EURJ Volume 16

EURJ

Emory Undergraduate Research Journal Volume XVI

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Spring 2020

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about EURJ

The Emory Undergraduate Research Journal (EURJ) is an annual print and online publication that accepts research manuscripts written by Emory undergraduates from all academic disciplines. EURJ provides a venue for students to showcase their high quality, original research while fostering interest in undergraduate research. Research can be submitted up until two years post-graduation. EURJ was founded through generous support by the Office of Undergraduate Education and is continuously supported by the Media Council.

Emory Undergraduate Research Journal Volume XVI Spring 2020

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A Letter from the Editors-in-Chief: To our readers, We are pleased to present to you Volume 16 of the Emory Undergraduate Research Journal (EURJ). This year’s edition continues with our tradition of providing an interdisciplinary platform for undergraduates to showcase their research in the natural sciences, social sciences, arts, and humanities. EURJ seeks to highlight the intellectual vitality of the undergraduate students and recognize their scholarly work in a manner that fosters discussion. The articles in this issue were selected to provide a small glimpse into the variety of some of the research opportunities and topics pursued by students. We hope to only strengthen our tradition of celebrating research with our 2020 issue.

This year was an incredibly memorable one, to say the least. While uncertainties involving the pandemic and the shift to online classes for the latter half of the spring semester made producing the journal more difficult, we nevertheless were able to make adjustments accordingly for success. We also received a wide selection of submissions this year, with a particular increase in submissions from the humanities and social science departments. Selecting the most fit candidates for publication was difficult as all of the work was very strong.

However, the volume and diversity of submissions only speak to the strength of our journal’s reputation on campus for showcasing undergraduate research. While highlighting the research on Emory’s campus, Volume 16 also displays the incredible talent of our graphics and design team who worked over Zoom and other messaging media to design the journal during a time of uncertainty. Our graphics and design team is truly an asset that we hope to use more of as we increase our on-campus presence through the use of a website and social media. You can look forward to interactive content and frequent posts on our website in the near future.

We would like to express our gratitude to all the people whose tireless work and support have made this journal a reality. Thank you to our new faculty advisor, Dr. Tim Raines, for providing us with resources and insight to ensure the success of our journal. We would also like to extend a huge thank you to all the authors and their mentors, whose research propels this journal and inspires us all. Lastly, we would like to thank our tremendous editorial staff. Together, your creativity and dedication brought hours of research to life, and made this journal a possibility despite the circumstances.

On behalf of the entire 2019-2020 EURJ staff, we would like to thank you for reading our journal. We hope you enjoy the exceptional work that our Emory undergraduate students have produced.

Stay healthy and stay safe!

Merry Chen Co-Editor-in-Chief

Steven Chen Co-Editor-in-Chief

TABLE OF CONTENTS 8

Investigation of Oral Proficiency & Course Level in Undergraduate French SLA

20

How Can a World Polity Framework Be Used to Analyze the Establishment and Redevelopment of Transitional States?

33

Describing the Unknown: A Spotlight on Computational Research

36

Memory Erasure

38

Reawakening Apoptosis in Cancer Cells: The advent of BH3-mimetic drugs

42

Survival of the Bigots: The evolution of anti-black rhetoric and its use in conservative media

54

The Birth and Evolution of the Superfluous Man in 19th Century Russian Literature

Photo by Steven Chen Instagram: @choochoo_chen

Investigation of Oral Proficiency & Course Level in Undergraduate French SLA Sophia Minnillo

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Abstract This study compared human and computerized measures of oral proficiency in a second language and explored the distribution of oral proficiency levels across university course levels. Previous investigations that have used the ACTFL Oral Proficiency Interview (OPI), a human-rater assessment to measure oral proficiency in second languages have found positive but varied relations between oral proficiency and level of instruction. Given the potential for variability in the human scoring of the OPI, this study tested computerized assessments of oral proficiency, namely Computerized Language Analysis (CLAN), with the ultimate intention of rendering proficiency assessment more objective. We assessed a corpus of elicited speech samples from 16 undergraduate students learning French as a second language in university courses. We measured the oral proficiency of learners in terms of measures of complexity, accuracy, and fluency (CAF) through CLAN and native speaker evaluations. Computerized and human assessments of oral proficiency differed for the majority of measures, indicating significant differences in how computers and humans evaluate oral proficiency.

Neither human nor computerized measures modeled strong oral proficiency differences between course levels.

Introduction Measures of oral proficiency serve as one subset of the measures that second language educators use to quantify learners’ proficiency in a second language. Due to the increased interest in oral proficiency during the communicative language teaching movement (Brown, 2013), researchers have begun to investigate the consistency with which educators meet oral proficiency objectives for specific courses and course levels. Studies from a variety of universities have found a significant inconsistency in the overall proficiency levels of students from the same course levels (Goertler et al., 2016; Swender, 2003) as well as in the oral proficiency levels of students from the same course levels (Tschirner et al., 1998). These studies demonstrate a need for further investigation into disconnects between standards for oral proficiency, as prescribed for each course level, and the actual oral proficiencies attained by and required of students.

These incongruences warrant great concern from students, educators, and employers. Students may suffer from reaching a lower level of oral proficiency than they anticipated due to being placed in a course with students of vastly different oral abilities. Students in a teaching certification program may not qualify for certification based on inadequate oral training in a university program (Goertler et al., 2016). Educators may face challenges including a need for greater differentiation in the classroom and the possibility of being deemed ineffective instructors. Employers may make hiring decisions based upon the candidate’s completion of certain courses yet find that the candidate

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does not have the requisite oral proficiency to succeed in the position (Brown, 2013). Standardization of oral proficiency objectives and outcomes for specific courses might alleviate these concerns.

Many of the studies investigating the relation between oral proficiency and course level have measured oral proficiency using the American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages (ACTFL) Oral Proficiency Interview (OPI) (Thompson, 1996; Tschirner, 1992; Magnan, 1986).

OPI scores are determined by two or more professional evaluators, who rate speakers’ performance according to ACTFL guidelines. The possibility for human subjectivity in OPI ratings has fueledcriticism of the evaluation from SLA researchers. Lennon (1990, p. 412) noted that basing scores on individuals’ ratings can result in great score variability. Tschirner and Heilenman (1998, p. 151) reported that the scores that ACTFL professionals assigned to test-takers differed in 40% of cases, finding that “sixty percent of perfect agreement may still fall somewhat short of the level of reliable judgment upon which important educational decisions such as certification or the satisfaction of a language requirement should be based.” In response to Lennon and Tschirner et al., the current study intends to investigate measures of oral proficiency that may eliminate the variability and subjectivity of human ratings.

In addition to the OPI, measures of complexity, accuracy, and frequency (CAF) are often used to assess proficiency in a second language (L2) in SLA studies (Ahmadian, 2012; Ellis, 2009; Skehan, 1989). Researchers measure CAF by performing linguistic analysis using tools, including CLAN and Praat software (Baker-Smemoe

Methods Participants

Speech samples were obtained from 16 undergraduate students enrolled at a mid-sized, private university in the southeastern United States. All participants were en-

rolled in either 200, 300, or 400 level French courses at the time of the interview. Interviews were conducted over the course of three weeks to limit variation between students in the same course. A summary of student ethnographic data can be found in Table 1 of Appendix A.

The language course levels at the studied university were defined by the type of courses offered at each level.

At the 200 level, the required courses included Intermediate French (201) and Advanced French (203), and the focus of the classes was on “written and oral communication skills” (Course Descriptions, 2018). At the 300 level, the required courses included one course on writing skills (310), one course on “the reading and interpretation of a variety of literary and cultural media” (314), and three other courses on francophone literature, media and culture (students could choose between the following courses: 312, 313, 331, 341, 351, and 391). At the 400 level, the university offered three courses on advanced study of francophone literature and culture (460, 488, 490). Before commencing French studies, students took a placement test to receive course assignments. Students needed to complete all required courses at each course level to enroll in courses at the following higher course level. The course levels ranged from the 100 level, the level for beginners, to the 400 level, the most advanced level for undergraduate French study. We decided to omit 100 level students from our study because beginners often do not have the linguistic competence necessary to narrate a complex story.

We recruited 17 native speakers of French to evaluate the speech samples. The interviews took place in Paris, France, in the fall of 2018. The mean age of the evaluators is 43 years. The maximum age is 81 years, and the minimum age is 20 years. A summary of French native speaker ethnographic data can be found in Table 2 of Appendix A.

Appendix A

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et. al, 2014; Boersma, 2001; Hilton, 2009; MacWhinney 2000). Researchers define CAF in terms of sub-categories, which encompass specific measures of linguistic analysis.

Complexity can be divided into components of lexical and grammatical complexity (Norris & Ortega, 2009). Accuracy can be divided into grammatical, lexical, phonological, and semantic accuracy (Ellis, 2009). Fluency comprises speed, repair, and perceived fluency (Segalowitz, 2010). Researchers have used measures of CAF to describe oral proficiency in the context of learner outcomes but not specifically with regard to course level (Fukuda, 2014).

Previous studies have researched relations between ACTFL-based oral proficiency and course level in instructional settings (Thompson, 1996; Tschirner, 1992; Magnan, 1986). Thompson (1996), Tschirner (1992), and Magnan (1986) found positive yet inconsistent correlations for this bivariate relationship. However, the current study appears to be the first to investigate the relation between computerized assessment of oral proficiency, as defined by CAF measures, and course level in instructional settings, specifically in French as a second language in the studied university. In order to expand upon previous language testing scholarship, this study has the following objectives: 1) to diversify and render more objective methods used to characterize oral proficiency and 2) to expand the investigation of the relation between oral proficiency and course level to a new corpus from this understudied university.

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Materials and Procedure

Interviews with participants lasted approximately 30 minutes and were conducted by one researcher. The speech samples were recorded using the app Voice Recorder

by Tap Media Ltd. on an iPhone 7. The researcher first recorded participants answering three introductory questions in the L2 in order to activate the participant’s L2 performance. Then, the researcher explained the directions for the elicited narration task in the L2 and provided the participant with the wordless picture book Frog, Where are You? (Mayer, 1969).

SLA researchers have deemed Frog, Where are You? to be an effective manner of eliciting narrative speech samples (Bennett-Kastor, 2002). Frog, Where are You? narrates the story of a boy who goes on an adventure to find his lost pet frog. The cover contains words in English, and the 30 pages that follow exclusively contain drawings.

The researcher asked the participants to look quickly through the pages of Frog, Where are You? and commenced the recording when the participants indicated that they were ready to begin narrating. The participants were permitted to reference the book while narAppendix B rating. The researcher did not speak during the narration to avoid impacting participants’ production. After the narration task, the participants completed an Aptitude and Motivation Test Battery (AMTB) survey and an ethnographic survey in English (Gardner, 1985). The ethnographic survey, which is included in Appendix B, recorded the following participant information: current course level, previous courses taken, languages spoken, and visits to francophone countries. In this study, we only analyzed course level data. We intend to study participants’ language backgrounds and experiences in francophone countries in relation to French proficiency in future research.

The mean length of narration was 4 minutes and 5 seconds, and the narrations totaled 65 minutes and 24 seconds of speech. The researchers created a broad transcription as well as a morphological transcription of all of the speech samples following

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CHAT guidelines (MacWhinney, 2018). Within the broad transcription, we coded for semantic and morphosyntactic errors, repetitions, retracings, and reformulations using standard CHAT markers. Dr. Pascale Trévisiol, professor of language education at Université de Paris III Sorbonne-Nouvelle, reviewed and confirmed all error encoding. The Newcastle (Miles & Mitchell, 2008) and PAROLE (Hilton, 2009) corpora on SLABANK served as models for transcription (MacWhinney, 2007).

The native speaker evaluators participated in an interview of approximately 30 minutes in length, which one of the researchers directed. Each native speaker evaluated four speech samples (a quarter of the sample); each speech sample received evaluations from four or five native speakers. The speech samples were randomly assigned to the evaluators. Each native speaker evaluated four speech samples due to time constraints in the 30-minute interview. At the beginning of the interview, the evaluators completed an ethnographic survey (see Appendix C). We then introduced the native speakers to Frog, Where are You?, the stimulus of the learners’ speech samples, which the native speakers

Appendix C

samples. The evaluators were only allowed to listen to each speech sample once.

Analysis

CLAN Analysis

We created .cha files in CLAN that included the broad and morphological transcriptions for each speech sample. Then, we used CLAN commands to analyze the data for CAF measures of oral proficiency. The CLAN evaluation measures and the CLAN commands are listed in Table 3 of Appendix D.

Lexical complexity was measured through the type-token ratio of the speech sample (Ellis, 2009). The CLAN command frequency (freq) automatically provided this ratio for any given file. We measured grammatical complexity through the number of types of subordinate constructions and the mean length of utterance (MLU), as measured by the ratio of words to utterances (Norris & Ortega, 2009). To find the number of types of subordinate constructions, we compiled a list of markers of subordination and used the frequency (freq) command to calculate the number of types of these markers in each speech sample. The markers included: qui, que, oÚ, dont, parce que, quand, pendant que, alors que, après que, depuis que, and si. We also included pour followed by an infinitive and gerunds as markers of subordination, and we counted the types of these markers by hand to add to the total. To calculate the mean length of utterance, we used the mean length of utterance (mlu) command.

Grammatical accuracy was measured through the ratio of the number of words to the number of grammatical errors (Ellis, 2009).

We used the frequency (freq) command to calculate the number of grammatical/morphological error markers, [* m:a], in the CHAT transcription (MacWhinney, 2000), and measured lexical accuracy through the ratio of the number of words to the number of lexical errors (Ellis, 2009). We used the frequency (freq) command to calculate the number of lexical/semantic error markers, [*s], in the CHAT transcription (MacWhinney, 2000).

Speed fluency was measured through the rate of words per minute (Baker-Smemoe et al.,

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skimmed briefly to understand the sequence of events that is narrated in the story.

Next, we presented the native speakers with the evaluation form and provided directions for completion. The questions presented on the evaluation (see Appendix C) directly relate to CAF measures for oral proficiency. The evaluation included 12 questions. Two of the questions were open-answer questions, in which we asked evaluators to note the lexical and grammatical errors that they heard while listening. Ten of the questions were on a Likert scale, offering answer choices on a whole number scale between 1 and 7.

A response of 1 represented the weakest possible evaluation, and a response of 7 represented the strongest possible evaluation. The process of evaluation began with listening to a first speech sample. We permitted the evaluators to begin completing the evaluation form while listening to the speech sample, and we asked them to focus on answering the open-answer questions. After listening to the speech sample, the evaluators finished completing the evaluation.

They then repeated the process with the next speech sample and continued until they had evaluated all four speech

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2014). The number of words calculated with mean length of utterance (mlu) command was divided by the length of the speech sample in minutes. We measured repair fluency through the number of repetitions per minute, the number of retracings per minute, and through the total number of reformulations (Ellis, 2009). We calculated the frequency of repetitions, retracings, and reformulations using the frequency command (freq); the frequency of the markers were used to note these phenomena in the CHAT transcription.

Repetitions were marked with [/], retracings with [//], and reformulations with [///] (MacWhinney, 2000). To find the ratios of phenomena per minute, we divided the frequency of the phenomena by the length of the speech sample in minutes.

Native Speaker Evaluation Analysis

To analyze the native speaker evaluations, we averaged the Likert-scale scores for each CAF sub-category. These Appendix C categories included lexical, grammatical, and mean complexity; grammatical, lexical, phonological, and semantic accuracy; and perceived fluency (see Appendix C). We calculated the evaluation scores for each language learner as the mean of the scores from the four or five native speakers who evaluated that learner’s speech sample. We also calculated the mean scores for all participants for each CAF category and sub-category.

Date Analysis

We recorded three sets of data: measures of CAF from the CLAN analysis, measures of CAF from native speaker evaluations, and the course levels of the university student participants from the ethnographic surveys. We calculated the correlations between the two first data sets, as well as the correlations between the first two data sets and the last data set, using Pearson’s r correlation. We then conducted a two-sample t-test at a 95% confidence level to test the correlation. If the p-value of a correlation was less than 0.05, we considered the correlation to be statistically significant. We

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also classified the correlations’ effects into three groups according to their Pearson’s r values. Large effects were characterized by a Pearson’s r of between ±0.30 and ±1.00, medium effects were characterized by a Pearson’s r of between ±0.10 and ±0.30, and small effects were characterized by a Pearson’s r of between ±0.00 and ±0.10 (Cohen 1992). Correlation data and effect groupings can be found in Table 5 of Appendix D.

Results CLAN

The CLAN measures used are listed in Table 3 of Appendix D. Table 3 also includes the summary statistics for each measure. It is important to note that as most of the measures have different units, there are large differences in the measures’ ranges. For instance, this difference can be

Native Speaker Evaluations

Table 4 of Appendix D lists the summary statistics of the native speaker evaluation data. The relatively small size of the Likert scale (1-7) must be taken into consideration when analyzing the data. We visualized the distribution of the evaluation data in greater detail in section 3.4.

The measure with the greatest mean score was phonological accuracy, and the measure with the lowest mean score was grammatical accuracy. The difference between the two means was 0.96. Among the CAF categories, fluency had the

greatest mean, and complexity had the lowest mean. However, the range of the means of the CAF categories was small (0.06).

Correlation between the two methods of evaluation

We conducted a two-tailed t-test to measure the correlations between the evaluations provided by CLAN analysis and native speaker evaluations. Correlation data and effect sizes can be found in Table 5 of Appendix B. The following measures showed a statistically significant correlation between the CLAN and native speaker methods: lexical accuracy as measured on CLAN by the ratio of words to lexical errors, speed fluency as measured on CLAN by the ratio of words per minute, and repair fluency as measured on CLAN by the number of reformulations.

The correlations between the two methods of evaluation showed some unexpected results. First, we predicted that all of the measures of repair fluency via CLAN would

Appendix D

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seen in comparing the measures of type-token ratio and the ratio of words to grammatical errors. The results show unexpectedly large ranges and standard deviations for the following measures: ratio of words to lexical errors and ratio of words per minute. The variance in the scores for these measures could indicate significant differences between lexical complexity and speed fluency of observations in the sample.

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Appendix D

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correlations.

Secondly, only three of the nine measures of oral proficiency (33%) had statistically significant correlations between the two measures of evaluation. This result signifies that although one-third of the CAF measures demonstrated a correspondence between the two methods of evaluation, the majority of the measures show too much variation between the two methods’ evaluations to have a statistically significant correlation.

Correlation between the CAF measures and course level

In order to observe the relation between course level and measures of oral proficiency, we calculated the correlations between all CAF measures from both methods of evaluation as well as the learners’ course levels. We used the procedure described in section 2.3.3 to calculate correla-

Figure 1: Lexical complexity as measured by type-token ratio compared to course level

Figure 2: Mean accuracy as measured by native speaker evaluations compared to course level

Figure 3: Grammatical accuracy as measured by native speaker evaluations compared to course level

Figure 4: Lexical accuracy as measured by native speaker evaluations compared to course level

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have a negative or indirect relation with the perceived fluency of the learner as measured by native speakers, as greater numbers of repetitions, retracings, and reformulations are associated with lower levels of fluency (Hilton, 2009). For this reason, we hypothesized that the CLAN measures of repair fluency would reveal a negative or indirect relation with fluency. Conversely, native speaker data should have a positive or direct relation with fluency as the native speakers provided their perception of the learner’s fluency. Among the measures of repair fluency, only the number of reformulations had a negative relationship; the number of retracings per minute and the number of repetitions per minute were positively related. The number of retracings per minute had a large, positive effect, and the number of repetitions per minute had a medium, positive effect. None of the three measures of repair fluency showed statistically significant

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Appendix D

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Discussion

A minority of correlations between CLAN evaluations and native speaker evaluations showed statistical significance, and we noticed certain unexpected effects.

Among the latter, we observed that two of the three measures of repair fluency demonstrated the opposite effect of that predicted, and that none of the three measures of repair fluency had a statistically significant correlation between the measures of CLAN and those of the native speaker evaluators. This phenomenon might signify that the processes by which the two methods of evaluation assess oral proficiency are so different that they evaluate learners in opposite manners. This possibility highlights a potential area of concern for tests that base evaluations of oral proficiency on only one of these two methods of evaluation.

However, we acknowledge that confounding variables may have affected this study. With regards to the measures of grammatical and lexical accuracy, it is possible that the native speaker evaluators focused their attention more on grammatical and lexical errors than other aspects of speech because they were asked to write down the grammatical and lexical mistakes they heard while listening to the speech samples. The increased attention to these aspects might have led measures of grammatical and lexical accuracy to be more refined than other CAF measures. This might also explain why the measures of lexical and grammatical accuracy as measured by native speaker evaluations formed one-half of the statistically significant correlations between CAF measures and course level. Secondly, it is possible that certain CLAN measures, including the number of types of subordinate constructions and the number of reformulations, have too small of a range of data to be used in this correlation test. In future research, we recommend using measures with greater ranges and recruiting more evaluators to increase the validity of results.

