EUREKA Spring 2011/2012

EUREKA POLITICS & SOCIETY IN MODERN EUROPE ISSUE 2 | MARCH 2012

Germany, the land of poets and thinkers and moral decay / Agnes Ziolkowski-Trzak / Croat nationalist paradox / Arman Soldin / The land that feminism forgot? / Grace Thompson / On free education / Lucie Mikaelian

Editorial So what’s going on in Europe right now? Same old same old as far as high politics is concerned. A caption from the economist.com today reads ‘the euro zone’s rescue strategy still does not add up’.

Emphasis on the ‘still’. Our generation’s attention span can only take so many summits, bailouts and probabilities of exit being raised from very likely to really quite very likely, and the crisis is accordingly shuffling out of the headlines. Meanwhile in Russia, the town of Rostov has witnessed a record voter turnout of 140% as Mr. Putin prepares to neatly switch his position of Prime Minister to President of the Russian Federation. France and the US are also in the run up to Presidential elections, however, unlike Russia, it will be the people deciding what sort of country they want to be for the next few years. Then again, this issue’s piece on Russian feminism (p.19) gives an idea of how Russia is changing. With 100,000 demonstrators in Moscow last month the people of Russia are making it clear that they want a say in what kind of Russia their

children will inherit. François Hollande, a candidate for the next President of the Fifth Republic, places young people at the heart of his campaign trail, but as EUREKA reports on modern Europe’s shady record on human rights (p.12) and on moral decay in the German Presidential office (p.10), we children of Europe might not have much reason to look forward to inheriting this scarred continent.

Our opening article, contributed by the Belgiumbased think tank ThinkYoung (p.6) and the piece on Hungarian youth, also contributed by the ThinkYoung WritingTeam (p.15), warn that our messy past continues to pursue us in to the 21st century.

Features on the ACTA protests (p.22) and free education (p.26), however, show we still have at least the will if not always the means to shape our own future. The very existence of this magazine is testimony to the interest we invest in our collective experience as young Europeans. We hope this interest will persist to the last page, or at least to the centre fold.

Photo: Souvid Datta EUREKA | 3

Contents 3 | Editorial European Drama 6 | Europe yet to escape its history?

Tom Hall 7 | To leave or not to leave? That is the question Octavia Zahrt-Omar & Faustine Gauthier 10 | Germany, the land of poets and thinkers and moral decay Agnes Ziolkowski-Trzak 12 | Human dignity: human what?

Louise Dewast Eastern Voices 15 | Hungarian youth speak up CĂŠcile Viault 17 | The Croat nationalist paradox: the end of the Balkans?

Arman Soldin 19 | Russia, the land that feminism forgot?

Grace Thompson Working together 22 | ACTA protests: government by the people, for the corporations, by the lobbying groups Paul Haydon 24 | Interview: Born to co-operate Grace Vanstone-Hallam 26 | On free education Lucie Mikaelian 28 | An engine for progress: why I believe in the European project Andrew Noakes 30 | Events 4 | EUREKA

Editors Louise Dewast Bobbie Mills Photographers Lucile Bornot Souvid Datta (Cover) Konrad Laker Simone Tenda David Vadja Layout Christian Bitschnau

European Drama

Photo: Lucile Bornot EUREKA | 5

Europe yet to escape its history?

By Tom Hall (ThinkYoung WritingTeam)

Contemporary debates about the future of the European Union pit two irreconcilable camps against each other. Eurosceptics and Europhiles have much to comment on at this crucial juncture in the history of the continent.

source of apprehension for French Europhiles.

Le Pen has succeeded in cleaning up her party’s image and, most significantly, tapping in to powerful French nationalism. “La patrie est en danger” (the nation is in danger) still resonates within French society and her barrage against The late historian Tony Judt, a well known Brussels is winning her supporters. eurosceptic, thought the European project was a brilliant idea but that it was ultimately Old wounds have also been reopened in Greece. doomed to fail. Aside from the EU being will- Austerity measures imposed on the country ing to curtail the nation-state as a guarantor have brought back painful memories of the of democracy and liberty, the key problem was German invasion and occupation. Cartoons the turbulent history of its member states. The have sprung up across the country comparing creators of the European Council were aware Germany’s current “troika” with the destrucof the spectre of the past. Jean Monnet, the tion wrought by the Nazis. Cartoons in the founder of the European Community, observed Eleftherotypia newspaper have included depicthe need to “exorcise history”. This was a bold tions of the Greek Finance minister Evangelos pronouncement in the context of a Europe reel- Venizelos giving the Nazi salute to a soldier. ing from the Second World War and increas- The portrayal of the Greek government as traiingly divided by the ideological battle of the tors or “dosilogos” is common amongst much Cold War. of the Greek media. The political fallout has led some Greeks to revive demands for German Current events suggest that, despite Monnet’s reparations for their actions during the war. desires, Europe has yet to rid itself of its past.

