvestigativo. com to manage your donation if necessary. 2. Via Network for Good, 3. By mail to: Centro de Periodismo Investigativo, P.O. Box 6834 San Juan PR 00914-6834.
Foto del Mes/Photo of the Month
“Ahora la foto le pertenece a todo el paĂs.â€?
En sus propias palabras, el Lcdo. FabiĂĄn RodrĂguez Torres describe la foto que tomĂł durante la masiva protesta popular conocida como “La marcha del puebloâ€? que se ha convertido en un sĂmbolo Ăcono del movimiento que removiĂł a Ricky RossellĂł de la gobernaciĂłn. “A propĂłsito de la foto de ayer. La tomĂŠ con mi celular. Fue un momento de mucha espontaneidad. Muestra a tres jĂłvenes bailando bajo la lluvia durante la marcha que se llevĂł a cabo el 22 de julio de 2019 en Puerto Rico. No habĂa realmente alternativa para refugiarse. Tampoco vi que la gente buscara hacerlo. Estaban mĂĄs bien viviendo bajo las circunstancias. Llevo una semana entera con el corazĂłn en las manos. Dejarnos mojar por la lluvia y ver que la gente estaba alegre, fue un escape. AsĂ quiero recordar estos dĂas cuando todo se resuelva. “Una peticiĂłn es un poema, y un poema es una peticiĂłn.â€? - The Dreamers. ÂĄA toda la gloria de nuestro PaĂs! đ&#x;’Ş đ&#x;’Ş
contents
2 Editorial / Editorial Support Centro de Periodismo Investigativo de Puerto Rico 3 Portada / Front Page La generaciĂłn del “yo no me dejoâ€? exige la renuncia de Ricardo RossellĂł 6 Puerto Rico’s Multiple Solidarities: Emergent Landscapes and the Geographies of Protest 8 International Collective of Artists Plan Walk Across Puerto Rico Tinta Caliente 9 OpiniĂłn / Opinion Springfield’s Gray House: Caring People Can Change The World 10 Gobiernan un paĂs que no conocen 11 MĂşsica / Music Holyoke CelebrĂł 9no Bomplenazo en el Parque Wellesley Professor Explains Reggaeton’s Relationship to the African Diaspora in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic 13 EducaciĂłn / Education Worried about student debt? STCC offers affordability, flexibility and opportunity 14 New HCC baking course open to all Ciencias / Sceince Heme = Burgers 15 Let the Countdown Begin Highlights of El Sol Latino 2010 - 2012 16 El Sol Latino Memorable Front Pages 2010- 2012
Founded in 2004
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Volume 15, No. 9 n August 2019
Editor Manuel Frau Ramos manuelfrau@gmail.com 413-320-3826 Assistant Editor Ingrid Estrany-Frau Managing Editor Diosdado LĂłpez Art Director Tennessee Media Design Business Address El Sol Latino P.O Box 572 Amherst, MA 01004-0572
Editorial Policy
El Sol Latino acepta colaboraciones tanto en espaĂąol como en inglĂŠs. Nos comprometemos a examinarlas, pero no necesariamente a publicarlas. Nos reservamos el derecho de editar los textos y hacer correcciones por razones de espacio y/o estilo. Las colaboraciones pueden ser enviadas a nuestra direcciĂłn postal o a travĂŠs de correo electrĂłnico a: info@elsollatino.net. El Sol Latino welcomes submissions in either English or Spanish. We consider and review all submissions but reserve the right to not publish them. We reserve the right to edit texts and make corrections for reasons of space and/or style. Submissions may be sent to our postal address or via electronic mail to: info@elsollatino.net. El Sol Latino is published monthly by CoquĂ Media Group. El Sol Latino es publicado mensualmente por CoquĂ Media Group, P.O Box 572, Amherst, MA 01004-0572.
Portada / Front Page
El Sol Latino August 2019
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La generación del “yo no me dejo” exige la renuncia de Ricardo Rosselló por JOEL CINTRÓN ARBASETTI | Centro de Periodismo Investigativo Este artículo apareció originalmente en periodismoinvestigativo.com | 21 de julio 2019 Génesis, Zorimar y Rafael conversaban en la calle del Cristo antes de salir corriendo hacia la calle San Sebastián. Huían de una estampida que se desató en el Viejo San Juan luego de que la Policía de Puerto Rico lanzara gases lacrimógenos.
El primer gobernador del que deben tener memoria es Luis Fortuño, recordado por el alza en la matrícula de la UPR, la Ley 7 del despido de miles de empleados públicos y por el gasoducto. O, quizá alcanzaron a experimentar el gobierno compartido de Aníbal Acevedo Vilá, que fue acusado por el Departamento de Justicia de Estados Unidos por 19 cargos relacionados a financiamiento de campañas.
“Esto es una falta de respeto, el Gobierno se está comportando como una dictadura”, gritaba Rafael Figueroa mientras corría calle arriba. Tiene 18 años, estudia economía en la Universidad de Puerto Rico (UPR), recinto de Mayagüez, y vino hasta el Viejo San Juan para exigir la renuncia del gobernador Ricardo Rosselló.
No vivieron los arrestos por corrupción de más de 40 funcionarios públicos durante la administración de Pedro Rosselló, padre del actual incumbente que pende de un hilo en La Fortaleza. Apenas tendrían entre dos y cuatro años cuando arrestaron a Víctor Fajardo, entonces secretario del Departamento de Educación que en 2001 fue acusado del desvío de $4.3 millones también bajo la administración de Rosselló padre.
Génesis Suriel, de 19 años, estudia biología en la UPR de Ponce, igual que su amiga Zorimar Rodríguez, de 20 años. Vinieron en una guagua junto a otros 45 jóvenes desde el sur y el oeste de la isla.
Hace unos días, presenciaron la comparecencia de la exsecretaria de Educación Julia Keleher ante un jurado federal, acusada por lavado de dinero durante la administración actual.
“Nosotros llegamos, el grupo se fragmentó y como 20 minutos después de que llegamos es que tiraron la primera ronda de gases. Esto no se puede morir aquí, porque el Gobernador piensa que él, aferrándose al puesto, la gente se va a olvidar, y esto es diferente. Es un futuro que nos arrebataron antes de nacer. Es un futuro que nos han venido tronchando”, dijo Rafael, recuperando el aire en una esquina mientras en la calle del Cristo explotaban fuegos artificiales.
En las primeras elecciones en las que pudieron haber votado ganó Ricardo Rosselló, y hoy demuestran que saben que pueden despedirlo. Son de la era de Donald Trump en la Casa Blanca, el ascenso de la extrema derecha a nivel internacional, la crisis climática, la crisis económica, la Junta de Control Fiscal, el cierre de escuelas públicas, la quiebra del Gobierno, los empleados fantasma del Capitolio, los muertos de María, la migración masiva, los fondos buitre y los especuladores de criptomonedas.
Foto por Joel Cintrón Arbasetti | Centro de Periodismo Investigativo | En las manifestaciones han participado un gran número de jóvenes adultos. Foto por Joel Cintrón Arbasetti | Centro de Periodismo Investigativo | De izquierda a derecha: Génesis Suriel, Zorimar Rodríguez y Rafael Figueroa en la manifestación del miércoles, 15 de julio en el Viejo San Juan
En la manifestación del lunes 15 de julio, que congregó a miles de personas en los alrededores de La Fortaleza, lo que había eran muchas caras jóvenes. Algunas estaban cubiertas con máscaras de lucha libre, antigas, de cuero o látex decorado con lentejuelas, picos de metal o piedras brillosas. Pero era evidente que entre el grupo que resistió hasta el final y con más vehemencia los ataques de la Policía había una presencia mayoritaria de jóvenes en sus veintipocos. Muchos de ellos tendrían entre 9 y 13 años cuando sucedieron las huelgas del 2010 y 2011 en la UPR de Río Piedras. Tal vez recuerden algo de esas manifestaciones en contra del alza en la matrícula, unas de las más masivas de la última década y la primera en explotar al máximo el Internet y las redes sociales. Son la primera generación en nacer con esa tecnología. A diferencia de los Millennials, no tienen un antes y un después del Internet, nacieron con las redes y el ciberespacio.