This variation may also stem from the fundamen-

tal differences between human and computer programs in terms of how they evaluate proficiency. However, the differences between the methods of evaluation might serve as an asset to tests of oral proficiency, as the two methods bring complementary advantages and disadvantages. One disadvantage of native speaker evaluations might be difficulty controlling for human subjectivity in evaluations, as computer program evaluations may avoid this subjectivity. One advantage of native speaker evaluations could be that the learner’s global proficiency can be taken into consideration, which the CLAN measures used in this study cannot do.

Additionally, native speaker evaluations, unlike CLAN measures, directly measure language learners’ ability to produce speech that is comprehensible to other speakers of the language. If one of a learner’s objectives is to be able to communicate effectively with other speakers in the real world, this test provides a valuable assessment of the accomplishment of that objective. We therefore conclude that evaluations of oral proficiency can benefit from the use of both methods of evaluation, CLAN analysis and native speaker evaluations.

The majority of standardized proficiency exams, including the ACTFL OPI, provide more specific criteria for evaluation than those used in this study, reducing the subjectivity of native speaker evaluators. We chose to recruit native French speakers with a wide variety of ethnographic information in order to make the sample as representative as possible. It is possible that the evaluations of professional evaluators might correlate more strongly to the CLAN evaluations and/or to the course levels of the participants.

In future research, investigating the relationship between the evaluations of professional and non-professional native speaker evaluators and also the relationship between evaluations of native and non-native speaker evaluators would prove valuable.

Similar to the set of correlations discussed previously, the correlations between CAF measures and course level show few statistically significant relations and certain unpredicted effects. We noted that only one CLAN measure had a statistically significant correlation with course level.

This may signify that CLAN measures differ considerably from measures used to evaluate course level at the studied university. The fact that the sole CLAN measure with a statistically significant correlation is type-token ratio could signify that students improve in oral lexical complexity in a progression that is more aligned with the trajectory between course levels than other CAF aspects of oral proficiency.

This may suggest that vocabulary learning occurs in a more linear progression than other aspects of language competence.

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tions. The results are reported in Table 6 in Appendix D.

We found four statistically significant correlations (21% of the total) between course level and CAF measures.

The first CAF measure was type-token ratio as calculated

by CLAN as a measure of lexical complexity (Figure 1). The other three statistically significant correlations come from native speaker evaluation CAF measures, including mean accuracy (Figure 2), grammatical accuracy (Figure 3), and lexical accuracy (Figure 4).

Regarding the correlations’ effect sizes, 58% of the measures showed correlations with large effects, 32% with medium effects, and 11% with small effects. All of the measures showed correlations with the anticipated directionality, except for repair fluency measured by the number of retracings per minute and grammatical complexity measured by the number of types of subordinate constructions.

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Conclusion

The objectives of this study were, first, to diversify the methods used to characterize oral proficiency, and second, to add data from a new language learning context to SLA research. We diversified methods by evaluating oral proficiency via multiple CAF measures of proficiency through the methods of CLAN analysis and native speaker evaluations.

In calculating the correlations between the evaluations of oral proficiency of these methods, we found a general lack of correspondence between the two methods. The CAF measures of lexical accuracy, speed fluency, and repair fluency, as measured by the number of reformulations, were the only measures to have a statistically significant (p < 0.05) correlation between the results of the two methods of evaluation.

This lack of correspondence may be the result of the intrinsic differences between the two methods. The differences may in fact serve to provide a more complete evaluation of oral proficiency, although further research is necessary. We hope that these results will contribute to the field of research on second language oral proficiency testing.

We addressed the second objective by adding novel elicited speech samples to our corpus and by analyzing oral proficiency in relation to course level. This study commenced a larger project of corpus development at this university, which the researchers intend to continue in order to evaluate a more representative sample of French language learners. A sample size of 16 students was too small to allow us to draw generalizable conclusions from these results. However, our sample shows that 79% of the relations between measures of oral proficiency used in this study and course level are either non-linear or not statistically significant. The four statistically significant correlations are between course level and the following measures: lexical complexity from CLAN analysis, lexical accuracy from native speaker evaluation, grammatical accuracy from native speaker evaluation, and mean accuracy from native speaker evaluation. Our study demonstrates that there may be significant variance in the oral proficiencies of French language learners both within and between course levels.

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corpus-based study. Retrieved from https://slabank.talkbank. org/access/French/Newcastle.html Norris, J., & Ortega, L. (2009). Towards an Organic Approach to Investi

gating CAF in Instructed SLA: The Case of Complexity. Ap

plied Linguistics, 30(4), 555-578.

Skehan, P. (1998). A cognitive approach to language learning. Oxford

University Press.

Segalowitz, N. (2010). Cognitive bases of second language fluency. New

York: Routledge.

FRENCH

Swender, E. (2003). Oral proficiency testing in the real world: Answers

to frequently asked questions. Foreign Language Annals, 36, 520-526.

Thompson, I. (1996), Assessing Foreign Language Skills: Data from

Russian. The Modern Language Journal, 80, 47-65.

Tschirner, E. (1992). Oral Proficiency Base Lines for First- and Sec

ond-Year College German. Die Unterrichtspraxis / Teaching

German, 25(1), 10-14.

Tschirner, E., & Heilenman, K. (1998). Reasonable expectations: Oral

proficiency goals for intermediate-level students of German.

The Modern Language Journal, 82, 147-158.

Sophia Minnillo (â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;20C) is graduating this spring with a double major in French Studies and Linguistics. Her article in this issue is based upon research that she completed while studying abroad in France through the EDUCO program. Sophia recently received highest honors for her thesis focused on the current state and the potential of computer-assisted language learning (CALL) in beginner, college-level French programs. She looks forward to pursuing a PhD in Linguistics at University of California, Davis next year. In her free time, Sophia enjoys hiking, reading, and learning languages.

Volume XVI, Spring 2020 | 19

How Can a World Polity Framework Be Used to Analyze the Establishment and Redevelopment of Transitional States?

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Abstract

Nadine Yassin

This paper uses a world polity approach to analyze the establishment and development of transitional states. To do so, I shed light on the world polity theory as specified by previous literature. The notion of an interconnected set of actors and institutions as being part of a world society is introduced to understand how action in the international community is a byproduct of an interrelated set of context-specific processes. Special attention is given to nation states and international non-governmental organizations to set the stage for where transitional states fall within this paradigm. A causal historical analysis of the Arab Spring is used to describe how a world polity model can be used to analyze how transitional states come into fruition. From this, I offer a case analysis of the ways international non-governmental organizations influenced humanitarian aid in post-revolutionary Egypt as part of redeveloping this transitional state by using the example of anti-female genital cutting campaigns. It was found that these organizations were able to effectively translate world cultural scripts to influence humanitarian action. Overall, this paper highlights how the world polity theory can indeed be used to examine complex transitional states in an innovative and profound manner.

Introduction

This paper seeks to understand the ways in which transitional states are created and reimagined. Transitional states are complicated environments in which various institutions must be rebuilt through the use of systemic agenda setting and reformative action as specified by local and international actors. In this paper, I will analyze the ways in which a world polity approach can be taken to understand how exactly a complex transitional state may come into being, and how an interrelated set of actors becomes paramount in the redevelopment of various essential dimensions of these nation states. There will be an emphasis on the role that international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) play within these nation states in terms of both humanitarian aid and as the carriers of world polity themes.

This will be achieved through a causal historical analysis of the Arab Spring and the ways in which transitional states were established within a world polity model. Likewise, I will also offer an analysis of the ways in which INGOs were able to translate world cultural scripts regarding offering humanitarian aid to post-revolutionary Egypt following the Arab Spring. This will be achieved through a case analysis of female genital cutting (FGC) and the rhetoric of anti-FGC campaigns as perpetuated by INGOs working in transitional Egypt following the revolution. While there is a significant amount of literature detailing the role world polity plays in the development of humanitarian aid, and global structures, as it exists currently, there is very little literature pertaining to the link between world polity and transitional states, especially in the context of the Arab world. Ultimately, I

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anticipate that a world polity approach will be able to offer a profound dimension of analysis pertaining to the ways a transitional state can emerge and how global actors can play integral roles in the redevelopment of these fragmented nation states.

World Polity

World polity is a school of thought developed in the 1970s by John W. Meyer. This theory analyzes the relationship between rules, practices, and institutions on a global scale, asserting that “contemporary constructed ‘actors,’ including nation-states, routinely organize and legitimate themselves in terms of universalistic (world) models such as citizenship, socioeconomic development, and rationalized justice.” 1 Under world polity theory, the geopolitical world is a social system bound by a set of global norms, ideas, interests, and meanings that propel action.

Initially, world polity theory focused on analyzing the role and evolution of inter-state relations. This then shifted in the 1980’s and 1990’s to accommodate the rise of globalization, thus providing for more analysis concerning the role of global actors in transnational social movements.

The world polity theory is best defined as an analytical framework that interprets global relations, structures, and practices by viewing the world as a system of interrelated independent parts that each advance global social change.

This world system is regarded as a world society that possesses the same components of the national society we live in: norms, practices, culture, etc. This ‘world society’ thus becomes a cultural framework that makes various actors

This ‘world society’ ‘‘thus becomes a cultural

framework that makes various actors ‘subunits’ of the world system and then defines them as models for social change and action.

’’

The Nation State

The nation state occupies a particular role within the structure of world polity theory. While world society itself is stateless, taking a neo-institutionalist approach into account, the institutions composing a nation state are structurally very similar thus providing for a foundation upon which all nation states build themselves. For example, all nation states, or sovereign states bound by a set of cultural and political norms, are heavily dependent on public sectors such as health, and education. A popular model used to exemplify the diffusion of universalistic principles amongst nation states can best be demonstrated by the idea of the development of a previously unknown island society.1 In this example, Meyer et al. assert that this unknown society would be analyzed by outsiders on the basis of potential economic outcome thus rendering it’s future development in the international community to the cultural norms posited by the world society theory. This would entail that the institutional development of essential sectors such as education or health care would follow suit with preexisting models, which are often times those present within the neighboring regions given the tendency of norms to diffuse on the basis proximity. This is largely due to the tightly coupled nature of local norms and world society norms within nation states, which thus incentivizes the dissemination of these ideologies on the basis of the presence of shared local norms.

Furthermore, the many facets of the nation state are linked to themes of equality and socio-economic progress which are similar to the goals of other actors within world polity. What sets a nation-state apart, however, is its necessary commitment to human development on a more individual basis within a given society. As mentioned, the cultural norm of individualism functions with the thought that each actor is a collective of individuals; and partly as a result, nation states fall within a similar paradigm. Nation

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‘subunits’ of the world system and then defines them as models for social change and action. The world society theory provides a sociological institutionalist account of global relations with a cultural model that defines and legitimizes actors. Social actors, and their associated structures and behaviors are viewed as being shaped by the broader global environment. In this theory, nation states, INGOs and other relevant actors are placed in a cultural context which determines their identity, structure, and behavior. Essentially, the world polity theory gives meaning to these particular actors and their actions for propelling global and social change within a broader analytical framework. The world polity stresses the homogenization of these actors within this world society and the isomorphic results of their actions.

The world polity approach also sheds light on the mechanisms by which global actors define themselves in accordance with the norms perpetuated by world society.

With the spread of globalization and the homogenizing mission of the world polity, these global actors are legitimized in rather the same manner due to the shared fundamental cultural themes of the overarching world society. These cultural themes become shared norms by which global actors assert themselves as both rational and capable of economic and political expansion. These cultural themes are: universalism; individualism; rational voluntaristic authority; dialectic rationalizing progress; and world citizenship. The universalistic themes upon which actors, most notably nation states, are built lend themselves to ideologies such as equality, and justice.1 This follows a neo-institutionalist perspective in that these actors, become assemblages or institutions which function with one another based on common fundamental values and understandings of a more broad systemic structure. Due to the interconnectedness of these legitimized actors, however, they find themselves in pursuit of similar goals and resources thus creating a source of tension. Individualism thus comes into play in that the collectives which constitute these actors are nothing more than a collection of individuals, each who possess their own right to agency and freedom. The role of the individual within this universalistic framework becomes one of coming together and working with other actors to find the means to obtain these ubiquitous goals and resources. In coming together to form the body of a collective, these actors often employ a particular type of authority called rational voluntarism. These actors, most notably INGOs, exercise their agendas in accordance with a decentralized authority meaning that each actor is responsible for both legitimizing themselves and diffusing universalistic themes. This can be achieved with a dialectic rationalizing process in which there is a context specific, gradual production and distribution of the means for obtaining a comfortable life. Furthermore, in practicing each of these world society norms, these actors achieve world citizenship, thus enhancing their legitimacy.1

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states are constructed by organizations of individuals both inside and outside of state lines, who legitimize themselves through state and policy formation. The legitimization of these actors, and thus institutions, is based on the development of human capital within the civilian body. To promote human welfare in line with global norms, it becomes a nation states main priority to catalyze development along the lines of socio-economic principles similarly to other global actors, yet nation states also include context specific frameworks to allow individual civilians to attain their full potential.1 This is often times achieved through government action. For example, within a capitalist society education is paramount for the growth of a nation state in order to prepare individuals to join the job force as a means to achieve societal equality. However, the structure of a national education system is often based on the local principles of the nation state, thus also promoting individual development on a more intimate level. For instance, the French education system aligns with the values of the French Republic: liberty, fraternity, and equality. These values pertain to universalistic models present with in world polity. However, the French system also provides for culturally specific courses pertaining to the French identity, and themes of individual agency as inspired by renowned French authors. In Cote D’Ivoire, a country colonized by France until 1958, a French education system is still used in accordance with overarching world polity values. Despite this, following the 2011 civil war between supporters of the acting president Laurent Gbagbo and supporters of the internationally recognized president-elect Alassane Ouattara, the government of Cote D’Ivoire reformed its education system to still follow the French system, but to also now incorporate a socio-cultural dimension into the systemic conceptualization. For example, there is now more of an emphasis placed on African identity. Likewise, many schools were shut down following this armed conflict, and in reopening these schools, the government of Cote D’Ivoire sought to change the administrative structure of the education sector. These entailed providing access to, and funding education in remote areas of the country, thus universalizing the right to education within this particular sensitive context.2 Due to the context of this nation state, these state actors made schooling compulsory

for children aged 6-16, changing the way the nation state develops human capital within this transitional society. Thus, in cultivating the individual through the dissemination of world and local principles, the nation state is able to situate itself as a specified ‘rational other’ within world society with relations to the individual, other rational actors, and the international community.

International Non-Governmental Organizations

International non-governmental organizations (INGOs) play an important role in advancing international level change regarding a variety of issues pertaining to: public health, human rights, education, health care, public policy, and various social sectors. The role of an INGO is largely one of influence, guidance, and education regarding the meticulously planned actions that lead to substantive global and social change. Although these organizations often work alongside nation-states, the premise for an INGO is that they are non-profit, government independent entities with an emphasis on affecting both large scale and smallscale international change.3 INGOs can work under an operational framework, an advocacy framework, or both.

An operational framework encompasses administrative initiatives to foster and nurture community-based projects to propel change, whereas an advocacy framework includes influencing the policy making process of a country in order to raise awareness about a certain issue or set of issues.3 Many large INGOs utilize a mix of both advocacy and operational tactics in order to most effectively advance their various agendas. Despite these different frameworks, almost every INGO places some sort of emphasis on humanitarian workmany INGOs are essentially meant to advocate for the people.

INGOs constitute the structural backbone of world polity, particularly in the diffusion of universalistic principles. INGOs are cited as, “more or less authoritative transnational bodies employing limited resources to make rules, set standards, propagate principles, and broadly represent "humanity" vis-a-vis states and other actors.” ⁴ The role of an INGO is to, “enact, codify, modify, and propagate world-cultural structures.” ⁴ INGOs, however, do not play a direct role in making policy or in taking government action, as their

‘‘

INGOs are already present in many transitional societies due to their key tangible function of providing humanitarian aid. With this presence, as well the general atmosphere of development in terms of rebuilding society, INGOs provide influence in the reimagination of every sector within a nation state.

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’’

‘‘

’’

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role is largely one of influence, support, and of providing ing the status of women. As such, these INGOs constructed tools and resources to achieve change. This thus makes IN- meanings of the importance of women’s education in line GOs key social actors who help shape the social reality of with world polity themes thus exemplifying how reimaginworld culture and thus the global society. Furthermore, IN- ing social institutions such as education can be a product of GOs do also play a role in perpetuating the homogenizing the world culture framework. mission of world polity which may in a sense foster con- With the role INGOs play within both the general flict between entities that differ framework of world society, from the ‘norm’. Likewise, there Due to this transitional status, and within the nation state is indeed a set hierarchy and as the primary influencers in rebuilding the fundamental of world culture, INGOs power dynamic between actors within the world system which framework of the nation state, become essential in underthus accounts for why some standing how other actors transitional societies must also catalyze action within naagendas are sustained and taken in to be the norm. tional and transnational reimagine the relationship between

While, states are often bodies. Transitional societies the various sectors of life. responsible for aiding individallow for a clear analysis of uals to attain world citizenhow INGOs incentivize acship, this is primarily achieved tion, and relate to other sothrough national citizenship. States cannot be forced into cial actors. Transitional societies are nation states that have the dissemination of world cultural themes due to their sov- recently undergone some sort of substantive change. These ereign status. INGOs work as rationalized others in order changes often come in the form of recent elections, civilian to directly diffuse these world cultural themes. INGOs have uprisings, or violent conflict- events during and after which relatively few economic resources as compared with nation INGOs can play a significant role in redeveloping society. states or global corporations, and therefore rely on the in- Due to this transitional status, in rebuilding the fundamenterconnected system of actors in order to propagate their tal framework of the nation state, transitional societies must particular, often times universalistic agendas.⁴ Many INGOs also reimagine the relationship between the various sectors are thus tasked with the translation of global identity as well of life. It is in doing so that the influence of INGOs in reas with the distinct rights each individual possesses within lation to the primary functions of a nation state becomes apparent. INGOs are already present in many transitional these nation states.

The link between world society, and development societies due to their key tangible function of providing of institutional change as perpetuated by INGOs is clearly humanitarian aid. With this presence, as well the general articulated in the study The Globalization of Women’s Status: atmosphere of development in terms of rebuilding sociConsensus and Dissensus in the World by Nitza Berkovitch ety, INGOs provide influence in the reimagination of every and Karen Bradley.⁵ In this study, the authors take a world sector within a nation state. Likewise, transitional states polity approach to exemplify the world cultural processes are actors that deviate from the norm of what world polity that define the status of women. Through the use of a casual conceptualizes as a nation state. As such, it also becomes an analysis, the authors examine the case of female genital cut- INGOs task to aid in homogenizing mission of world polting (FGC), and the changing definitions of it in relation ity by reimagining these states in line with world cultural to an increasingly more globalized world in which wom- themes. For instance, following the armed conflict of 2011 en’s status is heightened through access to resources such Cote D’Ivoire became a transitional society. In the reimagias education. They assert that cultural meanings change in nation of the education sector, the INGOs already present in the midst of global discourses, thus meaning that the legiti- the country exercised significant influence as to how the edmacy of certain issues changes as well. Here, they posit that ucation system would be structured. Organizations such as over the period from 1945-1995 principles of universalism Partenariat Mondial pour L’Education, International Rescue and individualism aided in defining FGC, and legitimizing Committee, and the Global Partnership for Education were humanitarian campaigns against it. FGC was cited as being essential in formulating the 2016 Sectorial Education Plan a byproduct of the objectification of women in which they which detailed a plan of action for the reformation of the were seen as a means to a reproductive end. With the rise education system in Cote D’Ivoire through 2025.2 concepof modernization, which is linked with world polity princi- tualizing this plan of action, each INGO offered an expert ples, the definition of women’s status changed thus incen- opinion concerning the diffusion of world cultural princitivizing women’s rights INGOs to undertake an anti-FGC ples to be present in the newly conceived education sector. stance. Likewise, in legitimizing their mission against FGC, Likewise, these INGOs employed an intricate network of soand thus in support of women’s rights, these INGOs defined cial actors both nationally and internationally to ensure the education as being of the upmost importance for heighten- propagation of such education reform.

Historical Context

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In order to more holistically analyze how world polity impacts transitional societies, this section will offer a historical analysis of the role world polity played in the spread of civilian uprisings within the Arab world.

As mentioned earlier in this paper, world polity themes often spread across nation states in close proximity to one another due to shared local cultural values. This case analysis will focus on the spread of pro-democratic thought, and revolution within the Arab world as perpetuated by the Arab Spring. The Arab Spring serves as a powerful example of how world polity can work to help diffuse themes of world culture, and develop transitional states. Likewise, within the context of the Arab Spring, there will be a specific focus on the case of Egypt and the role INGOs played in perpetuating civilian uprisings, and thus in establishing a transitional nation state within the world polity model.

"Revolutions in every part of the world take hold due to hope of a better future."

