tactical urbanism in terrain vague

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TACTICAL URBANISM TERRAIN VAGUE TACTICAL URBANISM IN IN TERRAIN VAGUE A critique of top-down urban regeneration and the rise of placelessness in the East End of Glasgow

A critique of top-down urban regeneration and the rise of placelessness in the East End of Glasgow

Emma Henderson | MA (Hons) Architecture | ESALA | 2016

TACTICAL URBANISM IN TERRAIN VAGUE A critique of top-down urban regeneration and the rise of placelessness in the East End of Glasgow

EMMA HENDERSON MA (HONS) ARCHITECTURE WORD COUNT: 9375 ESALA | 2016

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many thanks to my supervisor, Dr. Penny Travlou, for her guidance throughout the project; also to the team at Baltic Street Adventure Playground, for giving me the opportunity to participate in the daily life of the playground, and for encouraging and initiating my interest in socially inclusive architecture.

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ABSTRACT

In 2007 Glasgow was announced as the host of the upcoming 2014 Commonwealth games. The news was met with celebration and the plan for a ‘new legacy’ was met with optimism – especially by the residents of Dalmarnock, an area once defined by its prosperous industry but that now suffers from some of the highest levels of unemployment and deprivation in Scotland. 8 years later, with most of the old shops, housing and community buildings reduced to dust, those who remain sit surrounded by swathes of tarmac, rapidly fading optimism and headlines such as ‘Glasgow faces up to reality of a divided Commonwealth Games legacy’1.

This paper surveys the condition of the urban fabric, as a neighbourhood now characterised by post-industrial buildings, voids and homogenous development.

By exploring the urban conditions arising from top-down regeneration in Dalmarnock, several pertinent questions are unearthed. Namely, what is the value of the derelict and vacant spaces that are left over after planning and can these spaces catalyse greater social inclusion in urban transformations? The paper ultimately considers tactical urbanism and bottom-up strategies - exemplified in projects such as Baltic Street Adventure Playground (BSAP) in Dalmarnock – as an answer to the question of how a more authentic place making may be integrated into urban regeneration.

1 http://www.theguardian.com/cities/2014/mar/03/glasgow-faces-reality-commonwealth-games

CONTENTS INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 1 SPACES MADE BY PLANNING

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1.1 Non-Place and Placelessness 1.2 Designing Placelessness 1.3 Top-Down Regeneration in Dalmarnock 1.4 Guaging the Local Response 25 CHAPTER 2 SPACES LEFT OVER AFTER PLANNING

2.1 Terrain Vague 2.2 Terrain Vague in Dalmarnock 2.3 Value of Terrain Vague 40 CHAPTER 3 INHABITING SLOAP - TACTICAL URBANISM case study: Baltic Street Adventure Playground

3.1 Tactical Urbanism 3.2 Tactical Urbanism in Dalmarnock 3.3 Results CONCLUSION

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REFERENCES & APPENDICES

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LIST OF ACRONYMS

BSAP GCC PDT FSFT SLOAP SI

Baltic Street Adventure Playground Glasgow City Council People’s Development Trust First Steps Future Training Spaces Left Over After Planning Situationist International

DALMARNOCK

PREFACE

Whilst living and working in Glasgow, I participated in resident and communityled discussions and events regarding the development of the East End. Further personal research into the impact of the 2014 Commonwealth games resulted in my involvement with Baltic Street Adventure Playground (BSAP). Working at BSAP fostered my interest in bottom-up processes, appropriating urban wastelands, and the varied responses towards the regeneration carried out during the Commonwealth Games. It has allowed for on-going involvement with the topic presented in this paper, offering opportunities for communication with those at the heart of Dalmarnock and personal contributions to the life of the playground. It is from this personal interest that the following paper emerges.

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INTRODUCTION

De-industrialisation has left voids in the urban fabric of many cities across the UK. In these cities, spaces that have lost their former use and not yet fully acquired a new one are commonplace. As they frequently form the backdrop for social landscapes of poverty, deprivation and crime, these spaces are often singled out as sites for top-down urban regeneration. This paper explores the largely unrecognised value of these sites as spaces of experimentation – possessing their own unique qualities that allow for informal and temporary use and innovative outcomes.

As a case study, the neighbourhood of Dalmarnock in Glasgow’s East End is documented and discussed, in order to ascertain the social and personal impact of top-down regeneration in post-industrial areas. I reflect on the work of Ignasi de Solà-Morales to frame terrain vague as a space of opportunity, worthy of consideration in urban planning. This research aims to understand the effects of top-down regeneration in Dalmarnock, and to identify the first actions towards authentic place making in the area through a case study - Baltic Street Adventure Playground. BSAP is a democratic, bottom-up play space that has appropriated an urban wasteland - or terrain vague - in Dalmarnock, ultimately establishing a community around its ideals. A key objective is to elucidate how tactical urbanism, situated in terrain vague, may resist placelessness and inauthentic place making.

The first two chapters are a combination of literature review and site study, with information gathered predominantly from personal fieldwork and grey literature. The literature review offers a conceptual framework for assessing the characteristics of placelessness, as defined by Augé and Relph, and terrain vague, as defined by de Solà-Morales. Both chapters end with an outline of the urban fabric of Dalmarnock, the geographical location used as an empirical source for the theoretical material discussed. The decision to study Dalmarnock stems from the premise that the value of tactical urbanism in the regeneration of wastelands is particularly evident when the analytical focus is shifted onto a geographical context that has experienced extreme and rapid top-down urban transformation through de-industrialisation and regeneration tied to a major international event.

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The final chapter, analysing the case study and further literature, brings the broader tenets of placelessness and terrain vague into a dialogue with more specific knowledge about tactical urbanism, which is taking place at the level of the social and built setting of a neighbourhood. In order to achieve this, the chapter explores tactical urbanism, theoretically underpinned by de Certeau’s theory of ‘strategies and tactics’ and by the work of the Situationist International. There is a special focus on the relationship between play and tactical urbanism. Having rejected the idea that tactical urbanism may carry out high-level structural change itself; I interrogate its ability to catalyse change at the local level and to plant the seeds for structural change. Conclusions are drawn from different components of observations I have made in my fieldwork. The conclusion identifies further questions arising out of the paper. It points to the potential usefulness of urban wastelands for creative public engagement in urban regeneration. The paper does not aim to provide an all-encompassing theorization of participation in regeneration, or of place and placelessness – the aim is to affirm the importance of these concepts with regard to the socio-spatial transformations of the city.

A note on methodology The research presented in this work focuses on the theoretical background of placelessness through literature review. A sense of the site through photographic observation and semi-structured interviews then offers a starting point from which one may apply the theoretical framework.

The overall approach used in the research is to consider, from literature on the subject, a number of factors relating to urban voids and placelessness, and subsequently to develop them into an evaluative framework, to be applied to the case study, Dalmarnock. Dalmarnock has undergone extreme top-down urban transformation, from de-industrialisation to the 2014 Commonwealth games, and as a result it contains many areas where the historical form and function has been erased and a sense of placelessness from new developments is prevalent.

The intensity with which these transformations have occurred, both in terms of scale and speed, and the resulting redundant space, make the site an appropriate location for studying the proposed issues, offering insight to the emerging debates on the value of bottom-up regeneration in depressed contexts.

Site observations were made of the character of the urban fabric and the activity on the site, particularly in BSAP, over the course of several months. A small number of people were interviewed (play-workers and residents) to obtain a fundamental sense of how they perceive the issues covered in the research.

A number of planning and strategy documents are also referenced in order to identify the official policies and opinions regarding regeneration in the East End of Glasgow. The general public responses to these plans were obtained from newspaper articles, research papers and other online sources.

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CHAPTER 1 SPACES MADE BY PLANNING Introduction

“There is a quality even meaner than outright ugliness or disorder, and this meaner quality is the dishonest mark of pretended order, achieved by ignoring or suppressing the real order that is struggling to exist and be served”

Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of the Great American Cities

Since the rise of Modernism, writers such as Jane Jacobs and Edward Relph have commented on inauthentic, top-down urban regeneration and the resulting creation of placelessness – an issue that has been present globally since the late 1900s (Carmona and Tiesdell, 2006: 266), rising in parallel with the growth of mass consumerism, Fordism and globalised neo-liberalism.

Achieving sustainability, the fundamental aim in urban regeneration, requires consideration of political, commercial, environmental and social factors. However, frequently top-down regeneration favours the political and commercial over the environmental and social, reflecting the dominant values of a globalised, neo-liberal world. This type of regeneration often compounds social inequalities, contributes to a sense of placelessness, and intensifies passivity due to a lack of engagement with the spaces’ users. Although place and non-place are broad topics, Chapter 1 focuses on those most relevant to the case study and the aims of the paper. It begins with a discussion of placelessness and non-place, framed by contemporary planning procedures. It then discusses the effect of top-down planning procedures at several urban scales. Concluding with a reflection on the presence of these issues in Dalmarnock.

