El Sol Latino | May 2016 | 12.7

May 2016

Volume 12 No. 7

Un Periódico Diferente / A Different Kind of Newspaper

Washington, You Have a Problem!

Un Periódico Diferente / A Different Kind of Newspaper

Puerto Rico’s crisis made in USA Berta Joubert-Ceci. 11-2 -2015, Workers World

Debt and Drugs: A Toxic Colonial Legacy for Puerto Rico

Un Periódico Diferente / A Different Kind of Newspaper Kari Lydersen. 2-22-2016.

TeleSURtv.net/English

Blaming the Victim: The Puerto Rican Debt Crisis and Neo-Colonialism

Steve1960. 10-27-2015. dailykos.com Un Periódico Diferente / A Different Kind of Newspaper

Does the United States even care about Puerto Rico?

Julio Ricardo Varela. 11-12-2016, nbclatino.com

‘Puerto Rico Is a Colony of the United States’

Illinois Congressman Luis Gutiérrez (D).

2-2-2016.

Photo by Jack Delano

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Editorial/Editorial

Puerto Rico’s Colonial Status: Beyond the Debt Crisis Puerto Rico is in the middle of a humanitiarian, economic, and fiscal crisis. The current situation on the island has a direct impact on our communities as Puerto Ricans are and have been an integral part of the Pioneer Valley for many decades.

In this edition we share with you relevant information about the crisis. We saw the need to bring this topic to the forefront of the public discourse as there seems to be a lack of in-depth discussion about the roots of the pressing problems that Puerto Rico is currently facing. We are reprinting a few articles published in our past editions as welll as new ones.

As an introduction to the topic, we are reprinting a press release from the conference Puerto Rico, The Debt Crisis and Self-Determination: Exploring Paths To Decolonization held April 1315, 2016 at John Jay College of Criminal Justice (CUNY) in New York.

Puerto Rico’s colonial status has recently become a topic of great interest in American media, the federal government and finance circles because of the island’s inability to pay its $72 billion debt.

As a colony Puerto Rico cannot avail itself of United States Bankruptcy laws to restructure its debt and it cannot expect a bailout from the U.S. Confronted with the inaction of the U.S., the three principal Puerto Rican political parties agree that the “commonwealth” arrangement with the U.S. no longer works for the people of Puerto Rico. As a result, and in order to end the Puerto Rican financial and economic crises, it is necessary, they believe, to find alternatives to the status quo.

From an international law perspective, one of those alternatives is self-determination.

Regrettably, much of the discourse about Puerto Rico’s debt crisis has dwelled on just that - the debt, and how to address it. Consequently, the public, including many Puerto Ricans on the island and on the mainland, lacks an understanding of the historical underpinnings of the crisis. Little attention has been focused on the fundamental realities that have led to today’s situation and whether those realities imperil the ability of Puerto Rico - with the help of the federal government - to resolve the crisis and chart a path forward to responsible management of the economy and increased productivity.

Given the lack of attention to these circumstances, this conference will explore how the “commonwealth” status has contributed to the crisis and why the people of Puerto Rico, who form a nation, have been unable to secure their right to self-determination through the United Nations decolonization process. For that purpose, the conference will trace the evolution of the principle of self-determination into an international human right and the establishment of the decolonization process as a method to secure this right as recognized in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. It will also examine how the United States has maintained Puerto Rico as an unincorporated territory through the adoption of a series of laws known collectively as the “Insular Cases.” Finally, it will explore paths of decolonization that can guarantee to Puerto Ricans - residing in Puerto Rico and in the Diaspora - their right to self-determination.

contents

2 Editorial / Editorial Puerto Rico’s Colonial Status: Beyond the Debt Crisis 3 Portada / Front Page Puerto Rico is a Colony of the United States of America 4 King George would be proud 5 Puerto Rico’s Fiscal Crisis is America’s Colonial Crisis 6 Puerto Rican Professionals and Poor Migrate in Large Numbers 7 One in Four Puerto Ricans do not live “The American Dream” 8 In Puerto Rico, incomes drop, poverty increases, and residents migrate 9 The Borinqueneers: The Forgotten Heroes of a Forgotten War 12 O pinión / Opinion Parents and schools: What’s being poor got to do with it?

Tinta Caliente / Hot Ink 13 Libros / Books?

Lo que tengo que contarte 14 Salud / Health Consejos para el Manejo de Alergias en Niños/as 15 Chronic Hepatitis C (HCV): Can be Treated and Cured Conceptos relacionados a la sexualidad humana e identidad de género

Founded in 2004 n Volume 12, No. 7 n May 2016

at https://www.facebook.com/ El-Sol-Latino-280862535259910

Veanos@www.issuu.com/elsollatino

Cita del Mes/Quote of the Month “Unfortunately, we not always practice what we preach.

This is particularly true in reference to the constitutional and political rights of those residing in the US jurisdictions that are not states and the euphemistically called territories or possessions, when de facto colonies.”

Judge Juan R. Torruella Del Valle

Longest-standing federal judge in Puerto Rican history. April 12, 2016 at a conference in the John Jay College of Criminal Justice. Quoted by Noticel.

Editor Manuel Frau Ramos manuelfrau@gmail.com 413-320-3826 Assistant Editor Ingrid Estrany-Frau Managing Editor Diosdado López

Art Director Tennessee Media Design Business Address El Sol Latino P.O Box 572 Amherst, MA 01004-0572

Editorial Policy El Sol Latino acepta colaboraciones tanto en español como en inglés.

Nos comprometemos a examinarlas, pero no necesariamente a publicarlas. Nos reservamos el derecho de editar los textos y hacer correcciones por razones de espacio y/o estilo. Las colaboraciones pueden ser enviadas a nuestra dirección postal o a través de correo electrónico a: info@elsollatino.net.

El Sol Latino welcomes submissions in either English or Spanish.

We consider and review all submissions but reserve the right to not publish them. We reserve the right to edit texts and make corrections for reasons of space and/or style. Submissions may be sent to our postal address or via electronic mail to: info@elsollatino.net.

El Sol Latino is published monthly by Coquí Media Group.

El Sol Latino es publicado mensualmente por Coquí Media Group, P.O Box 572, Amherst, MA 01004-0572.

Portada / Front Page

El Sol Latino May 2016

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Puerto Rico is a Colony of the United States of America On February 4, 2016 during a House Committee on Natural Resources hearing about Puerto Rico’s economic crisis, Illinois Congressman Luis Gutiérrez (D) shared his thoughts about the island’s problems. Here are some highlights of his speech: I’m just going go back to the memorandum that was issued to everyone. At the end of the second paragraph on background, it says: ‘Congress retains plenary authority under Article IV, Section 3, Clause 2 of the U.S. Constitution to determine the ultimate disposition of the political status of Puerto Rico.’

That fact is that the Congress of the United States retains plenary powers over everything in Puerto Rico, not just the status of Puerto Rico. And that is fundamentally what should be at issue too at this hearing, because you can’t resolve one without the other. You want to take the government of Puerto Rico, that doesn’t control how merchandise is brought in or out, because the Jones Act says we must use the U.S. Merchant Marine. We’re not going to discuss that here today, tomorrow, or anytime between now and March 31st yet the consumers in Puerto Rico need.

You want to talk about economic development? How do you have economic development if your energy is outlandishly expensive, and if you don’t invest in making sure that you have a clear water supply in a tropical island? So, look, there’s a lot of things, but fundamentally let’s deal with one thing because the background statement doesn’t say it.

Why don’t we all just come to the conclusion, which I’m sure Mr. [Pedro] Pierluisi agrees as the resident commissioner of Puerto Rico — Puerto Rico is a colony of the United States of America. Puerto Rico is war booty from the war in 1898. It wasn’t– I mean, how does Puerto Rico become part of the United States of America? It wasn’t like the Puerto Ricans all got together one day, held a convention and said, “Would you allow us?” No. It was a military intervention in Puerto Rico.

The truth is, that we don’t control in Puerto Rico any of the basic things. We don’t control who comes to the island or who leaves the island because that’s controlled by the federal government. Our court system? No, you simply appeal to the [U.S.] Supreme Court …. and the laws that we pass here.