The Arab Spring

C

ivilian led revolution has been integral for the reimagination of the social order in which we live. It is revolution that shifts the paradigm of what’s believed to be known in favor of what the future may hold. At the surface level, revolutions entail the dismantling and reformation of some societal structure. Often times, civilian led revolutions are in opposition with repressive governments or as a result of financial or food crises. They are perpetuated by the people, for the people. There have been political revolutions (which are the most well-known due to how these changes permeate into greater society), artistic revolutions, technological revolutions etc. In discussing the nature of civilian led revolution, it is important to express that revolutions are inspired by hope before they are inspired by anything else.

Revolutions in every part of the world take hold due to hope of a better future. They function on the basis of a solidarity that exists as part of a collective experience.

The Arab Spring has been one of the most controversial revolutions of the modern era. It was a string of revolts, uprisings, and armed conflicts that spread over both the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) as a result of oppressive government politics and the low quality of life these particular governments entailed. The Arab Spring began in 2010 following protests in Tunisia, a country that has long been seen as a stronghold for progressive change in the Arab world. On December 17th, 2010 Tarek el-Tayeb Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street vendor operating in Sidi Bouzid, set himself on fire in response to the unjust confiscation of his assets, and his subsequent public beating by police officers. His death served as a catalyst for widespread public action against Tunisia’s autocratic government. During this time, Tunisia was ruled by President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali for 23 years as a one party state under the Democratic Constitutional Rally (RCD). Despite the country’s economic stability as a result of the privatization of certain public sectors, the regime was unpopular due to the government’s

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repression of those in political opposition to it. Following Bouazizi’s death, protests began and became increasingly more violent with each day. In response, the Tunisian government deployed police forces to stop the protests, which only exacerbated the growing tension due to excessive police brutality. Citizens protested against the lack of political freedom, food shortages, corruption (which was further exposed as a result of WikiLeaks), and the high unemployment rate. These protests, with the support of the international community, ensued for 28 days over a period that is now known as the Jasmine Revolution. On January 14th, 2011 the regime was overthrown and Ben Ali was exiled to Saudi Arabia. Following this overthrow, a state of emergency was declared in Tunisia and an interim government was put in to place.

The protests in Tunisia spurred a wave of pro-democratic thought in the Arab world, and inspired civilians to uprise in: Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen. Despite the fact that not every country was placed into a transitional status via regime change, the Arab Spring still had substantive influence in each of these areas. Concerning future discussions of the role world polity, and INGOs play in the redevelopment of transitional societies, it is important to note the glaring similarities that characterize countries in the MENA region. The Arab world is, and has always been characterized by a patriarchal system (similarly to every other region in the world). While this system predates the presence of Islam in the region, the mix of religion and patriarchal culture has set the stage for shared socio-political themes in Arab society. Likewise, as Nesrine Malik writes, the root of the problems in Arab society can be characterized by a “political oppression and stasis that enables these structures [the patriarchy] to become de facto governance where entrenched tribal allegiances, pre-Islamic mores, and social tradition trump weakened political culture.” ⁶

This shared foundation can begin to shed light on the ways themes of democracy and revolution spread in MENA. Prior to these revolutions, many Arab countries were in the midst of a gradual economic rise. From 19912010, coinciding with the oil boom and the rise of global-

dent Ben Ali’s 23 year rule prior to his exile. With this, it is sound to say that Tunisia has substantial influence in the Arab world. This can be further demonstrated with Tunisia’s status as a pioneer for women’s reproductive rights in MENA. Tunisia made abortion legal in 1973, making it the first Arab country to do so. Despite the fact that as it currently stands, only Turkey and Tunisia have legalized abortions in MENA, Tunisia’s legalization of abortion has long been used as both a point of origin and frame of reference for women’s reproductive rights policy in the region.⁸

The ideology behind the Arab Spring itself is also indicative of the influence that this homogenizing mission has on world polity The Arab Spring was inspired by pro-democratic thought. People were in the streets protesting for their right to equality, justice, and human dignity. These are all functions of the universalizing theme of world polity.

Essentially, in advocating for equality and justice, participants of the Arab Spring were advocating for their right to world citizenship, which also gives analysis as to why the Arab Spring was backed by the international community.

Democracy is often cited as an indicator for the potential of human development in a given region, which as posited by world polity theory, is important for a nation-state’s world citizenship. Likewise, there was a substantial emphasis placed on the role of the individual. The thought process of the Arab Spring was that the individual person had the right to demand civil liberty in the midst of oppressive regimes. Furthermore, it is also important to note that not all countries that participated in the Arab Spring called for the complete dismantling of autocratic regimes. Many citizens of monarchies, such as that of Jordan, protested in favor of incorporating a more democratic approach within the already preexisting system. ⁷

"The citizens of Egypt were protesting against censorship (claiming the right to free speech, and the right to assembly), police brutality, torture, and unjust imprisonment."

Egypt

T

ransitional societies, occupy a particular position in the realm of the world community. Due to their status as nation states, regardless of the events occurring on the ground, transitional states are still integral for the cultivation of human capital. Despite this, however, many transitional states achieve their transitional status as a result of internal tension- often times as a result of political conflict.

INGOs become necessary in rebuilding these nation states through their influence, thus helping their citizens achieve a stronger sense of world citizenship. In the case of Egypt, following the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak’s regime, INGOs

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ization, Arab countries became heavily invested in the international business, real estate and the oil industries.

This involvement created jobs, especially in the Gulf states, allowing for the overall employment rate in the region to grow. This can further be exemplified in Hafez Ghanem’s book The Arab Spring Five Years Later: Toward Greater Inclusiveness.⁷ In this study, Ghanem identifies what he calls Arab countries in transition. These countries: Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Tunisia, and Yemen were in economic transitional states prior to the Arab Spring, and all experienced a steady increase in average GDP growth rates. Egypt’s growth rate from 2000–2010 was in between 4–6 percent; Jordan between 6–7 percent, while Morocco, Tunisia, and Yemen grew around 4.5 percent a year.⁷ While there was a notable amount of economic growth, thus providing for a better quality of life on the surface, this growth also served to marginalize large factions of the population. Women and the youth were pushed out of the labor force, and the middle class squeezed.⁷ This thus sheds light to the rise of a shared experience of inequality and general dissatisfaction with life amongst people in the Arab world prior to the Arab Spring.

Likewise, Arab countries also have a shared general culture, thus directly influencing the ways democratic thought spread amongst the population during the Arab Spring. Many Arab countries are characterized by Islamic religion. This can be seen in the implementation of Sharia law, the use of a lunar calendar, and the general cultural practices. With this, it is also important to note that the Arab world is home to a number of different ethnic tribes, which each possess a distinct culture of their own thus impacting local culture. As mentioned earlier, on top of this, Arab society is also characterized by a very particular patriarchal system that defines the role of women, men, and youth. It was the youth, the next generation, that spearheaded the demonstrations of the Arab Spring, and shook the foundations of society. The youth took to social media, where there was already talk of democracy and revolution, and mobilized the population. These social media slogans essentially encompassed the grievances leading to each uprising: economic instability, political problems as perpetuated by this, and the need for human dignity. ⁷

The Arab Spring can thus provide a powerful example for the ways in which world polity works in revolutionary transitional states, as well as its influence as to how INGOs offer aid within these complicated environments.

The events in Tunisia catalyzed the Arab Spring. Tunisia has long been seen as the beacon of light for long lasting progressive change in the Arab world. This can be attributed to Tunisia’s status in the international community as one of the most economically developed countries in the Arab world.

It can thus be argued that this, coupled with Tunisia’s more progressive general society, has transformed the country in to a relatively powerful global actor within the sphere of the Arab world, despite the glaring shortcomings of ex-presi-

31 Year Emergency law "This emergency law placed Egypt into a continuous state of emergency, thus suspending constitutional rights, allowing for the police to exercise power without restrictions, legalizing censorship, and limiting political activity."

Cairo, January 17, 2011 "Abdu Abdel-Monaim Kamal set himself on fire outside of a government building in Cairo in protest of government repression."

Human Rights Watch, February 3, 2011 "The Human Rights Watch called for the country of Egypt to 'stop attacks on peaceful protestors' thus completely foregoing it’s impartiality in the Egyptian Revolution."

Mubarak Regime, February 11, 2011 "President Mubarak resigned and transferred power to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, thus officially turning Egypt into a politically transitional state."

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aided in the organization of the electoral process, research on presidential and parliamentary elections, the organization of election campaigns, civilian education seminars, and consultations for citizens.⁹ Following the events in Tunisia, the Egyptian revolution began on January 17th, 2011 after Abdu Abdel-Monaim Kamal set himself on fire outside of a government building in Cairo in protest of government repression.10 While the Mubarak regime did much for the development of economic capital in this country through its role in privatizing a substantial portion of the public sector, it was characterized by corruption and human rights violations as a result of a 31 year emergency law. This emergency law placed Egypt into a continuous state of emergency, thus suspending constitutional rights, allowing for the police to exercise power without restrictions, legalizing censorship, and limiting political activity. However, following the self-immolation of Abdu Abdel-Monaim Kamal, political activity skyrocketed in the form of protests. These protests were spearheaded by the Egyptian youth. These protests were often met with violence; however, the growing use of force only motivated the people to fight harder. The citizens of Egypt were protesting against censorship (claiming the right to free speech, and the right to assembly), police brutality, torture, and unjust imprisonment. Amid the tension and growing violence, on February 1, 2011, then President Mubarak announced that he would not stand for reelection. Following this, the regime invited the banned Muslim Brotherhood to participate in its talks with protesters, which only exacerbated the tension.

On February 11th, 2011 President Mubarak resigned and transferred power to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, thus officially turning Egypt into a politically transitional state.

Prior to the Egyptian Revolution, Mubarak’s regime was the subject of international scrutiny due to the human rights violations that characterized it. INGOs such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch played integral roles in berating the government’s repressive politics.

Their presence served as a voice for the international community, as they were on the ground witnessing the events and talking to people. In the case of the Egyptian Revolution specifically, INGOs served as a mechanism to disseminate information amidst Egypt’s censorship laws. For example, Amnesty International publishes an annual country report.

The 2010 annual country report for Egypt highlighted issues of torture and human rights violations.11 This report was generally seen as having substantial influence on the population of Egypt given that the people were able to gain access to sensitive information, thus further mobilizing protestors.

Likewise, Amnesty International is a powerful social actor within the system of world polity, and as such, its status as a large INGO means that this report also had substantial influence on how the international community perceived the growing political tension in Egypt at the time, thus le-

INGO aid with Transitional Societies

Due to the fragmented and fragile nature of transitional states, humanitarian aid becomes paramount for the redevelopment of various essential sectors of life. INGOs thus become integral for the cultivation of economic and human capital within these particular contexts. Not only do these organizations fulfill their tangible purpose of administering aid, but they also work to redefine the purpose of this aid, and what it entails thus also reconceptualizing the human rights violation itself in in accordance with world polity principles. For this section, there will be a focalization of INGO aid regarding female genital cutting within Egypt following the revolution. This country was chosen due to its transitional status, the prevalence of FGC, and the continu-

ous presence of INGOs during this period.

Egypt

Concerning future discussions of INGO aid in transitional Egypt, it is important to first paint a picture of the socio-political context surrounding the use of FGC in the country. Egypt is an Islamic, patriarchal country. As such, pre-marital sex is seen as a taboo, thus meaning that there is an especially high value placed on a woman’s virginity. This is further exemplified with the prevalence of virginity tests in the country, in which spouses or family members check to ensure a woman is a virgin on her wedding night.14 Due to the prominence of these tests in society, Egyptian Arabic has evolved to coin words for virginity checks; dukhla baladi, virginity tests by family members, and dukhla afrangi, virginity tests by a husband.

It is seen as a connection to ‘‘ethnic and identity, social

status, and womanhoodit is a rite of passage in these communities. FGC has occurred in Egypt for thousands of years, and is considered to be the norm.

’’

In 2000, a Demographic Health Survey in revealed that 97% of married women underwent an FGC procedure.15 Furthermore in 2008, it was found that 50.8% of schoolgirls in Egypt were circumcised.15 This thus indicates that FGC in Egypt is a result of historical processes that have been perpetuated by societal norms. As it stands currently, there is only one law criminalizing the use of FGC in Egypt.

This law, Article 242-bis and Article 242-bis (A) prohibits the use of FGC without medical justification, however, what constitutes as medical justification is left in ambiguous terms.16 Likewise, the Child Act No. 12 of 1996 prohibits FGC on children (under 18 years of age).

Elizabeth Boyle highlights the use of FGC in Egypt in her book Female Genital Cutting.17 In this book, Boyle seeks to identify the evolution of debates and action against female genital cutting. In doing so, she offers profound analysis, and explanation of the development of anti-FGC rhetoric campaigns as perpetuated by INGOs, She takes a world polity approach to explain the interconnected system of actors, namely INGOs, the media, and nation-states, and their roles in defining FGC as a human rights viola-

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gitimizing and defining future humanitarian action by other actors.

Human Rights Watch, on the other hand, has been intrinsic in the call for aid in Egypt. Human Rights Watch has historically played a prominent role in Egypt in terms of assessing for human rights violations, and making future suggestions. Similar to Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch publishes a world report, thus also shedding light on the political suppression that occurred in Egypt both before and during the revolution. Human Rights Watch, however, also has people on the ground, monitoring peace, talking to people, and watching tension unfold on a day to day basis. In doing so, Human Rights Watch gained the trust of the population, and has acquired a special type of credibility. The organization also publishes articles detailing political events in Egypt on a quotidian basis. Human Rights Watch was one of the most vocal INGOs against the Mubarak regime. On January 30th, 2011, the INGO published a scathing article advocating for protestors to continue fighting against the Mubarak regime, which it cited as engaging in torture.12 It even went as far as to recommend changes to the legal framework of Egypt in order to hold people accountable for human rights violations. Furthermore, on February 3, 2011, the Human Rights Watch called for the country of Egypt to “stop attacks on peaceful protestors” thus completely foregoing it’s impartiality in the Egyptian Revolution.13 Following the revolution, through the lens of world polity, the recommendations Human Rights Watch made regarding humanitarian aid in transitional Egypt were heavily considered and taken into account, specifically in the form of foreign aid, thus further exemplifying the substantial influence INGOs have in defining the context of a nation state, and in mobilizing aid. This can further be exemplified by the United States, arguably the most powerful global actor, applying pressure for Mubarak’s regime to reform the government and refrain from the use of force despite amicable foreign and business relations between the two governments at the time following this report.

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tion, and in advancing humanitarian aid. Furthermore, she states that, the “structural location of actors in the international system appears to be closely linked to the anti-FGC strategies they adopt.”17 She offers a specific case analysis of Egypt, and the ways in which these reforms were taken into account prior to 2002. In particular, powerful INGOs tended to favor a coercive strategy in their campaigns meant to exercise influence and persuade nation states to adopt reform efforts through directly condemning FGC.17 In doing so, INGOs set the stage for future discussions and reform efforts surrounding the issue, as can be seen with current international FGC debates.

The period between 2011-2014 serves as a period for analysis of INGO aid in Egypt regarding FGC. Following the Egyptian Revolution, Egypt was transformed into a transitional state.

Egypt’s political climate was incredibly fragile thus giving rise to institutional instability that permeated into every aspect of life. After the Mubarak regime was dismantled, power was given to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, Egypt’s military until elections could be held. In 2012, the Egyptian population elected Mohamed Morsi, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, into office. In 2013, he was deposed in a coup d’état led by General Abdel Fattah El-Sisi. As a result of this coup, El-Sisi was elected as president of Egypt in 2014. In accordance with this, the Egyptian Constitution was ratified in 2014, and does not explicitly mention FGC.

In 2011, the percentage of Egyptian women who underwent FGC was 87.2%.16 By the end of 2013, however, this number was 77%, indicating over a 10% drop.18 This change can be best attributed to the increase of continuous INGO presence in this country from 2011-2014 as a result of the general political climate. INGOs that place emphasis on public health, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), Doctors Without Borders, Plan International, and 28 Too Many were on the ground, in the most remote regions of the country, administering aid. In doing so, these organizations, like Human Rights Watch, acquired a special kind of credibility amongst the population. These INGOs have aided in the establishment of 24 hour emergency referral systems, hospital transports, and educational as well as advocacy frameworks. These INGOs, most notably Plan International, also work closely with governmental bodies such as the Ministry of Health, and the National Council for Childhood and Motherhood during this period,

where they are able to exert considerable influence in the policy making process.19

While these INGOs are not able to directly make policy, as their role is one of influence, the coercive approach they have historically adopted regarding FGC has a profound impact on the ways in which political action is taken.

As FGC is a multifaceted issue, there are many factors each contributing to the development of state legislation. Irem Ebeturk explores this ideology of international action concerning complicated issues in her study, Constructing Global Social Problems: The Case of Child, Early, and Forced Marriage.20 Ebeturk uses a world polity approach to examine the global legislative shift leading to a redefinition of child marriage as an issue of humanitarian concern, and the role of INGOs in spearheading this movement. In this study, she used qualitative methods of in depth interviews, and content analysis to shed light on the global cultural scripts surrounding the debate against child marriage.

Here, she analyzed the history of girls rights movements in relation to forced marriage legislation within the overarching framework of world polity. She found the debate against forced marriage took a moral and instrumental perspective, in which childhood marriage was defined as hindering economic development, and girls were posited as the saviors of humanity.

Through an analysis of the ways girls were framed within these campaigns, Ebeturk offered an explanation of how INGOs, the structural backbone of humanitarian change, defined girls, marriage and forced marriage using world cultural themes. Ultimately, her study exemplifies how world cultural scripts, which are often conceptualized by INGOs, are crucial for understanding humanitarian aid as perpetuated by legislative reforms, and international mobilization

Regarding the role of INGO aid in post-revolutionary Egypt, I will take a similar approach to that of Ebeturk.

I will analyze the anti-FGC rhetoric of powerful INGOs working in the region from 2011-2014 in order to shed light on the ways world cultural scripts are used to influence and incentivize humanitarian action.

The International Committee of the Red Cross is known as one of the most powerful social actors in global society. The organization was founded in 1863 with the objective of aiding victims of armed conflict. The ICRC has worked in Egypt since the beginning of the Second World War. In Egypt, the ICRC has offered assistance in terms of

"In 2011, the percentage of Egyptian women who underwent FGC was 87.2%.

By the end of 2013, however, this number was 77%, indicating over a 10% drop."

28 | Emory Undergraduate Research Journal

by the Ministry of Social Solidarity. It is thus sound to say that Plan International has profound influence to the policy making processes occurring in Egypt. The INGO has four strategic programs meant to holistically aid the children of Egypt. There is: Protection and Participation of Children; Youth Development and Leadership; Girls and Women’s Empowerment; and Active Citizenship, Civil Society Participation, and Alliances with the Government and Private Sector.19 Within the Women’s Empowerment and Active Citizenship sector of this strategic plan, Plan International has a faction dedicated to reducing the harmful traditional practice of female genital cutting. In transitional Egypt, this mission was mostly achieved through educational practices, community engagement, and providing access to healthcare facilities. The rhetoric surrounding FGC used by Plan International is very overt in its condemnation. Plan International has stated that it seeks to eradicate all forms of violence against women, namely FGC. Likewise, it has stated that FGC is a harmful practice. Furthermore, Plan International works directly with the National Council for Childhood and Motherhood, a faction of the Egyptian government that directly addresses FGC policy in the country. Here, Plan International has worked to provide external, and internal support to the program, while also serving as an expert on

These INGOs each seek to ‘‘denounce FGC by underscoring

the existence of women as fellow human beings. This lends itself to universalistic models of equality, and justice for all.

’’

the ground.

The rhetoric used by these INGOs regarding FGC directly denounces the practice. Using Elizabeth Boyle’s strategic analysis of INGO campaigns, it can be seen that these INGOs have indeed taken a coercive strategy.17 They have all publicly condemned the practice of FGC, thus also using their influence to sway policy making processes. Doctors without Borders and the International Committee of the Red Cross are both incredibly powerful social actors, and as such they have a profound influence on the international community, and how it perceives various agendas.

Plan International, on the other hand, takes a more on the ground approach to their condemnation of FGC, thus providing for more credibility in terms of the organizations relationship to the government of Egypt. Due to the role these INGOs played in providing aid during and after revolution, they have already legitimized themselves and their agendas

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field medical assistance, food relief, restoring family links, the transfer of persons across the demarcation lines, as well as the repatriation of prisoners of war and mortal remains.21 Likewise, the ICRC has established a branch of the Red Crescent that works exclusively in Egypt to alleviate human suffering as a result of violent unrest. In transitional Egypt, the ICRC offered substantive aid in the form of cargo, carrying first aid kits and other forms of assistance in terms of resettling and integrating: refugees, displaced peoples, and local populations directly affected by the conflict. In 2008, the International Committee of the Red Cross released a press statement detailing it’s commitment to combatting against all forms of gender based and sexual violence, including female genital cutting. Furthermore, in 2004, at the Pan-African Conference which brought together 53 Red Cross and Red Crescent National Societies of the region (including Egypt), there was an explicit official endorsement made to address the harmful practice of female genital cutting. Likewise, fighting against female genital cutting has been cited as a strong focal point for agendas set by the African National Societies branch of the International Committee of the Red Cross.