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Chapter 1.1 Non-place and Placelessness A specific form of placelessness is discernible in Dalmarnock; it relates to Relph’s writing on ‘authentic and inauthentic place-making’ and to Augé’s theories on ‘nonplace’.

Taking Augé’s definition of non-place as a space ‘which cannot be defined as relational, or historical, or concerned with identity’ (Augé et al., 1995: 63), Relph goes on to claim ‘placelessness is associated with an overriding concern for efficiency, mass culture, and anonymous, exchangeable environments’ (in Larice and MacDonald, 2012: 266). This idea is echoed in De Cauter’s reflection on planned suburbs: “Civic connectedness retreated in favour of a consumerist solipsism where a landscape of homogeneous consumptive experiences expanded concomitantly with a social landscape of anonymity.” (2008: 165) Here they are describing an underlying attitude towards place – one that does not attribute value to the relationship between an individual and the places they inhabit.

Augé writes specifically about places ‘formed in relation to certain ends’ (Augé et al., 1995: 76) that he relates to “supermodernity” – supermarkets, hotels, computers, motorways etc. These are spaces that reveal little connection to history or local identity. Lacking diversity or unique symbols, they are experienced in much the same way, regardless of geographical location. This treatment of space and of the individual finds its roots in Fordism, a system of mass production that dominates global economic systems (most noticeably in Western Europe and the USA).

Fordism requires “a mass market able to absorb the long and expanding runs of the homogeneous goods produced.” (De Cauter, 2008: 78). As mass values and culture are disseminated globally through media and increasingly adopted worldwide, so too do the spaces we inhabit become increasingly uniform. As Relph states in the Urban Design Reader “there is a geography of places, characterised by variety and meaning, and there is a placeless geography, a labyrinth of endless similarities” (2012: 267).

Relph’s placelessness is less narrowly defined than Augé’s. For Relph, placelessness is the result of inauthentic place making. He describes the authentic-inauthentic division as resembling ‘Ruskin’s conception of the ‘true life’ and the ‘false life’’ (Relph, 1976: 63). Where authenticity is unselfconscious and sincere, inauthenticity stifles genuine experience through the ‘dictatorship of the ‘They’’ (Ibid: 80). For Relph, spaces shaped by mass attitudes delivered by external sources, with no recognition of local context, are inauthentic and thus placeless.

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Chapter 1.2 Designing Placelessness “There is a functional architectural tradition in which little attention has been paid to the experience of the spaces of buildings in any sense - reflecting perhaps the assertion of Gropius that “architecture is the mastery of space”” (Relph, 1976: 23) If, as Relph and Augé claim, placelessness is ‘now a dominant force’ (Relph, 1976: 6), the questions that follow are: who is responsible for placelessness and what are the processes that produce it?

The following analysis reiterates Relph’s assertion that “technique and central authorities (are) two of the primary sources of placelessness” (in Carmona and Tiesdell, 2006: 269). Here ‘central authorities’ describes global corporations, planners and central governments; and ‘technique’ describes a process through which planning becomes an abstract, scientific endeavour that gives a “geometric view of place, denuded of its human meaning” (Ibid: 268). ‘Technique’ and ‘central authorities’ together form the basis of what this paper describes as top-down regeneration. When regeneration is investment-based and carried out by organisations that are detached from the urban space, human experience is perceived as a variable that may be manipulated through prescriptive design, subsequently it is either ignored or abstracted.

Top-down planning (figs. 3 & 4) exists in the “two-dimensional, cognitive space of maps” (Relph, 1976: 23), where the particular character of a place and its people are “conceptualised using preconceived forms and trajectories” (Blundell-Jones, 2004: 243). However many argue that space should not be abstracted in two dimensions, claiming instead that “space is a network of relations activated, rearranged, and made meaningful by human actions” (Lefebvre 1991 in Stavrides, 2013: 49). In conclusion, top-down regeneration creates placelessness because it inauthentically produces ‘the most superficial identities of place … eroding existential insideness by destroying the bases for identity with places’ (Relph, 1976: 58).

The “Two-dimensional, Cognitive Space of Maps”

Figure 3 GCC’s Dalmarnock Development Strategy

Figure 4 GCC’s Development Framework Areas

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Chapter 1.3 Top-down regeneration in Dalmarnock To further illustrate how top-down planning creates placelessness through design, the paper now turns to Dalmarnock and the effect this planning has at a local, national and global scale.

The theories outlined thus far crystallise in the urban fabric of Dalmarnock. The ‘urban regeneration’ carried out in recent years has seen, on one hand, the erasure of much of the meaningful existing urban fabric (such as the local amenities and community centre), and on the other, the construction of homogenous developments, such as the Athlete’s village, and the weaving of consumptive experiences into daily routine, in the form of Tesco and Macdonald’s.

Clyde Gateway, “ Scotland’s biggest and most ambitious regeneration programme”1, has been responsible for regeneration in the East End of Glasgow since the announcement of the Commonwealth Games in 2007. Clyde Gateway has decontaminated much of the land and brought new investment, infrastructure and housing to the area in the form of the Chris Hoy velodrome, the Athlete’s Village, the M74 and the upgraded Dalmarnock Station. These developments exist as part of a plan that works at a regional and national scale – ensuring that Glasgow remains to be seen as an internationally competitive city. As the head of the Clyde Gateway Urban Regeneration Company stated, “Business is central to us. We want to attract developers and businesses to think about setting up here, though the market, not us, will decide what is appropriate” (in Gray, 2008). However the developments represent a national level of disinterest and neglect for authentic place and diversity at a local level. As with much top-down regeneration, the plans bear scalar mismatch: “urban problems and solutions that operate at dissimilar geographical scales” (Leary and McCarthy, 2013: 119 – 120). As described in the introduction to this chapter, Clyde Gateway’s success may be read through its political and economic impact but they neglect social issues and pay little attention to local particularities. For example, the plans do not offer immediate relief for many from the chronic deprivation in Dalmarnock.

As Amica Dall stated in the 2014 Play Summit at Glasgow Green: “they’ve been subjected to all kinds of large scale change through projects that really don’t have much to do with their lives” and “a regeneration project of the scale of the one that’s going on in the East End acts on a 10-20 year timetable, in the life of a child that’s completely meaningless. In the life of some parents as well.” The structural logic of this form of city production doesn’t allow for the users of the spaces to be agents of change. Top-down planning and marketing turns citizens into customers and ‘undermines socially integrative development’ (Ziehl, Osswald, and Hasemann, 2012: 337).

1 http://www.clydegateway.com/

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Chapter 1.4 Gauging the Local Response This section brings the broader tenets of placelessness and regeneration into a dialogue with more specific knowledge about its impact at the level of the social and built setting of a neighbourhood, Dalmarnock. In order to achieve this, the chapter briefly explores the local response through newspapers, online forums and interviews with local residents. There is a special focus on how top-down processes tend to neglect social issues, favouring financial ones. It must be noted here that the interviews were carried out with a small number of people, thus the information gives an impression of the area, but is not conclusive.

Scalar Mismatch in Top-down Regeneration In the previous section the idea of scalar mismatch in top-down regeneration projects was introduced. ‘Scalar mismatch’ implies that top-down regeneration favours big businesses and works at a national scale, but ignores social problems at the local scale. Although the Clyde Gateway regeneration has brought about a level of positive change, there was “a general feeling among many residents that the needs of local people (were) being overlooked by the organisers” (Mooney, Paton, and McCall, 2014). This was reiterated in an interview with a local resident, who told me: “the feeling (at the time of the games) was shock and anger because so many promises were made to these people, they promised the world and never got nothing. (…) The new facilities, they’re no for people in this area.

It’s no for them. That big thing up there’s not for this community, that’s for people outside this area to come in, use the velodrome” (appendix 1).

The negative attitude towards the top-down regeneration originated in relation to the physical urban environment but developed increasingly into a general distrust for authorities and big businesses. This distrust is manifested in the articles and headlines of the East End Eye, a paper organised by local people in the lead up to the Commonwealth Games. Below is a selection of quotations from the East End Eye showing the progression from initial distrust in 2009 to outrage and disappointment in 2012.

Edition 1, 2009: “We aim to show that these projects filter down through society to exploit those most at risk, and we intend to hold to account those responsible for such decisions.”

Edition 2, 2010: “Dalmarnock isn’t Disneyland, and maybe the ‘public good’ isn’t the point after all. Time to wake up and smell the coffee?”

Edition 4, 2012: “Patronage and cronyism towards businessmen and developers, and shocking mistreatment of local residents is the ‘legacy’ of the Games so far.”