So when people say, “Oh, the people of Puerto Rico, they’re responsible for everything that happened bad there and they need to take responsibility” — no, the Congress of the United States has to assume responsibility over Puerto Rico, because we have, as is stated here, plenary powers over the people of Puerto Rico.

Why are we having this hearing here, and why aren’t they having it in Puerto Rico? Because they can’t have it there cause they don’t have those plenary powers.

Puerto Rico belongs to but is not a part of the United States of America. I am not saying that. That is what the Supreme Court of the United States of America stated. Puerto Rico is a colony of the United States. There is no way around it. Otherwise we would not be here and the statement as made by the Committee, very ably, that we have plenary powers over the people of Puerto Rico.

Let’s restructure this debt…Let the Congress of the United States take the heel off the people of Puerto Rico, and let them live prosperly, let them have the economic development that they so deserve.

Credit: Office of Congressman Luis Gutiérrez.

Foto del Mes/Photo of the Month

Panelists of Empire Nakedness: Financial Colonialism and the Oversight Board Over Puerto Rico Center for Latin American, Caribbean and Latino Studies UMass Amherst 4-20-2016 Foto MFR. Facilitators Professor Roberto Alejandro - Political Sciences, and Professor Agustín Laó Montes - Sociology, with panelists Hugo Delgado Martí - Spokesperson for the Workers Socialist Movement and Physics teacher at Miguel Such Vocational High School, Professor Emilio Pantojas García - principal researcher at the Center for Social Research and Professor of Sociology at UPR – Río Piedras The video is available in the Facebook page of The Center for Latin American, Caribbean and Latino Studies (CLACLS).

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Portada / Front Page

El Sol Latino May 2016

King George would be proud

He said the proposed Control Board “is a new level of colonial rule on top of what Washington already has; what Washington already misuses; what Washington would usually rather ignore.”

On April 14, 2016, Rep. Luis V. Gutiérrez (D-IL) spoke on the floor of the House of Representatives offering his analysis of the Republican proposal to address the debt crisis in Puerto, with a little help from a portrait of King George III of England. The Congressman, whose parents were born in Puerto Rico, said that my friend here “King George would be proud” of the GOP bill. Gutiérrez spoke about the importance of giving Puerto Rico the ability to restructure her debt so that the bond-holders get something instead of nothing on their investment, and the local government is not crippled, and the people are not faced with a collapse of basic services Rep. Gutiérrez said, “As we were reminded Source: House of Representatives yesterday by the Speaker of the House, Puerto Rico is a U.S. territory and the Constitution explicitly gives Congress the power to “make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the U.S.” He added that, “And treating Puerto Rico as property is just what is being proposed by the Republicans in addressing the Puerto Rico debt crisis”.

Rep. Gutiérrez praised Governor Alejandro García Padilla and his staff for being “honest and tireless brokers, trying to resolve a crisis decades in the making.” But he criticized Congress for preventing the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico from declaring bankruptcy like any other “local government in crisis [when] bondholders are circling and demanding payment.”

King George of England would be pleased to know that even after 250 years, the U.S. Congress – created to replace his tyrannical rule – has so fully embraced colonialism for distant territories.

The Congressman concluded, “This Congress should reject the King George approach and free Puerto Rico so that its hardworking people can build the Island.”

“We should put them above all other creditors, bondholders, and profitseekers. That ought to be our priority. The school children, the elderly, the working men and women, the police on the beat, they need us to stand up for them as fellow citizens and human beings. ” Rep. Gutiérrez represents the Fourth District of Illinois, is a Member of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, is a Member of the House Judiciary Committee and is the Co-Chair of the Immigration Task Force of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus.

Source: Office for Congressman Luis Gutiérrez.

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El Sol Latino May 2016

5

Puerto Rico’s Fiscal Crisis is America’s Colonial Crisis by ANGELO FALCÓN | Published in El Sol Latino – August 2015 Puerto Rico My heart’s devotion Let it sink back in the ocean Always the hurricanes blowing Always the population growing – Anita opens the song “America” in West Side Story (1961) –

Puerto Rico’s fiscal perils are currently in the news, playing off of the debt crisis of Greece and forcing a comparison between the two. With over $72 billion dollars of debt, Puerto Rico finds itself financially vulnerable, since it is neither a sovereign nation nor a state of the U.S., making comparisons with Greece or even Detroit somewhat misleading.

With an over-$600 million debt payment due on July 1st, many informed observers believe Puerto Rico is on the verge of defaulting. For an island with a poverty rate approaching 50 percent, a public debt that amounts to over $20,000 per inhabitant (more than its median income of $19,518) and nearly 95 percent of its economic output (compare d to only 2.4 percent for the 50 states combined) is, well, quite unsustainable.

In April, U.S. Treasury Secretary Jacob Lew let officials in Puerto Rico know that the United States would not be bailing them out, a move reminiscent of President Gerald Ford’s response to New York City’s 1975 fiscal crisis, which the Daily News summed up on its front page as “Ford To City: Drop Dead!”

While most of the attention in Puerto Rico’s case focuses on technical issues relating to the solvency of municipal bonds and austerity measures, the history of U.S. policies that have resulted in more than three and a half million Puerto Ricans being treated as second class citizens goes largely ignored. Puerto Rico, which is consistently shortchanged in the federal budget, is currently facing looming Medicare cuts while the states receive increases—and this in spite of the fact that the people of Puerto Rico have carried the full load of payroll taxes for the program! With a poverty rate of 45 percent (more than double that of Mississippi), Puerto Rico has had serious long-term economic problems that, like its current massive public debt, have been historically papered over.

Ever since the United States took Puerto Rico from Spain in 1898, the island has existed in a political twilight zone, mired in an endless and unproductive debate over its political status.

Today, its future lies utterly in the hands of what everyone will agree is a dysfunctional United States Congress.

Although the people of Puerto Rico have been U.S. citizens since 1917, they do not have the right to vote for the U.S. President and are only

represented in Congress by a single, non-voting member. In addition, bankruptcy laws available to U.S. citizens are not available to Puerto Rican residents.

In the now classic play and film, West Side Story more than fifty years ago, the recurring migrant disagreement about the virtues of the home country versus their new life in the United States two of its major Puerto Rican characters, Anita and Bernardo, still resonates today. As one reads the news coverage of Puerto Rico’s current fiscal crisis, it leads one to wonder if the United States will be letting Puerto Rico “sink back in the ocean.” But there is an interesting difference from the situation they were debating musically half a century ago: Puerto Rico’s population has been growing but not within its own borders.

Instead the size of the stateside Puerto Rican population is increasing well beyond that of the Island. Will this growing Puerto Rican diaspora, now a majority of the total Puerto Rican population become the key to keeping the territory afloat, playing the role of the leading Puerto Rican character Maria uniting the two gangs, the White Jets and the Puerto Rican Sharks standing in today for the United States and Puerto Rico, in a common cause of survival?

In April, the National Institute for Latino Policy (NiLP) conducted a survey of 345 Latino thought leaders throughout the United States. Among other things, the survey asked what the U.S. response to Puerto Rico’s fiscal crisis should be.

Close to two-thirds (65.4 percent) of stateside Puerto Rican respondents thought the United States should assist Puerto Rico with bankruptcy protections and financial assistance. Just 14.3 percent supported total inaction on the part of the United States, and only 5.1 percent supported a full U.S. takeover of Puerto Rico’s finances.

However, with only pluralities of the other Latino thought leaders surveyed also agreed that the United States should assist Puerto Rico, there appears to be much work to be done to mobilize the over Latino population around this issue, not to mention the general public.

The Puerto Rican diaspora has many political assets that can assist and have done so numerous times in the past. There are four Puerto Rican voting members of Congress (two from New York and one each from Illinois and Idaho), numerous other elected officials at the local and state levels, and even an Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court. They are not only largely concentrated in the influential Washington, DC to Boston corridor but also a major presence in the increasingly important battleground state of Florida as the 2016 U.S. Presidential election looms.