Doctors without Borders was founded in 1971 in response to the Biafra war and famine. Since its establishment, the INGO has works to provide emergency medical assistance to people impacted by violent conflict, epidemics, or lack of access to health care. The organization is renowned for its political neutrality when working in these zones, and its emphasis on medical ethics. In post-revolutionary Egypt specifically, Doctors without Borders worked to offer integrated healthcare to Egyptian citizens, and refugees living in the country. This medical aid comes in the form of establishing clinics that are adapted to the specific needs of patients in the region along the lines of: general medicine, mental health, sexual and reproductive health, physiotherapy and social support. In 1999, Doctors without Borders released an official statement attesting that the organization, “strongly opposes the practice of any form of female circumcision on the basis of the contravention of human rights which the practice represents, and its adverse health consequences.”

22 Furthermore, the organization has released statements detailing that given the intensity of the cultural and social traditions that allow the practice to exist, Doctors without Borders acknowledges “its [FGC] eradication will require a sustained effort over a very long term.”22 Thus implying that the organization is working to completely eliminate the practice. The INGO has also explained that they support local initiatives against the practice to avoid marginalizing the communities in which it is practiced.

Plan International is an INGO that works very closely with the government of Egypt to provide a better future for younger children. This INGO was established in Egypt in 1981, following and agreement with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Plan International is also directly supervised

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in the eyes of the Egyptian people. World culture principles can also be seen in the rhetoric these INGOs have taken. In each of these various agendas, and campaign slogans, there is an emphasis placed on the status of women. These INGOs each seek to denounce FGC by underscoring the existence of women as fellow human beings. This lends itself to universalistic models of equality, and justice for all. Likewise, it highlights the humanity of the individual women and girls who undergo this procedure. These INGOs have thus succeeded in translating world cultural scripts of universalism and individualism simply in the rhetoric of their official statements and thus strategic plans of action. Likewise, these INGOs placed special emphasis on future development while working in post-revolutionary Egypt, thus also exerting influence in redeveloping transitional Egypt.

This can be seen in the establishment of reproductive health hospitals, the implementation of educational and community engagement endeavors, and the cultivation of the next generation through the development and redevelopment of education, and child rearing sectors. These INGOs have all taken preventative measures while working in post-revolutionary Egypt and have, in a sense, used their role within this complex environment to inspire gradual and progressive change.

Conclusion

This essay has discussed the ways in which a world polity framework can be used to analyze the development of, and reimagination of transitional states. In the midst of globalization, the world polity framework views the world model as a system of interrelated actors and institutions, each with the purpose of legitimizing themselves along the lines of a world cultural process within the context of a world society. These world cultural processes: universalism; individualism; rational voluntaristic authority; and dialectic rationalizing processes become integral for attaining world citizenship. As such, nation states become breeding grounds for the development of human and economic capital. Meanwhile INGOs serve as the structural backbone of world polity and are also tasked with translating world cultural scripts through substantive influence. Transitional nation states, however, occupy a particular position within the world polity framework. These nation states are often fragile environments in which various institutions fragmented.

Despite their need for redevelopment, these states must also fulfill their role of developing human and economic capital.

In the case of the Arab Spring, it can be seen that waves of pro-democratic thought, a universalistic principle of world culture, spread across countries in MENA along the lines of world polity. Starting with the events in Tunisia, the Arab Spring spread across a number of Arab countries, and established transitional states in many. Likewise, the Arab Spring

30 | Emory Undergraduate Research Journal

saw a development in individualistic thought through the ideology that the individual has the right to demand progress in their nation states. Furthermore, in the case of female genital cutting in post-revolutionary Egypt, it was found that INGOs adopted a coercive strategy in exerting their influence for the anti-FGC cause, thus exemplifying a dialectic rationalizing process and also falling in line with the world polity theory. Likewise, the rhetoric employed by these INGOs often times was that of world cultural themes.

Therefore, this essay has exemplified the ways that a world polity approach can indeed be taken to analyze the composition transitional nation states.

Endnotes 1. Meyer, John W., John Boli, George M. Thomas, and Francisco O. Ramirez. "World Society and the Nation‐State." American Journal of Sociology 103, no. 1 (1997): 144-81. doi:10.1086/231174.

3. Kim, Dongwook. "International Nongovernmental Organizations and the Global Diffusion of National Human Rights Institutions." International Organization 67, no. 3 (2013): 505-39. www.jstor.org/stable/43282075.

4. Boli, John, and George M. Thomas. "World Culture in the World Polity: A Century of International Non-Governmental Organization."

American Sociological Review 62, no. 2 (1997): 171-90. www.jstor.org/ stable/2657298.

5. Berkovitch, Nitza, and Karen Bradley. "The Globalization of Women's Status: Consensus/Dissensus in the World Polity." Sociological Perspectives 42, no. 3 (1999): 481-98. doi:10.2307/1389699.

6. Malik, Nesrin. “Do Arab Men Hate Women?: It’s Not That Simple”. The Guardian. April 25, 2012. Accessed: December 13, 2019.

7. Ghanem, Hafez. The Arab Spring Five Years Later: Toward Greater Inclusiveness. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2016. www. jstor.org/stable/10.7864/j.ctt1657tv8.

8. Hessini, Leila. "Abortion and Islam: Policies and Practice in the Middle East and North Africa." Reproductive Health Matters 15, no. 29 (2007): 75-84. www.jstor.org/stable/25475294.

9. Shitova, A.V.. INTERNATIONAL NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS (INGOs) IN THE EVENTS OF THE «ARAB SPRING» IN EGYPT: ROLE, MECHANISMS OF INTERFERENCE AND RESULTS. Vestnik RUDN International Relations. No. 17. 749-759. 2007.

10.22363/2313-0660-2017-17-4-749-759.

10. “Man Sets Himself on Fire in Cairo Protest.” BBC. 17 Jan. 2011.

Accessed: December 13, 2019. www.bbc.com/news/world-middleeast-12204999.

11. “Annual Report: Egypt 2010.” Amnesty International. 2010. Accessed: December 13, 2019. https://www.amnestyusa.org/reports/annual-report-egypt-2010/ 12. “Work on Him Until He Confesses: Impunity for Torture in Egypt.”

Human Rights Watch. January 30, 2011. Accessed: December 13, 2019. https://www.hrw.org/report/2011/01/30/work-him-until-he-confesses/ impunity-torture-egypt 13. “Egypt: Stop Attacks on Peaceful Protesters.” Human Rights Watch.

February 3, 2011. Accessed: December 13, 2019. https://www.hrw.org/ news/2011/02/03/egypt-stop-attacks-peaceful-protesters# 14. El Feki, Shereen. “Sex and the Citadel: Intimate Life in a Changing Arab World” New York: Pantheon Books, 2013), 24-123.

15. Tag-Eldin, Mohammed, et al. “Prevalence of Female Genital Cutting among Egyptian Girls.” World Health Organization. 2008. Accessed: December 13, 2019. www.who.int/bulletin/volumes/86/4/07-042093.pdf?ua=1.

17. Boyle, Elizabeth Heger. “Female Genital Cutting” (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), 60-117.

18. “Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A Statistical Overview and Exploration of the Dynamics of Change.” UNICEF. 2013. Accessed: December 13, 2019. www.unicef.org/cbsc/files/UNICEF_FGM_report_ July_2013_Hi_res.pdf.

19. Siddiqui, Mudasser. “Egypt.” Plan International. 2019. Accessed: December 13, 2019 plan-international.org/egypt.

20. Ebeturk, Irem A., and Oliver Cowart. “Criminalization of Forced Marriage in Europe: A Qualitative Comparative Analysis.” International Journal of Comparative Sociology, vol. 58, no. 3, June 2017, pp. 169–191, doi:10.1177/0020715217710065.

21. “About the ICRC in Egypt.” International Committee of the Red Cross. 2010. Accessed: December 13. 2019. www.icrc.org/en/doc/assets/ files/2011/icrc-in-egypt-t0062-2010.pdf.

22. “Female Genital Cutting: MSF.” Médecins Sans Frontières International. 1999. Accessed: December 13. 2019. www.msf.org/female-genital-cutting.

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December 13, 2019. https://www.amnestyusa.org/reports/an nual-report-egypt-2010/ Beckfield, Jason. "The Social Structure of the World Polity." American

Journal of Sociology 115, no. 4 (2010): 1018-068. doi:10.1086/649577.

Berkovitch, Nitza, and Karen Bradley. "The Globalization of Women's

Status: Consensus/Dissensus in the World Polity." Sociological

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BLOODGOOD, ELIZABETH A. "The Interest Group Analogy: Interna

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A Century of International Non-Governmental Organization."

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Hopkins University Press, 2002), 60-117.

Ebeturk, Irem A., and Oliver Cowart. “Criminalization of Forced Mar

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2017, pp. 169–191, doi:10.1177/0020715217710065.

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Accessed: December 13, 2019. www.globalpartnership.org/ country/cote-divoire.

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2019. www.amnesty.org/en/countries/middle-east-and-north- africa/egypt/.

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ber 13, 2019. www.28toomany.org/static/media/uploads/ Law%20Reports/egypt_law_report_v1_(june_2018).pdf.

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2. “Education in Côte D'Ivoire.” Global Partnership for Education. 2019.

Accessed: December 13, 2019. www.globalpartnership.org/country/cotedivoire.

16. “Egypt: FGM and the Law.” 28 Too Many. June 2018. Accessed: December 13, 2019.www.28toomany.org/static/media/uploads/Law%20Reports/egypt_law_report_v1_(june_2018).pdf.

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“Egypt: ICRC Emergency Medical Assistance Begins to Arrive.” ICRC. 4 org/stable/43282075.

Feb. 2011. Accessed: December 13, 2019. www.icrc.org/en/doc/ Malik, Nesrin. “Do Arab Men Hate Women?: It’s Not That Simple”. The resources/documents/news-release/2011/egypt-

Guardian. April 25, 2012. Accessed: December 13, 2019. news-2011-02-04.htm.

“Man Sets Himself on Fire in Cairo Protest.” BBC. 17 Jan. 2011. Accessed: “Egypt: Protesters Killed Marking Revolution.” Human Rights Watch. 12

December 13, 2019. www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-12204999.

June 2015. Accessed: December 13, 2019. www.hrw.org/news Meyer, John W., John Boli, George M. Thomas, and Francisco O. Ramirez. /2015/01/26/egypt-protesters-killed-marking-revolution#.

"World Society and the Nation‐State." American Journal of Soc “Egypt: Stop Attacks on Peaceful Protesters” Human Rights Watch.

iology 103, no. 1 (1997): 144-81. doi:10.1086/231174.

February 3, 2011. Accessed: December 13, 2019. https://www.

“Shitova, A.V.. INTERNATIONAL NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANI

hrw.org/news/2011/02/03/egypt-stop-attacks-peaceful-pro

ZATIONS (INGOs) IN THE EVENTS OF THE «ARAB SPRIN testers#

G» IN EGYPT: ROLE, MECHANISMS OF INTERFERENCE “Egypt's Emergency Law Explained.” Al Jazeera. 11 Apr. 2017. Accessed:

AND RESULTS. Vestnik RUDN International Relations. No.

December 13, 2019. www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2017

17. 749-759. 2007. 10.22363/2313-0660-2017-17-4-749-759. /04/egypt-emergency-law-explained-170410093859268.html.

Siddiqui, Mudasser. “Egypt.” Plan International. 2019. Accessed: Decem El Feki, Shereen. “Sex and the Citadel: Intimate Life in a Changing Arab

ber 13, 2019. plan-international.org/egypt.

World” New York: Pantheon Books, 2013), 24-123.

Tag-Eldin, Mohammed, et al. “Prevalence of Female Genital Cutting “THE EMERGENCY LAW IN EGYPT.” International Federation for

among Egyptian Girls.” World Health Organization.

Human Rights. 2011. Accessed: December 13, 2019. www.fidh.

2008. Accessed: December 13, 2019. www.who.int/bulletin/

org/en/region/north-africa-middle-east/egypt/THE-EMER volumes/86/4/07-042093.pdf?ua=1.

GENCY-LAW-IN-EGYPT. “Work on Him Until He Confesses: Impunity for Torture in Egypt” Hu “Ending Female Genital Mutilation: Red Cross and Red Crescent Experi

man Rights Watch. January 30, 2011. Accessed: December 13,

ence.” IFRC. 2008. Accessed: December 13, 2019. www.ifrc.org/ 2019. https://www.hrw.org/report/2011/01/30/work-him-un en/news-and-media/opinions-and-positions/speeches/2008/ til-he-confesses/impunity-torture-egypt

ending-female-genital-mutilation-red-cross-and-red-cres “World Report 2011: Rights Trends in World Report 2011: Egypt.” Human cent-experience/

Rights Watch. 16 Apr. 2015. Accessed: December 13, 2019.

“Female Genital Cutting: MSF.” Médecins Sans Frontières International. www.hrw.org/world-report/2011/country-chapters/egypt

1999. Accessed: December 13. 2019. www.msf.org/female-gen ital-cutting.

“Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A Statistical Overview and Explora

tion of the Dynamics of Change.” UNICEF. 2013. Accessed:

December 13, 2019. www.unicef.org/cbsc/files/UNICEF_ FGM_report_July_2013_Hi_res.pdf.

Ghanem, Hafez. The Arab Spring Five Years Later: Toward Greater Inclu

siveness. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2016. www.jstor.org/stable/10.7864/j.ctt1657tv8.

Hessini, Leila. "Abortion and Islam: Policies and Practice in the Middle

East and North Africa." Reproductive Health Matters 15, no. 29

(2007): 75-84. www.jstor.org/stable/25475294.

Kim, Dongwook. "International Nongovernmental Organizations and

the Global Diffusion of National Human Rights Institutions."

International Organization 67, no. 3 (2013): 505-39. www.jstor.

Nadine Yassin is a senior at the Emory College of Arts and Sciences studying Sociology and French. She is passionate about human rights and hopes to work in the field professionally. Her main areas of interest are women and children’s rights, education reform, and mental health accessibility with an emphasis in post-conflict states. She has experience doing work in refugee reintegration, research, and conflict resolution. Likewise, she is incredibly interested in facilitating cross-cultural understanding on many levels, and tries to incorporate that into her life both professionally and personally.

32 | Emory Undergraduate Research Journal

SPECIAL FEATURE

Describing the Unknown: A Spotlight on Computational Research

By Camilla Li

6:30 AM, Oxford, Georgia. The sun had yet to rise over the small, sleepy town, but in the seemingly far-removed world of Oxford College, a light flickered on in the office of Dr. Alfred Farris just as the last stragglers filed from the library.

Dr. Farris is an assistant professor of physics whose research curiously straddles the disciplines of computer science, physics, and biochemistry. When asked why computers are relevant in modern scientific research, he had a simple scenario in mind: Imagine you have a cup of water.

In a lab, you can measure things like the temperature of the water.

Now imagine if you can go in and measure the motion of individual water molecules. That is the power of a simulation.

Historically speaking, it wasn’t until very recently that programmable machines were made capable of carrying out these tasks.

With the advent of the Information Age, however, it is little wonder that the application of computations and simulations has worked its way into scientific research, establishing itself as yet another

pillar in modern science. The idea of research in the natural sciences traditionally conjures images of white-coated scientists bent over fancy lab equipment or Sheldon Cooper scribbling equations on a white board. Somewhere along the lines, computational research emerged as an intermediate between the well-established realms of experiment and theory: an invaluable Option 3.

“The one thing that’s interesting that I think takes a while to figure out is that there’s a difference between a computation and a simulation,” Dr. Farris made sure to clarify. “A computation is a calculation with a defined answer, [whereas] in a simulation, you are running experiments in the computer.”

One of his projects involves studying the biological process of protein folding using a coarsegrained model, or a model with simplifications, analyzed using statistical mechanics. A problem sometimes with coarse-grained models, especially when modeling complex processes like protein-folding, is determining how much detail is necessary to in-

SPECIAL FEATURE

Imagine you have a cup of water. In a lab, you can measure things like the temperature of the water. Now imagine if you can go in and measure the motion of individual water molecules. That is the power of a simulation.

Dr. Alfred Farris, Oxford College Physics professor

Dr. Simbarashe Nkomo, Oxford College Chemistry professor

Volume XVI, Spring 2020 | 33

SPECIAL FEATURE

SPECIAL FEATURE clude. Models were compared for sequences mapped from a small plant protein, Crambin.

“The idea is, you have all your theory grounded in physics, [in this case] statistical mechanics, and you use computers to solve problems inspired by biochemistry,” he explained. “What drew me to this kind of research is [how] the methods that are applied are not only applicable to physical systems, but models in other disciplines, like financial systems. The methodology is very general. It’s very interdisciplinary.

Everyone has large data sets they want to analyze, and so they need certain analysis tools.”

And it certainly is very interdisciplinary. Right next door is the office of Dr. Simbarashe Nkomo, an assistant professor of chemistry whose research focus includes simulations in chemical kinetics and quantum calculations.

“When I was doing undergraduate research, I was doing a math project,” Dr. Nkomo recalled. “I ended up using chemical equations for the math problem that I was working on, and I realized that there was this connection between mathematics and chemistry.”

For Dr. Nkomo, all of his projects are directly tied to experimental work. The quantum calculations are done in collaboration with chemist Dr. Reza Saadein, who performs the synthesis in the lab. From there, calculations are done by Dr. Nkomo to try to understand why the reaction is going a certain way.

In simulating chemical kinetics, mathematics are used as a tool to gain insight into reactions that may be harder to carry out. These simulations are used to make predictions before the experiment is performed in the lab, where experimental analysis involves the image processing of the intensity of observed color changes. For this project, networks

"You are creating a model to mimic reality, but when nobody really understands what that reality is, it can get difficult."

- Dr. Farris

“There are reactions for which people are still trying to come up with the mechanisms,” - Dr. Nkomo

"Sometimes, you don't know what you're looking for, but this applies to all sciences" - Dr. Farris

34 | Emory Undergraduate Research Journal

of three diffusively-coupled chemical oscillators are studied, with the hopes of eventually applying what is learned from these studies to bigger networks.

“There are reactions for which people are still trying to come up with the mechanisms,” he explained.

“I come up with models that can describe the mechanisms that have been proposed. If my model gives me a good representation of the things I see in my experiment, then I can now use the model to make predictions. I want to be in touch with what should happen experimentally, [because] when you are solving equations from a mathematical point of view, an [unviable] answer could seem acceptable without context for which system you are representing.”

Dr. Farris also addressed the limitations of computational research.

“Sometimes, you don’t know what you’re looking for, but this applies to all science. For example, nobody knows why proteins fold. There are some generic behaviors that are common in all proteins, and some that disobey the generic behaviors.

When you start setting these things up in a simulation, you sometimes don’t know what the questions are and what the answers are, and are on your own when figuring out what is reasonable. You are creating a model to mimic reality, but when nobody really understands what that reality is, it can get difficult.

“You’re somewhere in between theory and experiment. So the models involve theory, but the simulations themselves are basically individual experiments, and it’s not obvious if what you’re doing is correct, because you have nothing to test what you’re doing against. As computers become more powerful, [this kind of research] will keep taking off. But you will also need experiment and theory.”

SPECIAL FEATURE

“The fun is when you get something that’s unexpected. If your results are weird and you know your model’s realistic, then you have new physics. You have something new at work.”

“The fun is when you get something that’s unexpected. If your results are weird and you know your model’s realistic, then you have new physics. You have something new at work.”

According to Dr. Nkomo, the field of computational chemistry has grown so prominent that there are computational chemists winning nobel prizes, and computational techniques are now applied in areas like drug design. The chemistry curriculum has also adapted to this changing research environment, by offering a course on machine learning in chemistry.

I was fascinated by the methodologies and prospects of computational research, and wanted to see for myself, so Dr. Farris graciously agreed to show me some basic re-

And so we waited.

Camilla Li is a sophomore tentatively majoring in Playwriting and Physics. In the previous year, she worked with faculty and a few other students to help organize an interdisciplinary project in the Atlanta Science Festival, combining her passions in the arts and natural sciences. She is currently a lab teaching assistant for an introductory physics course, and is looking to get involved in both creative projects and research that would bridge her interests in physics and the biological sciences. In her free time, she enjoys baking, painting, and singing musical theater showtunes.

Volume XVI, Spring 2020 | 35

SPECIAL FEATURE

Nevertheless, he assured me that in spite of the potential shortcomings, there is much to look forward to in conducting computational research. Of course, there are many mistakes that can be made with programming and model design, and from his experience, it takes time to eventually get to the point where you are able to look at code that you’ve written and say that the code is working correctly. When there is an error, and you can be confident that the code is working correctly, then the error you see must either be an error with the model design, or the results are correct and you just don’t understand what’s going on in terms of your interpretation of reality.

search techniques. I was to replicate a simple Monte Carlo simulation modeling the behavior of a ferromagnet. Barring some initial frustrations and mistakes made along the way, it was remarkable how much the simulations, though written in code and performed by the computer, lined up with my preconceived notions of what a scientific experiment should be. In my experience, the bottom-up approach of the simulation, starting microscopically to say something about the system on a macroscopic level, definitely contrasts with the top-down approach common with many experiments in the lab that I am familiar with. It was the same scientific thinking but from a different point of view—a different way of describing the unknown, if you will.