Figure 5 Cover of East End Eye, 2010

Figure 6 Cover of East End Eye, 2012

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Displacement and Exclusion due to Top-down Regeneration The categorisation of Dalmarnock as an area suffering from high levels of social exclusion, deprivation and crime has been used to legitimise much of the regeneration in the area. By bringing in new residents and wealth, and simultaneously moving out old residents, the regeneration raised the profile of the area at a national scale. However this treatment of Dalmarnock has not dealt with the social issues that lie at the heart of the neighbourhood and has reinforced “the longstanding stigmatisation of the area and its people” (Mooney, Paton, and McCall, 2014). The response to the displacement and exclusion of much of the existing population is summarised by Mooney, Paton and McCall: “the feeling has been strongly voiced that local people are being excluded, actively pushed out and contained in what some have a termed a “prison”” (2014). This was echoed in an interview with a male, local resident: “It felt as if we’re bringing these lovely new people in, all these athletes in, and they need protecting, but there isn’t any protection put in place for the community” (appendix 1).

Although brief, the information and opinions documented here illustrate that the local community feel the Commonwealth Games largely failed to deal with local issues and has in fact compounded stigmatisation and other social problems.

It is from this backdrop of local discontent that the paper now turns to the opportunity for authentic place making in the spaces left over after planning.

Through a critique of top-down regeneration, this paper argues that in offering the individual the chance to shape their neighbourhood, one may catalyse the growth of a stronger community and, as a result, the development of a more sustainable space.

Figure 7 Extract from East End Eye, 2012

Figure 8 Extract from East End Eye, 2012

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CHAPTER 2 SPACES LEFT OVER AFTER PLANNING Introduction

“Architectural space has come to be that of individual buildings conceived and constructed in isolation. In comparison (...) the spaces between buildings have been left largely to chance.”

Edward Relph, Place and Placelessness: 28

Although inauthentic, top-down regeneration has generated placelessness in Dalmarnock, there is the prospect of alternative methods of spatial production that react to the dominant logic of the capitalist city. Many spaces in Dalmarnock, those left over after planning, encapsulate de Solá-Morales’ concept of terrain vague - as spaces that are ‘unincorporated margins … un-inhabited, un-safe, unproductive’ (1995: 120). Whilst existing within the city, internal to it, they operate outside of the ‘effectiveness and productivity’ associated with the metropolis.

Terrain vague is ultimately presented here as a space of opportunity, valuable in authentic and bottom-up urban regeneration. Chapter 2 begins with a theoretical introduction to urban wastelands, or terrain vague. Then it depicts terrain vague in the urban landscape of Dalmarnock; using the photographic lens as a research tool in order to capture the abandoned pasts and incomplete futures of Dalmarnock.

This chapter concludes by investigating perceptions of urban wastelands, considering a largely unrecognised potential in terrain vague.

Figure 9 Terrain Vague

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Chapter 2.1 Terrain Vague Having discussed spatial production in top-down planning, the focus now shifts to those spaces that are left over after planning – “the built city’s negative, the interstitial and the marginal, spaces abandoned or in the process of transformation” (Barron, 2013: intro). To describe these spaces I introduce the concept of terrain vague. Ignasi de Solà-Morales first used the term ‘terrain vague’ in the 1990s and it has since been used widely to describe “wastelands” or “strange places” that “exist outside the city’s effective circuits and productive structures” (Mariani and Barron, 2013: preface). De Solá-Morales’ terrain vague also intersects with Foucault’s theory of heterotopia. Although Foucault never clarified what precisely he meant when using the term heterotopia, it may be generally understood as being “a world offcentre with respect to normal or everyday spaces, one that possesses multiple, fragmented, or even incompatible meanings” (De Cauter, 2008: intro). If topdown planning is representative of normative values and mass consensus and creates the spaces in which the neo-liberal economy operates, then the spaces left over after planning may be considered as functioning outside of the productive city landscape, or as terrain vague.

De Solá-Morales’ decision to employ the term terrain vague is seminal to understanding these spaces; for through it he proposes a contrary reading to the negative interpretations of empty space as ‘indeterminate’ and ‘uncertain’.

It is through this specific term that de Solá-Morales acknowledges the ‘evocative potential’ of these sites (de Solá-Morales, 1995: 120), whose absence of use evokes a sense of freedom, mobility and liberty; hence, terrain vague may be read as a space of value - of ‘the possible, of expectation’ (Ibid: 120) - instead of as a wasteland of abandonment. Before discussing further the value of terrain vague, the paper illustrates its presence in Dalmarnock.

Figure 10 Spaces Left Over After Planning - an Aerial view of the Athlete’s village highlighting the extents of vacant land surrounding it

Figure 11 Demolition of Dalmarnock Power Station, 1980s

Figure 12 Demolition of Amenities before Commonwealth Games

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Chapter 2.2 Terrain Vague in Dalmarnock

In the latter half of the 20th Century a socio-political shift from an urban-industrial culture to a service-based economy saw the restructuring of industrial landscapes across the UK. It was during this time that much of the land in Dalmarnock was abandoned. Thus urban wastelands and vacant post-industrial buildings occupy a large amount of the land in Dalmarnock (fig. 10), with “100% of people in Dalmarnock and Parkhead living within 500m of a derelict site,” (Dall and Smith, 2015: 8). These are areas that, having lost their old functions and having not yet acquired new ones, evoke qualities of the spaces de Solà-Morales’ refers to in Terrain Vague. There is also a terrain vague in Dalmarnock that has resulted more recently from top-down urban transformations: the Commonwealth games saw tenements and shops transform into swathes of tarmac and rubble (fig. 9). These spaces are earmarked for future development but at present their function and ownership is unclear. Littered with food wrappers and Buckfast bottles (fig. 13), one encounters a sense of abandonment and uncertainty, but also a sense that these marginal spaces offer a freedom from imposed social boundaries, acting as stages for alternative and transgressive activities. The following photographic fieldwork captures the presence of terrain vague in Dalmarnock. It was carried out over the course of three months, during which time I revisited the site weekly.

Figure 13 Buckfast, between Baltic Street and Clyde Gateway

Figure 14 Industrial Ruin, Baltic Street Figure 15 Industrial Ruin, Dora Street

Figure 16 Industrial Wilderness, Strathclyde Street, Dalmarnock Figure 17 Vacant Building, Carstairs Street, Dalmarnock

Figure 18 Undefined Space, Carstairs Street, Dalmarnock Figure 19 Where tenements once stood, next to Athlete’s village

Figure 20 The Commonwealth Wall, Dalmarnock Road Figure 21 The last of the local amenities, Dalmarnock Road

Figure 22 Old tenement on Dalmarnock Road (from Woddrop Street) Figure 23 Regeneration Rubbish left after the Games, Woddrop Street

Figure 24 Dereliction, Swanston Street, Dalmarnock Figure 25 Dereliction, Swanston Street, Dalmarnock

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Chapter 2.3 Value of terrain vague

“Confounding the axes of verticality and horizontality, and the continued primacy of the right angle so beloved of Le Corbusier and his modernist architectural adherents, the ruin presents a funhouse of the skew-whiff and the oblique” - Tim Edensor, Industrial Ruins: Space, Aesthetics and Materiality The belief that urban landscapes must present an ordered and orderly appearance to signify prosperity is articulated through top-down procedures to such an extent that it is now “embedded in a wider consciousness” (Edensor, 2005: 59).

This belief has resulted in the division and classification of space into discrete elements, seeing the emergence of residential districts, commercial districts and so on. It now forms part of the “normative aesthetic ordering of space” (Ibid: 73). By contrast, the vacant spaces that are left over after planning frequently do not fit into this aesthetic ordering and thus are widely considered to be “unattractive or ugly” (Ibid: 73). According to the conventional reading of the urban landscape, dereliction and vacancy are signs of waste, and for authorities they tend to indicate an area’s deficiency, “that simultaneously signifies a vanished prosperity and by contrast, an uncertain future” (Ibid: 7).

The Scottish Government’s definitions of vacant and derelict land reinforce the belief that these spaces do not fit into the mainstream ordering of the city and thus need to be developed in order to be aesthetically and economically valuable.

It defines vacant land (and buildings) as “unused for the purposes for which it is held and is viewed as an appropriate site for development.” (2012: 4) and derelict land as “land which has been so damaged by development, that it is incapable of development for beneficial use without rehabilitation. In addition the land must currently not be used for the purpose for which it is held or a use acceptable in the local plan. Land also qualifies as derelict if it has an un-remedied previous use which could constrain future development” (2012: 4).