The colonial paradox here is that Puerto Rico’s fiscal crisis has forced a mass migration to Florida

in ways that leverage its potential impact in Presidential elections.

The American colonial bureaucracy cites its lack of authority to intervene. In the meantime, the hedge fund vultures are circling Puerto Rico, sensing a fiscal death spiral they can feed off and caring little about the consequences for nearly four million residents as they manipulate a financial system largely devoid of any social conscience.

The big question is whether this potential Puerto Rican diaspora political firepower can be mobilized effectively. There is, for example, a bill before Congress that would place Puerto Rico under U.S. bankruptcy laws on a limited basis that would cover about two-thirds of its current debt. However, while there is a consensus in Puerto Rico across party lines supporting this measure, it is not getting much traction in Washington (so much for Puerto Rican “selfdetermination”!). There are those who, in fact, feel that it does not go far enough.

The reality is that there is a need for a more comprehensive approach by the United States to address Puerto Rico’s serious fiscal crisis. Besides more comprehensive Congressional action, the White House and its Treasury Department need to become more proactive and creative, all a longshot given the existing party gridlock that exists.

A large part of the problem is the lack of recognition Puerto Rico gets from the American public, which translates into what some refer to as “selective inattention” by the federal government. The federal courts’ characterization of Puerto Rico as “foreign in a domestic sense” nicely sums up its uniquely American colonial dilemma. The current thinking is that it might just be up to the Puerto Rican diaspora in the United States, now numbering more than 4.6 million, to move the needle on resolving Puerto Rico’s fiscal crisis.

Can the stateside Puerto Rican run Gordon Gekko out of Puerto Rico’s Milla de Oro, a one-mile stretch in San Juan also known as the “Wall Street of the Caribbean”?

The bottom line is that Puerto Rico is the United States’ largest colony that it decided to take by force 117 years ago and has since treated like a resented orphan it has consistently undernourished politically and economically. Puerto Rico’s current fiscal crisis is, in this sense, really a crisis of American colonial policies. Will the United States accept responsibility for the negative consequences of its imperialist past? The irony would be if it is the Puerto Rican diaspora that finally makes the United States’ accountable on this issue.

This article was originally published in City and State (June 20, 2015). Angelo Falcón is President of the National Institute for Latino Policy (NiLP).

For more information, visit, www.latinopolicy.org.

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Portada / Front Page

El Sol Latino May 2016

Puerto Rican Professionals and Poor Migrate in Large Numbers

by CENSUS INFORMATION CENTER, UPR-CAYEY Published in El Sol Latino – March 2016

migration of professionals increased on average by 16% (1,500 more professionals) over the period 2005-2009.

CAYEY, PR. February 17, 2016. Census Information Center, UPR-Cayey Since the beginning of the current economic downturn in 2006 to 2014, 609,000 people have migrated from Puerto Rico to the United States. On the other hand, 243,000 have migrated from the United States to Puerto Rico. Therefore, the Census Information Center (CIC) of the University of Puerto Rico in Cayey reported that net migration of Puerto Rico to the United States has been around 366,000 people for the referred period covering nine years. Of these, 15% (56,000) had a baccalaureate or higher degree, which could represent a significant brain drain. Data was obtained from the American Community Survey of Puerto Rico, conducted by the Census Bureau.

“It is important to note that this is not an irreversible situation. Several studies indicate that this pattern is linked to the economic depression so if the economy is reactivated we may see a decrease in the brain drain and even a return migration such as the one that took place in the 70s, “ added Dr. Caraballo Cueto, who also has a doctorate in Economics.

“While it is true that in the migration to the United States there is a proportional representation of all levels of schooling of Puerto Rico, it is also true that in absolute terms decreased stock of human capital has occurred.

However, when it comes to migration it is vital to consider the thousands of people returning from the US to Puerto Rico. It is true that every year professionals come and go but in net terms there are 56,000 less. These most likely studied in Puerto Rico, either in state institutions or in private schools that enjoy tax exemptions; in both cases they are grants made by the government of Puerto Rico and are complemented by federal funds,” said Dr. José Caraballo Cueto, director of the only CIC in Puerto Rico, located in the Institute for Interdisciplinary Research UPR-Cayey.

“You can feel how migration has served as a safety valve for both the unemployed and for poor people. However, contrary to the vast majority of Latin American countries, Puerto Rico does not receive a significant amount of remittances from the migrants so the short-term benefits of this migration is to alleviate the socio-economic tensions in the country,” said the CIC director.

13% of professional migrants from Puerto Rico to the United States were unemployed during the period 2005-2009, a rate that rose to 17% between 2010 and 2014. And is, in fact, during the period 2010-2014 when the net

However, not everyone who migrates to the United States is a professional with a bachelor’s or higher degree. In fact, since the economic downturn began in Puerto Rico, a total of 246,000 poor people have migrated to the United States. According to the CIC, if these 246,000 poor people had not migrated, the poverty rate for Puerto Rico would amount to 50% for the year 2014 rather than the 46% recorded.

According to the Census Bureau, a person who lives alone is poor if their monthly income is $1,006 or less. This amount is adjusted if there are more people in the house. The CIC is attached to the Census Bureau and the Institute for Interdisciplinary Research, whose aim is to disseminate data from economic and population census to the communities. They also conduct research for private and public organizations. For more information, please call (787) 738-2161 extension 2615 and 2616 and jose.caraballo8@upr.edu.

Translated by El Sol Latino

Portada / Front Page

El Sol Latino May 2016

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One in Four Puerto Ricans do not live “The American Dream”

by CENSUS INFORMATION CENTER, UPR-CAYEY Published in El Sol Latino – February 2015 CAYEY, PR. December 18, 2015. Census Information Center, UPR-Cayey Puerto Ricans living in the United States have a higher poverty rate than Latinos in general who have a poverty rate of 24%. The Census Information Center (CIC) at the University of Puerto Rico in Cayey (UPR-Cayey) reported that 26% of the Puerto Rican population in the United States in 2014 was below the poverty levels, a ratio that is more than double that of whites (10.8%) and the Asian population (12.5%). The incidence of poverty is even greater for Puerto Ricans born in Puerto Rico living in the United States, whose rate exceeds the 27.5% poverty incidence among blacks (27%). This is according to the American Community Survey of the US, the most comprehensive source for studying poverty in that country.

“While it is true that poverty in the US is lower than in Puerto Rico and for many migration is an economic progress, for others the migration has not been a panacea: more than 1.3 million Puerto Ricans living in the United States have incomes that do not allow them to obtain a minimum standard of living. This despite the fact that Puerto Ricans seem to have certain advantages over other Latinos such as US citizenship and a better command of English. So I am surprised that the poverty of the Puerto Rican diaspora is not in the US arena, “said Dr. José Caraballo Cueto, director of the only CIC in Puerto Rico located in the UPR-Cayey.

According to the survey carried out in all states, poverty for the entire population in the United States increased from 2006 (13.3%) to 2014 (15.5%). This has also increased poverty for Puerto Ricans in the United States who had a rate of 24.6% in 2006 which then rose to 26% in 2014.

This was the case for almost all ethnic groups in the United States. In the case of Puerto Ricans born in Puerto Rico, the poverty rate increased from 25% in 2006 to 27.5% in 2014.

“This trend of poverty for the general US population has begun to decline as the US economic crisis ended. In the case of the Puerto Rican population, as there is more migration of poor Puerto Ricans and increased inequality in the United States, this trend may be reversed later on. However, this high incidence of poverty in the Puerto Rican population in the US is not new, as yet for 2000 (a year of economic bonanza) there were 25.8% poor Puerto Ricans in the United States. Hypotheses about the causes of the disproportionate poverty range from continuous or circular migration of Puerto Ricans in the United States to lack of skills or education levels of Puerto Ricans living in that country. I honestly believe that further academic studies on the causes of the Puerto Rican poverty in the United States are needed,” said Caraballo, also a Doctor in Economics.

According to the Census Bureau, a person living alone is poor if its monthly income is $1,006 or less. That amount is adjusted if there are more people in the house. The CIC is attached to the Census Bureau and the Institute for Interdisciplinary Research, whose aim is to disseminate economic and population census data to the different communities.