Additionally, as Judt observes, the historical diBritain’s reluctance to wholeheartedly sign up vide between East and West Europe has yet to to the EU is well documented. Critics of An- be breached. While student exchange schemes glo-Saxon foreign policy would have relished such as ‘Leonardo’ have eased suspicion bethe embarrassment that befell David Cameron tween East and West, tensions still remain. In when Nicolas Sarkozy publicly snubbed him at the case of Turkey (which has applied for full a meeting last December. Cameron’s veto at the membership status) history still colours perBrussels summit fitted into a broader tradition ceptions of their continental cousins. A study of British foreign policy. It is thought that Brit- undertaken among Turkish students revealed ain has proved reluctant to join its continental that young Turks believed a divide existed becounterparts as a result of residual ambition tween “continental Europe” and “real Europe”. for greater power. Britain’s vision of itself as The EU was, in their eyes, associated with the a nation of global influence is not compatible imperial heritage of prominent member states with the loss of sovereignty and independence such as Britain and France. Students looked as entailed by complete European integration. far back as the Ottoman Empire for reasons to This story of a Britannia reluctant to bid fare- distrust Europe. well to its waves is not new.

Events of the twentieth century still plague the A worrying turn for Brussels is the revival lives of Europeans today. Policymakers should of past prejudices in previously enthusiastic tread carefully when considering policy lest members. In France the rise of Marine Le Pen as they stumble across the many skeletons resileader of the Front National is likely to prove a dent in the European closet.

6 | EUREKA

Photo: Lucile Bornot

To leave, or not to leave? that is the question

By Octavia Zahrt-Omar & Faustine Gauthier

Setting: UCLU European Society debate, London, 2012. club. At the EU summit on 9 December 2011, Main actors: European Union, Great Britain, France, President Sarkozy accused the UK of selfishly Germany; several Eurosceptics and Europhiles. obstructing vital reforms designed to enforce fiscal discipline and tackle the crisis, and openly Prologue favoured establishing an exclusionist eurozone group, supposedly consolidating Franco-GerBritain’s relationship with the EU has always man hegemony and implementing more protecbeen troublesome, not least due to its odd rival- tionist measures. Was Charles de Gaulle right ry with France. In the 1960s, French President when he described the British attitude towards Charles de Gaulle vetoed the British applica- the EU back in 1967 as “a deep-seated hostility tion to join the European Economic Community and a lack of interest toward European con(EEC), claiming that Britain’s economy was in- struction” ? compatible with the objectives of the Common Market. Despite becoming a member in 1973, the Act I : The democratic question UK has always kept a safe distance; joining neither the Schengen area nor the single currency. Eurosceptic: Many islanders continued to perceive “the Con- The EU is an inherently undemocratic organitinent” as ‘Other’ to their “Britishness”, from zation! Don’t you remember the referendum in measurement systems to their taste for finance. 1975? Granted, 67% of British voters supported membership in the EEC, but they consented to The eurozone crisis has provided a perfect op- the so-called Common Market, and not to this portunity to take a step back from the European extensive political organisation that the EU has EUREKA | 7

become. Yes, Britons are proud of our long tradition of democracy and of our Parliament’s sovereignty, but now they have to look on as the EU systematically interferes with our internal affairs. Moreover, peoples’ votes for a powerless European Parliament are politically ineffective, since the European Commission and the Council make crucial decisions. People’s views are ignored, even when they are clearly voiced in referenda.

(Wagging his finger) In 2005, French and Dutch voters rejected the Constitutional Treaty, but did they actually prevent it? No! The Lisbon Treaty - a mere copy of the initial one - entered into force four years later. Only the Irish people, by virtue of their constitution, had the right to vote on it, and it took endless negotiations and two attempts until they finally submitted. Other European leaders, obviously afraid of people’s choice, did not even ask them for their opinion.

This is how democratic the EU is!

Europhile: Do you mind?! Your criticism certainly draws on misconceptions. The European Commission is a civil service cabinet led by the EU members’ interest, and almost all legislation has to be approved by the democratically elected European Parliament. People elect national representatives in parliament, so it is perfectly legitimate for them to agree to new treaties without holding referenda. Furthermore, democracy is a question of dialogue and compromise, and that is what has eventually convinced the Irish to approve the Treaty. I do not deny that improvement is needed concerning transparency and proximity to the citizen, and a higher voting turnout in European Parliament elections would enhance democratic legitimacy. But in fact this suggests that Britain should try to constructively defend its vision of democracy within the EU. You must admit that in today’s globalised world, the notion of completely self-