As well as aesthetic and economic evaluations, social evaluations of vacant and derelict land also contribute to a widely negative view of these spaces. Crime, deviancy and social deprivation are repeatedly linked to derelict and vacant spaces. According to the Scottish Government, “Glasgow City has the largest amount of derelict and urban vacant land located within the 15% most deprived data zones” (2012: 20). Terms such as “social exclusion” - often attributed to neighbourhoods that, like Dalmarnock, fall within this 15% - reinforce the idea that social practices operating in and around derelict and vacant land are outwith the normative social order. This is confirmed by a “determination to minimise the effects of ‘anti-social’ activities” (Edensor, 2005: 10) through urban regeneration in these areas. One can conclude from this that planners and authorities widely consider vacant spaces as “dead zones” (Doron, 2007) and as problematic in

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city plans, assigning them very little value (Figs. 26 and 27). However, whilst the institutional perspective depicts abandoned spaces negatively, this paper argues that they contain far richer qualities than mere redundancy, physically manifesting the potential de Solá-Morales captures with his term terrain vague.

Prescriptive, top-down spaces cajole people to act according to preferred, normative codes of behaviour. Conversely, in terrain vague the body experiences respite from the assumptions encoding the city, that determine what should be done and where. The ambiguity of terrain vague liberates one from these constraints offering “limitless possibilities” and a “wide scope for imaginative interpretation” (Edensor, 2005: 4). Thus terrain vague often becomes a landscape of “openness and multiple uses” (Boeri in De Cauter, 2008: 208). As it is a space that opposes the normative workings of the city, it “can accommodate a range of activities not easily permitted or tolerated in officially designated public spaces” (Kamvasinou, 2011: 161). From this perspective terrain vague has been a place of transgression, and has resisted and opposed the architectural profession (De Cauter, 2008: 207) through the alternative modes of design and production practiced there.

By appropriating and inhabiting terrain vague, one challenges the conventional ways by which urban life is organised: “(derelict spaces) present opportunities for carrying out leisure practices which would be frowned upon in more regulated urban space ... they re-inscribe the carnivalesque in an increasingly smoothedover urban environment” (Edensor, 2005: 30).

Sources: © Crown copyright and database right (2015).

All rights reserved.

Ordnance Survey Licence number 100024655 The Scottish Government 19 February 2015

Vacant Land Derelict land

Figure 26 Derelict and Vacant Land in the East End of Glasgow

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Conclusion In exemplifying terrain vague this chapter critiques the over-regulated character of contemporary urban space – in which placelessness has emerged by design. While sterile urban landscapes emerging from top-down processes fetter diversity and richness in meaning, terrain vague, by contrast, may be considered as a space without function, a space of disorder that stimulates creative practices and alternative modes of thought. Terrain vague exists externally to the mainstream functioning of the city, ‘outside of the Apollonian processes of disciplinary ordering’ (Ibid: 94).

Terrain vague cultivates notions of how urban space may be ordered differently, it suggests a future where individuals are recognized and their desires nurtured, as opposed to being ‘subsumed under individualistic consumption’ (Ibid: 95).

This aspect of terrain vague derides authorities’ and governments’ assertions that social stability may be reached through economic prosperity, challenging concepts of progress based on neo-liberal modes of thought, through which globalised capitalism flourishes.

As modern, top-down planning becomes increasingly inauthentic and detaches people from place in the search for a “more stable social reality” (Ibid: 128), authentic place making is growing more appealing. The ‘otherness’ of terrain vague sets a precedent for its use in authentic, bottom-up design processes, for in terrain vague there is a freedom not afforded by spaces in which function is prescribed by top-down planning. The fact that planners and authorities consider derelict spaces as of little value compounds its suitability in bottom-up processes. The lack of interest from developers and investors drives the price of the land down, thus they are financially the most accessible spaces. This freedom and accessibility allows terrain vague to become a space of “tactic” within a field regulated by “strategy” – terms that I will go on to define in the following chapter.

Figure 27 “Incivility Sites”, Produced by MOBILELAND Glasgow, in collaboration with GCC

Figure 28 Repair and Reconnection of Dalmarnock, by GCC

Figure 29 Baltic Street Adventure Playground, 2016

“Objects from the outside world or found within the confines of the ruin contribute to the arbitrary placing of objects and the uncanny presence of things out of place” (Edensor, 2005: 27)

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CHAPTER 3 INHABITING SLOAP - TACTICAL URBANISM Introduction Before outlining my case study and fieldwork I introduce the term ‘tactical urbanism’. Rebar defines tactical urbanism as “the use of modest or temporary revisions to urban space to seed structural environmental change” (in Hou, 2010: 49). This definition emerges from de Certeau’s theory of “strategies and tactics” – in which he describes two contrasting relationships between power and space. Where a “tactic is determined by the absence of power … a strategy is organised by the postulation of power” (de Certeau et al., 2002: 38). One may infer from this that strategies project power from a distance and act from within the confines of their own “proper place, or institution” (Ibid: xix), thus the source of the power is obscured. Notions of strategy and tactic relate back to Relph’s authentic and inauthentic dichotomy, whereby inauthentic place making is shaped by mass attitudes and delivered by external sources or ‘the dictatorship of the “they”’ (Relph, 1976: 63). Strategies shape the modus operandi of local authorities, governments and other organisations through which top-down urban regeneration is carried out. Tactics, on the other hand, are “calculated actions determined by the absence of a proper locus” (ibid: 36-37); they exist outside and between the dominant power structures that shape the city at a large scale.

In this paper “strategy” may be understood in relation to top-down regeneration and high-level structural changes by political and economic powers and “tactic” encompasses those acts that exist outside the realm of ‘top-down’, namely tactical urbanism and bottom-up processes. Ultimately tactics introduce alternative values and practices to a field regulated by strategies and in doing so they play with the foundations of power, turning the field to their advantage.

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Chapter 3.1 Tactical Urbanism

In order to shed light on the significance of strategies and tactics in urbanism I now discuss the theories of the Situationist International (SI). The work of the SI reinforces the argument (presented in chapter 1) that strategies and topdown regeneration have a negative effect, specifically with regards to the loss of the individual to mass culture, inauthenticity and placelessness. However it advances the conversation by suggesting tactics through which one may resist the negative forces of this kind of repression. The SI was a group of intellectuals and artists, prominent in Europe from 1960 to 1970, whose theoretical foundations were derived from avant-garde art theory and Libertarian Marxism. Through the concepts of psychogeography (“the specific effects of the geographical environment on the emotions and behaviour of the individual” (Andreotti and Costa, 1996: 69)) and unitary urbanism (“the theory of the combined use of arts and techniques as a means contributing to the construction of a unified milieu in dynamic relation with experiments in behaviour” (Debord, 1958)), they critiqued what they perceived to be the spread of capitalism to everyday life.

The link to my earlier discussion on the negative effects of top-down regeneration becomes clear when reading the Society of the Spectacle, in which Debord describes a world devastated by the shift from use-value to exchange-value and mass media: “Capitalist production has unified space, which is no longer bounded by external societies. This unification is at the same time an extensive and intensive process of banalization. The accumulation of commodities produced in mass for the abstract space of the market ... also had to destroy the autonomy and quality of places” (Debord, 1984: 165) Here we are reminded of Relph and Augé’s respective theories of inauthentic place making and non-place. Debord elaborates on how this “banalization” has come about, claiming that “authoritarian decision, which abstractly organises territory into territory of abstraction, is obviously at the heart of these modern conditions of construction” (Ibid: 173). The power relationship implied here is that of strategy, not tactic.

In the place of what the SI saw as a dehumanising and functionalist urbanism they posited one based on tactics and play, inspired by the writing of Johan Huizinga in Homo Ludens. It is this notion that play may be a tactic for subverting power structures and for inhabiting cracks in the dominant ordering of public space that I will explore through a case study, Baltic Street Adventure Playground.

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In the editorial notes of the Internationale Situationniste 1 the SI write, “due to its marginal existence in relation to the oppressive reality of work, play is often regarded as fictitious. But the work of the situationists is precisely the preparation of ludic possibilities to come” (1958). For Vaneigem “the pursuit of play and games promises a world of “masters without slaves”, an end to hierarchies and social separation, and the rejection of fixed roles” (ibid: 108). In describing a world without a dominant power system these quotes convey the different ways by which the SI encouraged the use of tactics, specifically play, to resist advanced capitalism. Whilst the SI’s desire to end hierarchies through tactics was somewhat superlative, I go back to Rebar’s definition of tactical urbanism as “the use of modest or temporary revisions to urban space to seed structural environmental change”.

Figure 30 The Naked City, Guy Debord Debord’s psychogeographic map “the naked city” articulates time, the association of ideas and human experience of space. In doing so he challenges traditional ideas of mapping and urban planning (as outlined in chapter 1) that abstract space into one that relates only to scale and location. The “dérives” (aimless wanderings and explorations through the city, as mapped in “the naked city”) were a tactic through which the SI inhabited space, undetermined by a greater power.