Translated by El Sol Latino

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El Sol Latino May 2016

In Puerto Rico, incomes drop, poverty increases, and residents migrate by MANUEL RAMOS FRAU Published in El Sol Latino – November 2015 Data recently released by the US Census Bureau, together with findings published by other studies highlight a picture of deterioration in Puerto Rican society. The picture presented is a society characterized by high levels of poverty, a high rate of emigration, and a disproportionate increase in the elderly population.

According to the Census Bureau, the percentage of people living below the poverty level in Puerto Rico increased last year as household income levels fell, from 44.9% to 46.2% between 2012 and 2014.

Between 2013 and 2014, the percentage of households receiving some form of government assistance increased from 37.7% to 38.6%. The median income of Puerto Rican families fell $255 between 2012 and 2014, according to data of the Census Community Survey of 2014.

Moreover, the report “Kids Count Data Book” published in 2015 by the Annie E. Casey Foundation and the Instituto del Desarrollo de la Juventud de Puerto Rico indicates that a total of 475,000 children live under the poverty level. The report highlights that 83% of these children live in areas with high levels of poverty.

The report also yields important information about the current financial and structural situation of the Puerto Rican family. At this time, 60% of children live in households where parents are unemployed, and in 82% of these households the mther is the sole bread winner of the family.

According to census data, the following have the highest poverty levels on

El Sol Latino the May 2014- Guánica (63.2%), Lares (62.3%), Lajas, (61.2%) and Orocovis island 9 1/8 x 5 3/8 (60.4%).

In May 2015, economist Bernardo Kliksberg, Senior Advisor of the United Nations Organization for Human Development, said during a conference held on the island that the preliminary findings of the First Human Development Report for Puerto Rico showed that the country is facing “one of the highest rates of inequality around the planet.”

The economic recession, which has extended for nearly a decade, has not only worsened the poverty levels, but has also helped to accelerate the migration of Puerto Ricans to the mainland.

Figures from the American Community Survey and the Puerto Rican Community Survey estimated that in 2014, 64,000 Puerto Ricans left the island. That same year, only 20,000 returned to the island. This represents an increase in migration of 38% between 2010 and 2014. Since 2005, the island has been losing population at an alarming rate.

The population loss is particularly noticeable within the prime working age and in the pre-college student group. At the beginning of the 2015-2016 school year, Puerto Rico’s Secretary of Education announced that the school system suffered a drop of 31,132 students compared with last year. The most dramatic losses were in kindergarten and high school. The umbrella organization of private schools in Puerto Rico, announced that the private sector also suffered a drop in student enrollment but not as dramatic as the public schools.

The majority of the towns and cities on th island have lost population during the past decade due to this new wave of migration. Only five towns Naguabo, Toa Alta, Dorado, Gurabo, and Barceloneta - saw an increase in the number of residents. The towns of Culebra and Las Piedras, have managed to keep the same number of residents during this period.

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Portada / Front Page

El Sol Latino May 2016

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The Borinqueneers: The Forgotten Heroes of a Forgotten War By HARRY FRANQUI RIVERA This week, dozens of aging combat veterans made their way to Washington D.C. Early on the morning of Wednesday, April 13, they completed an almost mandatory circuit taking them from the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Arlington National Cemetery to the World War II and Korean War memorials in the National Mall. They took part in wreath laying ceremonies at these monuments–an act of remembrance and respect for those fallen in combat and the ones still missing. Many of the veterans couldn’t contain their tears as the bugle played “Taps”. Who knows where the melody transported them? Did they remember battles fought? Friends lost? The terror of war? The pride they felt for their service? The price they paid in their youth?

This scene is a common occurrence at these sites. Veterans from the many wars this country has fought find their way to these monuments triggering memories of days long gone and reopening unhealed, invisible wounds. This time, the majority of these veterans were Puerto Ricans who fought in the Korean War with the 65th U.S. Army Infantry Regiment—also known as el sesenta y cinco de infantería. Regardless of where they came from they were all Borinqueneers.

The wreath laying ceremonies were only the beginning of a long day which ended on a high note at Emancipation Hall in the Capitol building. The Borinqueneers were there to witness the unveiling of the Congressional Gold Medal awarded to the regiment on June 10, 2014. Earning this medal was no small feat. Since the American Revolution, Congress has commissioned gold medals as its highest expression of national appreciation for distinguished achievements and contributions. Since George Washington received it in 1776, only 158 individuals and entities have been awarded the medal to date. The 65th is the first unit to receive it for service during the Korean War. They join Roberto Clemente, who earned it posthumously, as the only Puerto Rican or Latino CGM recipients.

Think about this for a second; the medal represents the highest expression of national appreciation for distinguished achievements and contributions. What were these men’s contributions and achievements? Why do we honor them today for service performed during a conflict known as the “Forgotten War” more than sixty years ago? The answers lie in the nature of these men’s service–a service that many times required them to fight on two fronts. They fought relentless North Korean and Chinese soldiers in fierce combat in the hills,

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valleys, villages and cities of Korea. They also fought discrimination, often times coming from the men supposed to be leading them. The role of the Puerto Rican soldiers in Korea was as important at the Navajo Code Talkers’, the Tuskegee Airmen’s or the Nissei Regiment’s role in WWII in destroying racial prejudices holding that that non-Whites were inferior men, unfit for combat, and undeserving of equality and self-determination and self-rule.

The 65th Infantry originated as Puerto Rican outfit in the form of the Battalion of Porto Rican Volunteers (May 20, 1899) in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War of 1898. They were regarded as colonial troops, part of the first “American Colonial Army.” In 1908, and by then a regiment, the unit officially became part of the U.S. Army. It came to be known as the Porto Rican Regiment. During WWI the regiment was sent to the Canal Zone in Panama- far from the European battlefields. In 1920, the unit’s name changed from the Porto Rican Regiment to the 65th Infantry Regiment, United States Army.

While African-American troops saw their role extended during WWII, greatly in part to Black leaders’ involvement in demanding access to combat positions and officers commissions, Puerto Rican units were kept from any assignment that may involve combat. The 65th served in North Africa and Europe during World War II, but not as first-line troops. Military authorities, reflecting the racial prejudice of the time, kept the regiment far from the front. The military followed a policy of racial segregation in which combat roles, with a few exceptions, were reserved for White troops. The military’s institutional racism had unintended consequences.

As the 65th was kept from combat it underwent all kinds of training and its men and officers dutifully prepared for war. Non-combat assignments meant that the Borinqueneers suffered very few casualties throughout the war. By WWII’s end the 65th was a superbly trained and well-disciplined combat regiment.

The story of the 65th could’ve ended right after WWII as the U.S. military rapidly demobilized the 12 million Americans in uniform. There was no reason to keep the “Rum & Coke” outfit around (as the 65th was referred to in derision). The unit was being gradually demobilized. However, on June 24, 1950, war broke out in Korea. We know what happened next. An unprepared U.S. military had to scrap the bottom of the barrel to find men and units ready for combat. In Puerto Rico, the National Guard was activated, and the 65th was mobilized and ordered to Korea. continued on next page

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Portada / Front Page

El Sol Latino May 2016

The Borinqueneers: The Forgotten Heroes of a Forgotten War

continued from previous page

or Japan before landing in Korea. Their return was different, especially for the wounded and repatriated prisoners of war (POW).

Photo supplied by Franqui Rivera . Borinquneers laying wreath in front of the pillar representing PR participation in WWII.

As any other American soldiers, gravely wounded Puerto Rican would be evacuated from Korea and find their way to the continental United States. After a stay in Walter Reed Medical Hospital, most of these men would be returned to Puerto Rico. Their voyage was one that millions of Puerto Ricans after them would undertake. They would fly from Baltimore to LaGuardia Airport in New York where they would stay for a day or two. Once in New York, the returning soldiers would participate in parades in el Bronx and in Harlem. The city’s mayor would usually meet them along with city and community leaders and offer the key to the city to them. Their heroics were highlighted in articles next to news on the persecution of Puerto Ricans from Brooklyn to el Bronx. Moreover, they would return to the island aboard recently refurbished Eastern Airlines planes. This firm flew many soldiers, free of charge, to the island. The airline’s advertisement for the new non-stop flights from San Juan to New York dotted the Puerto Rican and Latino press in the city.