Photo: Lucile Bornot 8 | EUREKA

sufficient nation states is obsolete; governance dainfully) What about access to the European has become a complex multi-level structure, Court of Justice? It was essential in securing UK and so has people’s self-identification. rights in the British beef crisis. A recent Norway report expresses a democratic concern about Act II : Assessing the viability of withdrawal having to implement European legislation to comply with the EU market rules, though withEurosceptic: out having any power to influence them? As (With a dreamy expression) Breaking away from well, are you sure Switzerland is the country to the EU, we would finally be free to co-operate look at? We should keep up our ambitions. The in the way we want, be this multi- or bilater- UK can have a strong voice. However, alone, it ally. The Parliament would be free to decide on would be too weak in the face of growing pow100% of the laws it adopts, instead of less than ers such as China and India. Prepare to lose a lot half as it is today. It would amount to a radical of money, time, and human resources in trying change! Look at Norway and Switzerland: they to rely only on bilateral and multilateral ad hoc are members of the European Economic Area, cooperations, they are much more costly and yet they do not give a penny to the EU. Do you often ineffective. find it normal that Britain pays far more than it receives from beneficial European policies, They leave the stage. losing around £3 billion in the process? The EU accounts for only 47% of UK trade while it has Epilogue other important commercial partners worldwide. We need to increase trade with the more At the end of the European society debate, an flourishing emerging countries and the Com- overwhelming majority of the audience voted monwealth for our economy to grow again, for Britain to remain in the EU. They had in rather than sticking around waiting for the EU mind the vast consequences, at the economic, to solve its issues. diplomatic, and democratic levels, that a withdrawal would produce, not only for the UK itEurophile: self but also for fellow-Europeans. Admittedly, (Angrily) What a distorted view of reality! The the UK’s benefits from its EU membership are EU plays a vital role for the prosperity of Brit- comparable neither to Germany’s with its huge ish citizens and businesses. 47% is quite a large trade surplus and economic success, nor to Irefigure! The EU is an indispensable forum han- land’s which has been bailed out by the Union dling global problems such as climate change and the IMF; but still the benefits of remaining or immigration that can no longer be handled significantly outweigh the costs. The UK should nationally. On the other hand, the UK, as the try to influence the EU from within instead third-biggest European economy and an impor- of prematurely leaving negotiations as David tant diplomatic and military power, is essential Cameron did in December 2011 something even for the EU. Both actors should not dismiss this Margaret Thatcher never did. Britain can push opportunity, both would benefit from a con- for more democracy: enhancing the role of the structive influence exercised by the UK. You European Parliament and resolving its demoshould not forget the great improvements ini- cratic deficit by rendering it closer to its cititiated by the EU: lower roaming charges, clear zens. Electing 25 MEPs from a transnational list rights for air travellers, the right to live and may be a good start to promote a truly Eurowork anywhere in the EU, which over one mil- pean political dimension. There are many other lion Brits take advantage of... Governments and challenges facing Britain, France, Germany and MPs, please stop discarding your own political the other 24 but in the end, we should not conaccountability by pointing to the EU! You still sider the EU just in terms of rational benefits. have so many things to decide upon. Health, de- Britons should also consider the power of influfence and education, these are important poli- ence of culture, diversity and peaceful exchange cies which remain at the national level. embodied in the European vision. Let’s prove de Going out of the EU, no drawback? (Laughs dis- Gaulle wrong!

EUREKA | 9

Germany, the land of poets and thinkers and moral decay

By Agnes Ziolkowski-Trzak Looking back at recent German history, there is probably nothing that could make our generation particularly proud to be German. There are the wars our great-great-grand-parents started, and lost. There is the Holocaust to which most of us are in one way or another connected when tracing back our family trees. There are the immigrants, who were half-heartedly welcomed to rebuild Germany, and who now after three generations are still marginalised and excluded, with very few opportunities to participate in the development of German society. And now we have the great financial crisis, with our European partners breaking down in front of our eyes, whilst the government tries to convince us that Germany is not at all to blame for the disaster.

for his younger half-sister. Showing no signs of teenage resistance, Wulff happily fulfills his Christian duties of charity and kindness and accepts his family’s dramatic fate. This is the making of our hero.

After mastering his education, he joins the Christian Democratic Union (now Merkel’s party) at the age of 26. There he climbs the career ladder higher and higher until he rises to be Premier of Lower Saxony. Following this, he divorces his first wife of eighteen years to marry an aide 14 years his junior, with a child from an earlier relationship. It is at this point that the antagonists rear their heads and begin to accuse Wulff of double standards and hypocrisy. Lead by jealousy and malevolence, the depraved opponents have always tried to But Germany would not be Germany if we did assault our leading figure. They claim that for not have our own peculiarities - beer, our rep- divorcing one’s spouse one must atone for the utation for precision, as well as an attention rest of their life, or so Catholicism suggests. to detail are the first that spring to mind. But of course, Germany is so much more; it is also Despite minor malice, it seems that in the secfamously the land of poets and thinkers! Less- ond act Fortuna is with Wulff. The trust placed ing, Goethe, Schiller, Nietzsche, Kafka, Brecht in him by politicians and the public alike grows and Arendt. This list goes on and encompasses so strong that he is selected by the Federal Asauthors who have written beautiful opuses on sembly to become President on 2nd of July humanity, moral values and democracy. How- 2010. This is the peak of his career, the blossom ever, such standards belong to the past. Recent of his lifetime. This is where he belongs; to the characters in the political arena, make Germa- mighty and powerful who don’t deserve anyny look like a circus of clowns who are trying thing other than respect, glory and admiration. too hard, in particular the office of the federal Wulff is now in the highest attainable position President. in Germany, earning a salary of over 200.000€ with the entitlement to a car with driver and The chronology of outrageous events concern- a secretary, and all of this for the rest of his ing the German President Christian Wulff, life. Naturally the German tax payers willreads like a clumsily written three-act play. ingly hand over their money to sustain the ofThe first act shows that our protagonist Wulff, fice of the President. As we have learnt from the law-school graduate, is not equipped with our great poets and thinkers, you cannot put a the best requisites to become the head of a na- monetary value on morality and ethics, so it is tion. He grows up in a broken home under the really just a small sacrifice. In his office Wulff care of a single mother. When he is just 16, stands above all political parties and is there to his mother develops multiple sclerosis and he remind all politicians, businesses and the pubis entrusted with the responsibility of caring lic of the humane aspects of our democracy. He 10 | EUREKA

personifies the highest authority in Germany, based on the principles of righteousness, honour and morals. That is indeed a lot of pressure to be placed on one person’s shoulders. And so our hero is put to the test before the eyes of a whole nation and most of Europe.