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Chapter 3.2 Tactical Urbanism in Dalmarnock

To illustrate tactical urbanism in practice, the paper now returns to Dalmarnock, specifically BSAP. A review of my fieldwork outlines the tactics employed in BSAP. I then consider the wider effects of these tactics at a local and individual scale. The fieldwork includes interviews with the operational manager of BSAP and the lead play-worker, who is a local resident, and participant observation through weekly volunteering in the playground. The fieldwork formally began in early January, although my involvement with BSAP arose before the conception of this piece of work and, due to my personal commitment to the work carried out there, is on-going.

BSAP BSAP is a public art project, commissioned in the lead up to the Commonwealth games. In an area where “55% (of children) are defined as living in poverty, 22% in over-crowded homes”, where “alcohol use is 291% higher than the Scottish average” and where there is “nowhere else that it is safe to play” (Dall and Smith, 2015: 1), BSAP was set up to tackle the challenges faced by children growing up in an urban environment of relative scarcity. The relationship between BSAP, terrain vague and collaborative design is initially outlined, and then the analysis turns to how this makes BSAP a social and political space and what parallels exist between the role of the play-worker in adventure playgrounds and the role of the architect in bottom-up processes. The aim here is not to suggest that tactics could entirely replace strategies. Instead tactical urbanism is presented as a means through which users may become more engaged with the spaces they inhabit, ultimately offsetting the effects of placelessness through top-down design.

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Play, Tactics and Terrain Vague “One of the most important characteristics of play is its spatial separation from ordinary life.”

- Huizinga 1992: 19 Here Huizinga outlines that play must be located outside of the prescribed and functional spaces of the city, which are regulated by authoritarian power and strategy. This is because the integral characteristics of play are that it is “free” and that it involves a “stepping out of “real” life into a temporary sphere of activity with a disposition all of its own” (ibid: 8). Because there is an “absence of power” (de Certeau et al., 2002: 38), play may also be described by the term “tactic” – control over the game exists within its confines. Thus the siting of BSAP is crucial to its success.

Assemble chose to locate BSAP “on the site of a bombed out factory” (Amica Dall, 2014). The logic behind this is twofold. First, it harks back to the origins of the adventure playground. Emerging in the UK in the years following WWII, adventure playgrounds were frequently situated in bombed sites in order to contribute to the debate on “how to rebuild London” (Kozlovsky, 2013: 15).

Second, the site exists outside the dominant, functional logic of the city. When BSAP was conceived the site had no prescribed function, as described by the operational manager: ‘This was a piece of derelict land, it was a very disused space, there was nothing really here” (appendix 2).

In this sense it falls under the category of terrain vague. Although Assemble don’t explicitly refer to the significance of terrain vague when discussing the reasons for choosing the site, it is implied in statements such as “there’s all kinds of opportunities in an environment that looks quite sparse” (Amica Dall, 2014).

Aesthetically the site of BSAP still evokes the ambiguity of terrain vague; initially it was an empty, muddy plot (fig. 31) and even now with some built structures in place it retains a level of uncertainty. The unclear ownership of the site adds to the sense that it is a terrain vague – it is owned by GCC, the Scottish Episcopalian Church and Molendinar housing association (Dall and Smith, 2015: 13). The complicated ownership also decreases the value of the land, which is another critical feature as the project struggles for funding.

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Whilst the characteristics outlined above allow one to employ tactical urbanism, the space BSAP inhabits solicits negative responses from some observers. The common interpretation of terrain vague as being ‘un-inhabited, un-safe, unproductive’ (de Solá-Morales, 1995: 120), means that BSAP wasn’t welcomed initially by older members of the community. As the lead play-worker described to me: ‘The parents don’t really see it as a playground at the time, they just seen it as a scrap yard’ (appendix 1).

This statement reinforces the conclusion that local acceptance of BSAP by adults was initially limited. However it is this vagueness that imbues the playground with the characteristics necessary to make it function successfully.

“We always want people to come to Baltic Street and know that it could change at any point” (appendix 2).

As discussed in chapter 2, terrain vague, due to its weak classification, allows for “a wide range of encounters and greater self-governance and expressiveness” (Sibley in Edensor, 2005: 54 – 55). The primary objective of BSAP is to provide a space “where children can claim their right to play freely, without external pressure” (Dall and Smith, 2015: 10). BSAP’s siting in terrain vague expressly achieves this by allowing the children to appropriate space free from the constraints imposed upon them in prescribed public spaces. The analysis goes on to elaborate on how the site’s characteristics allow for tactical urbanism and creative engagement with the space.

Figure 31 Baltic Street Adventure Playground Site, pre-2014

Figure 32 Baltic Street Adventure Playground, 2014

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Tactical Urbanism and Creativity Adventure playgrounds employ ‘tactical urbanism’ in a way that contradicts conventional top-down planning. When adventure playgrounds emerged in the post-war years, the prevailing planning ideologies were based on “rational, functionalist principles” (Kozlovsky, 2013: 15 – 16). Lady Allen of Hurtwood, who promoted the concept in the UK, “critiqued functionalism as too rigid to accommodate the agency of the user” (Kozlovsky, 2013: 26). Instead adventure playgrounds are conceived of as inherently flexible, physically and operationally – features that are compounded by their ambiguous physical character. This means that they accommodate many activities. For example, BSAP offers young children a space to play but it also cross-subsidizes youth work.

This is something that I have personally been involved with in a project (‘teen-building’) that blurs the boundaries between recreational activity, training and work experience, and voluntary work for 13-17 year olds in Dalmarnock. From engagement with this project I have witnessed first-hand the planning and building culture of adventure playgrounds.

Creativity and improvisation are inherent to the act of reclaiming residual space, and as the work is carried out collectively and democratically, it is frequently innovative and unconventional when compared to top-down processes.

Where authorities’ planning culture is defined by planning law and bureaucracy (through strategy), the planning culture of youths (figs. 33 and 34), with an absence of power and control, responds immediately to a need, an idea, location, materials and equipment (through tactics).

Figure 33 BSAP - ideas board

Figure 34 BSAP - planning

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The process relies heavily on trial-and-error, where successful projects become stable and failed ones are abandoned or revised. In the teenbuilding project the young children held meetings with the teenage volunteers in order to communicate their desire – to have a network of tree houses running across the playground. Together they collected images of structures they liked and then drew up proposals based on the materials at hand in the playground. Each week I, along with the leader of FSFT (a local skills academy), assisted the volunteers in realising the younger children’s dream. The freedom afforded by a low financial risk allowed us to experiment creatively throughout the process in a way that is not afforded in top-down, resulting in more innovative solutions. The democratic and inclusive nature of tactical urbanism views the children not as space consumers but as partners in the production of space. As the process places the users at its heart, the results, although ad-hoc, are cherished and valued – thus they are inherently valuable. Although these tactics do not translate directly to large-scale regeneration projects, Jane Jacobs endorses the lessons that can be learnt from them where she writes: “cities are an immense laboratory of trial and error (…) this is the laboratory in which city planning should have been learning” (1961: 6).

Figure 35 BSAP - results from ‘teen-building’ (week 1)

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Politics, Democracy and Leadership “Inside the playground an absolute and peculiar order reigns. … It creates order, is order. Into the confusion of life it brings a temporary, limited perfection.”

- Huizinga, 1992: 10 The operational manager summarised the absence of power and authoritarian leadership to me when she said: “Our aim is to inspire the children without leading them into it, without providing compulsory activities, we hope to inspire them by allowing them a free space where they can develop and feel empowered” (appendix 2).

The absence of external authority, reinforced physically by the lack of structured space in the playground, allows a self-governing and egalitarian order to arise “organically out of the needs of the situation’”(Kozlovsky, 2013: 26), advancing children’s self-responsibility and social skills. In this way the playground becomes a political space, as it opposes the treatment of children in the spaces that arise from top-down planning, where behavioural codes are imposed upon them. The democratic model of participation seen in the playground is rooted in a “psychological notion of political citizenship” (Kozlovsky, 2013: 30). It provides the children a sense of what it means to be a member of a democratic community, they “learn respect, empowerment, cause and effect” (appendix 2); thus democratic values are promoted through play.

As adventure playgrounds rely on a lack of singular leadership or authority, the notion of involving a play-worker or architect seems a contradiction. In much the same way, tactical urbanism also views the users of space as partners in its production. This level of collaboration requires a paradigm shift amongst architects as one begins to question what roles the play-worker and architect perform, how they negotiate issues of control, and why they are needed at all in these processes.