“I think it works this time,” I said finally, showing him what I had been working on. “I think I fixed it.”

I pressed run. The simulation came to life.

Memory Erasure Lauren Flamenbaum

MEMORY

M

emory is the mental ability to retain and remember facts, events, and impressions as well as past experiences. Memories are formed through 3 different stages of encoding, storage and retrieval. When individuals experience events, a network of neurons is activated, and the higher the impact, the stronger the connection. This means that when an individual remembers, the same network of neurons is reactivated. As memories form, synapses appear which increase connections in the brain. Memories can range from all aspects of life and may be associated with different emotions, as emotional responses are remembered more vividly over time (Tyng et al., 2017). Some of these memories remind people of happy times, while others remind them of tragic events. For some individuals, it is easy to let go of bad memories. However,for people who experience certain anxiety disorders, such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), these memories can greatly affect their everyday lives. Among these disorders, PTSD affects around 8 million adults each year (Griswold and Hull, 2019). Individuals with PTSD are triggered by a frightening event and often experience intrusive memories (flashbacks) that can interfere with their day-to-day functioning.

Whether people should be allowed to forget memories, a principle known as memory-erasing, is up to much debate. Memory erasure would enable people with PTSD to go back to living as they did before the tragic event. This theme of memory erasure has been explored through science fiction films such as Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind, in which the protagonist decides to erase a past relationship. It is important to understand the way memory erasure fits in the field of Neuroethics in either Ethics of Neuroscience or the Neuroscience of Ethics. Ethics of neuroscience can be understood as the set of moral principles associated with neuroscience whereas the neuroscience of ethics can be understood as the different mechanisms within the brain that enable our judgment and decision-making capabilities.

Firstly, memory erasure fits into the Ethics of Neuroscience since guidelines should exist as to who should be able to get their memories altered. There are people who can live with unpleasant memories while others cannot live with their unbearable and tragic memories; therefore, memory erasure should ideally only be considered as a treatment strategy for those whose memories interfere with their daily life, as manipulating memories can hinder one’s autonomy.

This is especially relevant considering the fact that drugs

36 | Emory Undergraduate Research Journal

Birth Into Being, Flickr

and other treatment plans would have to be prescribed by a physician.

Additionally, memory erasing could be dangerous from a historical perspective. One person’s memory of a certain event might have been erased but the other people involved may still remember it. More drastically, due to memory erasure, no one may remember an event, as though the event never happened. This can be especially problematic, as it is important to remember terrible events of the past so that they never happen again.

Another perspective on this topic lies in the criminal justice system, where certain trial witnesses may not want to remember the tragic events they had to endure.

However, they may be faced with a certain duty to remember--a moral obligation to keep these memories in order to testify (Lavazza A., 2015). Conversely, the use of these technologies may not always be justified since some soldiers may want to forget their controversial and somewhat immoral actions while stationed at war.

Certain avenues, such as the “Neuroethics Questions to Guide Ethical Research in the International Brain Initiatives,” can offer different perspectives. For example, the question “which applications might be considered misuse or best uses beyond the laboratory?” (Rommelfanger K. S. et al., 2018) addresses the fact that in radical cases,

References Fink A. (2019) Fanon’s Police Inspector, AJOB Neuroscience, 10:3, 137-

144, DOI: 10.1080/21507740.2019.1632970 Kolber, A. J. (2006). Therapeutic Forgetting: The Legal and Ethical Impli

cations of Memory Dampening. Retrieved from https://schol arship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr/vol59/iss5/2/.

Lavazza A. (2015). Erasing traumatic memories: when context and so

cial interests can outweigh personal autonomy. Philosophy,

ethics, and humanities in medicine : PEHM, 10, 3. doi:10.1186/ s13010-014-0021-6 PTSD Statistics. (2019, November 25). Retrieved from https://www.

therecoveryvillage.com/mental-health/ptsd/related/ptsd-sta tistics/#gref.

Rommelfanger, K. S., Jeong, S. J., Ema, A., Fukushi, T., Kasai, K., Ramos,

K. M., . . . Singh, I. (2018). Neuroethics Questions to Guide

Ethical Research in the International Brain Initiatives. Neuron,

100(1), 19-36. doi:10.1016/j.neuron.2018.09.021 Tyng, C. M., Amin, H. U., Saad, M., & Malik, A. S. (2017). The Influences

of Emotion on Learning and Memory. Frontiers in psychology,

8, 1454. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2017.01454 Can We Erase Bad Memories? (2016, January 21). Retrieved March 28,

2020, from https://psychology.ucdavis.edu/news/erasing bad-memories

MEMORY

individuals could erase memories after committing a crime such as a terrorist attack or rape. Furthermore, it is important to acknowledge safety concerns that would be associated with such technology. The intervention to erase someone’s memory has a possibility of affecting memories that did not have the intent of being erased. As memories are often also linked to one another, so that more than one memory would have to be erased in order to completely forget an event, this concern is not far-fetched. Such an intervention would be irreversible. The research on risks associated with memory erasure has been limited up to this point. Any drug or neurotechnology that would be able to erase any kind of memory will bring up the issue of distributive justice as this intervention will likely be costly and only obtainable to certain people.

Additionally, memory erasure can also fit in the Neuroscience of Ethics as erasing one’s memory might change one’s personal identity, and therefore, their decision-making abilities. Memories can impact an individual’s future actions, as learning from mistakes committed in the past can prevent the same mistakes in the future. Furthermore, memory erasure can also affect the authenticity of an individual’s life because it would impact their understanding of how the world works (Kolber A., 2006). Research is currently being conducted on removing only the disturbing portion of the memory, and leaving the remaining parts,which will undoubtedly impact one’s personhood but also the people that surround them in their everyday lives (Fink A., 2019). We can also analyze the use of propranolol which is a beta-blocker that blocks the consolidation of emotional valence that is associated with memories; this would therefore reduce PTSD patients’ emotional responses when recalling frightening events. Ultimately, this intervention does not completely erase the memory but instead affects the emotional connection. Propranolol is less effective in PTSD patients who have been suffering for longer periods of time and can also impact their ability to detect emotional reactions with the people around them.

In conclusion, memory erasure is a complex neuroethical concern relating to the principles of autonomy, safety, distributive justice, moral obligation, authenticity, and personal identity. These different concepts ultimately question our authority to change our brains at will. In order for this technology to be possible, ethical guidelines should be mandated, perhaps restricting access to only individuals who desperately need it. Additional research is being conducted on rats in the hopes of finding strategies to fully achieve memory erasure. These studies incorporate new perspectives such as the mutant of protein kinase M zeta which makes it possible to relearn the erased components as it may maintain synaptic long-term potentiation and long-term memory. It will be interesting to see what new technologies for memory-erasing in humans will appear in the next few years.

Lauren Flamenbaum ('21C) is a junior majoring in Neuroscience and Behavioral Biology and minoring in Anthropology. Her article in this issue is based on research she led in the context of the neuroethics course she took at Emory. Lauren is currently involved in psychobiology research at the Yerkes national primate center on early life stress and drug abuse. In her free time, Lauren enjoys traveling and cooking.

Volume XVI, Spring 2020 | 37

Reawakening Apoptosis in Cancer Cells: The Advent of BH3-Mimetic Drugs

CANCER

Figure 1. Human THP-1 monocytic cells generating beaded-apoptopodia to regulate the formation of apoptotic bodies.

Nowak-Sliwinska P., & Griffioen A. W. (2018). “Apoptosis on the move.” Apoptosis, 23(5-6):251-254.

T

"Apoptosis refers to programmed cell death, a form of ‘cellular suicide’ that is regulated by altering the activity of specific proteins."

he uniquely fatal nature of cancer lies in unhindered proliferation, which bypasses the apoptotic machinery within the cells.

Apoptosis refers to programmed cell death, a form of ‘cellular suicide’ that is regulated by altering the activity of specific proteins. Apoptosis is an orderly process that is initiated by the permeabilization of the cell’s plasma membrane, which leads to fragmentation of its DNA by activated caspase cascades and ultimately, cell death (Renehan et al., 2001). Without apoptosis, cells can continue to proliferate and grow at uninhibited and potentially threatening rates. There are two widely studied pathways for apoptosis.

One is the extrinsic pathway, where an extracellular ligand binds to transmembrane cell-death receptors to stimulate apoptosis. The other is the intrinsic pathway, which involves directly modifying mitochondrial membranes by activating certain conserved

signaling pathways within the cell, ultimately inducing caspase activity.

An oncogene refers to any gene which can encode a protein that is able to induce cancer within animals.

A subsection of oncogenes, termed proto-oncogenes, are derived from mutations in normal cellular genes.

The products of proto-oncogenes are directly involved in pathways that control cellular growth; for example, a mutant form of the normal ras proto-oncogene, the rasD oncogene, encodes an oncoprotein which directly promotes uninhibited cellular growth.

Since the first discovery of an anti-apoptotic oncogene, BCL-2 (B-cell lymphoma 2), researchers have developed an entirely new class of pharmacological small molecule therapeutics.

Cancer cell proliferation is maintained by forced expression of anti-apoptotic BCL-2 proteins, among various other anti-apoptotic proteins, which defend malignant cells from pro-apoptot-

38 | Emory Undergraduate Research Journal

ic pressure. The significance of the equilibrating interactions between antiapoptotic and pro-survival BCL-2 proteins in cancerous cells have given rise to an increasing number of therapeutic agents, such as the dual BCL-2/ BCL-XL inhibitor Navitoclax. The inhibition of anti-apoptotic, pro-survival BCL-2 proteins and the activation of their pro-apoptotic counterparts in early stage tumorigenesis is an area of increasing interest and study.

The cell life cycle is governed by the interactions of two broad classes of BCL-2 proteins: pro-apoptotic and pro-survival [Figure 2]. A third class of BCL-2 proteins, the BH3-only proteins, dictate the function of these two BCL-2 proteins types through selective binding, thus regulating the apoptotic commitment of the cell via mitochondrial membrane permeabilization. BH3-only proteins are highly specific, and differential protein–protein binding between pro-survival

Figure 2. Classes of proteins within the BCL-2 family; these proteins can be classified mainly into pro-survival proteins, proapoptotic proteins, and a further subdivision between the multiBH domain termed as BH3-only proteins, which is similar to the homology of BCL-2 only due to the presence of BH3 effector proteins.

Campbell KJ, & Tait SWG (2018). “Targeting BCL-2 regulated apoptosis in cancer.” Open Biol, 8(5).

Figure 3. Classes of proteins within the BCL-2 family; these proteins can be classified mainly into pro-survival proteins, proapoptotic proteins, and a further subdivision between the multiBH domain termed as BH3-only proteins, which is similar to the homology of BCL-2 only due to the presence of BH3 effector proteins.

and anti-apoptotic BCL-2 family proteins dictates the ability of pro-apoptotic proteins, particularly BAK and BAX, to induce an apoptotic response through outer membrane permeabilization (Merino et al., 2018). Studies conducted by Liu et al., have demonstrated that apoptosis originates in the mitochondria, with several mitochondrial proteins implicated to directly activate an apoptotic cascade within cells (Liu et al., 1996). These proteins usually occupy the intermembrane space of mitochondria, but in response to apoptotic stimuli are released into the cytosol. There, they promote apoptosis via two complementary and overlapping pathways. The first pathway activates nucleases, or enzymes that cleave phos-

phodiester bonds between nucleotides of DNA, and caspases, a class of proteases that mediate programmed cell death. The second pathway neutralizes apoptotic inhibitors already present in the cytosol. From these pathways, the BH3-only class of proteins are transcriptionally generated in response to cellular stressors such as oxidative or metabolic stress. They initiate apoptosis either by binding to pro-survival BCL-2 proteins and unshackling BAX/ BAK protein activity, or by directly activating the pro-apoptotic class of proteins and thus, cell death. Unconstraining BAX/BAK leads to the formation of oligomers that form pores to perforate the outer mitochondrial membrane.

This induces a cascade of caspase activ-

ity by releasing pro-apoptotic proteins into the cytosol, ultimately leading to cell death. The equilibration between the binding of pro-survival and pro-apoptotic members of the BCL-2 family to BAX and BAK is therefore essential in deciding between cell death and survival.

The binding system of the BH3-like pro-survival proteins is crucial to initiate efficient cell death. A cell is “primed for death” by death signals, a process wherein its anti-apoptotic BCL-2 protein receptor sites become primarily occupied by pro-apoptotic BCL-2 proteins instead (Certo et al., 2004). As the number of available BH3-binding sites has been altered on the anti-apoptotic BCL-2 protein, the

Volume XVI, Spring 2020 | 39

CANCER

Timucin AC, Basaga H, Kutuk O. (2019). “Selective targeting of antiapoptotic BCL-2 proteins in cancer.” Med Res Rev, 39(1):146-175.

as B cell progenitors, which are essential in the adaptive immune response (Motoyama et al., 1995). The loss of Bcl2l1, the gene that encodes BCL-XL, exhibits the adverse effect of impairing male fertility and leads to decreased platelet count due to lower platelet viability (Mason et al., 2007). BH3-mimetic drugs that are MCL-1 specific exhibit harmful effects on otherwise healthy tissue and cells. MCL-1, or myeloid cell leukemia 1 is a pro-survival member of the BCL-2 family required for embryonic development, and thus mice lacking MCL-1 die very early in embryogenesis (Rinkenberger et al., 2000). Additionally, regulated deletion of MCL-1 protein shows that the protein plays a functional role in multiple tissues, such as in thymic epithelial survival and function (Jain et al., 2017) and T cell and germinal center B cell activation (Vikstrom et al., 2010).

Contemporary pharmaceuti-

CANCER

induction of an additional cell death signal through BH3-mimetic drugs or other pro-apoptotic stimuli is more powerful in these primed cells.

An alternative approach to mimicking the function of pro-apoptotic BH3-only proteins is direct deletion of pro-survival BCL-2 family proteins. However, the deletion of each pro-survival BCL-2 family protein by genome editing has been shown to elicit drastic physiological effects in mouse models. Mice lacking BCL2 succumb to premature death from polycystic kidney disease, suggesting that BCL-2 is essential for the survival of renal epithelial progenitor cells in embryonic development. Mice lacking BCL-2 also have lowered resting T and B lymphocyte levels, as well as premature reductions of melanocytes causing greying skin. The BCL-XL protein is essential for the development of immature CD4 + and CD8 + T cells as well

Figure 4. Chemical structures of clinically significant BH3-mimetic drugs.

40 | Emory Undergraduate Research Journal

cal drug development has continually yielded more BH3-mimetic drugs with increased selectivity for specific BCL2 family proteins. This was bolstered by the clinical efficacy of ABT-199 (Venetoclax), the first BCL-2 specific BH3-mimetic drug to gain FDA approval for the treatment of acute myeloid leukemia. Venetoclax seemed to overcome the issue of low platelet count that was associated with AML treatment with Navitoclax, a dual BCL-2/BCL-XL inhibitor. The most remarkable clinical results for Venetoclax were observed when used in tandem with rituximab, a monoclonal antibody. A clinically complete response occurred in 51% of patients with disease-free status lasting for up to 2 years after completion of therapy (Campbell & Tait, 2018). Current BH3-mimetic drugs have demonstrated exceptional efficacy in clinical trials in both selectivity and apoptotic induction, proving to be viable alternatives for carcinomas that are resistant to cytotoxic therapies.

Researchers are considering using this type of treatment in patients with solid tumors, in conjunction with conventional therapies. For instance, combination treatment using Navitoclax and Gemcitabine has shown noteworthy success against solid tumors. Furthermore, Navitoclax with Brentuximab has proven effective against Hodgkinâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s lymphoma. Another significant instance of combination therapy involves coupling the BH3-mimetic drug ABT-737 with Cisplatin, which has shown to be highly effective against non-small cell lung cancer (Ju et al., 2016). Venetoclax efficacy as a combination drug has also been shown in preclinical models of breast cancer, such as when used in combination with Tamoxifen to treat breast cancer.

Another drug approach being investigated directly activates BAX and BAK in order to kill tumor cells (Leshchiner et al., 2013). In terms of direct activation of BAK/BAX, it has been shown that BTSA1, a BAX-activating molecule, has therapeutic effects in acute myeloid leukemia.

Currently, utilizing BH3-mimetics as single therapeutic agents is limited to a small subset of cancer types.

Some cancers, such as chronic lymphocytic leukemia, have been theorized to rely predominantly on a single pro-survival BCL-2 family member, making the success for single agent Venetoclax treatment promising; however, other malignancies also appear to rely on BCL-2 proteins for survival and could be targeted. BH3-mimetic drugs may best be used in combination therapy, which increases the potential for clinical efficacy. However, this also increases the potential for toxic complications. Cell pathways derived from leukemia have suggested that there are several resistance mechanisms to BH3-mimetic drugs. These include altered protein binding and reduced expression of the BH3-only protein BIM or the apoptosis effector BAX (Fresquet et al., 2014).

Future directions to continue bettering this treatment include identifying predictive biomarkers to selectively identify patients who will most benefit from BH3-mimetic drug treatment, especially using prognostic factors such as tumor type and heterogeneity. Extending BH3-mimetic drug potential to treat solid tumors and improving compatibility with conventional treatments may yield a higher non-recurrence rate in patients, possibly even offering curative treatments for certain types of cancers.

References

Anirudh Raghavan ('22C) is a sophomore in the College of Arts and Sciences double majoring in Biology and Chemistry. His article in this issue stems from his past summer experience in India at the Adyar Cancer Institute, a non-profit organization where he volunteered and learned about cancer treatment protocols offered to patients of all socioeconomic statuses. He currently works in the Liang Lab at the Emory School of Medicine, and his current project involves using ligation independent cloning (LIC) to construct Respiratory Syncytial Virus (RSV) co-expression plasmids. He hopes to attend medical school post-graduation. Apart from academics, Anirudh enjoys solving math puzzles, tinkering with audio equipment, and playing table tennis.

Volume XVI, Spring 2020 | 41

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Campbell KJ, & Tait SWG (2018). “Targeting BCL-2 regulated apoptosis in cancer.” Open Biol, 8(5).

Certo M, Del Gaizo Moore V, Nishino M, et al. (2006) “Mitochondria primed by death signals determine cellular addiction to antiapoptotic BCL-2 family members.” Cancer Cell, 9(5):351-65.

Fresquet V, Rieger M, Carolis C, García-Barchino MJ, Martinez-Climent JA. (2014). “Acquired mutations in BCL2 family proteins conferring resistance to the BH3 mimetic ABT-199 in lymphoma.” Blood, 123(26):4111-9.

Jain R, Sheridan JM, Policheni A, et al. (2017). “A critical epithelial survival axis regulated by MCL-1 maintains thymic function in mice.”

Blood, 130(23):2504-2515.

Ju W, Zhang M, Wilson KM, Petrus MN, Bamford RN, Zhang X et al.

(2016). “Augmented efficacy of brentuximab vedotin combined with ruxolitinib and/or Navitoclax in a murine model of human Hodgkin's lymphoma.” Proc Natl Acad Sci USA, 113:1624–1629.

Leshchiner ES, Braun CR, Bird GH, Walensky LD. (2013). “Direct activation of full-length proapoptotic BAK.” Proc. Natl Acad. Sci. USA, 110:E986–E995.

Liu X., Kim C.N., Yang J., Jemmerson R., Wang X.(1996) “Induction of apoptotic program in cell-free extracts: Requirement for dATP and cytochrome c.” Cell, 86:147–157.

Mason KD, Carpinelli MR, Fletcher JI, et al. (2007). “Programmed anuclear cell death delimits platelet life span.” Cell, 128(6):1173-86.

Merino D, Kelly GL, Lessene G, Wei AH, Roberts AW, Strasser A. (2018).

“BH3-Mimetic Drugs: Blazing the Trail for New Cancer Medicines.”

Cancer Cell, 34(6):879-891.

Motoyama N., Wang F., Roth K. A., Sawa H., Nakayama K., Nakayama K., ... Loh D. Y. (1995). “Massive cell death of immature hematopoietic cells and neurons in Bcl-x-deficient mice.” Science, 267(5203):15061510.

Renehan A. G., Booth C., & Potten C. S. (2001). “What is apoptosis, and why is it important?” BMJ (Clinical research ed.), 322(7301):1536-8.

Rinkenberger JL, Horning S, Klocke B, Roth K, Korsmeyer SJ. (2000).

“Mcl-1 deficiency results in peri-implantation embryonic lethality.”

Genes Dev, 14(1):23-7.

Vikstrom I, Carotta S, Lüthje K, et al. (2010). “Mcl-1 is essential for germinal center formation and B cell memory.” Science, 330(6007):1095-9.