Los investigadores del Pew Research Center, que estudia las tendencias generacionales en Estados Unidos, le llaman la “Generación Z” o “Gen Z”. Es una generación Post-Millennial que agrupa a quienes nacieron entre 1997 y 2012. Pero la realidad excede las categorías. La gente no anda segregada por las calles según su fecha de nacimiento. En la práctica, se cruzan, se mezclan, pelean entre sí y comparten experiencias. La “generación del yo no me dejo”, como dice Bad Bunny junto a iLe, Calle 13 y un potente beat del productor Trooko en Afilando cuchillos. Ya no nos coges de pendejo, eres un corrupto, que de corruptos coge consejos. Arranca pal carajo y vete lejos, y denle la bienvenida a la generación del yo no me dejo. Así canta Bad Bunny.
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Portada / Front Page
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La generación del “yo no me dejo” exige la renuncia de Ricardo Rosselló
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La canción resume en cinco minutos la furia contenida que estalló luego de que el Centro de Periodismo Investigativo publicara 889 páginas del chat de Telegram en donde se demuestra que el Gobernador se entretuvo, en horas laborables, haciendo trabajo político partidista a través de mensajes que revelan el carácter autoritario, machista, sexista y homófobo de Rosselló y su más íntimo grupo de colaboradores.
estuve en la piscina con mi familia, así que no tengo información para opinar”, contestó en inglés, tomando cerveza y sudando luego de su presentación.
Foto por Mari B. Robles López | La marcha del miércoles, 15 de julio ha sido la más concurrida con un estimado de más de 300,000 personas presentes
Foto por Joel Cintrón Arbasetti | Centro de Periodismo Investigativo | La reunión de Criptomonday se dio en el local Red Monkey en la calle Cruz de Viejo San Juan.
“El fanatismo se ha caído. Siguen los fanáticos por ahí con las banderitas, pero la gente se ha levantado más. ¿Por qué? Porque nos fallaron; nos fallaron y esto es más que el mismo chat, esto es los robos de los $15 millones del Departamento de Educación, esto es las ayudas que nunca se enviaron, la gente que murió de María. Esto es una falta de respeto pa’l pueblo y la gente se cansa. Han sido gobierno tras gobierno de robo, robo, robo”, dijo Rafael.
Virtualmente sin gobierno en funciones, y con todo y protestas, los que se benefician de leyes como las 20 y 22 para inversionistas extranjeros y las Zonas de Oportunidad que los eximen del pago de contribuciones, dicen que siguen operando con normalidad. Business as usual, como dijo el inversionista y desarrollador de hoteles Keith St. Clair en una entrevista reciente. “Open for business”, ha sido la consigna del Gobierno, mientras en los últimos días, en plena crisis, La Fortaleza intenta proyectar una imagen de “normalidad” con Rosselló firmando leyes y haciendo nombramientos.
Business as usual A las 8 de la noche, en el bar Red Monkey en la calle de la Cruz, un grupo de alrededor de 30 extranjeros inversionistas o aspirantes a inversionistas están reunidos en su Criptomonday. En estas charlas se discuten ideas y se cuentan, en formato de entrevista, historias de éxito sobre las inversiones con la moneda digital bitcoin y la tecnología Blockchain. El ambiente es como de club y al mismo tiempo de programa de televisión nocturno, pero no hay cámaras. La audiencia escucha sentada en la barra, en sillas o en un sofá y hacen preguntas a los invitados. Cada vez que el ruido de las protestas alrededor impide escuchar bien, el animador dice por el micrófono “wait, commercial break”. Si se trata de música, como cuando se escuchó la canción Qué bonita bandera, baila un poco y luego continúa con su entrevista. Pregunté a uno de los participantes cómo cree que pueden afectar a las inversiones en criptomoneda la situación política del país, las protestas y el escándalo de corrupción y del chat que se desató la semana anterior. Dijo que no sabía. “Sinceramente no sé, no sé lo que está sucediendo. La semana pasada
También sigue sus trabajos ordinarios la Junta de Control Fiscal y los fondos buitre, quienes la semana pasada continuaban las negociaciones para reclamar el pago de la deuda según muestra el archivo del tribunal. Sigue la precarización del trabajo, los deambulantes en la calle, la pobreza, los asesinatos y la violencia machista. Una consigna que se escucha frente a la Fortaleza indica las expectativas de algunos en las movilizaciones ciudadanas: “Ricky renuncia, y llévate la Junta”. El lunes los gases lacrimógenos no lograron dispersar ni siquiera a los que se iniciaban en el ritual de las protestas. En una esquina de la calle del Cristo estaba Katherine Lugo, de 22 años, graduada de administración de empresas en la Universidad Interamericana. “Yo estoy aquí porque yo creo que todos nos merecemos lo mismo, un techo seguro, una nevera llena, tranquilidad. Yo creo que merecemos lo mejor y que no hay que tener ningún partido electivo para poder querer lo mejor para tu país. Soy de Colombia y llevo varios años viviendo aquí, he continued on next page
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La generación del “yo no me dejo” exige la renuncia de Ricardo Rosselló
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visto cómo por tanto años, yo creo que desde siempre, hemos sido azul y rojo. Y hemos visto que no ha habido ningún adelanto en ningún sentido de la palabra. Y yo creo que eso es suficiente para estar aquí. Las mentiras, la corrupción, los problemas. Yo creo que es bien bonito que el pueblo se haya unido por fin, después de tanto tiempo, que haya salido algo que nos haya obligado a estar aquí, we have to be here”, dijo Katherine.
En el cielo, circula un helicóptero del FURA al que todo el mundo le sacaba el dedo del corazón.
Foto por Mari B. Robles López | Uno de los reclamos de los manifestantes para exigirle la renuncia al gobernador Rosselló Nevares es la inacción del Gobierno para la entrega de suministros y ayuda médica luego del paso del huracán María.
Foto por Joel Cintrón Arbasetti | Centro de Periodismo Investigativo | Joel Elvin Reyes, Giancarlos Martín y Joel Elvin llegaron a la manifestación frente a La Fortaleza desde Cayey.
Aunque desde temprano mucha gente comentaba con emoción la posible llegada de Bad Bunny y esperaban con ansias la aparición de Rey Charlie y su séquito motorizado, esta manifestación masiva no fue convocada por ningún líder, partido u organización. Todo el mundo aquí pide la renuncia del Gobernador y sin embargo, la “generación del yo no me dejo” no tiene esperanza en ninguno de los posibles sustitutos. La falta de liderato y de poder de convocatoria masiva de las organizaciones de la sociedad civil, dan paso a las multitudes en movimiento que, aunque sigan un mismo fin, se organizan y se desplazan de forma fragmentada, orgánica e impredecible. Esta vez, Rey Charlie convoca a los motoristas por las redes sociales, mientras que un meme provoca a cualquiera que se identifique con el sarcasmo del montaje de imágenes y palabras. El sindicato llama a su matrícula a marchar detrás de un cruzacalle. Y tres muchachos se tiran a San Juan desde Cayey. Uno se llama Joel Elvin Reyes, de 17 años, el otro Edward Jonel Rivera de 18, y Giancarlos Martín, de “19 añitos”, como dice, aunque el diminutivo no se corresponde con su altura y su cuerpo robusto. Joel Elvin estudia ingeniería de computadoras en la Universidad Ana G. Méndez de Gurabo, y dice que está aquí “sacando lo único que podemos hacer que es enfrentar al superior pa’ que vea que la fuerza está en la unión. Nos reunimos en una casa, to’ el mundo terminó su jornada diaria y vinimos a apoyar la causa”. Giancarlos estudia Comunicaciones en la Universidad del Turabo y dice que vio convocatorias a la manifestación por las aplicaciones Snapchat, WhatsApp e Instagram. “Esto aquí no es partidista. Obviamente necesitamos un líder y ese líder tiene que demostrar que puede con Puerto Rico y con to’ lo que venga. Si no puede, que arranque pa’l carajo. Tantos boricuas que le tiran la mala a to’s los jóvenes ¿Y quiénes estamos aquí? Los jóvenes”, dijo Giancarlos. Es la primera vez que vienen a una manifestación de protesta. Y los tres dicen que seguirán manifestándose hasta que Rosselló abandone la gobernación.