The Borinqueneers were going to war as first-line combat troops, as part of the Army’s 3rd Infantry Division. On October 12, 1950, Puerto Ricans learned that the 65th was fighting in Korea. The island’s newspapers were full of stories and pictures of the soldiers and the ceremonies held previous to their departure.

Island-wide, the people of Puerto Rico joined to support the 65th throughout the war. Governor Luis Muñoz Marín often made reference to the men of the 65th in his speeches. The crest of the 65th was displayed in public buses and train cars. Plazas and avenues were named to honor the regiment. Returning soldiers, especially the wounded, were received as heroes and treated to public receptions by government officials. Muñoz Marín himself attended the burials of the fallen and sent his recorded speeches to the troops in Korea. In those early days of the war, there was not a day in which the island’s press failed to write about the Puerto Rican soldiers–and what their actions meant for Puerto Rico.

During the war, the 65th became a national icon on the island and among the growing Puerto Rican communities in the mainland. The island-based press and elected officials linked fighting in Korea with decolonization and the commonwealth formula. Moreover, lengthy press editorials and the governor made reference to the 65th as a catalyst for achieving full manhood, forging a modern Puerto Rican, and a modern Puerto Rico.

Among the growing Puerto Rican colonial in New York the actions of the Borinqueneers and Puerto Ricans were used in what we call nowadays “policies of respectability.” At a time in which mainstream media and social sciences talked openly about the “Puerto Rican problem” as more and more Puerto Ricans migrated to the continental U.S., local publications highlighted the Borinqueneers’ heroics to counter the community’s detractors.

The majority of the 61,000 Puerto Ricans who fought in the Korean War came from the island. Many served with the 65th. The vast majority were volunteers who several times completed the island’s monthly recruiting quota. The chance that they may be sent to the 65th motivated thousands of Puerto Ricans to volunteer for service both in the mainland and on the island. Throughout the conflict 3,540 Puerto Ricans became casualties of war, of whom 747 were killed in action.

The odyssey of these men helped established a bridge, and air route between New York and the island, and it helped to ensure the survival of Puerto Rican communities in the eastern seaboard. Recruits and volunteers came mostly from the island. They were transported in cargo ships from Puerto Rico through the Panama Canal and from there to Korea, sometimes stopping in Hawaii and/

Photo supplied by Franqui Rivera. Wretah with 65th unit crest in front of the monument to the Korean War.

The actions of the Borinqueneers during the first half of the war elevated them to iconic status- living proof of what Puerto Ricans could do when given the opportunity, showing they were second to none, inferior to no one. Then, tragedy struck. The replacement of highly-trained, combat-hardened troops with poorly trained—yet enthusiastic—recruits who spoke little English; an acute dearth of bilingual sergeants (the backbone of the American military); and new Continental officers that did not speak Spanish (some of whom openly showed their disdained for Puerto Rican soldiers) led to tragic events during the battles of Outpost Kelly and Jackson Heights in the autumn of 1952. The back-to-back

continued on next page

Portada / Front Page

El Sol Latino May 2016

The Borinqueneers: The Forgotten Heroes of a Forgotten War

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continued from previous page

debacles were followed by a series of mass court martial in which eighty-seven enlisted men and one Puerto Rican officer received sentences ranging from six months to ten years, and total forfeiture of wages and dishonorable discharges for charges varying from willful disobedience of a superior officer to cowardice before the enemy.

In 1953, the Secretary of the Army reviewed the cases and remitted the unexecuted portions of the sentences of all but four of the accused. The soldiers who had their sentences remitted were returned to duty. On March 4, 1953, an Army spokesman announced that the Army had decided to integrate the 65th Infantry with Continental troops, and to redistribute to other units the excess Puerto Rican troops. The 65th would no longer be a Puerto Rican unit. Despite the soldiers’ objections the regiment was quickly integrated as planned.

In 1954, the 65th Infantry returned to Puerto Rico and was reconstituted as an all-Puerto Rican formation. The island had its regiment back, but not for long. It was deactivated in 1956.

Colonel César Cordero, who had led the 65th during the tragic battle for Outpost Kelly, led a campaign that culminated with the reactivation and transfer of the 65th from the Army to the Puerto Rico National Guard in 1959. Unlike its participation during the war, this event received scant publicity and soon the Borinqueneers and their epic ordeal faded into a distant and distorted memory–the forgotten heroes of a forgotten war.

But today, on June 13, 2016 el sesenta y cinco was awarded the highest accolade Congress can bestow. The Borinqueneers went from forgotten soldiers who had to face both the enemy and discrimination, to heroes earning praise from the leaders of Congress and the military. In his closing speech, Speaker of the House Paul Ryan commented that “it takes a certain caliber of men” to fight for a country “that discriminates against you.” Dr. Barry Black, the Chaplain of the United States Senate asked God for forgiveness for segregating the Puerto Rican soldiers and for being slow in recognizing their sacrifice and heroism. Every speaker had honest and overdue praise for these men.

It has always puzzled me that the efforts to recover the history of the Borinqueneers and to restore their record came mostly from members of the Puerto Rican diaspora. Today, I understood why.

As the United States Army Band played “En mi Viejo San Juan,” (the unofficial anthem of a Diaspora dreaming of a return to Borinquen) the ceremony attendees, veterans, their relatives, and new generations of Puerto Rican soldiers, joined and sang along the band. Many wept. The faces of the members of Congress present made me think that they had never seen such a display of national pride. It did no matter where these soldiers were sent, what task they were asked to perform, they never stopped being Borinqueneers and carrying a bit of Puerto Rico everywhere they went.

I interviewed several of them, and, while proud of their service and of the recognition they were receiving, they could not help but to be humble and simply stated that they were just doing their duty. But they did more than that. During the Korean War they carried a heavy burden as the hopes for a new Puerto Rico and winning acceptance for the growing Diaspora rested largely on their performance in combat. And they did their best, many times against all odds, even if it was not always recognized.

Their numbers are dwindling. Roughly a thousand of them remain. Eventually, all will be gone but not forgotten, they will not fade away. Let’s take over their burden and make sure that their sacrifices were not in vain, let’s make sure that their legacy survives and continues to inspire new generations of Puerto Ricans.

Harry Franqui Rivera studies the experience of the Puerto Ricans in the U.S. military, focusing on the 20th century and, among other interests, addresses the issues of nation building, national identities, citizenship, military institutions and imperial-colonial relations. Dr. Franqui-Rivera also researches and writes on the experience of Puerto Ricans during the Korean War, the socio-economic impact of the G.I. Bill in Puerto Rico and among the emigrants, the condition of the Puerto Rican veteran and the linkages between military service, manhood, race and decolonization in Puerto Rican history. He is a research associate at the Center for Puerto Rican Studies (Centro).

Published in Centro Voice / Chronicles 16 April 2016

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Opinión / Opinion

El Sol Latino May 2016

Parents and schools: What’s being poor got to do with it? by WALTER MULLIN, Ph.D. and MIGUEL ARCE Though neighborhoods might be only one block apart, they are often worlds apart. But does this distance between neighborhoods mean that one neighborhood values good education for their children as more important than the other? While the people in one neighborhood might have attended college and have had positive experiences in school, the people in the other neighborhood might have little formal education. While people in one neighborhood seem to feel confident in demanding that their children’s school is effective in educating them, the parents in the other neighborhood may not even know the benefits of taking a pro-active stance with the schools. Frequently, these differences are used to categorize the qualities of middle class versus poor neighborhoods. When looking through this lens, it is easy to make the wrong conclusion.

It is well known by almost everyone that education is the most effective way to move out of poverty. To obtain a high paying job, you must be educated.

The National Center for Children in Poverty reports that there is a strong association between not earning a high school diploma or college degree and living in poverty. This center also claims that the reverse is true: succeeding in school is positively associated with higher earnings. Middle class parents know this. They tend to take this knowledge and work hard to guarantee that their children will achieve in school so that their future financial status will be established.

questions emerge. Included among these questions is “what obstacles keep parents from being heavily involved with their child school?”