SURVIVAL OF THE BIGOTS the evolution of anti-black rhetoric and its use in conservative media

By Mark Weiss Wikimedia

“How in the hell the parents gon' bury their own kids / Not the other way around? / Reminds me of Emmett Till / Let's remind 'em why Kap kneels” - Nas[1] 1. Introduction Kathy Miller, then candidate Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign chair for Mahoning county, Ohio, remarked in a taped interview with The Guardian that, prior to Barack Obama’s presidency, there was “no racism.”[2] After downplaying segregation by claiming she “never saw that as anything,” Miller continued: I don’t think there was any racism until Obama got elected. We never had problems like this…Now, with the people with the guns, and shooting up neighborhoods, and not being responsible citizens, that’s a big change, and I think that’s the philosophy that Obama has perpetuated on America [sic].”[3]

“You start out in 1954 by saying, “N***er, n***er, n***er.” By 1968 you can’t say “n***er - that hurts you, backfires. So you say stuff like, uh, forced busing, states’ rights, and all that stuff, and you’re getting so abstract. Now, you’re talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you’re talking about are totally economic things and a byproduct of them is, blacks get hurt worse than whites… ‘We want to cut this’ is…a hell of a

lot more abstract than ‘N***er, n***er.’”[7] The evident intentionality of dog whistles helps explain why, after hundreds of years, racists employ the same basic tropes when arguing against racial progress.

In the following pages, I will demonstrate that anti-black arguments have changed little over time. While their advocates present the claims in more sophisticated, less explicit ways, the underlying assumptions about African-Americans on which the arguments hinge remain the same. At their core, racist arguments presume the inhumanity and genetic inferiority of African-Americans, and many of their proponents co-opt faulty statistics to prove these assumptions true.

I will also show through two case studies how coverage of black killings, particularly in conservative media, relies on these tropes. The strategy Fox News used to downplay the racial component of the Michael Brown and Eric Garner killings is virtually indistinguishable from that of the Mississippian press after Emmett Till’s lynching. Both instances feature an intentional effort to pettifog the details of the murders by impugning those who highlight the issue of race, portraying the killers in a positive light, and blaming the victims (however innocent they were).

2 Lewis, Paul, and Tom Silverstone. “Ohio Trump Campaign Chair Kathy Miller Says There Was ‘no Racism’ before Obama.” The Guardian, September 22, 2016, sec.

US news.

3 Lewis and Silverstone.

4 Maza, Carlos. “Why White Supremacists Love Tucker Carlson.” Vox, July 21, 2017.

5 Hains, Tim. “Politicon: FNC’s Tucker Carlson Debates The Young Turks’ Cenk Uygur.” RealClearPolitics, October 22, 2018.

6 Alexander, Scott. “Against Dog Whistle-Ism.” Slate Star Codex, June 17, 2016.

7 Perlstein, Rick. “Exclusive: Lee Atwater’s Infamous 1981 Interview on the Southern Strategy,” November 13, 2012.

Volume XVI, Spring 2020 | 43

RACE

Miller’s comments are not just incorrect. They rely on a series of subtly-communicated messages – also known as dog whistles – which appeal to widely-believed, negative stereotypes about the black community.

She claims that African-Americans are violent criminals wielding “guns” and “shooting up neighborhoods,” that they are lazy people, not “responsible citizens.” These ideas about African-Americans have existed for centuries, regardless of how subtly they are presented.

Nevertheless, those who speak in dog whistles are often reticent to admit it.

Claims that some phrases are subtly racist are invariably met with high-

browed skepticism and defensiveness from the ones who use them. Tucker Carlson, a Fox News host whose anti-immigration rhetoric has earned him praise from white supremacists like Richard Spencer and David Duke, shrugged at those accusing him of implicit prejudice, claiming “I don’t ever speak in dog whistles.”[4,5] One lesser-known blogger argued in 2016 that such terms are meaningless since “the narrative has gone so far that it’s become detached from any meaningful referent.”[6] And others, taking a softer stance, contend that dog whistles are entirely harmless and not racist at all.

Unfortunately for Mr. Carlson and his allies, their arguments are vulnerable to facts. Several consultants for the Nixon and Reagan campaigns have documented in writing their intent to court racist white voters with subtle anti-black rhetoric. As Lee Atwater once said,

RACE

2. The Origins of Anti-Black Ideas

Anti-black ideas have existed for centuries. As early as 1576, French Philosopher Jean Bodin theorized that “intimate relations between the man and beasts…gave birth to monsters in Africa.”[8] Bodin was not the first (nor would he be the last) to theorize that African-Americans, by virtue of looking different from whites, were intrinsically inferior beings.

This trope – which I will call “the argument from inhumanity” – spread throughout Europe over the course of the next several hundred years, making its way to what would eventually become the United States of America. The idea that there is a natural hierarchy which separates the races is arguably the root of all modern racist thought.[9] And although it has evolved over time to take different forms, its advocates can adapt the argument from inhumanity to fit their particular area of expertise. Scientists, for example, have distorted their fields of study to demonstrate the existence of a racial hierarchy. Statisticians, practitioners of a budding field of study, misused their craft to paint a myopic picture of society in which African-Americans are ignorant criminals, on average.

Other anti-black ideas – that blacks are hypersexual beings who relentlessly pursue white women, that they are less capable of intellectual achievement than whites – all stem naturally from the original assumption that they are not human. The negative attributes whites assigned to blacks, then, were not only logically connected, but in their view made rational sense.

The arguments employed by white supremacists remained largely unchanged from the era of Colonial America through the Civil War. White supremacists were intent on

"As the national mood began to shift and the federal government considered recognizing the humanity of black people, there emerged a need for white supremacists to invent more clever ways to mask their bigotry." maintaining the allegedly natural divisions between man and “beast,” and used these basic points to do so until the advent of Emancipation and the 13th Amendment.[10] As the national mood began to shift and the federal government considered recognizing the humanity of black people, there emerged a need for white supremacists to invent more clever ways to mask their bigotry. They turned to the two most convincing tools they could find: science and statistics.

They began by first trying to show that, although human, African-Americans are inherently less intelligent than are whites. A slight variation on the original claim of inhumanity, I call this “the argument from genetics.” It states that there are disparities in the mental capacity of whites and blacks, and that environmental and socioeconomic factors are irrelevant in attempting to explain them. In addition to being less intelligent than whites, according to the argument, African-Americans are lazy by nature and have a higher proclivity to engage in violent behavior—particularly, rape and murder.

The argument from genetics dates to a time before abolition. Among the first to promote this view was Samuel George Morton, a scientist most remembered for his large collection of

human skulls. In his 1839 book Crania Americana, he analyzes the size and shapes of skulls of various races and concludes without evidence that the differences he observes are indicative of varying levels of cognitive ability. Nowhere does Morton explain how skull shape is connected to intelligence, nor does he offer a rationale behind his selection criteria. Rather, he presumes at the outset that intelligence and skull shape are related, and then fabricates evidence to support that assumption.

He begins his work by describing the alleged characteristics of African-Americans, who he claims are inherently “joyous, flexible, and indolent” and that “the many nations which compose this race present a singular diversity of intellectual character, of which the far extreme is the lowest grade of humanity.”[11] He argues that African-Americans are intellectually lesser than whites, the people “distinguished for the facility with which [the race] attains the highest intellectual endowments.”[12] Morton was not the only scientist of his day to dabble in phrenology.

Indeed, the post-Civil War debate about the place of freed blacks in society presented pseudointellectuals with the perfect opportunity to make a renewed case for white supremacy. Building on the work of Morton, Hinton Rowan Helper’s The Negroes in Negroland uses comparative anatomy to demonstrate the innateness of “the crime-stained blackness of the negro.”

He states very plainly that African Americans “belong to a lower and inferior order of being” than other races.

He then asks the reader: How can the negro be a fit person to occupy, in any capacity, our houses or our hotels, our theatres or our vehicles, or any other place

8 de Miramon, Charles. “Noble Dogs, Noble Blood: The Invention of the Concept of Race in the Late Middle Ages,” in The Origins of Racism in the West, edited by Miriam Eliav-Feldon, Benjamin H. Isaac, and Joseph Zeigler. (Cambridge, UK: University of Cambridge Press, 2009). pp. 200-203.

9 Kendi, Imbram X. Stamped From the Beginning: The Definitive History of Racist Ideas in America. New York, NY United States: Bold Type Books, 2016.

10 Kendi.

11 Morton, Samuel George. Crania Americana; or, a Comparative View of the Skulls of Various Aboriginal Nations of North and South America: An Essay on the Varieties of the Human Species. Philadelphia: J. Dobson Chestnut Street, 1839.

12 Morton, p. 5.

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or places of uncommon comfort and convenience, which owe their creation, their proper uses, and their perpetuity, to the whites alone, places and environments about which the negro…has always been absolutely ignorant and indifferent?[13]

Crime, pauperism, and sexual immorality are without question the greatest hindrances to social and economic progress, and the tendencies of the colored person in respect to these phases of life will deserve a more careful

He employs a rudimentary difference-in-differences estimator to conclude that there was no significant difference in criminality among the African-Americans in liberal, northern cities and conservative, southern ones. Therefore, he felt comfortable in his conclusion that “blacks’ social and economic conditions, still largely attributed to white control, had absolutely nothing to do with black criminality.”[17] Of course, statistics at the time lacked “complete counts of population,” leading prospective statisticians no choice but to “rely largely on conjectures and calculations” rather than facts.[18] But Hoffman nonetheless felt his conclusions sufficiently robust to be used in crafting public policy.

This two-pronged approach allowed white supremacists to justify their oppression of blacks under the rubric of scholarship. They used science and statistics to lend much-needed credibility to the preexisting arguments from inhumanity and genetics. Whatever form of argumentation was most accessible to white supremacists was the one they opted to affirm when rationalizing their views. And it was the establishment and maintenance of these racist tropes that facilitated Jim Crow, resistance to the civil rights movement, and the systemic inequality still present in the United States.

3. A Cultural Contagion

Over time, though, the explicit nature of these arguments largely diminished. As the days of so-called “respectable racism” began to fade, white supremacists had to hide their

beliefs through thinly-veiled, coded language.[19] During the Civil Rights Movement, white supremacists were able to be explicit about their disdain for blacks – they simply could not publicly state that African-Americans were inhuman as did their predecessors, for the United States’ political institutions had begun to recognize African-Americans’ humanity. In 1954, for instance, the Supreme Court ruled in Brown v. Board of Education that the previously-held doctrine of “separate but equal,” the vehicle for segregation, produced outcomes that were inherently unequal. Schools and other public facilities, therefore, had to accommodate people of all races.

Unsurprisingly, desegregation was met with fierce opposition from white supremacists. Violence erupted in Southern schools which attempted to integrate. And although some African-Americans were able to attend formerly white schools, they were not treated like white students. Worse yet, as if opposition from private citizens was insufficient, the government partook as well. In 1956, 101 members of Congress signed The Southern Manifesto opposing the Court’s ruling, rebuking the “hatred and suspicion” it generated.[20] But not all forms of resistance consisted of proclamations from government officials. The most famous victim of reactionary white rage was undoubtedly Emmett Till, a fourteen year old boy who was kidnapped and lynched by two white men for allegedly wolf-whistling at a white woman.

Till’s murderers “brutally beat him, shot him, weighted his body down with a 90-pound cotton gin tied around his neck with barbed wire, and then threw his body into the Tal-

13 Helper, Hinton Rowan. The Negroes In Negroland; The Negros in America; And Negroes Generally. Also, The Several Races of White Men, Considered As The Involuntary And Predestined Supplanters of the Black Races. New York: G. W. Carleton, 1868.

14 Hoffman, Frederick L., Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. New York: American Economics Association, 1896 15 Hoffman., pp. 217-234.

16 Hoffman 17 Hoffman, pp. 310-368.

18 Porter, Theodore M. “Probability and Statistics | History, Examples, & Facts.” In Encyclopedia Britannica. Accessed December 14, 2019. https://www.britannica. com/science/probability.

19 Anderson, Carol. White Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial Divide. Bloomsbury USA, 2016, p.102 20 “National Affairs: The Southern Manifesto.” Time, March 26, 1956.

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To white supremacists, though, biological evidence was a necessary but insufficient condition in establishing the inferiority of blacks. Others less adept in the natural sciences used statistics to corroborate the claims of the argument from genetics. In 1896, Frederick L. Hoffman published his infamous Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro, a work he presents as “free from the taint of prejudice or sentimentality.”[14] He analyzes a plethora of statistics relating to various social phenomena: education, religion, and of course, crime, to show that African-Americans were indeed inferior to whites. On education, he notes that “the total amount expended on the education of the negro” was “a vast sum” since Emancipation, and that “it remains to be shown whether the educational process which the race has undergone…have materially raised the race from its low social and economic condition.”[15] More generally, the appeal of Hoffman’s book came from his pioneering use of social statistics to link blackness with criminality. Stating clearly the purpose of his book, he writes:

investigation than has thus far been accorded to them.[16]

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lahatchie River.”[21,22] The attack, as is evident in photographs of Till’s body, left the boy’s face completely unrecognizable.[23] His body sustained damage so severe that his mother, Mamie Till-Bradley, felt compelled to hold an open-casket service in order to show the limitless cruelty of which segregationists were capable. “Let the people come to see what they did to my boy,” she said.[24] Till’s murder was sufficiently gruesome to force segregationists to contend with the harmful results of the system they had created, effectively putting them on the defensive. A child had done something completely excusable (or as we know now, had done nothing at all), and in retaliation, two white men killed him and brutally mutilated his body.[25] No longer could white supremacists excuse themselves with the argument from inhumanity – as previously mentioned, they had reluctantly conceded that black lives mattered as well. Therefore, to say that Till’s life was worthless would be morally objectionable. Worth less, though, they reasoned they could get away with. Not content to give up their way of life, white supremacistheir media apparatus condemned the events as trivial rather than the logical end of a culture which systematically oppressed African-Americans.

Too horrific for the media to ignore, the Till case represented “the first time the daily – meaning white – media took an interest” in reporting atrocities against blacks.[26] But a newspaper does not have to draw attention to a story simply because they’re reporting it. Indeed, mainstream outlets minimized the seriousness of Till’s murder in order to avoid even a modicum of accountability. The New York Times

did so by burying any mention of Till in the ninth section of their issue and by focusing not on the murder, but the funeral service: “The casket was opened to public view at the insistence of the boy’s mother, Mrs. Mamie Bradley…” write the authors, who continue to marvel at the “10,000 persons” who stood in line to view it. [27] Even in a sentence about Till’s body, the authors chose not to reference the boy, but instead, just his casket.

Others reverted to framing motivated by the original argument from inhumanity, subtly declining to acknowledge Till’s personhood. On September 1st, 1955, The Atlanta Constitution published an article entitled “Negro, 14, Called Insulter, Is Pulled From River Dead.”[28] Such headlines, as historian Michael Oby has pointed out, “call more attention to Emmett Till as an ‘insulter’ before [pronouncing] his death...the fact that he is dead almost reads like an afterthought.”[29]

The same Constitution article, which utilized dehumanizing language, contained factual inaccuracies as well. As if its authors could not be bothered to verify the information they reported, the article states that Till was buried in Mississippi while he was actually buried in Chicago, his body having been shipped home on the same train he had taken to Mississippi.[30] The media did not merely engage in linguistic tricks to downplay the severity of the Till lynching. Neither the Times nor the Constitution included a picture of Till’s body, a conscience-shocking image likely to elicit sympathy for the slain youth. Articles in black newspapers typically included a photograph, raising doubts as to whether these outlets omitted one by chance.[31] That the white media covered the Till lynching at all is noteworthy, but they did so with obvious disdain. Mainstream outlets like those above were

Wikimedia

21 “The Southern Manifesto.”

22 Oby, Michael Randolph. “Black Press Coverage of the Emmett Till Lynching as a Catalyst to the Civil Rights Movement,” 2007, p. 82.

23 Oby, 82.

24 “Killing of Boy in Mississippi Called ‘Atrocity.’” Jackson Daily News, September 2, 1955.

25 “Emmett Till Accuser Admits to Giving False Testimony at Murder Trial: Book,” Chicago Tribune. January 27, 2017.

26 Hampton, Henry, and Steve Fayer. Voices of Freedom: An Oral History of the Civil Rights Movement from the 1950s through the 1980s. 24th ed. New York, NY United States: Bantam Books, 1990, p. 7.

27 “Slain Youth’s Body Seen By Thousands,” The New York Times, September 4, 1955, sec. S-9.

28 “Negro, 14, Called Insulter, Is Pulled From River Dead,” The Atlanta Constitution, September 1, 1955.

29 Oby, p. 39.

30 Oby, p. 39.

31 Oby, p. 29.

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them, the press treated the late Emmett Till with the respect he deserved.

However, once the narrative became an indictment of the entire state of Mississippi and the white supremacist culture it fostered, the press became defensive.

Till’s mother, shortly after the death of her son, told reporters that “Someone is going to pay for this.”[36] The local Delta-Democrat Times, however, misquoted her, reporting instead that she had said “The State of Mississippi will have to pay for this.”[37,38] This seemingly small difference set the local press into a frenzy. Instead of merely attacking those who killed her son, Mamie Till was apparently condemning the culture which allowed them to feel justified in their wrongdoings.

Almost immediately, several outlets denounced Mamie’s comments and attacked her personally. An issue of The Jackson State Times contained a particularly harsh editorial: “Mississippians are shocked at the abduction and brutal slaying of a Negro boy near Greenwood,” it reads.[39] Notice that, despite trying to appear sympathetic, the Times did not mention the name of that “Negro boy.” The article continues to decry the “unreasoning criticism” that Mamie leveled at the state of Mississippi, ensuring that justice could only be sought through “legal means.”[40] A jury, unsurprisingly, acquitted the two men in court, citing doubts “as to whether the body taken from the river had been Emmet’s [sic].”[41] The legal means, as if by design, failed.

Smearing Mamie for statements she

did not actually make was but one of many tactics the press used to avoid acknowledging systemic racism. Another was characterizing the murderers – Roy Bryant and J.W. Milam – as respectable, patriotic men. After their arrest, the Clarion-Ledger published two separate photographs of the men in military dress in place of their mugshots.[42] The West Point Daily Times Leader went further, lamenting the fact that the two were “being held without bail.”[43] The Leader further described the two not as the accused kidnapper-murderers that they were, but instead as an “ex-paratrooper” and an “Army lieutenant in World War II.”[44] Such positive framing serves only to predispose readers to sympathize with the killers.

Perhaps worst of all, some newspapers blamed Emmett Till for whistling at a white woman. The New York Times reported that Emmett’s father Louis, while serving in World War II, “was hanged for the murder of one woman and the rape of two others.” One issue of Confidential Magazine advertised the news of Till’s father as alluring gossip: “Why the army hanged Emmett Till’s Dad!” it reads.[45] Many Southern papers used this information to imply that Emmett was, as a consequence of his genetics, predisposed to engage in behavior similar to his father.[46,47] None of the negative coverage of Till’s murder, which was designed to defend the white supremacist system of the day, explicitly used any of the original arguments established above.

Nevertheless, each relied on cultural-

32 “A Brutal Murder,” Clarksdale Press Register, September 1, 1955.

33 Houck, Davis W., and Matthew A. Grindy. Emmett Till and the Mississippi Press. Jackson, Mississippi: University Press of Mississippi, 2010, p. 20.

34 Houck and Grindy.

35 “Designed to Inflame,” Jackson Daily News, September 2, 1955.

36 Houck and Grindy, p. 24.

37 Houck and Grindy.

38 “‘A Den of Snakes’ Youth’s Mother Calls Mississippi,” The Delta Democrat Times, September 1, 1955.

39 Houck and Grindy, p. 24.

40 Houck and Grindy, p. 24.

41 “Grand Jury in Till Case Fails to Indict Two White Men Accused in Kidnapping,” The New York Times, November 10, 1955.

42 “Clergyman Speaks ‘Mind’ on NAACP,” Clarion-Ledger, September 3, 1955.

43 “White Says No Lynching,” West Point Daily Times Leader, September 2, 1955.

44 “White Says No Lynching.”

45 Confidential Magazine Cover March 1956. March 1956. Wikimedia Commons.

46 “Kidnapped Boy’s Body Found,” The New York Times, September 1, 1955.

47 Oby, p. 33.

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sympathetic enough to cover the boy’s murder, but did so in a manner which absolved themselves of any responsibility for creating an environment in which such things could happen.

Some even went as far as to appeal to culturally-ingrained, anti-black tropes in order to do so.

The local Mississippi press was no different. Initially, to their credit, coverage of the Till lynching was sympathetic. The Clarksdale Press Register, for example, published a shockingly humanizing account of Till, written by his then sixteen-year-old cousin Maurice Wright. The article, which stressed Till’s many disabilities and overall innocence, bore the blunt but accurate title “A Brutal Murder.”[32] Several local outlets, such as the Vicksburg Evening Post, featured images of Till’s desecrated body in order to highlight the cruelty of the attack.[33] And one issue of The Jackson Daily News ran their piece with an old photograph of Till and Mrs. Bradley at Christmastime, showing a young Emmett dressed in a white shirt and striped tie, and his mother with her arm proudly around him.[34] Positive framing notwithstanding, much like the national press, the local Mississippi newspapers refused to acknowledge that systematic oppression allowed for Till’s murder. They insisted that his death was an isolated incident – an “individual symptom” rather than a “cultural contagion,” as one newspaper put it.[35] But insofar as critics focused their attention on the individual murderers rather than the “cultural contagion” which permitted

Wikimedia

48 | Emory Undergraduate Research Journal

ly-ingrained beliefs which have their roots in faux science and statistics.