Para Kimberly Rivera esta es también su primera protesta. Tiene 23 años, es de Vega Baja y estudió sonografía en la UMET de Bayamón. En las pasadas elecciones votó por la candidata independiente Alexandra Lúgaro, quien terminó en tercer lugar.
“Yo siento que es la que tiene la capacidad y la mente. De todas, es la que tú siempre ves en las redes hablando claro. Yo me siento identificada con ella”, dijo Kimberly, quien acompañaba a dos amigas y un amigo que parecían de su misma edad. “Mira esto, ¿quién está aquí, quién está luchando por las injusticias que están pasando ahora mismo? Mi pai’ no está aquí, mi mai’ no está aquí, mi abuela no está aquí. Ellos no quieren estar aquí. Muchos realmente piensan que es una pérdida de tiempo, porque piensan que haciendo esto nosotros no vamos a hacer nada. Yo llegué aquí y dije, ‘vete pal carajo, aquí no hay gente adulta’. La juventud es la que quiere do something with this, arreglarlo; son los que quieren ver cambio. Porque ahora mismo nuestros abuelos no. Mi abuela: ¿PNP? ¿Por simplemente un color? ¿Me entiendes lo que te quiero decir? Tú no te puedes dejar llevar por eso. Tú no puedes poner las manos de nuestro futuro en simplemente un color…”, dijo Kimberly antes de salir corriendo por la calle del Cristo huyendo de los gases lacrimógenos y de otra estampida. Fueron varias en la noche. Hasta pasadas las 2:00 am, cuando culminó la jornada de protestas de esa noche con la quema de varios drones anaranjados frente a la cafetería La Mallorca. La falta de esperanza en cualquier posible sustituto que tiene la ‘generación que no se deja’, refleja que hay un entendimiento común de que, aunque el reclamo inmediato es la salida de Rosselló, las cosas no van a cambiar verdaderamente si no hay una transformación profunda de la estructura social. La nueva generación de manifestantes se inicia en las protestas masivas en el marco de las movilizaciones más contundentes y populares en la historia reciente. Este será su punto de partida para cuando tengan que pedir cuentas a quienes pretendan dirigir al país de aquí en adelante. El Centro de Periodismo Investigativo (CP ) es una organización de medios de comunicación independiente, sin fines de lucro 501 (c) (3) que no acepta ningún tipo de apoyo gubernamental. Nuestra organización recibe donaciones y apoyo de fundaciones, instituciones y ciudadanos que comparten nuestra visión del empoderamiento cívico y valoran la calidad del periodismo bueno y ético. Las donaciones recibidas son deducibles de impuestos en Puerto Rico y los Estados Unidos.
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El Sol Latino August 2019
Puerto Rico’s Multiple Solidarities: Emergent Landscapes and the Geographies of Protest by AURORA SANTIAGO-ORTIZ AND JORELL MELÉNDEZ-BADILLO This article was originally published in the The Abusable Past | July 22, 2019. Reprinted with permission from The Abusable Past- Radical History Review On July 17, 2019, between 400,000 and 500,000 people took to the streets in Puerto Rico to demand the resignation of Governor Ricardo Rosselló. Thousands more marched in solidarity in different international cities. That Wednesday marked the fifth consecutive day of the #RickyRenuncia protests in the archipelago, yet it was not to be the last. The undercurrent that brought a plurality of people together, both in Puerto Rico and the diaspora, was the unraveling of Rosselló’s government. By now, multiple news outlets have covered #TelegramGate; the release of 889 pages of a Telegram chat transcript that Rosselló and his cabinet, advisors, and businessmen participated in. In the long, yet incomplete excerpt, chat members made misogynist, homophobic, transphobic, racist, classist, bodyshaming, and ableist comments about many public and private individuals. The comments sparked outrage among multiple social and political sectors, across political party affiliations or status ideologies. Although this movement emerged organically around the #RickyRenuncia demand, the current protest landscape has created a space for claims across class, gender, sexuality, age, religion, and other social identities. Some of these demands come from long-standing grassroots groups and organizations from the labor sector, student organizations from the University of Puerto Rico, and the nationalist movement to mention some examples. Yet, others have emerged spontaneously, without a centralized structure or hierarchy. Chief of Police Henry Escalera publicly requested a meeting with the organizers of the general stoppage scheduled for Monday, July 22, 2019 in the Las Américas highway. He was met with ridicule on social media because there were no leaders, only el pueblo (the people). While the reaction on the streets has been overwhelming, it should come as no surprise. This mass mobilization is the product of a simmering rage that has been percolating for the past few years, gaining momentum after the recession, university strikes, the imposition of the Fiscal Control Board, the devastating effects and response to Hurricane Maria, and May Day protests of 2017 and 2018. The confluence of these events created a perfect storm. That rage was channeled and erupted into multiple solidarities and introduced new political subjects on to Puerto Rico’s protest landscape. The government could no longer claim it was the same “cuatro gatos” (four cats) that attended the protests, alluding to the “pelús” (long-haired, unruly
people) that are a mainstay in activist circles. These events have catalyzed a space where non-traditional protesters have become politicized through their collective participation, seeking a profound change in the archipelago. This has led to an intersectorial solidarity in the movement because of the multiple grievances that Puerto Ricans seek to rectify. In that sense, the movement goes beyond Rosselló’s resignation and is an assemblage of desires, discontents, and demands of people that occupy different social locations and a plurality of sectors. While the media has focused on the tensions and altercations between riot squad police and protesters, there were other individuals engaging in acts that did not catch the mainstream news’ attention. During the past week, we have seen multiple forms of solidarity among those present at the demonstrations. Residents of the Mariana sector in Humacao prepared and distributed stewed rice for the demonstrators gathered in front of Calle Fortaleza, the street leading up to the Governor’s mansion, which at times resembled a war zone. Others organized solidary childcare or offered their homes through Facebook as a refuge to those planning to protest until the late hours of the night. When the police used pepper spray and tear gas to disperse the crowds, a group of activists distributed Seattle solution to ease the lacerating effects of the chemical weapons. Other activist groups created fundraising and material donation campaigns to prepare safety kits with gas masks and medications for Wednesday’s massive march and rally. This kind of collective praxis of solidarity is interdependent, yet heterogeneous. It lays bare the failure of the colonial apparatus, while functioning as resistance to neoliberal logics of individualism. Puerto Rico’s long history of militant protest and massive mobilization created the political infrastructure for the emergence of the #RickyRenuncia social movement. Labor unions and university students, along with socialist, nationalist, and pro-independence movements have been anticolonial protest fixtures for decades. In 1998, during the administration of Governor Pedro Rosselló, Ricardo’s father, a national movement emerged to protest the privatization of the Puerto Rico Telephone Company. Five years later, people from multiple social sectors came together to demand the expulsion of the Navy from the island municipality of Vieques. These became unifying events for Puerto Ricans from different social groups. While smaller in scale, a series of strikes at the University of Puerto Rico in 2005, 2010-11, and 2017 created new cultures of protest and activism across different generations. We are now seeing the afterlives of these continued on next page
Original artwork by Colectivo La Puerta
Portada / Front Page
Puerto Rico’s Multiple Solidarities