In generations past, schools tended to define themselves as simply being about the education of the child. They focused on school subjects and they claimed they functioned apart from the influence of the child’s family. They were able to hide the fact that they were culturally oriented towards middle class values. In 2016, it now appears clear that the educational success of a child needs “buy-in” from parents. Without it, a child will not succeed. So once again, what barriers prevent parents in low-income communities from the type of involvement with schools that would help their children be successful? The realties of life in poverty present many more demands on a family when compared with families who have more resources. Living with the possibility that there will not be enough food or money to pay the rent, being single with children without another adult to help and not having adequate transportation are all stressors that require daily attention and work. Living in poverty is a lot of work. As President Obama has asserted “If you don’t believe it, try it.” Resources allow middle class parents to simulate their children’s development and enhance cognitive and social skills. Life in poverty does not allow this same opportunity. Low income children are constrained by these social realties.

Beyond that, all parents must feel welcomed at the school. When parents feel affirmed culturally and racially, they are more ready to be involved. In poor neighborhoods, there are parents who may not read or write or know how to speak enough English to discuss their child’s education let alone feel entitled to assert themselves with a teacher.

From the parent’s perspective, being connected to a child’s school requires a feeling of confidence and ultimately a feeling of empowerment. Parents must believe they know something themselves. For many, this confidence is built upon the parents own school experience. Without such an experience, it’s natural to “hold back” and allow the school to do its work. Parents in this situation do not feel entitled to question, discuss or step forward. For example, when the father of a fourth grade student realizes that his daughter knows spelling and can calculate math problems he cannot do, he might feel threatened. He is in a difficult situation. Now he must continue to value the education at the same time unsure of how to accomplish this.

Walter Mullin and Miguel Arce

The important idea here, however, is that parents in poor families also know that education matters. On the surface it may seem that these parents do not value education. It is not unusual for schools in communities with poor families to have difficulties engaging parents. School personnel might arrange a parent meeting and nobody shows. Down the road at the other school, the parents have just held a fundraiser so teachers can buy extra supplies to use in the classroom. It’s easy to make a conclusion that the parents in the poor neighborhood just don’t care. Yet ask any parent in both neighborhoods if school is important and the answer will be clearly yes. The same paradigm does not work for everyone.

Three things to do: Make a decision to believe that parents living in poverty care about their children’s education, affirm that all parents, regardless of culture and level of income are needed to assist in their children’s school success, and know that assertiveness about your child’s education is ok and expected.

While it is easy to conclude that parents from poor neighborhoods do not value education as much as parents from other communities, the realization that they do care opens the door to ensuring a better education for the children. By making this decision, by choosing to make this decision, other

Walter Mullin, PhD (wmullin@springfieldcollege.edu) is a Professor at the School of Social Work at Springfield College.Miguel Arce MSW (marce@ springfieldcollege.edu) is an Associate Professor at the School of Social work at Springfield College.

OT TINTNAT E H INK CALIE au Ramos

Por Manuel Fr

The frequently cited Nelson Mandela quote that “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world” helps us to value its message. It also helps us to decide to accept that parents living in poor communities know this. It leads us to value their experiences; knowing that their involvement ultimately will help their children towards satisfying lives.

In Holyoke…the fight for the control of Nueva Esperanza intensifies.

En Holyoke...... se intensifica lucha por el control de Nueva Esperanza.

A group of Holyoke residents has organized to put a stop to the conversations that have been happening between the administrators of Nueva Esperanza and the Olde Holyoke Development Corporation. The group looks to bring to a halt the negotiations regarding a fusion of these two community organizations and make sure that the iconic organization remains in Latino hands.

Un grupo de residentes de Holyoke se han organizados para detener las conversaciones que se están llevando a cabo entre los administradores de Nueva Esperanza y el Olde Holyoke Development Corporation. El grupo busca paralizar las negociaciones de fusión entre estas dos organizaciones comunitarias y asegurarse que la icónica organización siga en manos latinas.

Libros / Books

El Sol Latino May 2016

13

Lo que tengo que contarte por JULIA MONTEJO | (Penguin Random House Grupo Editorial), Septiembre 2015. 312 páginas. ¿Y si hay personas hoy en día con historias personales que contarnos, historias que empezaron hace cuatro siglos, historias de grandes hazañas y grandes tragedias? ¿Y si estas personas nunca pueden descansar hasta que todos las sepamos?

las ballenas; tememos confiar en los indígenas isleños; nos desesperamos cuando una tormenta furiosa amenaza destruirlo todo. Y sufrimos del frío, del miedo y del hambre cuando nos encontramos en Islandia en pleno invierno.

¿Las escucharías? ¿Las creerías?

La novela es rica en temas, sobre todo en cuanto a los personajes del pasado que han sufrido hasta los límites de su fuerza interior y de sus habilidades mentales y físicas camino a hechos sumamente heroicos.

Perdurarán: “Sólo el espíritu de los que valen la pena sobrevive al paso del tiempo.”

Esto es lo que nos propone la guionista española Julia Montejo en su tercera novela Lo que tengo que contarte, novela que alterna capítulos en tiempo contemporáneo con los del siglo XVII.

Sobrevivir es la máxima meta. Y hay que luchar cueste lo que cueste porque “Abandonarse a la muerte era el mayor de los pecados.” Amalur dice que “fuimos capaces de saltarnos las leyes del hombre y de la naturaleza para sobrevivir….Haremos cosas que jamás hubiéramos imaginado, que van contra la ley de Dios y del hombre. La máxima es la supervivencia.”

Montejo empieza con el autor Asier Iparraguirre sentado frente a su computadora. Estaba frustrado: “¿Sobre qué iba a escribir?...

Faltaban tramas en sus historias y sobraban adjetivos vacíos.” A pesar de sus 40 años, se había convertido “en un hombre joven atrapado en las retinas de un anciano que ya no esperaba nada” de la vida, “nada” hasta que vio a una mujer, Amaia Mendaro, adentrándose en el mar. Pensando que iba a suicidarse, la convenció que saliera del agua. Ella, de treinta y cinco años, también “sostenía un alma vieja, con siglos a la espalda.”

Empezaron a conversar. Asier, “De repente, se sentía distinto, lleno de historias desconocidas que habían hibernado durante años en su interior.”

Amaia le propuso que “Tú necesitas una historia, yo alguien que la cuente.”

Así, su amante la recordaría y la buscaría. Cuando Asier le preguntó cuándo perdió a su amor, Amaia le contestó que “en el siglo xvii.” ¡¿En el siglo xvii?!

La novela entonces lleva a sus lectores a “un día de 1615,” cuando la joven Amalur Mendaro se encuentra a solas con su prometido, Martín Lurra, quien brutalmente la viola. Para no casarse con aquella bestia a quien odia de todo corazón, Amalur se disfraza como hombre, y junto con su amigo de toda la vida, Íñigo, huyen de su pueblo natal. Los dos se alistan como miembros del equipo de un ballenero, uno de una flotilla de tres barcos que pronto partirá para el norte en busca de ballenas.

Y así va la novela, con capítulos que ocurren en la actualidad (a pesar de ser escritos en tiempo pasado) protagonizados por Asier y Amaia, alternados con los de la historia de Amalur e Íñigo (en tiempo presente). Mientras la trama se desarrolla, las dos historias empiezan a entrelazarse. ¡Fascinante!

La novela se enfoca más en la historia de Amalur, quien nos habla en primera persona. La autora nos lleva al mundo de los balleneros. Sentimos cada salpicadura de las aguas frías del Ártico; compartimos el miedo de que Amalur sea descubierta como mujer; temblamos cuando descubrimos que el violador, el mismísimo Martín Lurra, se encuentra en la tripulación de otro ballenero de la flotilla; nos estremecemos mientras los barcos persiguen

Un fuerte subtema es el ataque contra el papel tradicional de la mujer de aquella época. Amalur quedó preñada, resultado de la brutal violación cometida por Martín. Cuando sufre complicaciones del embarazo, busca al cirujano abordo del ballenero. Éste la condena así: “Dudo que las mujeres tengan conciencia…Las mujeres sois egoístas e impulsivas por naturaleza.