Dehumanizing Till, smearing his mother, and sympathetically portraying the killers all reinforce the narrative that black lives are of less value than whites.’ And the implications by some newspapers that Till was more likely to commit crimes because of his father (and ostensibly his race) are clear examples of the argument from genetics.

4. The Rebirth of Scientific Racism

rior—would be untenable in “about another 20 years…but probably less than a decade.”[51] Much like the racial arsonists who preceded him, Murray insists that his opponents are fueled not by a search for truth but by a fear that “ethnic and race differences have any genetic component at all.”[52] His work, by contrast, is strictly “scholarly,” as he notes in the early pages of The Bell Curve.[53] While it may be tempting to dismiss Murray as merely naïve, his ultimate goal is the same as that of the press following Emmett Till’s murder: to maintain a systematically oppressive system, justifying it through so-called “forbidden knowledge” of racial disparities.[54] Despite the book’s largely negative reception, Murray now finds himself with an array of allies who defend him and his work under the rubric of protecting free speech. These are not just a collection of unorganized fanatics but rather public intellectuals with considerable political and social influence. Biologist James Watson echoed Murray’s central argument in a remark he made during a documentary appearance: “There’s a difference on the average between blacks and whites on IQ tests…I would say the difference is genetic.”[55] In 2018, neuroscientist and philosopher Sam Harris invited Murray onto his podcast, Waking Up, which boasts one million downloads per episode, to discuss The Bell Curve.

Harris wrote later that he did so because he “felt a moral imperative to provide [Murray] some cover” out of love for free speech.[56] This controversial move prompted a highly-publicized debate with Vox editor-at-large Ezra Klein. Several weeks of email chains and passive-aggressive op-eds culminated in Klein inviting Harris to

48 Herrnstein, Richard J., and Charles A. Murray. The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life. Free Press, 1994.

49 Lemann, Nicholas. “The Bell Curve Flattened.” Slate Magazine, January 18, 1997.

50 Gould, Stephen Jay. 2014. “Critique of The Bell Curve.” In Just Methods: An Interdisciplinary Feminist Reader, edited by Alison M. Jaggar, 118-129. New York, New York, USA: Taylor & Francis.

51 Goodnow, Natalie. “‘The Bell Curve’ 20 Years Later: A Q&A with Charles Murray.” AEI, October 16, 2014.

52 Murray, Charles A., “The Bell Curve Explained,” AEI, May 18, 2017.

53 Hernstein and Murray.

54 Klein, Ezra, and Sam Harris. “The Sam Harris-Ezra Klein Debate.” Vox, April 9, 2018.

55 Belluz, Julia. “DNA Scientist James Watson Has a Remarkably Long History of Sexist, Racist Public Comments,” Vox, January 15, 2019.

56 Sam Harris. “Ezra Klein: Editor-at-Large,” March 27, 2018.

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As methodological and scientific tools evolved over time, so too did the means by which racists defended their positions. In 1996, over forty years after Till’s death, political scientist Charles Murray and psychologist Richard J. Herrnstein published The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life. In this 900-page pseudo-tome, the two misuse advanced statistical methods in an attempt to demonstrate two claims: first, that there are differences in IQ among races, and second, that those differences are a consequence of genetic, rather than environmental, factors. There exists, the two argue, a substantial difference in the IQ levels of blacks and whites – a difference that cannot be attributed to socioeconomic or cultural differences alone. Having established that a “black/white gap” exists, Murray and Herrnstein spend the remainder of the chapter on race discussing the implications of blacks’ inferior “cognitive ability,” such as their underperforming in higher education. It is a futile effort, they argue, to try to educate those who lack the mental ability to benefit from it.[48] Even a student of basic undergradu-

ate statistics could spot the flaws in The Bell Curve’s methodology. Most notably, the mechanism at the heart of the book – multiple regression analysis – attempts to demonstrate the influence of several “predictor”(independent) variables on a particular “response” (dependent) variable by calculating the relative, weighted impact of the former on the latter. But Murray and Herrnstein use this type of model to assert causation, a great leap that the evidence from their analysis does not support. Second, and perhaps even worse, the data they use for measuring IQ alone come from a longitudinal study of students who took the Armed Forces Qualifying Test. As many critics have pointed out, that exam contains questions about academic subjects like trigonometry. Consequently, scholars “have objected to its use as a measure of only IQ and not at all of academic achievement.”[49] The basis of their work is fundamentally flawed.

While Murray and Herrnstein present their claims as novel, some critics were not fooled by the new makeup smeared on this ugly pig. Evolutionary biologist Stephen Jay Gould offered sharp criticisms of the authors’ methods and motivations, stating in a review that their book, “contains no new arguments and presents no compelling data to support its anachronistic social Darwinism.”[50] In light of massive criticism from credible scientists, Murray, the only surviving author, has resorted to using an array of dishonest tactics in an attempt to maintain what credibility (if any) he has left. Twenty years after the publication of The Bell Curve, Murray asserted without evidence that his opponent’s position—that African Americans are not genetically infe-

Flickr

appear on The Ezra Klein Show to further debate the issue. [57] An obvious yet overlooked externality of Klein’s decision was to broaden the reach of Murray’s unscientific arguments.58

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5. Shades of Mississippi

Murray’s attempt to legitimize racism through statistics only emboldened those determined to uphold the racial caste system of the modern era. And conservative media outlets, much like those in the 1950s, shamelessly play on these renewed but tired arguments in their coverage of atrocities against African Americans today. In fact, some media coverage from the past decade is almost indistinguishable from the coverage of the Till murder, which occurred more than a decade before the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

In July of 2014, police killed Eric Garner by putting him in a chokehold while placing him under arrest.

Garner had done nothing more than attempt to sell cigarettes without government permission. The office of the medical examiner, after the slaying, concluded that Garner died from,

“compression of neck (choke hold), compression of chest and prone positioning during physical restraint by police.”[59] Roughly one month later, police officer Darren Wilson shot and killed Michael Brown, an unarmed black man accused of robbing a convenience store. Civil rights advocates argued that both Garner and Brown would not have been killed were they not people of color. Conservative media, though, categorically deny the existence of systemic racism. Any evidence of that which suggests its influence, then, must be discredited.

And that is just what Fox News did in their coverage of both of these killings—and they did so using the exact same strategies as the Mississippi press. First, they impugned those who tried to highlight the importance of race in these killings. For example, Laura Ingraham chastised President Obama for “stok[ing] racial discord in America” and facilitating “distrust between minorities and some law enforcement.”[60] On Fox and Friends, Peter Johnson Jr. claimed that civil rights groups were “reminiscent of

the Ku Klux Klan” in their efforts to generate national conversations about race.[61] One member of the House, while appearing on Fox, claimed that race was not a factor in the killing of Eric Garner since the police did not say the n-word while placing him in the chokehold which ultimately killed him.[62] And Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky placed the blame not on the police but on the “high cigarette tax” in New York which allegedly drove the market for cigarettes underground.[63] Fox News also went to great lengths to paint the police in both cases as patriotic, sympathetic figures undeserving of punishment. Linda Chavez, appearing on Fox and Friends after the Brown killing, said the following: “this mantra of the unarmed black teenager shot by a white cop. You know, that description in and of itself actually colors the way in which we look at this story.” As she continued to describe Brown’s physical stature, the network showed, “footage of Brown…pushing the store clerk, alongside a picture of Officer Darren Wilson, smiling in uniform.”[64] This is a stark and intentional contrast meant to elicit sympathy for Wilson. During an appearance on a later daytime program, Fox and Friends co-host Andrea Tantaros reveled in the lack of charges brought against Wilson, gleeful that “the physical evidence and Darren Wilson’s testimony corroborated and matched up.”[65] Some attempts at positively portraying the police were, admittedly, more credible than others. Sean Hannity desperately appealed to his expertise as a “martial artist student” to demonstrate that Eric Garner was not placed in a chokehold, an assertion which directly clashes with the report of the medical examiner’s of-

57 Klein and Harris.

58 Murray declined my request for an interview regarding his work.

59 Goldstein, Joseph, and Marc Santora. “Staten Island Man Died From Chokehold During Arrest, Autopsy Finds - The New York Times.” The New York Times, August 1, 2014.

60 Mills, Colleen E. “Framing Ferguson: Fox News and the Construction of US Racism.” Race & Class no. 4 (April 2017), pp. 39–56.

61 Henderson, Nia-Malika. “Peter King Blames Asthma and Obesity for Eric Garner’s Death. That’s a Problem for the GOP.” Washington Post, December 4, 2014.

62 Levine, Sam. “Peter King Says Eric Garner Would Not Have Died From Chokehold Were He Not Obese,” Huffington Post, December 3, 2014.

63 Levine.

64 “Fox and Friends,” Fox and Friends. Fox News Channel, August 25, 2014.

65 “Outnumbered” Fox and Friends. Fox News Channel, March 12, 2015.

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fice.[66] When all else failed, Fox followed in the footsteps of their earlier, Mississippian counterparts and blamed the victims. Former New York City Mayor and central figure in the Trump administration’s Ukraine Scandal, Rudy Giuliani, argued in an interview with Megyn Kelly that the case of Michael Brown should be viewed as an issue of a police officer who “shot a man who had just committed a robbery.”[67,68] This is an explicit call to frame the killing in a way that blames Brown for his death – a veritable ‘if he had not robbed the store, he would not have been shot.’ Others were more direct in their indictment of Brown. Reverend Jesse Lee Peterson tossed away the proverbial veil of ignorance a la John Rawls, stating in a chilling rant: Michael Brown is dead because of Michael Brown. Michael Brown is dead because he had failing parents, who were not together, and raised him in the right way. When he decided that he was gonna rob a convenience store, attack the clerk, go out into the street, and attack a police officer, Michael Brown decided that day that he was ready to die.[69] Perhaps the most gut-wrenching detail to emerge in the Michael Brown case was not the vitriolic rhetoric used

to defend his killer, but the lack of due process granted to Mr. Brown, something to which he was Constitutionally entitled. Ta-Nihisi Coates, writing for The Atlantic, said the following in 2015 following the Department of Justice’s investigation into Wilson: “Darren Wilson is not the first gang member to be publicly accused of a crime he did not commit. But Darren Wilson was given the kind of due process that those of us who are often presumed to be gang members rarely enjoy.”[70] Imagine his shock when, two years later, the public learned that (much like Emmett Till) Brown was innocent of the initial crime of which he was accused.[71] What about Mr. Garner? Video evidence showed, in a rare instance of clarity, that Garner was indeed placed in a chokehold while under arrest.

And further, he tried to communicate to the police that “I can’t breathe.”[72] But even this obvious abuse by Daniel Pantaleo, the officer whose chokehold killed Mr. Garner, elicited sympathy from conservative media. Bob McManus, a conservative blogger, famously proclaimed that Eric Garner would not have died from the chokehold had he not “tragically decided to resist.”[73] And Fox News hosts echoed this sentiment ad nauseum, repeating time and time again that Garner was overweight, at risk for cardiac arrest and, ostensibly, ready to die at any mo-

You had a 350-pound person who was resisting arrest. The police were trying to bring him down as quickly as possible. If he had not had asthma and a heart condition and was so obese, almost definitely he would not have died.[74] Just as Emmett Till ‘decided to die’ when he (didn’t) whistle at a white woman, Michael Brown and Eric Garner ‘decided to die’ when they existed in the world as black men. Guilty as either may have been (although exculpatory evidence has shown they were not), there are “legal means” of sorting such matters out, to borrow the phrase employed by the Mississippi press after Till’s death. But once one accepts that black lives are worth less than whites’, it becomes exponentially easier to justify the unjustifiable.

6. Conclusion: Beyond Media

It is not debatable the media have contributed significantly to the perpetuation of racist arguments. But unfortunately, there are other culprits who bear substantial blame. President Donald J. Trump has made race one of the central issues of his presidency, moving past the dog whistling of his predecessors into full blown screeches as a means of courting far-right extremists and earning their votes. His political rise began in 2011 when he led the “birtherism” movement, which was comprised of a gang of unapologetically racist thugs who maintained

66 Scarry, Eddie. “Sean Hannity Veers Opposite of Fox News Colleagues on Eric Garner.” Washington Examiner, December 4, 2014.

67 Cheney, Kyle. “The Mystery of Rudy Giuliani and the Stalled Ukraine Aid.” POLITICO, November 19, 2019.

68 Mills.

69 Mills.

70 Coates, Ta-Nehisi. “The Residents of Ferguson Do Not Have a Police Problem. They Have a Gang Problem.” The Atlantic, March 5, 2015.

71 Smith, Mitch. “New Ferguson Video Adds Wrinkle to Michael Brown Case.” The New York Times, March 11, 2017, sec. U.S. 72 Gross, Terry, “‘I Can’t Breathe’ Examines Modern Policing And The Life And Death Of Eric Garner,” NPR, October 23, 2018.

73 McManus, Bob. “Blame Only the Man Who Tragically Decided to Resist.” New York Post (blog), December 4, 2014.

74 Henderson.

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"Anti-black rhetoric, particularly the way it is parroted by white supremacists in the media, has changed little over time."

ment. Representative Peter King, in the same CNN interview in which he praised Pantaleo for refraining from using “epithets,” flatly rejected the evidence from the medical examiners, claiming:

that President Obama was born in Kenya and not the United States – a charge his aides later admitted was completely fabricated.[75] Since becoming President, Trump has labeled predominately African American cities “infested”[76] and countries as “shithole[s].”[77] He refused to denounce the neo-Nazis who killed an antiracist protestor in Charlottesville, arguing that there were “very fine people” on both sides.[78] And when the House of Representatives announced that, under the umbrella of an impeachment inquiry, they would be investigating Trump’s conduct with regard to The Ukraine, he accused the Democrats of carrying out a “lynching” against him.[79,80] Trump’s reprehensible comments very obviously play to the same stereotypes

described above. A black president is, to Trump, an absurdity, and therefore Obama must have been illegitimate.

Blacks are not human, he argues, so naturally countries governed by them must be “shitholes.” And when the other branches of government carry out their Constitutionally-mandated duty to check his power as the executive, that is no different to him than brutally killing an innocent black person. The President has decried the lack of due process afforded to him on matters of impeachment but has never, as some have pointed out, lamented the unfair process afforded to African American victims of white brutality.

Anti-black rhetoric, particularly the way it is parroted by white supremacists in the media, has changed little over

time. Hoffman is to Murray what the Mississippian press is to Fox News, and all four interact in ways that reinforce the idea that African Americans are inferior to whites. It is this culturally-ingrained view of white superiority which allows the President of the United States to liken impeachment proceedings to the senseless killing of innocent blacks. Alarming as this may be, those who hope to overcome the ever-present racism in the United States must recognize and call attention to the repetition of thoroughly debunked and bigoted ideas. And that starts with confronting the uncomfortable truth that socially conservative extremists borrow arguments from people who did not yet know that the Earth is not flat.

75 Richardson, Davis. “Former Trump Advisor Admits to ‘Peddling Birtherism’ About Obama.” Observer (blog), August 3, 2018.

RACE

76 Rentz, Catherine. “Trump Called Baltimore ‘Rat and Rodent Infested’ 4 Months after He Tried Ending the Funding for Its Rodent Control.” Baltimore Sun, August 26, 2019.

77 Dawsey, Josh. “Trump Derides Protections for Immigrants from ‘Shithole’ Countries.” Washington Post, January 12, 2018.

78 Phelps, Jordyn. “Trump Defends 2017 ‘very Fine People’ Comments, Calls Robert E. Lee ‘a Great General.’” ABC News, April 26, 2019.

79 Fandos, Nicholas. “Nancy Pelosi Announces Formal Impeachment Inquiry of Trump.” The New York Times, September 24, 2019, sec. U.S. 80 Itkowitz, Colby, and Toluse Olorunnipa. “Trump Compares Impeachment Probe to ‘Lynching,’ Again Prompting Political Firestorm around Race.” Washington Post, October 22, 2019.

Mark Weiss is a third-year student studying political science and mathematics. Currently, he is researching the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact, constructing a mathematical model to predict the spread of the policy among the US states. He is an intern at the Georgia Health Policy Center and a monthly contributor at the Carter Center's website US-China Perception Monitor. After graduating from Emory, he plans to pursue a Ph.D. in political science.

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Graphic by: Elizabeth Hsieh

The Birth and Evolution of the Superfluous Man in 19th Century Russian Literature

By Steve Heller

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period of immense transition for Russian society, the 19th century redefined the Russian culture and perspective on life. Under the rule of Nikolai I during the early 1800s, Russian society experienced the full embodiment of autocracy, as well as severe

reactionary policies of strict rule and censorship that hearkened back to the final years of Alexander I, Nikolai’s older brother and former Tsar of Russia.

In the second half of his reign, Alexander I had become weary of revolt, ending many of his early reforms. Nikolai I’s rule, heavily influenced by his older brother’s policies, was also impacted by the events of his first day in power.

In an unsuccessful uprising that would

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LITERATURE

19th Century Russian Society

come to be known as the Decembrist Revolt, thousands of protesters occupied the streets on December 26, 1825, exclaiming demands of a constitution and representative government (Riasanovsky, 19). From the very beginning of his reign, Nikolai I had ingrained in his mind the necessity of restraining Russian society in order to avoid losing his power and control. He accomplished this control through the implementation of excessive censorship in publishing, along with strict government over all aspects of public life. Ending many of the educational reforms implemented during the start of his brother’s rule, Nikolai I established a centralization of education and knowledge in Russia.

During this time, Russians saw no local autonomy, very little industrialization, especially seen in railways, and an increased repression among all classes (Riasanovsky, 39). Nikolai I’s reign exemplified the parallels of an unquestioned compliance to the Church, and the regime’s absolute subjugation of the common man. The Tsar wielded his power to impose a sense of order, in accordance with the Church, giving his people strict roles in Russian society.

Feeding his citizens a crutch to continually withstand until their time had passed, Nikolai I imposed distinct roles on his people in an attempt to neutralize threats of revolt.

Unlike Nikolai I, whose autocratic rule had seen the Russian empire grow to its greatest physical scope, his eldest son, Alexander II, would implement the most influential institutional reforms experienced in Russia since Peter the Great. Taking the position of emperor in 1855 after the death of his father, Alexander II ruled with a strong condemnation of the backward and reactionary policy of his father. Alexander II's most significant and everlasting reform as emperor was the emancipation of Russian serfs in 1861, which granted him the title of Alexander the Liberator (Whittaker, 237). In addition, Alexander enacted several reforms including the reorganization of the judicial system, the establishment

of elected local judges, the abolishment of corporal punishment, and the promotion of a representative, local government. He limited the privileges of the aristocracy and promoted university education. During the first half of Alexander II’s rule, Russian society had established a foundation for an emergence into capitalism and further industrialization. His early years of power held a significant emphasis on a diversion from Russia’s past with a societal change among his people (Riasanovsky, 43). Throughout his childhood, Alexander II had developed an aspiration to transform the future of Russia. Although he did not come into power until 1855, Alexander II represented a changing Russian society.

Fully inaugurated in the latter half of the 19th century with the abolishment of serfdom, the new age of Russia had taken its position and began the implementation of new ideals. These new ideas, born much earlier during the youth of these future “liberators” of Russia, led to the emergence of a new type of Russian man.

Birth of Man

LITERATURE

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omposed of two periods of differing identification of Russian society, the 19th century was an incredibly influential time of change. This period gave rise to a type of man whose only perception of the world, adopted from his life in childhood and youth, had now become foreign. Known as the “superfluous man,” this man experienced an inability to find a grounding and a part in this new Russia. He merely lingered in a state from which his life was in the presence of a changing world, while his mind remained in the memory of previous ideals. This type of man in 19th century Russian society adopted an “unhappy consciousness,” as described by Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, a late 18th and early 19th century German philosopher. In “Phenomenology of the Spirit,” Hegel describes the “unhappy consciousness” as one divided between itself

The individual surrenders its freedom to the universal by working with the natural world in an attempt to be one with it. However, the unhappy consciousness recognizes its alienation from both the individual and the universal incapable of becoming a part of this universality. and the universal world in which it lives (Hegel, 16). From the creation of thought and ideas, Hegel begins with an abstract conscious that has become an aware individual, describing it as "a being that thinks or is a free self-consciousness" (Hegel, 32). This self-awareness brings the consciousness to recognize a duality between itself, the individual, and the world it exists in, the universal. The individual surrenders its freedom to the universal by working with the natural world in an attempt to be one with it. However, the unhappy consciousness recognizes its alienation from both the individual and the universal incapable of becoming a part of this universality. It establishes itself as a fluctuation between the two, perceiving its existence as meaningless. Hegel defines this fluctuation as a state between universal truth and being a component of the truth, in which the unhappy consciousness declares a nothingness from its existence (Hegel, 62). In regard to the identification of the Russian empire under Alexander I, Nikolai I, and Alexander II, some members of society failed to as-

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similate to the changing age and were incapable of finding a role in the world as an individual. This societal clash between the old and the new created a fragmented man and became a core illustration in Russian literature in the mid-19th century; Russian literature examined this man and, furthermore, demystified his place in the world throughout the century by creating the concept of a “superfluous man.”