The climax of this tedious play involves the revelation of a disgraceful chain of incidents the President seems to be involved in. As has now come to public attention, Wulff is abusing his position in politics for private purposes.

After years of investigation and Wulff’s denial, the German tabloid BILD is ready to publish a story on his involvement with an affluent businessman, whose wife has granted Wulff a private loan of 500.000 €. Overwhelmed with feelings of panic and revenge, Wulff telephones the head editor of BILD and threatens to ‘cut ties’ with the paper. More and more accusations are revealed. Our hero is clearly deviating from the path of righteousness and grace by this point.

for human decency. He not only failed as the defence minister, but also plagiarised most of his PhD thesis. This trivialises Wulff’s deceipt to a great extent.

I urge you to ask yourself: Has our society made the President a mere accessory to our democracy; an embellishment that deceives us into thinking we have an upright and respectable government? Should the office be abolished or would a new President be able to compensate for the abuse of his predecessor?

However, most interesting would be to find out how much moral values are going for these days and where we can buy them.

If only Nietzsche were here to teach us about the Übermensch.

Speaking before the whole nation during the traditional Christmas speech, Wulff ignores all allegations. In a separate speech, he later proceeds to announce that he will not be resigning. Until now, the nouveau riche shows no sign of guilt or remorse, seeming to have lost all sense of reality and any common sense. The downfall is now inevitable. A day after the effort to eliminate the President’s immunity, so as to begin prosecution, has been proclaimed, our hero is stepping down. Graciously and with the highest dignity, he abdicates as the great martyr on February 17th 2012, of course with the chancellor backing his rhetoric of being an upright and noble person.

This seems particularly despicable, considering that he is the successor of Horst Köhler, who resigned as President ‘only’ due to a lack of support for his critical position towards the deployment of the German Army, early in 2010. A year ago however, Karl Theodor Guttenberg else came along and lowered the bar

Photo: Souvid Datta EUREKA | 11

Photo: Lucile Bornot

Human dignity: human what?

By Louise Dewast

Dr. Giles opens the patient’s file. Name: Gonzalves Meido. Age: 42. Profession: builder.

‘Nationality?’ he asks, ‘Portuguese‟. A cursory glance as he leads the middle-aged man to his office; he knows he will be dismissing the patient shortly. ‘What brings you here today?’ he asks in a nonchalant tone. ‘Work accident, my shoulder broke’, he pauses, as if the pain was penetrating his skin and bones and filling his eyes with distressed tears, ‘and knee… hurt very much’ mumbles the man, struggling with his limited French vocabulary. He pulls a trouser leg up over his knee to reveal a deep wound, covered in yellowish mucus spreading over 25cm of circular width of his skin. He can hardly move his right arm from his dislocated shoulder, and there he sits, curving his back as if he was suffering from osteoporosis. Dr. Giles does not examine the patient, nor does he perform any medical test. He simply writes a sick leave note for him to give to his employer.

12 | EUREKA

After a short recovery period, Mr. Meido learns that his employer has gone bankrupt. He needs a new job. But because of his physical condition, he is systematically rejected from job offers. His wife is a house-cleaner and she is struggling to make ends meet. As any French citizen would do in such situation, Mr. Meido files a claim for social benefits, to which, under national law, he is entitled to as a taxpayer. This right is further enforced by international and European Law under which ‘everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security’ (Article 22, Universal Declaration of Human Rights).

Two years have passed by since Mr. Meido filed his claim for benefits without any success. Because of his limited French vocabulary, dire physical condition, and implicitly, his nationality, Mr. Meido, and his family, have been discriminated against, ultimately denying Mr.Meido of his own rights and any sense of human dignity.

Mr. Meido has been living in France for 25 years, where he has built houses for French people, unfailingly, committed to his rough manual work. His children attend a French school and have acquired French nationality.

But every single day when Mr. Meido takes the train, or the bus, or goes to the supermarket, all fortunes of life are pushed further away from him. He lives in the suburbs of Paris, the city where ‘human rights’ were once written in blood and sealed in gold, the capital of a nation proud of its reputation as a beacon of human rights.

ble for a mess that is not theirs. Vince Cable noted in the early days of the financial crisis that civil liberties would be trampled upon as a result of the crisis, vaguely reminiscent of previous times where similar conditions led to the rise of fascism. We may no longer be fighting basic human rights every day but let us not forget that discrimination continually assumes new forms that are not less important: the increasing disparity of incomes, the scarcity of meaningful work, unemployment, homelessness, social exclusion and the denial of effective participation in the political process.

This common story of discrimination against an immigrant comes to reflect a report by Amnesty International on Europe and the idea that “the reality of protection from human rights abuses for many of those within its borders falls short of the rhetoric.” (2010). In France, as in other European countries, a plethora of instances of indirect discrimination have ventured forth, from symbolic disdain to physical deportation. And because these violations tend to grow with economic difficulties and increasing immigration levels, two unfortunately prevalent trends in European countries today, one must not overlook the urgency of such cases.