Nunca pensáis en las consecuencias de vuestras acciones…son simples bestias domésticas.”

Amalur rechaza ser limitada por esta visión del papel tradicional de la mujer: “no puedo aceptar una vida que yo no haya elegido...lo que sí arrancaré será la inútil sensación de víctima…de ahora en adelante, seré la más fuerte…Mataré a cualquier que ose volver a ponerme la mano encima.” Cuando llegan a los extremos de hambre, es Amalur quien sale como líder: “Me había convertido en líder de la expedición por derecho propio, por mi habilidad para comunicarme, y por mis agallas. También por mi falta de escrúpulos a la hora de hacer lo que fuera necesario para proteger al grupo…ya nadie cuestionará mi liderazgo…porque nadie lo haría mejor que yo, pues nadie tiene la capacidad de esfuerzo y sufrimiento que yo he acumulado como mujer.”

Sobrevivir es ser alguien. Contar nuestras historias es sobrevivir y sobrevivir es importar: “El ser humano hace lo que sea necesario con tal de sobrevivir….” El poder de la naturaleza se nota también, no sólo en la terrible tormenta que destruye los balleneros, sino en el frío del invierno en Islandia que amenaza con matarlos todos.

Así, un poco como el famoso Moby Dick del incomparable Herman Melville, Julia Montejo no sólo nos capta con un fascinante trama con inolvidables personajes, toca también algunos temas universales de sobrevivencia. El lector no puede dejar de preguntarse qué hubiera hecho si estuviera en tales situaciones como las en que Amalur se encuentra. Montejo misma tras su novela nos habla: “Y tú sabes mejor que yo que las buenas novelas no van cargadas de respuestas, sino de preguntas.”

Aunque es obra de ficción, Montero basó su novela en hechos históricos.

Un grupo de balleneros vascos se encontró atrapado en los fiordos helados de Islandia en el decimoséptimo siglo.

Reseña de Cathleen C. Robinson, profesora jubilada español y de la historia de América Latina quien ahora se dedica a escribir.

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14

Salud / Health

Consejos para el Manejo de Alergias en Niños/as ¡La primavera acaba de florecer oficialmente! Para algunas personas, el tiempo más cálido viene acompañado de picazón en los ojos, ojos llorosos, picazón en la garganta y secreción nasal.

El Sol Latino May 2016

Las infecciones virales por lo general duran solamente de 7 a 10 días, pero la tos podría durarle varias semanas a su hijo. El cuerpo genera la fiebre para combatir el virus, de ese modo ayuda al organismo a deshacerse del virus para que usted se sienta mejor.

El Dr. John O’Reilly, pediatra de Baystate Children’s Hospital, ofrece algunos consejos para ayudarle a su hijo a lidiar con las alergias en esta temporada.

Si es una alergia, se trata de cuándo estuvo expuesto al antígeno o sustancia a la cual es alérgico, mientras que si tiene una enfermedad, por lo general está enfermo todo el día.

1. Información básica sobre alergias Muchas personas conocen los síntomas, ¿pero qué es exactamente una alergia y qué le pasa en realidad a su organismo durante el proceso? Las alergias son una respuesta anormal del sistema inmunitario. Los niños que padecen alergias tienen organismos que reaccionan a sustancias del medioambiente que por lo general son inocuas. Estas sustancias, como el polen, el moho y caspa animal se conocen como antígenos.

4. Tratamiento Las alergias pueden tratarse en una variedad de maneras. La primera cosa y la más importante es si puede evitar el alergénico; lo mejor es evitarlo. Si sabe que va a ir a un lugar que hará que su hijo tenga una reacción, trate de reducir el alergénico primero y de no ser posible vaya preparado. Hable con su médico y averigüe cuál es el medicamento correcto para su hijo y haga que lo tome antes de exponerse.

En la secuencia de las alergias, su organismo se expone a un antígeno al cual es alérgico (polen, polvo, pelo de gato, etc.) luego su organismo responde liberando sustancias químicas que le causan picazón, secreción nasal y ojos rojos y llorosos.

Hay una variedad de medicamentos diferentes que pueden tomar los niños para impedir que tengan una reacción alérgica. Es importante adaptar los medicamentos de su hijo a sus síntomas. La clave es tratar la menor cantidad de medicamentos con la menor cantidad de efectos secundarios. Por ejemplo, el Benadryl es un antihistamínico que tiene efectos secundarios. A algunos niños les da sueño mientras que otros se tornan hiperactivos. Si usted sabe que este medicamento tiene cualquiera de los dos efectos en su hijo, hable con su médico sobre otras opciones.

2. Conozca las estaciones Existen tipos diferentes de alergias, de modo que es importante saber qué estación o estaciones afectan a su hijo. Las alergias de primavera ocurren cuando los días comienzan a ser más cálidos y todas las plantas comienzan a despedir polen. A medida que los pastos, árboles, flores y malezas despiden polen, éste se transporta en el aire y lo inhalamos. Cuando termina la primavera y llega el verano a la región, la producción de polen disminuye y viene un pequeño descanso y alivio para aquellos que padecen de alergias en la primavera. El diario local y los meteorólogos hacen un buen trabajo al mantenerlo informado de los niveles de polen en su región. Consiguientemente, esto le ayudará a preparar y ajustar sus medicamentos.

El otoño viene con su propio conjunto de polen y alergias a medida que distintas plantas comienzan su estación. Cuando el otoño llega a su fin, las primeras heladas matan todas las plantas y la temporada de alergias termina. Sin embargo, eso no significa que habrá alivio para todos los que padecen de alergias. El invierno viene con su propio conjunto de alergias. Durante el invierno, muchas personas están encerradas y es entonces cuando la pasan mal aquellos que sufren de alergias anuales. La respuesta del organismo ante las alergias anuales es similar a la de las estacionales, excepto que los antígenos son diferentes. Los ácaros del polvo, el moho, el pelo de gato, la caspa del perro y el humo de segunda mano son solo algunos de los factores desencadenantes que pueden afectar a niños con alergias anuales.

3. Alergia versus enfermedad Muchas veces las alergias pueden confundirse con una enfermedad. ¿Cómo distingue usted lo que es una alergia y lo que es una enfermedad? La respuesta simple es prestar atención a lo que le indica el organismo de su hijo. Cuando usted tiene un virus o una bacteria su organismo responde de manera diferente.

El organismo verá el virus o el resfrío y reaccionará con sustancias químicas diferentes. En vez de tener picazón en la nariz o secreción nasal, tendrá fiebre y comenzará a sentirse enfermo.

Si su hijo tiene mayormente alergias en los ojos, hay una variedad de gotas de venta libre que puede usar. Lo mismo corresponde a los niños con síntomas nasales. Muchas personas usan enjuagues salinos para tratar de extraer la mayor cantidad posible de polen o antígenos de las vías nasales. Si a usted principalmente le pica la nariz o tiene secreción nasal debe comenzar con un antihistamínico que no le dé somnolencia, como Claritín o Zyrtec. Cuando tenga congestión nasal, hinchazón y dificultad para respirar, hable con su médico para añadir un esteroide nasal como Flonase.

5. Efectos a largo plazo de las alergias Aunque pueden comenzar como alergias, si se dejan sin tratar pueden llevar a infecciones secundarias de los senos paranasales (de la nariz). Los senos tienen pelos pequeños llamados cilios que ayudan a mantenerlos limpios. Las alergias pueden hacer que se inflamen los senos paranasales, dificultando la tarea de los cilios de eliminar las bacterias y otros gérmenes. Esto puede hacer que se acumule la bacteria y que crezca en las cavidades de las fosas nasales, causando una infección. Las infecciones de los senos paranasales por lo general vienen acompañadas de tos, fiebre de bajo grado y presión.