If we follow Gropius’ claim that architecture is “the mastery of space”, relinquishing control over the production of space seems as though it could undermine the profession. This paper suggests, however, that a shift in how the architect’s role is perceived is crucial when considering bottom-up design.

This shift is summed up by Blundell-Jones: “rather than a master, they are a mediator” (2004: 77). Architects have co-ordination and communication skills that are essential to tactical urbanism and bottom-up projects. These skills enable the architect to interpret the knowledge and creativity of others in order to make decisions and deliver projects that are in line with their desires. For example, while in the adventure playground “the “imagination” at play should be that of the child” (Kozlovsky, 2013: 6), the children do require a level of professional guidance. They need to be taught, for example, how to use equipment correctly – as became clear in the ‘teen-building’ project. Throughout this project we helped the children interpret their desires with the use of drawings and descriptions, then we assisted them with construction. The architect functions in a similar way in

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bottom-up design, playing a facilitative role as opposed to a dictatorial one.

Architects and play-workers mediate relationships between the users of the space, but they also facilitate communication between the users and external authorities.

For example, TOMA describes the architect as a “mediator connecting political and economic powers” (2015). As points of connection, the architect and playworker reinforce the users’ interests to political and economic powers – by, for example, securing funding or property rights. In this way the architect becomes an activist reducing power imbalances between tactics and strategies by acting as a “lobby organisation” (Ziehl, Osswald, and Hasemann, 2012: 350). Going once again back to Rebar’s definition of tactical urbanism as “the use of modest or temporary revisions to urban space to seed structural environmental change”, we begin to understand that without the “lobby organisation” the opportunity for tactical urbanism to trigger structural change becomes a distant dream.

Chapter 3.3 Results “A play community tends to become permanent even after the game is over (...) the feeling of being “apart together” in an exceptional situation, of sharing something important, of mutually withdrawing from the rest of the world and rejecting the usual norms, retains its magic beyond the duration of the individual game” - Huizinga, 1992: 12 Having outlined the BSAP’s key features, this section comments on authentic place making in the playground, the wider impact of BSAP and, more generally, the local effect of tactical urbanism in comparison to top-down regeneration, as discussed in chapter 1.

Authentic Place Making “The erasure of the personality is the fatal accompaniment to an existence which is concretely submissive to the spectacle’s rules, ever more removed from the possibility of authentic experience and thus from the discovery of individual preferences” (Debord and Imrie, 1998: 32). As a physical embodiment of what Debord and Imrie describe here, erasure of distinct urban characteristics in Dalmarnock through inauthentic place making hypothetically has negative consequences for the individual. In conversation with the operational manager of BSAP, they described some of the consequences for the citizens:

52 “When the space across the road, having been a community centre and local shops, was decimated to make way for the coach park. They saw that the local community wasn’t treated with much respect and that there was a desperate need for a space for children to play” (appendix 2).

A lack of distinct play spaces and public places in Dalmarnock and a sense that the community did not have input into the development of the area points to the need for authentic place making. Relph asserts that inauthentic place making arises from ‘technique’ and ‘central authorities’ (in Carmona and Tiesdell, 2006: 269), which both bear a relationship to strategy. One may then deduce that the reverse of this - authentic place making - arises from tactics. In employing tactics that allow citizens to collectively and unselfconsciously develop space, BSAP has become a distinct place within the urban fabric of Dalmarnock. It has in many ways offered the people of Dalmarnock some relief from placelessness and the crushing homogeneity of mass development.

Dual Role of Regeneration Not only does tactical urbanism benefit the individual through creating authentic space, it also becomes a personally transformative process that allows for the progression of oneself and of a community. This is something that I witnessed through my involvement in the ‘teen-building’ project. With each week the teenagers adapted their structures to varying creative and practical needs, and in the process they themselves changed, in part from the skills they had developed and in part from the stimulation provided to them by those very structures they had created. This illustrates that in producing an environment, people are reproduced by it. Consequently planning becomes a “dialectical process in which reality expands continuously (...) which in turn become increasingly diversified through new expansions of reality” (Blundell-Jones, 2004: 34). When considering an area with high levels of social deprivation, the development of active citizens, who are empowered to change their own surroundings, is as important as the development of the urban fabric. Thus the success of a regeneration project may be related both to its physical qualities and to its “co-production” with its users (Kamvasinou and Roberts, 2013: 189).

Resilience and the Growth of Social Capital As discussed in chapter 1, top-down regeneration tends to fail at a social level.

BSAP is thus a crucial space socially for the people of Dalmarnock. Because space left over after planning is cheap, accessible and egalitarian, it is a platform from which one may set up and expand social networks. The area around Dalmarnock has a strong history of sectarianism, gang fighting and territorialism. As a local resident described:

53 “There’s a divide between both areas right now, and, you know, Glasgow’s very territorial, if we don’t break that down, in 5 years time they’ll be fighting one another, and I know territorialism, I’ve gang fought myself, I know how much it can damage people’s lives. If we just leave it it’ll go septic” (appendix 1).

The current urban environment – with derelict spaces physically separating neighbours from one another – is at risk of continuing this history. As a free and unprejudiced space, BSAP invites everyone to gather and contribute; in doing this it breaks down some of the social barriers that exist in Dalmarnock.

Furthermore, as investment in urban regeneration projects is dependent on the swings of a global market - one that may crash at any time - it is essential that communities develop social capital that will enable them to adapt and be resilient to strategic structural changes. The bottom-up tactics used at BSAP allows individuals to contribute to collective actions, ultimately building “confidence and resilience at an individual and community level, and enabling children and staff to develop a deep-seated conviction in their capacity to make sustained change the world around them” (Dall and Smith, 2015: 1). As the operational manager outlined to me: “We want to be able to break down the barriers that can be so intimidating to people” (appendix 2).

Due to the high levels of social exclusion there, tackling the barriers currently faced by many in Dalmarnock is essential and is something that has been largely overlooked in the top-down regeneration. Places like BSAP cultivate social capital and emancipate local people from a dependency on external supplies.

Bottom-up tactics defy elitist regeneration by demonstrating that local and social economies can be successful whilst being inclusive; this is particularly important for the financially weak. The collaborative culture that tactical urbanism develops has an embedded value and impact that outlives what is physically produced - “it has the potential to be an active and critical part of the area’s future growth for many years to come” (Dall and Smith, 2015: 3). To conclude, I acknowledge that the tactics demonstrated in BSAP do not have the power to carry out structural change themselves, but that they may, however, catalyse changes beyond their immediate realm and begin to provide social sustainability where top-down regeneration frequently falls short.

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CONCLUSION This study has established that the loss of human scale due to mass culture is petrified in the placeless edifices of mass developments, motorways and chain stores. Top-down developments are incrementally absorbing urban landscapes as the economy’s commodities and cash flow progressively morph, but what about the spaces planners consider unworthy of development? The market’s mutations produce inoperable spaces and terrain vague in the urban landscape – abandoned factories, collieries and other yardsticks of the industrial era. Whilst commonly perceived as worthless, these proverbial urban junkyards serve as valuable projection surfaces for the desires of marginalised citizens, through which they may discover new identities, create a unique sense of place and build stronger communities. Through analysis of the bottom-up appropriation of a space left over after planning (BSAP), this paper reveals alternative mechanisms that may be used in urban planning to strive for greater social inclusion and ‘authentic placemaking’ (Relph, 1976).

The case study, BSAP, and its context, Dalmarnock, were used to explore these themes and to challenge normative, contemporary regeneration paradigms, instead asking whether the benefits of siting tactical urbanism in empty sites may be articulated as a way of redefining terrain vague; and what the wider impacts of tactical urbanism on a community may be.

The paper began with an outline of Augé and Relph’s theories on non-place and placelessness, which illuminated issues arising from top-down planning. I then went on to discuss terrain vague, as outlined by de Solá-Morales. This theoretical framework, established in the first two chapters, enables the urban fabric of Dalmarnock to be understood, drawing out a positive reading of the vacant and derelict spaces. Having provided an overview of the urban fabric of Dalmarnock and of how it is perceived by authorities and residents, I then introduce ‘tactical urbanism’ to illustrate how terrain vague may be valuably appropriated and how one may counter the negative social effects of top-down regeneration. ‘Tactical urbanism’ is presented initially in terms of its theoretical underpinnings, the work of de Certau and the Situationist International, and then elaborated on through documentation and analysis of BSAP. The work concludes that land that may be classified as terrain vague should not be deemed useless but that, on the contrary, terrain vague can provide a platform for a wide range of practices that may be restricted in prescriptive public space, thanks to its ambiguity and unregulated nature. There is a freedom associated with terrain vague that contrasts with the constraints of daily life elsewhere.