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movements, through the emergence of new political actors and the diverse geographies of protest coming together at this critical juncture. Queer and feminist movements have emerged in recent years and radically altered the politics of protest as usual. One such group has been La Colectiva Feminista en Construcción (La Cole), who have resignified and reshaped the way activism and protest are done in Puerto Rico. Their impact on the public sphere through agitation campaigns led to the expulsion of a Puerto Rican mayor accused of sexual assault. The #RickyRenuncia protest movement has not only included organizations like La Cole, which centers an explicitly intersectional agenda, but also other political actors have joined. One of the most prominent individuals that has gained both support and has convened thousands is Rey Charlie (King Charlie), a working-class motorcycle enthusiast turned social media and popular culture celebrity. On July 17, Charlie led a motorcade with over 3,000 motorcycles and all terrain vehicles towards the mass protest in Old San Juan. Part of the motorcade included stops in different public housing projects and working-class and poor neighborhoods. Rey Charlie is an important and charismatic figure within the broader implications of the movement because he represents the inclusion of the most marginalized sectors that have been absent from traditional political landscapes. He led this motorized procession together with trap and reggaetón artists known in the urban musical genre. When he addressed both the procession members and a Puerto Rican news network via live feed, Charlie transmitted the message of not only calling for the resignation of Rosselló but also mused discursively about marginalization and oppression, acknowledging the political potential of “the poor and humble.” This kind of agentic consciousness has overturned and directly challenged many assumptions on both the left and right about the marginalized classes’ disinterest in political processes beyond the ballot box. Queer groups have also been an important force within the broader #RickyRenuncia movement. El Hangar, a queer space in the Santurce barrio of El Gandul, has taken an active role in this week’s demonstrations. As they acknowledged in one of their calls for protest, “Everyone has autoconvened for the NATIONAL STRIKE…that is why we are extending an invitation to workers, students, Black women, immigrant women, lesbians, gays, transgender, queer, and all diverse identities and communities marginalized by patriarchy and governmental capitalism, to march with us….” Recognizing the multiply oppressed identities of those that have joined the movement, the Hangar is carving an intersectional space that re-signifies traditional leftist protest culture. They are centering the voices of those that have been traditionally left out of the political conversations in Puerto Rico because of their social locations at the margins of the margins. Although various sectors make different claims that go beyond #TelegramGate, they are united under a common goal: getting Rosselló to step down, along with the other corrupt actors of his administration. The morning after the first clash between protesters and the police, the storefronts of Calle Fortaleza bore the cost of the previous night’s confrontations. When asked by journalists about the damage, most business owners sided with protesters, an act without precedent in recent history. This view contrasts heavily with the broken windows and anti-vandalism discourse the government utilizes to seek mass support. Other professional associations, artists, and celebrities have also called for the resignation of Rosselló, leaving him practically ally-less as the protests continue every day. The online protest landscape has been an indispensable element to building momentum and pressure to other politicians in Rosselló’s pro-statehood New Progressive Party. It has also been a space for the global Puerto Rican diaspora to participate and voice their opinion. A similar process happened after Hurricane María, when the diaspora became unified through grief. Now it is rage that ties these diverse sectors together. As we write, we hear the chants of “¡Renuncia Rosselló!” (Rosselló Resign!) and spontaneous cacerolazos (pot banging protests from a particular Latin American tradition)
from our Facebook live feeds. As part of the Puerto Rican diaspora living in the US, it has been through social media that we have been active participants in the protests. We have read and shared information in realtime during the manifestations, and have hosted watch parties with others in both Puerto Rico and abroad. When police have sent signs of shooting tear gas canisters, we alerted our friends and loved ones. To be clear, #TelegramGate is not the only motivator for these protests. They are a manifestation of a larger malaise. The release of the chat transcript represented an “I’ve had it moment.” Puerto Ricans have grown wary of government corruption, neoliberal austerity measures, and the disposability of the lives of those that Rosselló made fun of with his friends in the chat. Perhaps these protests are the product of Puerto Ricans’ simmering anger and centuries of colonial exploitation. The #RickyRenuncia movement is based on a common interest, but the multiple intersectional and intersectorial solidarities being articulated in the streets present new possibilities for political agency. These solidarities are not premised on sameness or a perfect unity of interests, but of a common goal to defeat a common enemy. Only time will tell whether this solidarity is more than a temporal condition, or the beginning of another kind of Puerto Rico that living Puerto Ricans have never seen, but many had envisioned decades, even centuries before. This week finally makes these visions a possibility. AURORA SANTIAGO ORTIZ is a social justice education scholar and PhD candidate at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. JORELL MELÉNDEZ-BADILLO is a Mellon Faculty Fellow (2018-2020) and Assistant Professor of History (2020-) at Dartmouth College. The Abusable Past is a digital venue that emerges from the work of the Radical History Review. For over forty years, Radical History Review has stood at the nexus of historical scholarship and active political engagement. The Abusable Past provides a space for critical scholarship and rigorous debate with implications for how we think through the past, understand the present, and envision the future. The Abusable Past complements Radical History Review with unique and original content related to the praxis of radical history in this social and political moment. COLECTIVO LA PUERTA (apuertabandera@gmail.com) es un grupo de Artistxs Solidarixs y en Resistencia, unidos en la creación de arte contestatario ante las injusticias y atropellos que nos afectan a todxs como País. Busque por @lapuertabandera en Facebook.
at https://www.facebook.com/ El-Sol-Latino-280862535259910
Cita del Mes/ Quote of the Month “Nothing says patriarchal oppression like Ricky Martin,” Sobrino wrote. “Ricky Martin is such a male chauvinist that he fucks men because women don’t measure up. Pure patriarchy.” This is one example of one the conversations of the nearly 900 pages from the messaging app Telegram between governor Ricardo Rosselló Nevares and his close collaborators or “brothers” published on July 13, 2019 by Puerto Rico’s Center for Investigative Journalism. Puerto Rico’s chief financial officer Christian Sobrino accused singer Ricky Martin of being sexist because he’s gay.
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Portada / Front Page
El Sol Latino August 2019
International Collective of Artists Plan Walk Across Puerto Rico PHILADELPHIA, PA - Sin Cita / Without Appointment is a learning journey across Puerto Rico – an opportunity as artists to listen and engage with vibrant and vulnerable communities, while examining our own approaches and strategies to instigate positive social change. In a symbolic effort to mark two years since the arrival of Hurricanes Irma and María, members of four arts and culture organizations are initiating a 114-mile solidarity walk across Puerto Rico, from September 7 - 20, 2019. Our intention is to explore what’s possible when people look inward to revive traditions and cultural practices that support the spiritual and material development of communities. The walk will be captured in a series of video vignettes to be posted daily and a short documentary film featuring interviews with artists, community leaders and others along the route who can express the change, growth, joy, and adversities that residents on the island continue to experience today.
Carmen Atelier, where we will share our experiences and findings with the artist community in San Juan. “As a collective we have been working in the Puerta de Tierra neighborhood of San Juan for the past two years, acknowledging the communities unique working class history through a series of workshops, multimedia reports and public murals. This walk is a continuation of our commitment to engage with communities in Puerto Rico and support their efforts in rebuilding,” said Keir Johnston, co-founder of Amber Art and Design. In 2017, Hurricanes Irma and María devastated vast tracts of land across the archipelago of Puerto Rico, leaving in their wake an unprecedented natural disaster, exacerbated by a man-made disaster - by way of the U.S. government’s willful negligence in providing a timely or adequate response to the crisis. The organizations and individuals participating in the Sin Cita / Without Appointment collaboration are: ArteSana (www.villacarmenatelier.org), a San Juan-based community museum and art space dedicated preserving the cultural legacies of Puerta de Tierra; ArtsEverywhere (www.artseverywhere. ca), an international platform for artistic journalism; Amber Art & Design (www.amberartanddesign.com), a Philadelphia-based public art collective that facilitates social/economic/political transformation through the arts; Heryk Tomassini (www.heryktomassini.com), a Puerto Rican born multidisciplinary artist and architect; and Ken Johnston, an intrepid hiker responding to the call of social change, history and ancestral spirits (www. ourwalktofreedom.com).
Sin Cita / Without Appointment team. Keir Johnston, Amber Art & Design (my brother), Sidd Joag, ArtsEverywhere, Heryk Tomassini, and Ken Johnston, Our Walk to Freedom.