Extreme-right wing parties are gaining considerable ground in Austria, France, Italy, Netherlands, and in Scandinavia. To a certain extent, these reflect challenging economic times, but they should not be solely relegated as inherent failures of the system. They are creating deep seated wounds, which, if they are left open for too long, will kill our moral tradition altogether, one based on humanistic ideals will be replaced by fear and loathing of anything other.

In France, growing discrimination has been felt in the past several years. Between 2008 and 2009, the French government has increased by 20% its range of deportation, specifically targeting the ‘Rom’ minority. More recently, the government has proposed a law that would ban foreigners studying in France to stay in the country, regardless of whether they have a job. In the UK, a headline in a London newspaper last week read “Foreigners given £20,000 free from NHS”, blatantly countering human rights declaration signed under international and European law. The institutionalised fear of ‘the other’ and of immigrants is a complex issue that should be addressed and condemned by our politicians, civil servants and academics.

The concept of rights is ambiguous. It can entail a ‘lawful entitlement’ or a ‘just entitlement’; both justifiable by moral claims and contested by political realities. But what the story of Mr. Meido tells us is that in modern day Europe, the problem is not as much the violation of human rights, but the quotidian violation of human dignity. Although both terms are related, it is important to remember that human rights are only one possible path to dignity.

Violations of human dignity take many forms and complacency in human rights is a dangerous flaw. The idea of human dignity is not, as some critics argue a ‘western value’, but a higher moral ground, an ideal based on the Kantian precept that man should treat each other always as an end and never as a means. The truth is subordinate to the facts that emerge in everyday life. The defence of human dignity must be opened up again to public scrutiny; it is at the heart of the social contract we have However, we as people should understand the made, so that we can preserve the ideal that urgency of our times, in which ethnic minori- civil society shall be conducted on the high ties are portrayed as the scapegoats responsi- plane of human dignity.

EUREKA | 13

Eastern Voices

Photo: Souvid Datta 14 | EUREKA

Hungarian youth speak up

By Cécile Viault (ThinkYoung WritingTeam) Beginning of the year, Hungary adopted some major liberticidal laws along with a new Constitution that caused a return to more nationalist policies. These changes, as we have seen in the past months, sparked off some strong reaction from Western countries and the EU. Yet, seeing the events from our own “Western” eyes, we tend to neglect the opinion of the ones directly concerned by the issue, the Hungarians themselves. Hoping to have a better understanding of the current situation in Hungary, I have asked three young Hungarians with different political opinions to share their thoughts on the matter.

Hungarian left-wing society. Hence the steps taken to control historically left-wing entities: media, jurisdiction, Central Bank, etc. The most important step would be to find the way of reconciliation between the various groups of society. Personally, I feel that the government has made its share of mistakes, and I believe it would be good if its supporters could also protest against those mistakes, regardless of the fact that we fairly elected it, and continue to stand by it.

Sarolta, 28, pro-changes, MA English and Hungarian Studies, Budapest ELTE-BTK University

Gergely, 29, pro-government, MA Economics and For me, the current changes have a lot to do with Political Sciences, Budapest Corvinus University our history. Indeed, these changes target the areas that typically involve historical roots and bear the Hungarian society has been severely damaged by imprint of the communist era in Hungary. Our histhe last hundred years. The Treaty of Trianon in tory, especially the year 1989, is to be taken into 1919 handed over two thirds of the country’s ter- consideration when wanting to understand these ritory and ethnic Hungarian population to foreign new directions... It is common knowledge, especountries. Restoring the Hungarian citizenship for cially among the ‘intelligentsia’ of the last generathose minorities and stating in the new Constitu- tion, now in their 50s and 60s, that the change of tion that the government feels responsible for them regime was not completed in 1989 (former Commight indeed interfere with European standards, munist politicians got to keep their positions in but I feel it is a moral obligation. Our search for the government), hence their belief in necessary the restoration of former Hungary was disrupted changes and support for Orbán. And hence the and led us to being both a vassal of Nazi Germany dissatisfaction which now seems to manifest itself during WWII, and victims of the Holocaust. For- in a renewing of the foundations and nature of ty years of Soviet occupation followed this. Such our state and statesmanship: a new Constitution. I history has made the Hungarian public hostile to- think this is indeed necessary; the former one was wards foreign intervention. People are suspicious written under Communism. However, I believe it of European policy makers, feeling that they are important to take into consideration the current teaching us what is democratic and what is not. Af- opposition protests. As is each and every protest, ter the fall of communism, Hungarian society was they are legitimate and inform us that these changunited in its will to join the European Union. Ever es are not fully accepted. It can bring to the surface since, many of us see ourselves as a country colo- the critical thoughts of people directly affected. The nized by Western European big money. So, when reaction of the government is also always very tellthe Orbán government puts forward a crisis tax ing: how they communicate, interpret protests and on utilities and financial institutions which affects what answers they give or whether they just evade mostly Western European companies, what do addressing problems. Concerning the EU/IMF ‘imwe see afterwards? Foreign governments as well posing their decision’ issue, I would like the governas the IMF/EU threatening to apply sanctions and ment to choose an option that fits into the picture attacking our democratically-elected government. of both European and Hungarian economic wellHowever, I believe the current government has being. This is why I believe the government should failed to understand and remedy the wounds of take measures to ensure we head out from our curEUREKA | 15

Photo: David Vadja rent economic situation, and therefore should con- lete, because they are neither new nor radical. The sider more seriously deals made with the EU/IMF. government is still fighting against its old communist demons, still lives in the nostalgia of gloAttila, 28, pro-opposition, MA Political Sciences. rious times when Hungary was a great empire. I Université Catholique de Louvain, lives in Budapest believe Fidesz, consciously or unconsciously, uses the modern history of Hungary to its advantage.

