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Russophobia: Myth or reality? (II)
According to Estonian philosopher/poet Jaan Kaplinski, anti-Russian sentiment developed in Estonia in 1940, during the first Soviet invasion and occupation of the country. Kaplinski sees this beginning as resulting from Nazi propaganda, which the Estonians endured during the German war-time occupation of 1941–1944.
Others attribute most of the negative feeling towards Russian as a direct derivative of Soviet/Russia repression during the first occupation, including mass deportations to Siberia, the liquidation and removal of the government, wide purges of most other officials, the destruction of the military, the sequestering of private property and the overall repression of the indigenous Estonian population.
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These resentments obviously did not subside during Soviet authoritarianism and Communist Party dominance, during the 1944-1991 second Soviet occupation. But the feelings were distinctly anti-Soviet, easily transferable into anti-Russian attitudes, but still based on the brutality and suppression originating from Moscow, not evolving into intolerance of ethnic Russians but rejection of vile totalitarianism.
Kaplinski, however, suggests that the enforcement of Soviet rule in 1940 and the ensuing heavy handed practices of a stifling Soviet regime replaced anti-German feeling with anti Russian sentiments within twelve short months. He has also stated that anti-Russia sentiment has been sustained in Estonian political rivalry and as an enduring theme for the media.
The Kremlin’s fight with Russophobia has taken a dangerous twist. It appears to treat Russophobia as a form of intolerance for Russians as an ethnic group. It hasn’t been nailed down. Is it aimed toward Russia or Russians? If it’s the latter, then it denotes xenophobia or racism, akin to anti Semitism, a condemnation universally acknowledged and against which it’s relatively easy to find allies to join in a fight.
Academics have argued that theoretically Russophobia has no substantive meaning since Russia is not a nation-state.
Russophobia must therefore be a designation targeting a political entity. But an academic approach does not negate its use as an immediate dismissal of all criticism about the politically draconian nature of the current Russian regime.
Urve Eslas, in a Centre for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) report states that the term Russophobia is part of public discourse to describe not only Estonia’s policy and society but also its identity. Eslas approaches this from two viewpoints.
First, CEPA has identified in the Kremlin’s designation of Russophobia towards adversaries the notion of ‘gaslighting’ – the repeated attempts at convincing the other party that its memory, perception and everyday experience is false, until it starts to accept the alternative version. Second, the process of ‘interpellation’ explains that the ideas we internalize to an extent that they have such a grip on us make us believe they are our own.
Estonia, by responding to Russian accusations with guilt and agreement eventually may become Estonians’ self-perception and be defined by it. The Kremlin recognizes the responses of some Estonians who take the bait and uses the epithet accordingly. Analysts have indicated that Moscow itself fully understands that ‘Russohobe’ may fit the image of an ideological enemy but has no substance or justification when used to describe these special bigots that don’t exist.
However, analysts also say that Moscow’s use of Russophobia is a weak propaganda weapon in its rhetorical arsenal. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov’s insistence that the Baltic states should somehow purge its Russophobic ‘behaviour’ to normalize relations with Russia should not be taken seriously.
How best to counter this false incrimination? By continuing to explain that attacks on ‘Russophobes’ are a way of protecting Russian society against any doubts about the Kremlin’s behaviour. By revealing that the current Russian regime holds critics of its policies and actions as enemies and thus strives to stigmatize them.
LAAS LEIVAT