Starting in Quebradillas, in the northwest corner of the island where Hurricane Maria rejoined the sea, the group will walk a diagonal trajectory across the Cordillera Mountains to the southeast coast where the storm first made landfall in Yabucoa on September 20, 2017. At the conclusion of the walk, the collective will convene at the historic Villa
Sin Cita / Without Appointment was born out of our shared interest as a group of concerned international artists focused on ways of advocating community partnership, collaboration and the development of individual cultural expressions towards the advancement of social justice and in defense of basic human rights in Puerto Rico and beyond. For more information groups or organizations wishing to participate in the walk, or to serve as a host family in Puerto Rico, may email us at designamber215@gmail.com. Residents in Holyoke and Springfield who are interested in participating in fitness walks with our team member, Ken Johnston, may contact him directly for meet up instructions, by emailing him at kjohnston16@yahoo.com.
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Boricuas vs. Boricuas?
El reciente anuncio de Alex Morse, alcalde de Holyoke, de que va en busca de la silla del actual Congresista Richard Neal, podría presentar una situación muy interesante para la comunidad y el liderato político puertorriqueño de la región.
Se espera que Morse cuente con el respaldo de muchos de los Boricuas de Holyoke. En Springfield el nivel respaldo Boricua a Morse podría ser diferente ya que por mucho tiempo ha existido una estrecha conexión política de beneficio mutuo entre el Richard Neal y el liderato político y comunitario puertorriqueño de la ciudad.
In Holyoke-Springfield...Boricuas vs. Boricuas?
The recent announcement by Alex Morse, mayor of Holyoke, that he is looking to replace Congressman Richard Neal could present a very interesting situation for the Puerto Rican community and political leadership of the region. Morse is expected to count with considerable support of many of Holyoke’s Puerto Ricans. In Springfield, the level of Boricua support for Morse could be different, due to the fact that for many years there has been a close political and mutually beneficial connection between Richard Neal and the Puerto Rican political and community leadership of the city.
Opinión / Opinion
El Sol Latino August 2019
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Springfield’s Gray House: Caring People Can Change The World by MIGUEL ARCE and WALTER MULLIN What happens when people with plenty of economic resources and those with fewer resources decide to live together? What happens when people are willing to cross over human barriers created by being rich or poor? The answer is clear: Our world is a better place! While most people cannot realistically imagine living in neighborhoods that do not reflect their wealth, our local communities are full of caring people who have moved beyond divisions to “take down the walls”. These people follow in the footsteps of those who began the “settlement house movement” in the late 1800s. Those forerunners and contemporary citizens believed and still believe that living together and sharing in the neighborhood life is/was a way to mediate the negative outcome of life in poverty. The success of this movement is still alive today in Springfield, Massachusetts at the Gray House and it is important to notice it. The Gray House became operational in 1984 with the initial provision of services to meet the needs of economically impoverished people living in the Memorial Square neighborhood in Springfield, Massachusetts. Five Sisters of St. Joseph moved into the North End of Springfield. They dreamed of turning an DR. WALTER MULLIN, Professor of Social Work and abandoned 17 room Victorian MIGUEL ARCE, Associate Professor of Social Work at house at 22 Sheldon Street into Springfield College. a hub for community service. They moved into the second and fourth floors of this gray house as work continued on the first floor. In October of that same year, the founders opened the door and began to provide services to meet the civic, social and educational needs of their neighbors. The five original founders of the Gray House were undertaking an experiment to settle in the community, learn its particular problems and needs, and provide a place where people could come for social and educational activities. They were not there to proselytize but to create an oasis of hope in the 17 room Victorian house. The five founders came to seek, find and create solutions; to live there without pay. Their lives were built upon fellowship, openness, and the belief that everyone benefits when people work together. They were following Vatican II’s directive for those in religious vocations to respond to contemporary social realities and conditions. As they worked to assist their neighbors, they were also meeting their own needs to be of service to others. Their lives were built upon the interchange with those around them. The Gray House founders had come to live and work with a profoundly vulnerable population. The problems were seemingly intractable because of their persistence. The neighbors were vulnerable, especially the children. In the early 1980s, AIDS was a leading cause of death for too many in the Memorial Square neighborhood. Families and the community suffered from distressing life circumstances and events associated with poverty and lack of opportunities. Residents living in the area were not safe from crime. The problems proved to be a constant test of the founder’s beliefs. They began with a social change “radical” life orientation. They had an attitude of experimentation and critical consciousness toward their community development work. They faithfully believed that by working together collaboratively the neighborhood could overcome the negative factors associated with poverty. According to the Gray House website: “The Gray House helps its neighbors meet their immediate needs and addresses the root causes of poverty…….” The founders persisted without tiring to assist directly with the neighborhood problems and over the years, it has come to be that over 5,000 people have been helped by their efforts each year. All
of that is done in partnership with community members who also work in the effort. There are 100 volunteers that share in this. Over the last thirty-five years, the Gray House has consistently envisioned, created, supported and evaluated participatory educational and social programs that lead to personal growth and improved living conditions. The Gray House is a learning center. There is paid and volunteer staff that constantly gives energy and hope to the commitment to social reform. The Gray House community-based services include specific services such as social educational summer programming for neighborhood youth, a food pantry, food pantry, and adult education. It is characterized by an approach that acknowledges and utilizes the interconnectedness from person to family to neighborhood and community. Dorothy Day, a radical during her time, worked for such social causes as pacifism and women’s suffrage. Day, who was the co-founder of the Catholic Workers, believed that “food for the body is not enough. There must be food for the soul.” Sisters of Saint Joseph Catherine Homrok and Jane Morrissey were the last two of the founders who lived and worked at the Gray House. They moved from their house less than a year ago. The founding Sisters of Saint Joseph were activists. They have helped Springfield Massachusetts focus on cleaning up the neighborhood and making it a better place to live. Jane Addams, a social activist and a founder of the settlement house movement in the United States, stated in relation to community development, “Action indeed is the sole medium of expression for ethics.” The Sisters of Saint Joseph and, now, a lay ministry, understand what Dorothy Day practiced and knew, “The final word is love.” This guest opinion is one in a series on living in poverty. DR. WALTER MULLIN (wmullin@ springfieldcollege.edu), Professor of Social Work and MIGUEL ARCE (marce@ springfieldcollege.edu), Associate Professor of Social Work at Springfield College.