I believe the changes operated by the government Not only regarding the Communist era, but also do, indeed, have roots in our history, however they regarding the times when Hungary was invaded shouldn’t, and that’s the whole issue here. Many by the Turkish, the Austrians, the Nazis, the Soreasons have led to this situation. First, giving a viets. A huge sentiment of isolation has grown in two thirds majority to a country - and to a political Hungary, increased by the continuous feeling of party - that has so little experience in the exercise failure for the fight for freedom. Fidesz wants to of democracy was a mistake. I believe this allowed make a clean cut from this difficult past, but inFidesz to consider itself legitimate and responsi- stead keeps falling back into it. All in all, these ble for wiping out all remains of communism and ideas have no place in the EU, especially for us changing the constitution that had roots in the young people who have no origins in the ComCommunist era into a right-wing constitution. It munist era. The government doesn’t understand is no surprise that the situation in Hungary is a that by having joined the EU, it can finally put unique case in Europe. The two thirds majority the past behind it and found a whole new country election was made possible because of the inca- and nation. It is time for Hungary to stop lookpacity of the Socialist Party during the post-Com- ing into the past and to start looking at the future. munist era, which contributed to a global loss of A solution would be to acknowledge the damage trust from the people of Hungary, and because of by talking about it, as the Germans did after Nathe economic crisis, which amplified the desperate zism. Let’s hope then that democracy survives wish of the people to see a radical change. How- in the future, that this period will be forgotten ever, my opinion is that these changes are obso- and the two thirds majority mistake be learned.

16 | EUREKA

The croat nationalist paradox: the end of the balkans?

By Arman Soldin On the 1st July 2013, Croatia will enter the EU. When Jacques Poos, the Luxembourg former Foreign Affairs Minister and President of the Council of the European Union declared in July 1991, that ‘the time for Europe has dawned in the Balkans’ he was surely a bit early but today one can argue he was right. After the more than a decade long admission process, the recent referendum was a success as the people of Croatia voted yes to the EU accession (66.25% of YES; turnout 47% of eligible voters). This referendum held on a sunny Sunday of January 2012 will mark the history of this little country and probably have an enormous influence in the Region.

Have the Balkans come to an end?

Although Croatia is the second former-Yugoslav country to join the EU after Slovenia in 2007, its integration remains unique compared to any other previous EU accession. It might also be the first in a series of similar cases to follow if the EU opts to expand further into the Western Balkans. All the potential candidate countries in South-eastern Europe have a similar recent tumultuous history, although not to the same extent.

For the first time the European Union, a project which compromises states’ sovereignty, has also become involved in the formation of new nation-states that aspire to become members. Until now the EU’s transformative power has proved effective in integrating established states; but today it is confronted with the challenge of integrating ‘contested’ states.

The case of Croatia and the set of measures Croatia had to undertake can be considered as a contested-state case. This ‘Croatian model’ can be described with a post-war ‘Euro-compatible’ nationalism, i.e. not a Western style liberal democracy, but a polity that accepts some basic internal and external constraints on the nationstate.

The tragedies of the Yugoslav Wars and the inflated nationalism of the 1990s still remain fresh in every Croat’s memory. Croatian nationalists are still largely critical of Europe’s role during the breakup of Yugoslavia, blaming it for being too passive in preventing the worst consequences of the war, for being morally deficient and completely insensitive to the suffering of other Europeans or for wanting to maintain the status quo, namely Yugoslavia, for too long. The 1991-95 war thus provided the context within which Euro-scepticism flourished in newly independent Croatia. Moreover the disasters of the 1990s are celebrated today as a victory for the Croatian cause, sometimes against all odds and mostly without significant EU support.

Nonetheless today, the EU has emerged as the unchallenged international actor in the Balkans; a region, exhausted by a decade of conflict, busy recovering its stability and capacity to cooperate. The question is how countries, built on strong nationalistic sentiments such as Croatia, have managed to find an interest in joining the EU. We need to have a look on who the Eurosceptics are. Nowadays, Croatian Eurosceptics can be divided in two types. The first, comes from the nationalists and sovereignists on the right of the political spectrum who consider that the EU did little for Croatia during the 1990s war and that General Gotovina is a national hero whose handing over to the ICTY (International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia) in The Hague was made a condition for opening accession talks with Croatia. The second comes from the young generation on the left: during their March 2011 demonstrations in Zagreb they called for new elections, but also demanded the renationalisation of some parts of the economy, with slogans such as ‘No to capitalism’, ‘No to the EU’. This made the pro-EU advocates very doubtful regarding the outcome EUREKA | 17

of the referendum.

nal forces. It would be much more vulnerable to potential tensions in the region of Southeast Europe, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina which shares a 932-kilometre border with Croatia and where some 450,000 Croatian nationals live. The former Prime Minister Ivo Sanader primarily led the main policies of this reversal of circumstances, and thus played a key role in ‘Europeanising’ the nationalist HDZ inherited from the Tudjman era.