Throughout the analysis there is a sense that regeneration is a complex and highly charged act. Political, economic and social storylines all contribute to the positive and negative readings of urban regeneration at local, regional and national scales – whether top-down or bottom-up. Issues that arise from combining different

cultural outlooks and measures of worth are exemplified in urban regeneration, through scalar mismatch. Top-down regeneration produces outcomes based on a neo-liberal value system. This kind of market rationality focuses more on economic success than social need. The line of argument followed in this paper is that top-down processes need to be qualified by an ethical commitment to social issues, for sustainable development relies on an equal commitment to social inclusion and economic prosperity. The issues discussed in my paper are especially relevant to architects - as players in both the tactical and strategic realms, who have the opportunity to bring power and the ‘subjects’ of that power closer together.

When considered in the context of design projects, a social commitment of this kind and a clear understanding of the value of bottom-up processes is likely to benefit the space’s users and society more generally.

Early in my research, a local resident led me around Dalmarnock. He pointed to a swathe of tarmac (the athlete’s bus park) and told me that a community centre, health centre and multiple shops had once stood there. The Commonwealth Games threw Dalmarnock under the spotlight and while the storyline of the games’ success was proliferated through the media in the lead up to the event and in the days following, since 2014 little has been published on the on-going legacy of the games. In the process of ‘regenerating’ Dalmarnock, a community has been uprooted and replaced by incomplete infrastructure, placelessness and swathes of abandoned spaces with no formal function. The significant outcome of this research has been a more nuanced understanding of these ‘abandoned spaces’; defining them as terrain vague acknowledges the potential value of these sites as accessible and unregulated spaces, consequently the paper incites a more socially inclusive attitude towards the regeneration of cities. Following on from this, a pertinent question arising from my research is: Can tactical urbanism become a catalyst for changes in top-down regeneration, and in the way open spaces are used and perceived?

Figure 36 The Bus Park

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IMAGE BIBLIOGRAPHY Figures 1 and 2.

Location Graphics, produced by the Author (2016) Figures 3 and 4.

Regeneration Strategy Maps, Glasgow City Council, www.gov.scot [Accessed: 02/03/2016 ] Figures 5, 6, 7 and 8.

East End Eye extracts (2009-2014), gamesmonitor2014.org [Accessed: 10/03/2016] Figure 9.

Terrain Vague, Author’s own photograph (2016), Dalmarnock Figure 10.

Aerial View of Dalmarnock, Produced by the Author, (2016) - use of www.rcahms.gov.uk Figure 11.

Demolition of Dalmarnock Power Station, 1980s, www.glesga.ukpals.com [Accessed: 10/01/2016] Figure 12.

Demolition of Amenities before Commonwealth Games, www.chrisleslie.com [Accessed: 10/01/2016] Figures 13 - 25.

Dalmarnock, Author’s own photographs (2016) Figure 26.

Derelict and Vacant Land in the East End of Glasgow, www.gov.scot [Accessed: 07/03/2016] Figure 27 Incivility Sites, Produced by MOBILELAND Glasgow, in collaboration with GCC [Accessed: 26/02/2016] Figure 29.

BSAP, Author’s own photograph (2016), Dalmarnock Figure 30.

The Naked City, Guy Debord, searchofthesublime.tumblr.com [Accessed: 07/04/2016] Figurs 31, 32 and 34.

Baltic Street Adventure Playground, At: www.balticstreetadventureplay.co.uk [Accessed: 09/03/2016] Figures 33 and 35.

Teen-building, Author’s own photographs (2016) Figure 36.

The Bus Park, Author’s own photograph (2016)

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APPENDIX 1 Transcript interview with Robert Kennedy (R), local resident, board member on people’s development trust, and lead playworker at BSAP - on 17.02.16 by the author E: Why do you think the playground is important to this area?

R: During the Commonwealth games this area got massive regeneration but it also lost all the facilities it already had. It had an existing community centre and playground, football pitch, a childcare service across the road, and a disabled adults group. None of that replaced, none of that was put in place for when they made way for the transport hub. It meant the existing community never had any access to anything really, all the shops, all the local amenities were taken away. So because of that, when Assemble got the funding and seen there’s nae play facilities because waens were just playing in the street, we wanted to make it a child led space, here you’re saying ‘yous do what yous want to do’. It means we’re developing adults, we’re developing stronger adults because they’ll believe in their own abilities, and build confidence in themselves to do what they want to do. When the playground was decided upon, we spoke to residents, they said they wanted to replace what was already there. It was trying to persuade them that although this doesnae look as good, it’s ten times more valuable for those children than just putting a steel frame swing. We tried to use the kids to establish that to the parents but at the start it was a bit of a fight because they don’t really see it as a playground at the time, they just seen it as a scrap yard.

E: How did you communicate the idea of the playground to people? Were they slow to get on board?

R: Yes, at the start all adults were slow to get on board. Children were never gonna be the problem, the adults were always going to be the problem. It was trying to explain to parents that through those risky behaviours they would then learn their limits and learn to push through their limits. I went to visit some playgrounds in London… in Berlin… and then because I’m a local I tried to verbalise that to people. Word of mouth is invaluable in organisations like this because people believe what their neighbour tells them, they don’t believe what somebody parachuting in from the West end tells them.

E: When it started out did you make an effort to try and market the playground as something completely separate from the rest of the regeneration happening in the area?

R: Yes, I actively made a point that this was nothing to do with the commonwealth games. I made sure people knew we weren’t affiliated with the commonwealth games. People had to know that this was separate to that, because people are very resentful of that, because they just get taken over.

E: What was the feeling in the lead up to the games, and then after the games?

R: I moved in to my house [2 minutes from BSAP] just before the games started, obviously I been working here before that. The feeling was shock and anger because so many promises were made to these people, they promised the world and never got nothing. They were promised new shops, promised new community centres, promised all these houses in the village would all go to local people and none of it came to fruition. They were having consultation events but naebody knew about them. A select few would get a letter through the door. They were closing all the roads round about for the games, fencing people in. I made a point of distributing the letter to all the people. 450 people came to that one, it shows you the difference of good marketing, because people did have a voice, and it turned into a rabble because people were asking questions and they couldnae answer them. So it just turned into anarchy, people were getting frustrated that all these things were being done. It felt as if we’re bringing these lovely new people in, all these athletes in, and they need protecting, but there isn’t any protection put in place for the community. It turned into a bit of a island during the games.

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E: For the kids that come here, they’ve grown up feeling with the commonwealth games like they didn’t really have control over what was happening in the area, and Baltic street offers them a chance to take a little bit of control. But is there anything for their parents? Would people like to have more control?

R: Oh massively, especially the residents that have just moved into the village. There’s a divide between both areas right now, and, you know, Glasgows very territorial. I see that as my job, if we don’t break that down, in 5 years time they’ll be fighting one another, and I know territorialism, I’ve gang fought myself, I know what it can do to people, I know how much it can damage people’s lives. If we just leave it it’ll go septic, they need to be invited in. The problem comes when you’ve got an architect dealing in something with 25-50 year projcets.

A child’s childhood is 7 years long, that’s a child’s full childhood taken away because of all the different things that are taking place locally. That’s where the council let organising committees do what they want. The new facilities, although they’re state of the art facilities, they’re no for people in this area. It’s no for them. That big thing up there’s not for this community, that’s for people outside this area to come in, use the velodrome.

E: Does Baltic Street work with any other local organisations, what other provision is there for helping people out socially?

R: We’ve got a network of groups: nhs, peek, playbusters, local after school cares. We’re trying to get all these people involved because that’s what in the long term will make it sustainable, is all these different people using it. That for me is what we’ll need to do long term, is apply for funding with these people. Theres the PDT up the road and FSFT, these are 2 pivotal things, for the young people to get them into employment. PDT is an umbrella organisation, right now we got 2 subsidiaries, they are the nursery and the legacy hub. The plan long term is to create other subsidiaries, we could potentially buy all the housing stock here and become a new housing association, start putting new people into employment, it could become a training academy for a variety of different things. I believe if you help people economically, and you get them into jobs, that helps them socially because its much easier to go to the shops, or the pub, if you’ve got money. The other thing is what this area really needs is shops, it needs shops or a meeting place. That’s where people stop and have conversations and that isnae there right now.

E: I suppose there’s no physical place where people can get together and try and form a community or a group...

R: Up the road [the Legacy Hub] is, but that’s more formal, a shops more informal. You find out most of your stuff informally and then take it to a formal meeting, so you’ll speak to somebody in a café or shop, that’s where you find out information locally, and then that’s the information you can carry into meetings with the guys at city council, big lottery whatever. But right now you’ve not got the first one so it makes the second one that much harder.

E: What are the key issues that you face working here because it was set up as a temporary thing initially, they didn’t put in as thorough a framework as they would have done had it been intended to be a permanent thing.