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Opinión / Opinion
El Sol Latino August 2019
Gobiernan un país que no conocen por ANA TERESA TORO ORTÍZ Centro de Periodismo Investigativo (CPI) Artículo publicado originalmente en periodismoinvestigativo.com | 17 de julio 2019
Manifestantes en el Viejo San Juan reclamaron el lunes, por quinto día consecutivo, la renuncia del gobernador Ricardo Rosselló Nevares. | Foto por Joel Cintrón Arbasetti | Centro de Periodismo Investigativo
No me cabe la menor duda que ninguno de los integrantes de la Manada Azul se ha enterado o ha entendido qué es lo que ha hecho mal. Me los imagino hablando entre ellos, frustrados y con la saliva envenenada, pensando que lo que han tenido es mala suerte, que los pobres de carácter son los informantes que violaron el código de muchacho de fraternidad estadounidense, y expusieron su intimidad. Me los imagino desahogándose con sus allegados y reflexionando sobre cuán hipócrita es el país porque, según ellos, todos hablamos así con nuestros amigos, todos tenemos ese tipo de chat. Pero qué equivocados están. Día tras otro, el líder de la Manada, el propio gobernador Ricardo Rosselló pide perdón, dice que cometió un error, que no lo vuelve a hacer. Como si lo que revelaron las casi 900 páginas de sus conversaciones electrónicas privadas, con las personas más allegadas a él, — dentro y fuera del gobierno — fuese algo que podríamos llamar error. Decir error, es casi decir accidente, un tropiezo, o quizás, un pequeño error de juicio que se arregla rápido. Un error es algo que puede corregirse. No es el caso de lo que el país ha descubierto en los últimos días. Ricardo Rosselló: ustedes no han cometido un error, ustedes han mostrado al país la profunda corrupción de su carácter y los filtros de misoginia, homofobia, racismo, clasismo y privilegio, a través de los cuales miran al país. Y eso, sépase, incide en todas sus acciones gubernamentales y cotidianas. No se trata de un error de juicio, o de una broma de mal gusto, se trata de la más baja corrupción del carácter. Pero sobre todo, de algo mucho más preocupante: intentan gobernar un país que no conocen. Aquí nadie está tratando de hacerse el mojigato. Claro que los puertorriqueños decimos palabras soeces, nuestra palabra más representativa hoy — puñeta — acompaña igualmente el gozo que la pena, la rabia que el dolor. Claro que muchos hombres en la isla hacen constantemente alusiones sexistas y homofóbicas. Claro que hay racismo y clasismo y la sociedad opera desde injustos y desbalanceados privilegios. Pero sucede que, aún con todo y eso por lo que hay que seguir luchando y educando, los puertorriqueños y las puertorriqueñas tenemos unos códigos, una especie de ética colectiva, un nervio vivo y sensible que ustedes han herido como nadie. Eso es lo que nos ha hecho reaccionar así, en esta enorme y abrumadora ola de indignación. De ese tejido colectivo ninguno de ustedes entiende nada, porque no son como nosotros. Podrán llamarse puertorriqueños, no soy quien para decirles que no lo son. Pero les informo que el aspecto más importante de ser parte de un país, la señal más clara de pertenecer a un
colectivo, es entender en toda su abstracción y profundidad cómo opera el tejido emocional de una sociedad. ¿Cuáles son los nervios colectivos? ¿Qué nos duele a todos? ¿Cuáles son nuestros límites para el humor? ¿Qué consideran sagrado y qué no? ¿De qué podemos bromear y qué va a provocar que todos los muchachos del corillo te digan: cabrón, te pasaste? Serán puertorriqueños si ustedes quieren considerarse así, pero no viven la puertorriqueñidad como la vive la mayoría. Cuando vimos las burlas crueles a la pobreza, a la humildad y dignidad de un muchacho obeso que se fajó trabajando por el partido, cuando vimos las burlas al fallecimiento de figuras indispensables de nuestra historia como Marta Font y Carlos Gallisá. Cuando vimos su homofobia y su racismo, su estilo de vida hipócrita de dos caras todo el tiempo, cuando vimos expuesta su obsesión con las mujeres fuertes y de voz propia que, claramente, les aterrorizan. Cuando los vimos soñar con un futuro “hermoso” en el que no haya puertorriqueños, cuando los vimos burlarse del modo más inhumano posible de la acumulación de cadáveres en el Instituto de Ciencias Forenses, después del paso del huracán María, nos quedó claro a todos, que ustedes llevan ya más de dos años tratando de gobernar un país que no conocen y al que francamente, con ese compás moral, jamás podrán pertenecer. No basta decir con que estamos ofendidos e indignados, no basta hurgar hasta las últimas consecuencias en los posibles delitos que se desprendan de ese chat, es tiempo de remover esa clase política de muchachitos ricos que no conocen el país, que vienen a gobernar un cuatrienio, y salen corriendo a llevarse el dinero a vivir en grandes casonas en los Estados Unidos, trabajando en grandes bufetes, en ese paraíso libre de puertorriqueños con el que suenan. Es tiempo de remover a estas personas que nos han demostrado lo evidente: no hace falta conocer la miseria, para ser miserables. Lo peor, es que a ellos tampoco les mueve demasiado, esta ola de indignación. No saben lo que es un chancletazo. Están acostumbrados a que su dinero, su privilegio, sus padres o sus conexiones, los escampen pronto de los aguaceros y tormentas que dejan a su paso. Al menos, esta mañana, tras las protestas, removieron las sombrillas de la Fortaleza. El símbolo siempre nos ha salvado, pero en esta coyuntura necesitamos mucho más. Ahora andan por ahí, populares y penepés, echando para atrás su indignación, poniéndola en remojo, dando espacios que no hacen falta, barajeando el poder para que no se mueva demasiado. A ambos partidos les conviene que Ricardo Rosselló no renuncie. El Partido Popular Democrático, se regocija ante la posibilidad de llegar a las elecciones con el pequeño y desacreditado gobernante en La Fortaleza. Oportunidad dorada para vengarse por haber tenido que cargar a un gobernador acusado en pleno periodo de elecciones en el 2008. Mientras, en el Partido Nuevo Progresista, Jennifer González y Thomas Rivera Schatz se tomarán su tiempo en pelearse por la candidatura, antes de dar cualquier paso. Ninguno tiene urgencia. Que se quede ahí el payaso, payaseando en lo que se reacomodan sus fichas. Que llene el hueco y mientras tanto, la gente que patalee todo lo que quiera, porque están tan seguros de tener el control. No pueden obrar de otra manera, quienes no conocen la necesidad, no entienden de urgencias. El CPI reconoce que el requisito fundamental para una verdadera democracia es que la ciudadanía esté bien informada y que existan entidades independientes con la capacidad de fiscalizar los poderes que accionan en la sociedad, sean públicos o privados. Si tiene una solicitud de investigación, queja, aclaración, ‘orejita’, prueba, inquietud, u observación sobre alguna información publicada por el Centro de Periodismo Investigativo, Email: info@ periodismoinvestigativo.com Facebook: Centro de Periodismo Investigativo, Twitter: @cpipr Dirección postal: P.O. Box 6834 San Juan PR 00914-6834
Música / Music
El Sol Latino August 2019
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Holyoke Celebró 9no Bomplenazo en el Parque por MANUEL FRAU RAMOS La novena edición del concierto Bomplenazo en el Parque se realizó el sábado 13 de julio en el Holyoke Heritage State Park. El concierto, con la participación estelar de Brendaliz Cepeda y su grupo Bomba de Aquí, reúne anualmente músicos y amantes de este autóctono género musical afro-puertorriqueño. Estuvo acompañada por reconocidos músicos y bailarines dela región, comenzando con Saúl ‘El Pulpo’ Peñaloza, Ramón Gerardo Tapia Rivera, Puto Bryan, José Santiago, Julian Gerstin, Arnaldo Cepeda, Edwin Montalvo, Desaray Rivera y Zachariah Torres, entre otros. Una gran cantidad de amantes de Bomba y Plena, especialmente familias, presenciaron el concierto aun con las altas temperaturas y la fuerte humedad que se dieron ese día. Es la primera vez que el concierto se celebra en el Holyoke Heritage State Park después de no poder conseguir los permisos necesarios para usar el Veterans’ Memorial Park donde se habían celebrado los conciertos en los últimos años. Quejas sobre el ruido en el parque parece de parte de algunos vecinos del área aparentemente fueron la causa para tener que buscar un nuevo sitio para el concierto.
Bomba de Aquí es un grupo puertorriqueño de la región liderado por la talentosa y energética Brendaliz Cepeda. La familia Cepeda es uno de los exponentes más famosos y legendarios de la música popular afropuertorriqueña. Son ampliamente reconocidos por su trabajo en la preservación del patrimonio musical africano de la isla. Las Cepeda son considerados como uno de los precursores de los géneros musicales de Bomba y Plena. Han llevado los ritmos de Bomba y Plena de los barrios puertorriqueños al escenario internacional. Una nueva generación de Cepedas ha tomado la iniciativa de continuar con la tradición familiar de preservar y mostrar esta rica herencia musical en todo el mundo. Uno de los miembros de esta nueva generación es Brendaliz Cepeda, nieta de Don Rafael Cepeda Atiles, patriarca de Bomba y Plena, y su esposa, Doña Caridad Brenes. Bomplenazo comenzó en el 2010. El primer concierto, al igual que los del 2011 y 2012, se celebraron en el patio de la organización comunitaria Nuestras Raíces, bajo la dirección de Anthony O. Wilson Calderón. Anthony fue integrante del Conjunto de Bomba, formado por estudiantes de la Escuelas Públicas de Amherst, dirigido por Nick Shaw.
Brendaliz Cepeda (en el centro con blusa blanca) y su grupo Bomba de Aquí junto a otros artistas participantes Cabezudos hechos por el maestro artesano Kenneth Meléndez
José Rubero y su Caballo de Paso Fino
La actividad musical incluyó organizaciones comunitarias, vendedores de arte, artesanos, exhibición de caballos de paso fino, payasos, vejigantes y una representación de kioskos de pequeños negocios Latinos. Además, por primera vez estuvieron presentes dos cabezudos hechos por Kenneth Meléndez, uno de los maestros artesanos más reconocidos de Puerto rico.