The pro-EU political elite needed to get across the message that EU membership is the final stage on the long road of transition from ‘the Balkans’, personified in the concept of Yugoslavia to ‘Europe’ i.e. the European Union. Their aim was to show that, by joining the EU, Croatia would be more protected, more influential and more respected in the community of nation states; that it will have achieved not only symbolic recognition but real recognition of its While the government coalition is attempting statehood. to break with the legacies of the Tudjman era, Croatian nationalism has embarked on a modThe Croatian political elite, including the Ma- erate course that is marginalising the radical joritary nationalist Croatian Democratic Union elements: some have left the political stage, (HDZ) which led the country for 17 out of 20 others have left the HDZ for small groupings years since independence, had not incorpo- with little electoral backing, such as the Party rated the objective of EU membership until the of Rights. end of the first decade of 2000s. Suddenly, the HDZ started to argue that without EU member- There is also a widespread sense of unease that ship, Croatia would remain a semi-sovereign EU membership would bring new opportunicountry, still under heavy pressure from exter- ties for foreigners (i.e. Europeans) to buy Cro-

Photo: Souvid Datta 18 | EUREKA

atian real estate, in particular on the Adriatic coast. In addition, jobs that are now available exclusively to Croatian nationals would also be available to other EU citizens, irrespective of their nationality.

We can easily argue Croatian nationalism is ‘satiated’, as it has achieved all of its main goals: the creation of a nation-state controlling all of its territory while laying down political terms for a numerically and politically weakened Serbian minority. Many of them accepted the HDZ’s proposal of a Euro-compatible nationalism. Indeed, they hope that once Croatia has become a fully-fledged member, it will be more powerful and thus have more freedom to implement its own policies without being told what to do (or not to do).

Furthermore, by becoming a member of the EU, Croatia would disassociate itself from the complexity of the ‘Western Balkans’, a concept invented to describe a specific group of countries that emerged out of Yugoslavia but were not yet fully consolidated. By becoming part of Europe, Croatia would finally ‘leave the Balkans

behind’. One of the key claims of the Croatian nationalist discourse – that Croatia is a Central European, not a Balkan country – would finally materialise.

By accepting Croatia in the Union, the EU will be faced with the new experience of including a country that has recently been at war and where that war is still very much remembered.

It will be accepting a member that bases much of its contemporary political identity on the notion of being both a winner and a victim of a war that Europe considered unfortunate and unnecessary. It will be a challenging experience and one that is likely to have a major, possibly negative, impact on the EU integration of other Western Balkan states in the future.

More importantly, the process of EU enlargement to the Balkans (i.e Croatia) is also the process of ‘de-Balkanising the Balkans’. It would be the end of the Balkans, at least as a political concept referring to an unstable region where every generation was affected by wars. Only time will tell us to what extent this statement is true.

Russia, the land that feminism forgot?

By Grace Thompson

The Russian woman of today knows how to get what she wants. Or so she is painted as such by the West. Aggressively sexy, thin, blonde, high heeled, and almost always with ulterior motives. This image made famous by popular culture has, in recent years, been perpetuated by high profile accusations of Russian espionage.

Like something out of a Bond film, Anna Chapman was deported from America in 2010 following accusations of being part of a Russian sleeper cell. Having been exposed, she chose to cash in on this new found fame by posing for the cover of well known Lads’ mag “Maxim”. In her underwear. Holding a gun.

It is women like her that have set the precedent for other Russian women to come under fire.

Ekaterina Zatuliveter, the girlfriend of Liberal Democrat MP Mike Hancock, was the subject

of much attention in the British press recently when she was accused of being a spy and almost deported before being found innocent. It seems the gold digger; honey trap reputation is a hard one to shake.

This hangover from the Cold War is still seen on the streets of Russia today, where women are perceived in much the same way as they were in the fifties. Putin himself commented on International Women’s Day that “We want women to be the ornaments of our lives”. This puts allegations of sexist comments coming from David Cameron’s cabinet seem pretty tame. Putin however, is not your average Prime Minister. Notorious for his abuse of the electoral system in Russia, Putin is also a fan of the casual photo-op. In what he seems to think is a display of his masculine prowess, he has been EUREKA | 19

