THE EUROPEAN – SECURITY AND DEFENCE UNION
In the Spotlight
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Europe has few viable alternatives to strategic dependence on the United States
The world needs Europe as a global player by Michael Singh, Managing Director, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Washington, DC
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ixteen years ago, the United States was at the height of its response to the attacks of September 11, 2001; it had decimated the Taliban regime in Afghanistan that had harbored the 9/11 terrorists, and was poised to invade and topple the government of Saddam Hussein in Iraq. It was in this context that Robert Kagan wrote Of Paradise and Power, memorably laying out the stark differences in the ways that Americans and Europeans perceived and utilized power on the international stage. Kagan described differences that were both ideological – Europeans were idealistic, Americans more pragmatic – and material – the United States simply had far more power with which to achieve its ends than did the states of Europe. The result, in his view, was a profound gulf between a United States that believed in the efficacy of military power and was willing to use it, and a Europe that eschewed it. The upshot, in Kagan’s view, was that the United States not only could “prepare for and respond to the strategic challenges around the world without much help from Europe,” but was already doing so.
or delayed a reckoning for European foreign policy. Whatever the successes and failures of European foreign policy, with its preference for international law and institutions over the cultivation of hard power, it seems ill-suited to deal with a revanchist Russia or increasingly ambitious China, and it left Europe poorly equipped to respond to crises on its periphery, like Libya and Syria, in the absence of decisive US leadership. While some European states have in recent years devoted more resources to defense spending and have become more comfortable with military missions overseas, these incremental shifts seem inadequate in response to the more substantial geopolitical changes taking place beyond Europe’s borders.
Europe should be realistic and pragmatic
Yet Europe has few viable alternatives to strategic dependence on the United States. Certainly there is no other external partner to which Europe can turn to safeguard its security interests. And for all the talk in Europe of “strategic autonomy,” it strains credulity to believe that Europe or any of its constituent states has the political will or can devote the necessary The new geopolitical realities resources to become a strong power in its own right. Far more Yet nearly two decades on, the American view of power has realistic would be for the states of Europe to strengthen their changed. Kagan predicted in 2003 that US power would not security capabilities, broadly defined. Steps toward this end decline in relative terms, and that the American willingness would be welcomed by a United States increasingly focused on to use power would not change; neither prediction proved burden-sharing, and be advantageous for Europe, which would correct. Indeed, American strategy today is shaped signifgain a stronger voice in transatlantic debates which currently icantly by two realities – first, that of the growing power of turn on decisions taken in Washington. It would also repreChina, which already rivals the United States in sheer economsent a recognition by Europe that the institutions and norms ic size and according to US military leaders may catch or even it cherishes are unlikely to thrive unless backed by power and surpass the US with respect to certain military capabilities; the threat of its use. and second, the failure of America’s post-9/11 wars to pay That the US and the West need Europe as a partner in global dividends despite tremendous cost. The result is that two security should go without saying. The threats the US and EuUS presidents in a row have rope face are global, whether they been highly skeptical about the emanate from large states – think ambitious use of military power, Michael Singh Russian election interference or however starkly their approachis the Lane-Swig Senior Fellow Chinese tech infiltration – or small es may differ in other respects. and managing director at The ones – think North Korean ICBMs Yet this strategic shift in the Washington Institute for Near or waves of refugees from conflict United States should not be of East Policy, and a former senzones. There can be no opting out, much comfort to Europe. The ior director for Middle East affor the US or for Europe. The only outsize role of US-led foreign fairs at the White House from question is whether we will face Photo: The Washington Institute wars in post-9/11 international 2005 to 2008. these threats capably, and whether relations has arguably prevented we will do so together.
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