En el 2013, bajo la dirección de Jay Borges y su grupo Kultura Borikua, el evento se movió al Veterans’ Memorial Park. La edición de 2014 fue cancelada tras la repentina muerte de Jay Borges en septiembre de 2013. Los conciertos se reanudaron en el 2015 y siguieron presentándose en el Veterans’ Memorial Park hasta el 2018.. En varias ocasiones el concierto reunió a algunos miembros de la familia Cepeda como lo son Don Roberto Cepeda, Gloria López Cepeda y Brendaliz Cepeda.
Wellesley Professor Explains Reggaeton’s Relationship to the African Diaspora in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic Originally posted on wellesley.edu/news/2019/stories | July 17, 2019 WELLSLEY, MA | WELLESLEY COLLEGE | July 17, 2019 - In his 2012 music video for the song “Robin Hood,” the Afro-Puerto Rican reggaeton artist and actor Tego Calderón opens with a scene of a group of undocumented immigrants from the Dominican Republic who have come to Puerto Rico by boat. Once they are ashore, Calderón offers them directions and assistance. Petra Rivera-Rideau, assistant professor of American studies at Wellesley, has written an essay about Calderon’s video narrative for which she won the Latin American Studies Association’s inaugural Blanca G. Silvestrini Award for outstanding article in Puerto Rican studies. In “‘If I Were You’: Tego Calderón’s Diasporic Interventions,” she focuses on how Calderón depicts the relationship between Puerto Ricans and Dominicans of African descent and highlights an overlooked connection between black people who live in those countries and are members of the African diaspora. “There is absolutely anti-black racism in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic,” said Rivera-Rideau, author of Remixing Reggaeton: The Cultural Politics of Race in Puerto Rico, in an interview. “But it is a mistake to
assume that Puerto Ricans and Dominicans do not identify with blackness. Many do, and it’s important to point out that the depictions of Puerto Rico as the ‘whitest of the Antilles’ comes from dominant ideology created by white or elite Puerto Ricans who wanted to align themselves with the powerful segments of the United States and Europe. To focus on these elites alone is to miss the mark on the ways that many Puerto Ricans and Dominicans see themselves as black and part of the larger African diaspora.” Rivera-Rideau says Dominicans, the largest immigrant group in Puerto Rico, are often the target of xenophobic stereotypes that present them as criminal, lazy deviants. The two communities are also typically depicted as adversaries. But in his video, she wrote in the essay, Calderón presents “alternative ways of imagining the place of Afro-Latinos within the Spanish Caribbean and the African diaspora more broadly.” continued on next page
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Música / Music
El Sol Latino August 2019
Wellesley Professor Explains Reggaeton’s Relationship to the African Diaspora in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic continued from page 11
Most contemporary theories of the African diaspora do not present a complete picture of the history of collaboration between black communities across the Spanish Caribbean, particularly in the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico, according to Rivera-Rideau. As a result, she said, the two countries “have often been left out of conceptualizations of the African diaspora despite the presence of substantial African-descended populations, histories of black resistance, and African-based cultural practices there.” Rivera-Rideau wrote that segments of both countries “downplay or even erase any connection to blackness in their societies.” People in both countries tend to stress their ties to Spain and whitening through interracial marrying or “valorization of whiteness” as they practice anti-black racism. Puerto Rican society, in particular, “upholds Spanish heritage and culture while reducing African and indigenous cultures to stereotypical tropes presumed to have little influence.” Rivera-Rideau notes that Calderón is one of several artists who use reggaeton to address racism and express pride in Puerto Rican blackness. PETRA RIVERA-RIDEAU (priverar@wellesley.edu) is an assistant professor of American Studies at Wellesley University. She earned her B.A. at Harvard University and her M.A. and Ph.D. from the University of California at Berkeley. Her research examines the cultural politics of race in Latin American and Latina/o communities. Rivera-Rideau is primarily interested in how ideas about blackness and Latinidad intersect (or not) in popular culture, especially popular music.
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Educación / Education
El Sol Latino August 2019
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Worried about student debt? STCC offers affordability, flexibility and opportunity SPRINGFIELD, MA | SPRINGFIELD TECHNICAL COMMUNITY COLLEGE | July 22, 2019 – When he was deciding where to attend college, Mohamed Gabriel considered starting at a four-year university. But he ultimately decided to enroll at one of the most affordable higher education institutions in the region: Springfield Technical Community College.
Student Yanira Aviles, of Springfield, said her first semester at STCC was free with help from financial aid programs available at the college. She didn’t graduate from high school and took classes at STCC to earn her high school equivalency diploma (HiSET).
“The expenses I would have been faced with (at a four-year university) would’ve forced me out of school for sure,” said Gabriel, of West Springfield. At STCC, Gabriel not only stayed in school and kept his expenses down, he thrived. He graduated with honors from STCC in May with an associate degree in engineering and science transfer. His next step is to pursue a bachelor’s degree. He plans to enroll at a four-year university this fall. “I’m glad I made the decision to attend STCC, because compared to a four-year university, I ended up earning my associate degree at the cost of just one year at a four-year school – all while I was able to work and support my family,” Gabriel said. “I met and know a lot of students who chose to come to STCC mainly for its affordability as well as its excellent programs.” STCC also offers flexibility by giving students the option to start and end classes on dates outside of the regular schedule. Flex terms, which begin Sept. 3 and Oct. 23, may be ideal Mohamed Gabriel for a student who is giving birth, starting a new job or getting married. Students take accelerated courses, which mean the terms run about half as long as the traditional 14-week semester. Whether enrolling in a regular or flex term, students can save money by starting at STCC and then transferring to a four-year college or university. Data from the Massachusetts Department of Higher Education shows precisely how much students will save by starting at STCC rather than at a four-year institution. During fiscal 2019, tuition and fees for a full-time student at STCC totaled $6,306. The fiscal year ran from July 1, 2018, through June 30, 2019. During that same time span, students at the University of Massachusetts in Amherst paid $16,278 a year for tuition and fees. Some STCC students with plans to transfer save money by taking advantage of Commonwealth Commitment, a statewide program that provides financial incentives to students who begin at STCC and then transfer to a state public college or university, including UMass. For example, a Commonwealth Commitment student who started at STCC in fall 2018 and finishes at UMass in spring 2022 will pay $36,864 in tuition and fees for an associate and bachelor’s degree (not including room and board).
Yanira Aviles
“I came in here with what I had – and I didn’t have anything,” Aviles said. “If it wasn’t for STCC’s programs, I don’t think I’d be here.” The programs at STCC designed to support students include but are not limited to: • The Center for Access Services, which provides a broad range of nonacademic support such as a food pantry for students struggling to make ends meet; • TRIO Student Support Services, which helps students adjust to the college environment and assists with applying for scholarships. TRIO helps students whose parents did not go to college, have a disability or come from low-income families (or any combination of the three); • Tutoring, which includes student and professional academic tutors; • Adult Basic Education Services, which offers free classes for adults to prepare for the high school equivalency test and to learn English; • Gateway to College, a dual enrollment partnership with the Springfield Public Schools that gives high school students the chance to earn free college credit while working toward their diplomas; • Society of Women Engineers at STCC, which gives voice to students in engineering and related STEM fields; and • STEM Starter Academy, which allows recent high school graduates to receive free college courses and earn credits before they start the first semester. The college and the STCC Foundation offer plenty of scholarship opportunities. The Foundation and college provided $1.1 million to support students in fiscal 2019. Maria Ramos, of Agawam, earned an associate degree in biotechnology in May and said she used her scholarship money to pay off loans. “This is going to help me out so much,” she said about the scholarship. Gabriel, the student who considered a fouryear university but decided on STCC in part because of its affordability, received a total of 11 scholarships. As he prepares to continue his educational journey in the fall at another institution, he looked back fondly at his STCC experience.