R: Right now, the major issue for Baltic street is funding, as of april/may we don’t have funding to keep us going. The secondary thing is, we need to build better relationships with schools, with nurseries, secondary schools, they’re constants in a community. You want to build relationships with them for longevity purposes and also to get young people actively using this space. The third thing is, you’ve got to have the right staff, the right people, the right skills to do the job. I think that’s where we lucked out. My plan is that as an organisation we should try develop, grow, make other types of these playgrounds. Try and develop that and make more in the east end of Glasgow. That’s where the board comes in, the board needs to be strong, we need more community representation on the board, because it’s null and void. That’s one of the major issues for the board. They don’t really know whats going on in this area, they don’t know day-to-day whereas the local people know that

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E: Do you think that with the Commonwealth Games people lost a sense of history and identity?

R: I think it’s a contributing factor, local people sort of went into their shells, they never challenged it enough. They now understand that the council don’t really give a shit about Dalmarnock. Dalmarnocks now served its purpose, the commonwealth games has now gone and there wont be any investment in this area for the next 40 year; until something else big comes along like that. It should always have been about the communities, and local people getting opportunities, there was promises of hundreds of apprentices, hundreds of this, hundreds of that, but it never came to fruition. For local people, they wont forget that. People still reminiscing about the old flats, and that’s always gonna happen. I believe what’s happened here will benefit these guys. For me, what’s happened in this area can only make it better, but they shoulda put the infrastructure in first. Put something in, then you can build of that. They never thought about it. The history of the place probably will be forgotten, there’s nae sign of the old Dalmarnock now. It’s about people triyng to look to the future now, rather than dwelling on the past any more E: So the future of Baltic street is uncertain, but do you feel that it’s had a lasting impact?

R: I believe the children will have a lasting impact, the parents ... no so much. But that was never the goal, the goal was never to change the world, but to help change the world. We’ve got young people now talking about being archtiects, artists, things people from this area don’t do.

People from this area tend to work in shops, bricklayers, menial jobs, that’s really it. Minimum wage blah blah blah ... If we can have one impact on a group of them 30 kids, I believe it’s served a great purpose. If these young children can become what I think they can become, they’ll change the world.

E: When Assemble were setting this up from London, people may not have related well to them. You played a seminal role in setting up the project.

R: A local person with skills should always be the person that leads it. I do believe that if I hadnae been here it would have been a lot worse, it wouldn’t have lasted this long, local people didn’t get it to start. Now I believe if it does go, people will be devasted, another local facility taken away from them. Anyone working here should be local people. Other people outwith, in positions of power, don’t care enough.

I feel I’ve developed massively since I came here, because I now know what it means to run something like this. It’s very easy to forget where you started.

E: What was it about Assemble that meant they gained your trust?

R: I met with Amica, I was speaking to her, I don’t really trust English people, it’s an old Scottish thing, so I went in very pessimistic, after a wee while it became very apparent to me that her main interest was the benefit of the children. And that’s the way I think all the time.

What you were saying about me being the buffer, I knew that was one of the reasons I got the job, because I was to deal with the local people, and I wouldn’t have told local people stuff if I didn’t believe it to be true. That’s pretty much why.

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APPENDIX 2 Transcript interview with Sarah Macmillan (S), operational manager at BSAP - on 17.02.16 by the author E So to start with could you tell me a little bit about BS, the core values and aims?

S BS is a child led space, so we have this quite rare piece of wild land that children are free to come and go as they please, they are free to play, climb, run, grow stuff, and build as well.

Our aim is to inspire the children without leading them into it, without providing compulsory activities, we hope to inspire them by allowing them a space where they can develop and feel empowered and grow emotionally.

E in terms of day-to-day tasks, what does that mean for the playworkers? How do they guide the children without leading them or directing htem too much?

S that’s a discipline in itself. From a general playwork setting, playworkers are experienced in directing children, we don’t do that here. If the playworkers are doing something, their challenge is to make it interesting enough to attract the kids, but most of it is about listening, and responding to what their needs are within space, whether that’s a big discussion or a need to build, that’s how that evolves. Part of the playworkers job here is site maintenance, kids come and help, kids get interested in that way, it’s passive, but it allows for kids to be creative in a space and start looking creatively at the structures around them that aren’t designed to be played with or on in a certain way.

E would you say the playworkers working here now were selected partly because of who they are, leading by example?

S yeh, I would. I think we’re extremely lucky to have the playworkers, they have an immense depth of expertise, understanding of children and how to inspire them, and also theyre from the local area. So they understand local issues, they are of real value E do you think it would be as successful if they weren’t from the local area?

S I really don’t, Having a core of local knowledge holds a bit of weight, with both the children and parents. Anybody coming from the same kind of environment elsewhere would work very well.

E How is the place predominantly funded.

S Initially through the commonwealth games happening, there was arts funding for artists to make pitches for a piece of art to celebrate the commonwealth games. Assemble came up and consulted widely in the local area. When the space across the road, having been a

community centre and local shops, was decimated to make way for the coach park, they saw that the local community wasn’t treated with much respect and that there was a desperate need for a space for children to play. There was nowhere for children

to play. This was a piece of derelict land, it was a very disused space, there was nothing really here. They decided to come in and build, they did a lot of research, they engaged Robert at that stage and he became extremely involved in designing the playground, he visited lots of playgrounds and took a lot of what he learnt there and helped assemble translate that into what the playgroun dis now.

E what happened in terms of permissions in acquiring the space S mull and deiner housing association, Scottish Episcopalian church and Glasgow city council.

We’re in the process of getting a 25 year lease from gcc, m+d let us use the land, it’s in their interest, we’re providing a really useful resource for the local community, and they are very supportive of us. SEC charge us 100 a year rent. That’s confusing, in an ideal world we’d own the land, we’d have a purpose built building for offices, project room etc etc but that’s in the dreams

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E how much structure is needed to make the project work?

S in an ideal world we’d have a few more staff members, we’re running on minimal right now.

Arguably it could run without my role on a day-to-day but operationally it might suffer. From a board point of view, we have wonderful people on our board and it would probably be good to get somebody with a legal background on it though, we’re lucky we have an accountant.

E because it was set up as a temporary thing, the framework perhaps wasn’t as thorough or successful for a permanent thing…

S I feel we’re playing catch up a little bit with that aspect. It was supposed to be a short-term project, and there is a need for it, it’s a difficult thing to start things up retrospectively. I also think, when the playground was set up the idea was that it was this free space and there intentionally wasn’t a visible management or structure because that sits well with how the playground runs and the vision for the playground, but these things need to have structures and policies and procedures in place and that jars a bit with the ethos of the playground and I suppose part of my role is to manage that. There’s a bit of negotiation facilitating things.

E so you’re role’s been pretty seminal in the transition from temporary to permanent S yeh I think so. To be honest, a lot of it’s writing down whats already being done. The staff are great, they’ve been recruited really well E in the initial stages part of the excitement would have been the idea that the space was completely open to interventions, the space was a derelict space where the kids could come in and do whatever they wanted, do you think that over time as you’ve started to develop the landscape that it’s begun to lose that dereliction and lack of control? Or that it’s in a constant state of flux?

S I think that it looks like a building site, and it is a building site and we always want people to come to Baltic Street and know that it could change at any point. I do maintain that it’s entirely unfair to expect a child to come up with ideas for what they want in a space without having any kind of inspiration or anything to move from so they are encouraged to look at stuff and decide whether they like it or not. One of the things we try and instill is that the children have respect. Anyone we bring in is intended to inspire empowerment in the children.

E what role does bs play in steering children away from delinquency by offering them a stimulating environment?

S I don’t actually know the figures. But I think we’re a difficult one because we open after school, if there was a call for us to be open during the day then that would be something. One of the reasons we put together this teen building project is because we heard there’s a problem with antisocial behaviour locally within teenagers, we want to give an option for kids who might.. it’s a very specific thing.. they can come here if they want to. We do like to respond to social issues locally but only if they fit the core needs of the playground E considering that hteres a lot of social deprivation, would you say that bs helps break down barriers to becoming an active citizen?

S I do, I think because we have weekly meetings, what we’re keen to do is to get a different child chairing that meeting, writing up meetings, getting agenda sorted. We want to be able to break down the barriers that can be so intimidating to people. These things become commonplace, these children learn respect, empowerment, cause and effect, we challenge behaviour and language that isn’t appropriate. The children are involved in decisions about how children should be reprimanded, this is really vital, we talk about what happened, why it happened and what the punishment should be. It’s a really inclusive way of empowering them. It’s a shift at a really really valuable time in a persons life, it’s helping people be empathetic, to understand, to say “whats the difference between that person and you?” it’s a wonderful and powerful opportunity that we have here.

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