En algunas personas los medicamentos no mejoran la calidad de vida. Los niños con alergias graves y otras enfermedades como asma corren el riesgo de que las alergias desencadenen un ataque. En esos casos valdría la pena pedirle a su médico que lo envíe a un especialista en alergias. Existen distintas pruebas que pueden hacerse para identificar los antígenos que le causan alergia. Algunas personas optan por inyecciones regulares para la alergia para ayudar a mantener sus síntomas bajo control.

Para obtener más información sobre Baystate Children’s Hospital, visite BaystateHealth.org/bch.

Salud / Health

El Sol Latino May 2016

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Chronic Hepatitis C (HCV): can be Treated and Cured by CLAUDIA T MARTORELL The number of deaths from hepatitis C in the U.S. is on the rise, a study from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reports. The study found that the number of deaths in the U.S. from hepatitis C rose from 11,051 in 2003 to 19,368 in 2013. And baby boomers, or those ages 55 to 64, accounted for 51 percent of the deaths in 2013, according to the study, published on March 2016.

The hepatitis C virus infects the liver cells and can lead to serious liver problems, including cirrhosis (scarring of the liver) or liver cancer. During the study period, there was an average yearly increase in deaths from hepatitis C of more than 6 percent. In 2012, the number of Americans who died from hepatitis C exceeded the total number of deaths from all 60 of those other notifiable infectious conditions, the researchers found.

Hepatitis C spreads primarily when people share needles, syringes or other equipment used to inject drugs. But before 1992, when the U.S. began screening the blood supply for the virus, hepatitis C was also commonly spread through blood transfusions and organ transplants. Less common ways of contracting the virus include accidental needle punctures among health care workers; sharing personal care items that may have come in contact with another person’s blood, such as razors or toothbrushes; and sexual contact with a person infected with hepatitis C. There is a stigma and shame attached to hepatitis C because some of those infected are current or former injectable drug users.

Approximately 4 million Americans may be chronically infected with hepatitis C. Because people are not routinely screened for hepatitis C, about 50-85 percent of those infected with the virus don’t know they have it. Hepatitis C can be a silent illness, and people may have no symptoms for decades, allowing the disease to progress in the liver unnoticed. Some people die from hepatitis C after the virus leads to liver failure or liver cancer, which reflects the trend of people being diagnosed only later in the disease process.

The challenge to health care providers is to identify people with hepatitis C earlier, through screening, and to get these individuals into care sooner, he said.

There are now treatments that can cure the infection, or stop the development of the disease. Some of the medications used in the past to treat the disease were poorly tolerated and had lots of side effects; the treatment had a reputation for being worse than the disease itself. The new drugs are better with cure achieved in higher than 90% of patients that complete treatment, but another problem is that they are very expensive, and some people are having a hard time getting access to them in early stages of the disease Awareness of the new treatments may lead more people to seek screening and evaluation for treatment.

Claudia T Martorell MD MPH FACP, Infectious Disease/The Research Institute.

57 Mulberry ST Springfield MA 01105. 413-747-5566

Conceptos relacionados a la sexualidad humana e identidad de género por Dra. EUNICE AVILÉS Con frecuencia, los conceptos relacionados a la sexualidad humana y a la identidad de género son confundidos y utilizados de manera invertida. Además, es común que se usen palabras que hacen referencia a estos conceptos y que sugieren mofa, discrimen y violencia. Esta situación es un reflejo de la falta de educación sobre estos temas y un reflejo de las ideas que permean en la cultura y en la sociedad sobre los roles esperados de cada cual, de acuerdo a su sexo biológico y al género asignado al nacer (de acuerdo al sexo biológico).

Para comenzar a romper con la barrera de la falta de educación y de la mala educación, aquí te presentamos una explicación de los términos básicos sobre la sexualidad humana y la identidad de género.

Desde una perspectiva de sexualidad humana es importante conocer los conceptos “sexo” y “orientación sexual”. El concepto de “sexo”, no solo se refiere al acto sexual, sino que hace referencia a los aspectos biológicos del ser humano como el sistema reproductor y los genitales (pene y vagina). Por su parte, el concepto de “orientación sexual” se define como la capacidad de atracción física (preferencia sexual) y emocional del ser humano. La orientación sexual se experimenta desde la identidad de género del individuo, no de acuerdo al sexo biológico. Este último concepto, el de la orientación sexual, es frecuentemente confundido con el concepto de identidad de género.

Por otro lado, la “identidad de género” es el concepto que tiene un individuo sobre su género (ser hombre, mujer, o algo más fuera del binario de femenino y masculino), independientemente de su sexo biológico. Cuando nos referimos a una persona “transgénero” estamos hablando de aquellos individuos cuya identidad de género, y/o la manera que expresan o presentan su género (se presenten como mujer, hombre o algo más), difiere del género que le fue asignado al nacer (de acuerdo a su sexo biológico). Es importante señalar que este término incluye a individuos que se identifican como transexual, travesti (“cross-dresser”), intersexual y aquellas personas que presentan con variabilidad de género.

Por su parte, la persona “transexual” es aquella cuya identidad de género es diferente a la que le fue asignada al nacer de acuerdo a su sexo biológico. En este caso, el concepto que la persona tiene de sí, sobre el ser mujer, hombre, o algo más, no es congruente con su cuerpo. Por ejemplo, un hombre transgénero es aquel individuo al que la sociedad le asignó el género femenino al nacer por que nació con cromosomas XX, una vagina y órganos reproductores femeninos y quien siente que su cuerpo no es congruente con la percepción que tiene de sí al percibirse a sí mismo como un hombre.

Es importante recalcar, que cada día es más común encontrar personas que no se perciben a sí mismos/as dentro de lo que llamamos el “binario” de hombre o mujer. Quiérase decir que estas personas no se perciben a sí mismas como hombre o mujer. Algunos/as se perciben como “neutrales” o “agénero” y otros/as

perciben su género como algo más fluido.

Algunos individuos transexuales optan por recibir tratamientos médicos, cuando éstos son accesibles, para lograr que su cuerpo sea congruente con su identidad de género. Estos tratamientos médicos permiten la disminución y mejoría de la disforia de género.

Desde una perspectiva psicológica, el término “disforia de género” hace referencia a la angustia emocional que experimentan los individuos cuya identidad de género no es congruente con su sexo biológico (con su cuerpo). Por ejemplo, un individuo Dra. EUNICE AVILÉS que socialmente es percibido como un hombre, debido a su sexo biológico, pero quien se percibe como mujer, podría llegar a experimentar dolor emocional (por ejemplo, tristeza profunda y ansiedad) ya que su cuerpo no refleja la percepción que tiene de sí. ¿Cómo se relacionan los conceptos de sexualidad humana y de identidad de género? Veamos un ejemplo. Una mujer transgénero es aquella persona que nace con cromosomas XY, que por su biología la sociedad le asigna el género masculino al nacer, pero quien se percibe así misma como una mujer. Si esta mujer transgénero está atraída emocional y/o sexualmente a otra mujer, ya sea transgénero o no, entonces se considera que ésta es lesbiana. Como ven, la orientación sexual es definida por la identidad de género del individuo, no por su sexo biológico.

Al entender claramente estos conceptos, nos damos la oportunidad de conocer más sobre la diversidad humana. Además, el conocimiento de los mismos nos abre la puerta para el desarrollo de la empatía hacia comunidades que son invisibles y discriminadas como lo es la comunidad transgénero. Solo estando conscientes de estas realidades aquí descritas, y poniéndonos en el lugar de estas personas para comprender la angustia que puede implicar la disforia de género y el discrimen por identidad de género y orientación sexual, lograremos prevenir la marginación y la violencia contra estos/as hermanos/as.

La Dra. Eunice Avilés provee servicios de psicoterapia, terapia de género y terapia sexual en sus oficinas localizadas en Amherst y Worcester, MA. (euniceaviles.com, transcendingidentities.com, dr.euniceaviles@euniceaviles.net, 413-657-6104.

Por medio de su organización “Transcending Identities”, enfocada en el trabajo con la comunidad transgénero a nivel local e internacional, ofrece seminarios educativos, adiestramientos profesionales, supervisión clínica a trabajadores de la salud mental y servicios de consultoría a organizaciones interesadas en proveer servicios sensitivos a esta comunidad.

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El Sol Latino May 2016

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