College President John B. Cook said STCC – because of its low cost and unique programs – is an appealing choice for families in the region interested in many different education goals. “As a technical community college, we are one of the most affordable options, with significant pathways into key fields that include health care, computer science, engineering and the creative economy that includes graphic arts. We provide the most direct access point to higher education for our communities, including first-generation college students, students of color and low-income families.” Cook said. “Nearly 80 percent of our students receive some form of financial aid.” While some take out loans, community college students have fewer student loans than students in other types of institutions, according to a 2011 study of national post-secondary student aid.
She works on campus helping students apply for federal student aid and for the upcoming 2019-2020 academic year was elected to serve as Student Trustee to the Board of Trustees, a governing body which works with the president on fiscal oversight and longrange planning.
“Considering the socioeconomic structure of Springfield, STCC plays a crucial role in improving people’s lives,” Gabriel said. “Because of its affordability as well as its flexibility with class schedules, majors and programs, it’s the smarter choice to make.” María Ramos
Interested in applying to STCC? Visit stcc.edu/apply or call Admissions at (413) 755-3333.
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Educación / Education
El Sol Latino August 2019
New HCC baking course open to all HOLYOKE | HOLYOKE COMMUNITY COLLEGE | July 24, 2019 – This fall, Holyoke Community College will for the first time offer a stand-alone professional-level baking course open to anyone who wants to improve their baking skills. The 14-week evening course, Baking and Pastry Arts I (Culinary 114), will run Mondays from 4:30 to 9:15 p.m., Sept. 9 through Dec. 9, at the HCC MGM Culinary Arts Institute, 164 Race St., Holyoke. The two-credit course, taught by HCC baking instructor Maria Moreno Contreras, is exactly the same as the first of two baking courses required for students enrolled full time in HCC’s Culinary Arts certificate and associate degree programs. For this new course, though, there are no prerequisites, and students don’t have to enroll in any other classes.
working in the food industry who want to strengthen their baking skills or baking businesses, such as people who own food trucks or small bakeries.” If this course is successful, HCC will offer Baking and Pastry Arts II in the spring 2020 semester for students who want to continue. Depending on demand, HCC might also add a full-time baking certificate program to its slate of culinary arts offerings. “A lot of culinary schools have a baking track,” she said. The cost of the course is $547. Seating is limited. To register, contact the HCC Admissions office at 413-552-2321 / Admissions@hcc.edu or apply online at hcc.edu/admissions.
“Anybody can take this course,” said Contreras, of Easthampton, a professional baker who previously worked at the Blue Heron Restaurant in Sunderland and operated her own local baking business, Chilean Sweets. Students in Baking and Pastry Arts I will learn about ingredients, measurement techniques, culinary math, and nutrition as well as the steps required to make yeast breads, quick breads, cookies, cakes, cake decorations, laminated dough, pate a choux, custards, puddings and dessert sauces. “It’s a full-tilt professional baking course,” said Kristine Ricker-Choleva, interim dean of Business. Since the opening of the Culinary Arts Institute in 2018, HCC has received a lot of phone calls from people interested in taking baking classes but who might not have time to attend a comprehensive culinary school. “This course is for anyone who wants to get a good base in baking fundamentals” she said. “It would also be appropriate for professionals
Baking instructor Maria Moreno Contreras of Easthampton in the baking kitchen at the HCC MGM Culinary Arts Institute. (Photo Credit HCC).
Ciencias / Science Heme = Burgers by JORGE L. MURIEL MUNDO Conventional meat burgers (hamburgers) most likely first appeared in the 19th or early 20th. Solely, a sandwich consisting of one or more cooked patties of ground meat, usually beef, placed inside a sliced bread roll or bun, that most people (including me) have experienced at some point in their lives. This unconventional plate was indirectly created as a response to the need to find something that would help to merge middle and lower social classes during the industrialization era (Tennyson, Jeffrey 1993). As an outdoors enjoyable but cheap dish, hamburger’s demand has been significantly increasing since then.
been a recent demand from customers for no-meat burgers as an alternative to conventional meat burgers. This broad initiative is intended to reduce the meat consumption in our daily diets. With the increase of the vegetarian population, the goal of reducing cattle “’livestock” numbers (based on how they negatively affect gas pollution), and/or the need for trying different healthy alternatives by reducing antibiotics consumption, burgers now can be found meatless. Plant-based burgers are an exotic but current alternative that can be incorporated in our diets without any harm or concern. The plant-based heme molecule is identical to the heme molecule found in meat (Impossible Foods, 2011).
Heme is the molecule that gives blood its red color and helps carry oxygen in living organisms. By extracting iron-oriented heme from plants, you can recreate the sensorial properties of conventional hamburgers. Heme and other plant specific ingredients can recreate the characteristic flavor, aroma and texture of the hamburger without affecting anything from conventional hamburgers. Companies like “Impossible Food”, “Beyond Meat Inc.” and others are changing the food industry and making this plant-based burger possible. Just in the U.S., conventional hamburgers are believed to move roughly billions ($) every year. It will not be a surprise if the alternative and delicious plant-based burger becomes one of the most lucrative food businesses in this century.
Interestingly, hamburgers are similar to many other foods that have kept evolving to satisfy the changing cultural population demands. There has
JORGE L. MURIEL MUNDO (Murielmundojorge@gmail.com and/or jmurielmundo@umass.edu) is a Ph.D. student at the Department of Food Science - UMass Amherst.
El Sol Latino August 2019
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Let the countdown begin to our 15th Anniversary!
November 2019
Highlights of El Sol Latino 2010-2012
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El Sol Latino August 2019
El Sol Latino Memorable Front Pages 2010- 2012
Holyoke Public Library ~ A
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Holyoke Local Cultural Council
Romantic Spanish Guitar Concert with guitarists
Orlando L. Zayas and Eliezer Torres
Saturday • August 31, 2019 • 6:30 p.m. Holyoke Public Library 250 Chestnut Street, Holyoke, MA 01040
For more information, call the library at (413) 420-8101. All library programs are open to the public free of charge thanks to our generous donors and supporters. This program is supported in part by a grant from the Holyoke Cultural Council. Parking available along Chestnut Street and in lots adjacent to and immediately across the street from the library.
Eliezer Torres, born in New York City, son of Puerto Rican parents. At age 5 they bought him his first guitar and since then, dedicated his life to this instrument. During his teenage years, he performed alongside a quartet of young ladies; his sisters. His dedication to the instrument has helped him develop a unique style which he teaches to others through different mediums. Eliezer’s versatility in the instrument and love for music moves him to interpret different modes of music; jíbaro, jazz, pop, classical, boleros, gospel, not all inclusive, are all part of his repertoire. Eliezer plays for the love of music and not for recognition which speaks of his humble spirit. With the same dedication, he will interpret music for one individual as well as for the crowds. Throughout his professional musical career, he played with a diverse number of musical groups and made many recordings. Musical groups such as Trio Mizpa, Grupo Siembra, Sol Sin Fronteras, just to mention a few, where influenced by Eliezer musical talent. His fellow guitarist call him “Maestro” for his proficiency, unique style, precise fast fingers, and soft touch on his guitar strings. He has influenced many individuals in the field of music in their recordings, in composing as well as in musical arrangements. Unifying Eliezer’s and Orlando’s guitar has resulted in a duet dedicated to interpreting latin romantic Melodies which the public will enjoy.
Orlando Zayas, born in Ponce Puerto Rico, graduated from the University of Puerto Rico in the mid 70s. While still in High School he showed an interest in music and learned to play the guitar. Participated with several musical groups in his native Ponce while attending the University of Puerto Rico in San Juan. After graduating and working with the State government in the Island he moved to Massachusetts, where he still lives. During the time he lived in Massachusetts he was not involved in musical projects, and it was not until retiring from the Massachusetts state government that began to be more active in music again, playing guitar. In 2013 began to teach himself (with help of online videos) the “Cuban Tres”, an instrument that he had always found to be very versatile to play different types of music. A few years later he teamed up with Eliezer Torres,a masterful guitar player with years of experience, and formed a duet. Their musical interest were very similar, including popular music, semi-classical and Brazilian music. They continue to enjoy playing and developing new ideas in what they do.