The First Taste of the Unhappy Consciousness

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ith his play Woe from Wit, Alexander Griboedov became the first Russian author to examine a character perceived to be lost in the world. Through his character, Chatsky, he paved the path for the future of Russian literature. Griboedov’s play begins as the audience learns that Alexander Chatsky, a young man from a noble family, has been away for some time and recently returned to his former society. Upon his return to his home in Moscow, he hopes to reconnect with a young woman from his childhood named Sophia. However, Chatsky learns that Sophia has fallen in love with another man named Aleksey Molchalin, and finds himself angry and dissatisfied about what had changed since he left Moscow. Chatsky publicly ridicules foreign influence, especially the French, and is agitated by his continual inability to be a part of this changed society (Griboedov, scene 14). Perhaps his societal group has not even changed, but rather, only Chatsky’s perception of the reality of his society has changed. By the end of Woe from Wit, Chatsky is perceived to be going mad; he is driven to return to the values treasured so preciously in his memories of childhood with Sophia. Eventually, Chatsky declares that he has no belonging among any of his peers, choosing to leave Moscow for good (Griboedov, scene 14). In Gri-

boedov’s work, the reader experiences the gradual revelation of the unfitting nature of Chatsky. Chatsky is the first glance of Hegel’s unhappy consciousness in Russian literature and the introduction of his philosophy into Russian society. A man of incredible intelligent and cleverness, Chatsky inevitably becomes aware of a continual increase in separation from his own society. He finds himself disgusted with his peers and is forced to retreat, alone, from the shallowness of society that he has unveiled in his mind (Giergielewicz, 17). However, Chatsky has genuine intentions for a connection among his Russian peers, as witnessed in his quest to seek acknowledgment from Sophia. The fighting nature of Chatsky’s soul against his society ultimately detracts him from being a true superfluous man. Although unable to be defined as a completely meaningless being, Griboedov’s Chatsky in his Woe from Wit establishes a man with a will unfit for his own home, which later Russian literature of the nineteenth century further develops.

The First Man

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zurka (Pushkin, book III, stanza V).

In the eyes of the high society, Onegin is viewed as a very pleasant, intelligent young man. However, Pushkin quickly retorts that for Onegin, “the noise of the high society bored him,” and “acts of unfaithfulness managed to tire him/ friends and friendships had become boring” (Pushkin, XXVII). Onegin is the continuation of Griboedov’s Chatsky, developed even further with his “languishing sloth” (Pushkin, XXVII). Pushkin extends the significant aspects of the superfluous man as he describes Onegin’s destructive impact on another soul, contrasting with Chatsky’s final action of a disappearance from Russian society. Ultimately, Evgeni Onegin encompasses the emergence of a true superfluous man, a soul incapable of possessing a form in the world.

After Pushkin’s introduction of Evgeni Onegin’s childhood, Onegin arrives in a charming village, which he, unsurprisingly, views as a bore. While staying in the village, he catches the eye of the beautiful Tatiana. A young girl with a grandiose sense of romanticism, Tatiana falls in love with Onegin after only having glimpsed him for a brief moment. She decides to write him a confession of her love (Gelder, 313). After receiving Tatiana’s letter, Onegin meets his admirer in a garden where he responds to her “soul’s trusting confession” (Pushkin, book III, stanza II). In this scene, Pushkin fully depicts the essence of a superfluous man as he describes Onegin’s place in society.The superfluous man, albeit understanding the beauty in the conformities of society, is fully cognizant of his alienation and inability to conform.Onegin relates to Tatiana his imaginings of a pleasantly-commanded fate as a father and spouse, fantasizing of family portraits and choosing

Tatiana as his companion. However, Onegin continues to say, “But I am not created for bliss/To it my soul is alien/In vain are your perfections/ And I don’t deserve them at.” Pushkin furthers Onegin’s characterization as a superfluous man as he adds, “No matter how much I would have loved you/Having been accustomed, I’ll stop loving you immediately/You will start to cry; your tears/will not touch my heart/but only annoy it” (Pushkin, Book III, Stanza XIV). Onegin professes that he is completely aware of that which makes life beautiful, but speaks to the inevitability of becoming bored as a spouse. In harshly-delivered words that show no empathy for Tatiana, Onegin conveys that he does not desire those beautiful, integral parts of life sanctioned by society such as marriage; in fact, he does not desire them at all. Evgeni Onegin is a man who had attracted a beautiful, virtuous, trusting soul, but nonetheless remains possessed by an emptiness that can do nothing but pollute its intrinsic purity. Every nobleman in Russian society dreamed of Tatiana, but Onegin’s failure to generate a mutual love, an intrinsic nature of all humanity, directly caused the suffering of this beloved, angelic soul. From that moment, Tatiana learned to be more aware of men like Onegin who are unable to partake in everlasting, unconditional love. According to Onegin, Tatiana never felt as much admiration for another person as she expressed for Onegin. Years after their initial meeting, Onegin’s belated, desperate proposal to Tatiana symbolizes his failed search to find a place of meaning after he declined Tatiana’s love. Tatiana rejects Onegin’s proposal just as society rejects Onegin upon understanding his true essence, for both Tatiana and Russian society understand his potential to harm. By

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ontinuing along the foundations of Griboedov, Alexander Pushkin creates a character who falls victim to a perceived removal from Russian society in his novel in verse, “Evgeni Onegin.” Rather than explaining the formation of a man like Chatsky in Russian society, Pushkin begins his work from where Griboedov had ended. At the start of the novel in verse, Pushkin unveils Onegin’s superior appearance and intelligence, along with a self-aware shallowness that hearkens back to Chatsky’s ending characterization. For instance, in the description of Onegin’s childhood, the audience learns how easy it was for Onegin to touch upon anything without much effort and with a “scholarly guise of an expert.” Onegin could express himself in perfect French and effortlessly bowed having easily danced the ma-

The superfluous man, albeit understanding the beauty in the conformities of society, is fully cognizant of his alienation and inability to conform.

the end of his life, Onegin is left with the same perspective of life with which the novel began; he remains bored and uninterested in society, only ever succeeding in inflicting needless suffering on an innocent young woman. Continuing where Griboedov’s Chatsky left off, Pushkin created a man of an idle, meaningless, wasted existence and introduced this man’s destruction unto others. This opened the gates for Russian authors to continue this examination of a superfluous man as the 19th century progressed.

The Destruction of the Wandering Soul

LITERATURE

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lthough troubling in his languishing sloth and perceived inhumanity, Evgeni Onegin’s embodiment of a superfluous man does not rival that of the disturbingly damaging soul brought into conception by Mikhail Lermontov’s Pechorin in Hero of Our Time.

Pechorin holds the same sour, spiteful view towards society as Onegin; however, Pechorin breaks into the superfluous man’s mobility, his path leaving a trace of ruination. Lermontov amplifies the aspect of alienation within Pechrin, choosing to forgo the common introduction of heroes in Russian literature. While Pushkin uses the first chapter of his novel to describe Onegin’s upbringing and establish his growing distaste towards the high society, Lermontov ensures that the audience knows nothing about Pechorin’s past. The manner in which Lermontov reveals Pechorin’s character, similar to the manner in which Pechorin introduces himself to others in the novel, casts a mysterious and dark aura onto the character. In the chapter, “Maksim Maksimych,” the reader learns about Pechorin through the lens of a narrator who describes Pechorin’s eyes as though “they never laughed when he laughed. Have you not happened, yourself, to notice the same peculiarity in certain people? It

is a sign either of an evil disposition or of profound and constant sorrow” (Lermontov, 99). Pechorin is eerie, and his alienation is established in his introduction to the audience. Nobody knows the location of Pechorin’s home, and it seems that not even Pechorin knows; he continues to move throughout the novel in search for a place to call his own, both physically as a shelter and figurately in society.

As seen in “Taman,” “Princess Mary,” and “The Fatalist,” Pechorin roams his world in a constant state of motion, with no insight on the purpose for such travel. He is never at rest, never at ease; he only has one truth: Pechorin is a fragmented soul wandering in the world with no guide.

Pechorin’s itinerant way of life encapsulates Hegel’s idea of an “unhappy consciousness” that establishes itself in this fluctuation of physical locations; Hegel describes the fluctuation between a universal truth, and a component of truth. Even within the format of the novel, Lermontov breaks and jumps from chapter to chapter, with no clear distinction of how much time has passed. This lack of chronological grounding contributes to the mysteriousness and aimlessness of Pechorin’s actions. In Chapter 5, “The Third Extract from Pechorin’s Diary,” the audience gains insight into the depths of Pechorin’s mind. While speaking with Pechorin, Princess Mary refers to him as a dangerous man, stating that she would, “rather perish in the woods under the knife of an assassin than under [his] tongue.” Pechorin responds with a confession of his true self, proclaiming: “I was prepared to love the whole world—no one understood me: I learned to hate. My colorless youth flowed by in conflict with myself and the world; fearing ridicule, I buried my best feelings in the depths of my heart, and there they died. I spoke the truth—I was not believed: I began to deceive. Having acquired a thorough knowledge of the world and the springs of society, I grew

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skilled in the science of life; and I saw how others without skill were happy, enjoying gratuitously the advantages which I so unweariedly sought. Then despair was born within my breast—not that despair which is cured at the muzzle of a pistol, but the cold, powerless despair concealed beneath the mask of amiability and a good-natured smile. I became a moral cripple. One half of my soul ceased to exist; it dried up, evaporated, died, and I cut it off and cast it from me. The other half moved and lived—at the service of all; but it remained unobserved, because no one knew that the half which had perished had ever existed. But, now, the memory of it has been awakened within me by you, and I have read you its epitaph” (Lermontov, 241).

This is one of the most powerful and significant moments of Lermontov’s novel with reference to the superfluous man. Just as Pechorin awakens the memory of the dead half of his soul to Princess Mary, Lermontov awakens society to the inner dimensions of this lost man. The audience learns that Pechorin secretly possesses a strong intellectual tendency toward introspection. Due to his superior intellect, Pechorin recognizes that his taste of satisfaction does not parallel that of any other man. Unable to gain acceptance from others, he becomes decidedly alienated from the rest of society.

Pechorin dedicates himself to imparting destruction onto those blissfully ignorant of his capabilities, inflicting pain and suffering as a substitute for true emotional fulfillment and purpose. In this manner, Lermontov’s superfluous man has developed from the sluggish will of Onegin, adopting a more sophisticated intellect in regards to its own soul and embracing darkness due to the absence of light received from others. Lermontov depicts a superfluous man who dedicates himself to nothing, governed only by the incomprehensible impulses of existence as he punishes those souls who mistakenly cross his path.

The Ultimate Embodiement of the Superfluous Man

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Serving as a catalyst to the end of his own existence, this man buries his shallow soul into a hole of familiarity, which exacerbates his meaninglessness. While being depraved of such a man, society can successfully carry out its drive to move forward and be a part of the new age.

possessed an intense self-intellect, yet professed that their character may never change. Unable to reshape their interpretation of society, these men can only float uselessly in the world until their death. As the chapter concludes, Goncharov conveys a fear to the audience that Oblomov’s loafing nature may override his genuine love as Oblomov proposes a delay to marriage.

Although optimistic for the development of Oblomov’s soul, Goncharov entirely dispels those former fantasies of change in the beginning of the following chapter. Oblomov proves that he is, in fact, no different than Onegin or Pechorin, and, in fact, an even deeper manifestation of the two. Oblomov proves his soul’s inability to grow and causes the termination of his relationship with Olga. As Oblomov continues to create excuses to delay their marriage, Olga professes her fear that his aversion to change will never end.

She asks him if he can stand by her his entire life “and be to [her] all that [she] needs,” telling Oblomov that “should you return a bold, a considered ‘Yes,’ I will cancel a certain decision of mine—I will give you my hand” (Goncharov, 101). Olga gives Oblomov the opportunity for marriage if he is capable of proving action; however, Oblomov’s weak and crippled soul fails to respond. Olga has no choice but to leave. In her departure, she describes to Oblomov that his only future is to: “retire to rest each night with a sigh of thankfulness that the day had passed so quickly; and each morning you would have awakened with a prayer that today might be exactly as yesterday.

That would have been our future.

Is it not so? Meanwhile I should have been fading away. Do you really think that in such a life you would have been happy? (Goncharov, 101)” In these few pages, Goncharov delineates the context of the superfluous

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lthough Lermontov’s Pechorin and Pushkin’s Onegin are unquestionably regarded as strong compositions of the “superfluous man,” Ivan Goncharov’s Oblomov encapsulates the final product of this archetype’s evolution in nineteenth-century Russian literature. In his novel, Goncharov describes an indecisive man, unable to take any meaningful action in his life. Goncharov’s character, Oblomov, exists physically in a changed world but mentally in the memories of his past. Raised in a family of high class and stature, he never needed to work to support his family. He existed in a blissful childhood, retaining only memories of joy and ease. As a grown man, Oblomov finds incredible difficulty in completing any action, and for most of the novel, he does not move from his bed. Even though his childhood estate is in financial distress, Oblomov fails to gather the motivation to journey to his home and take actions to solve his problems (Goncharov, 14).

Rather than acting in the present and bringing meaning to his life, he spends most of his time living in his thoughts and dreams, attempting to return to his childhood existence. As a foil for this listless character, Goncharov introduces Oblomov’s friend, Andrey Stolz. Stolz possesses an impeccable sense of independence and self-worth;

originating from a middle-class family, he has found success as a wealthy, respectable businessman. Unlike Oblomov, Stolz adapts to the ever-changing society. He has pity for Oblomov and strives to improve his friend’s life, introducing him to his acquaintance Olga in the hopes that a new love will encourage Oblomov to engage more with reality.

Life is composed of a series of changing states; from birth to youth to adulthood to old age, human souls must choose to learn how to move with the world, or else their existence cannot continue. The soul dies where it decides to wallow, just as a man in a grave remains paralyzed as the society above him continues to walk. Fearing for his friend’s absence of desires, Stolz hopes a companion such as Olga can lead Oblomov to grow with her. Ultimately, Oblomov and Olga develop a mutual, loving relationship for one another. At the end of chapter four, Oblomov expresses awareness of his inert, empty soul and Olga’s completeness, proclaiming, “Only through you can I breathe or feel or see... Without you everything is wearisome and distasteful. I feel like a machine; I walk and act without knowing ever what I am doing. Yes, I am like a machine whereof only you are the fuel, the motive power” (Goncharov, 100). With this declaration, Goncharov portrays Oblomov as entirely aware of his soul’s shallowness, realizing that after several years of his adulthood he has created nothing for himself. Unlike the prior portrayals of the superfluous man in nineteenth-century Russian literature, Oblomov both is enamored with a woman and seemingly feels a desire to change. Both Onegin and Pechorin

man in nineteenth-century Russian society. Olga represents the Russian society which, similar to Stolz, has a drive to grow from the past and remodel themselves to fit into the changing culture. Oblomov, on the other hand, represents individuals bound to the old socioeconomic ideals and fearful of change. When faced with the inhibitions of those men who cannot obtain a role in “the future,” society recognizes the necessity to disregard such a man and alienate him from their ranks. Serving as a catalyst to the end of his own existence, this man buries his shallow soul into a hole of familiarity, which exacerbates his meaninglessness. While being depraved of such a man, society can successfully carry out its drive to move forward and be a part of the new age.

Goncharov epitomizes the nature and identification of the superfluous man within Russian society at the end of his novel, in which Oblomov eventually marries his landlady, Agafia (Goncharov, 125). This marriage stems not from aspirations of growth and change, but instead solidifies Oblomov’s retreat into his past and memories of childhood. Oblomov spends the rest of his life being cared for by Agafia, successfully shaping his dreams of his paradisiacal childhood into his reality. By the end of his life, Oblomov’s existence had amounted to the same level of meaninglessness from which his soul had originated.

LITERATURE

Conclusion

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rom Griboedov’s Woe from Wit to Goncharov’s Oblomov, nineteenth-century Russian literature comprehensively explored the birth and development of a new man in Russian society. A “superfluous man” emerged from the shifting societal and cultural ideals of the era, in which Russian society empathetically rejected the backwardness of Nikolai I’s reign. The characters of Chatsky, Onegin, Pechorin, and Oblomov all

progress from one another, encompassing the archetype of a charismatic, sophisticated, and incredibly intellectual man who finds himself bored and cynical of his societal peers.

Although categorized as a group as the originators of the superfluous man, each author discussed above represented a different period of Russian history, just as each character encapsulated a different stage of this lost man along his path to existence.

During the 1820s and 1830s, this man was seemingly pitied in the works of Pushkin and Griboedov. A famous critic and journalist of the 19th century, Nikolay Dobroliubov, commented on the interpretation of the early superfluous man, stating that “fate dealt with them ruthlessly,” (Kahn, 95).

Characters such as Alexander Chatsky and Evgeni Onegin had studied diligently and performed in accordance to their respective societies of nobility for the entirety of their upbringing. Shifting societal norms completely altered everything these men had perceived as important, forcing Onegin and Chatsky to proclaim life itself as frivolous. In Evgeni Onegin, Pushkin proclaims that what Onegin knew, “harder than all sciences,” was the “science of tender passion” (Pushkin, book I, stanza XXXV). Instead of implying an embrace of such science, Pushkin describes a knowledge and understanding so great as to drive Onegin towards unhappiness. “Finally, he stopped loving,” Pushkin writes; “Nothing touched him/he did not take notice of anything” (Pushkin, book I, stanza XXXVII). Onegin did not choose this apathy; rather, his disregard for societal norms stemmed from a greater understanding of the very society in which he played a part. This sympathetic portrayal of Onegin derives from Pushkin’s use of a narrator who found Onegin’s strangeness and “sharp, child mind” favorable; “[they] had both known the game of passions/life tormented both of [them]” (Pushkin, book II, stanza XLV). In this manner, Pushkin

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Although categorized as a group as the originators of the superfluous man, each author discussed above represented a different period of Russian history, just as each character encapsulated a different stage of this lost man along his path to existence. invites the audience into the depth of Onegin’s composition with a peer and not in solitude. During the time of Pushkin’s publication of Evgeni Onegin, Russian society interpreted the superfluous man depicted by Onegin as a victim of unfortunate circumstances.

As the century progressed, a better understanding of this archetype developed among Russian readers. Dobroliubov contradicts his original perspective in his later article, “What is Oblomovism?,” describing Oblomov not as a new man in Russian literature, but rather a simpler and more natural form of the same man as introduced into Russian literature by Pushkin.

Goncharov presents the skeleton of the superfluous man developed from Griboedov and Pushkin and extremized in Lermontov’s Pechorin. In his critique, Dobroliubov infers that Oblomov, along with similar men of the era, had brought their negative character traits upon themselves (Dobroliubov, 344). Beginning with the events of Oblomov’s childhood, Dobroliubov states that “[Oblomov] becomes accustomed with lolling about at an early age…If Ilya Ilyich wants any-

thing, he has only to make a sign – and at once three or four servants rush to carry out his wishes.” Dobroliubov asserts, “It would be wrong to think that nature has deprived him of the ability to move of his own volition” (Dobroliubov, 344). Rather, the superfluous man in Russian society brought his inertness upon himself, leashing his soul to a shallow purposelessness. From the repressive reign of Nikolai I, society encapsulated a lavish, effortless aristocracy to which Russians felt pressured to conform. Mirroring the differences between Nikolai I and Alexander II, the defiant, new generation of youth, having once been children indoctrinated by a constricted, repressive policy, endorsed nothing but movement. Alexander II provided the most opportunity for movement along the social and idealistic ladder; if a man could not attain a new position in life, as described in the characters of Onegin, Pechorin, and Oblomov, he had no one but himself to blame. These characters exemplified inert, meaningless souls unwilling to ground their mind into the new soil that Russia now cultivated.

The world walks away from Russian literature in the 19th century understanding that the superfluous man will continue to be born in the world as long as society continues to change; Russian literature of the 19th century awakened the world to understand these half-dead souls who wallow about, constricting the growth of society and damaging the innocent souls with their deception.

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Giergielewicz, Mieczysław. “Structural Footnotes to Griboedov’s ‘Woe

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Reign of Nicholas I.” The Russian Review, vol. 19, no. 1, 1960,

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240. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/367917.

Volume XVI, Spring 2020 | 59

LITERATURE

Steve Heller is from New Jersey and is currently a Junior double majoring in Russian and Eastern European Studies (REES) and Finance. He has taken Russian Language or Russian Literature courses each semester at Emory, and feels fortunate to be taught by such an experienced and dedicated faculty.

Emory is incredibly lucky to have such a brilliant program where the instructors have illuminated their life passions to their students, inspiring them to be great no matter what the students choose to do in their lives.

Photo by Steven Chen Instagram: @choochoo_chen