photographed topless on a fishing trip, horse- today, bucking both European and American back riding, and, you guessed it, holding a gun. trends. While these statistics are read by some I’m beginning to see a theme here. as evidence of moral decline, women in Russia enjoy a great deal of freedom in comparison to In this climate it is not surprising to view mod- many other areas of the world. Their attitudes ern day Russia as a feminist wasteland. Svet- to abortion especially are far more liberal than lana Kolchik, a writer for Russian Marie Claire, those of one of their most fierce critics, Ameradmits that the word feminism makes her ica, where abortion is turning into a key issue “shudder”. The F-word conjures, as is still does in the Republican primaries. for many in the West, images of bra-burning, hairy legged women, at odds with the ultra- Things are also beginning to look more posifemininity most Russian women actually as- tive at the grass roots level. On the Russian pire to. social network V kontakte (literally “In contact”), unofficial groups about Feminism have With such rigid gender roles, you might think upwards of 300 members. Recently self prothat Russia is a country with a long history of claimed ‘Punk-Feminist’ group Pussy Riot have women’s rights abuses, but you’d be wrong. received international press attention after an Under Communism, Bolshevik policies regard- impromptu performance in Red Square. Singing the family were extremely radical for the ing ‘Putin got Scared’ a song provocative both time, and even by today’s standards in some in lyrics and location, the group are not afraid countries. Alexandra Kollontai, Russia’s and to court controversy. Pussy Riot have underindeed the world’s first female ambassador, is pinned this publicity stunt with their use of famously quoted as having said that having sex social media and their Facebook page is a platshould be as easy as “taking a glass of water”. form for their pro-Feminist views; “The [new] Although free love never took hold as antici- revolution should be done by women”, “We’ve pated, both no fault divorce and abortion were had amazing women revolutionaries.” Unfortulegalised in the 1920s, several decades before nately all members of the group feel the need the United Kingdom. With such a promising to maintain their anonymity with multi-colstart where did it all go wrong? oured balaclavas and are secretive about their day jobs.

Culturally at least, Russia has been a victim of ‘Americanisation’ In recent years popular cul- Russia is a land of contradictions and indeed ture in Russia has become increasingly homog- of extremes and excess, it is a country whose enised and hip hop of the ‘guns, bitches and capital is more expensive to live in than Lonbling’ ilk is everywhere, with artists such as don, where corruption is endemic and where a Timati emulating and collaborating with their man is a man and a woman is, most definitely, American contemporaries. The highest gross- a woman. Sexism in Russia is as much a proding films of recent years have also taken Amer- uct of cultural replication of the West as it is a ican blockbusters as their example, for instance product of Russia itself and it is held back as “Bumer” which follows the criminal and often much by traditional Russian views of femininviolent exploits of four ‘wanna-be gangsta’ ity as by Western popular culture. But while men, while women are conspicuously absent. Western women have enjoyed something of a Russia doesn’t seem quite so ‘Other’ now. head start in breaking through the glass ceiling Russian women are starting to catch up.

The feminists however, are starting to fight Competitive as ever, they are determined to back. There are official organisations such as be bigger, better and, of course, brasher than The Women’s Union of Russia which aims to their Western contemporaries. It seems then, help women get ahead in the jobs market, as that the word “Feminism” has anachronistic well as Feminist Alternative which runs work- connotations and needs rehabilitation rather shops teaching women to assert themselves. than the movement itself. Russian feminism is Divorce and abortion rates also remain high well on its way.

20 | EUREKA

Working Together

Photo: Lucile Bornot EUREKA | 21

Photo: Simone Tenda

Acta protests: government of the people, by the lobby groups, for the corporations

By Paul Haydon European officials probably thought that no-one would take much notice when they signed the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA) on 26th January, on behalf of the EU and 22 of its member-states. Two weeks later, mass protests have erupted in cities all across Europe against the controversial treaty, criticising the secretive nature in which it was negotiated and claiming it will lead to a significant curtailing of internet freedom. This is one of the first times a decision by the EU has provoked such a united response right across Europe. From Paris to Prague, Vilnius to Vienna, thousands of protestors are braving the bitter cold to make their voices heard. The international nature of the response seems to follow in the same trend set by the ‘Occupy’ movement, with many protesters wearing the Guy Fawkes mask whose sinister grin became the trademark of the global anti-capitalist protests.

Another similarity is the way in which many people have been mobilised through the internet and social networking sites. Quite fitting for a protest aiming to protect free speech online.

22 | EUREKA

Yet whilst Occupy has been criticised for its lack of direction and its failure to make specific demands, the anti-ACTA protests are mobilised around a single, explicit issue. As well as organising demos and providing flyers in ten European languages, the website ‘Stop ACTA’ encourages people to take other actions such as lobbying their MEPs. This shows how the younger generations are not just going out onto the streets to denounce the system, but are actually trying to have a real, tangible influence on political decisions. In particular, these protestors have been emboldened by the success of the anti-SOPA and PIPA protests in the US, which caused the proposed anti-piracy bills to be withdrawn for reconsideration. The ‘Internet Blackout’ on January 20th by Wikipedia, Google, Reddit and countless other websites demonstrated the sheer power of online protest; by the end of the day the story featured on the front pages of newspapers across the country, 10 million people had signed online petitions against the bills and the White House had received 8 million emails

calling for them to be withdrawn. This was an example of the huge potential influence of the internet over politicians, and its ability to prevail against vested commercial interests and lobbying groups. The massive publicity over SOPA and PIPA also put their international equivalent, ACTA, firmly into the limelight after years of limited public interest.

Negotiations over ACTA first began in 2006 between the US, Japan, and a handful of other wealthy countries, but these were held behind closed doors with no potential for public discussion. Only in 2008, when Wikileaks uploaded a discussion paper about the treaty, did it first really come to people’s attention. Public interest groups, academics and civil activists began to criticise the secretive way in which ACTA was being planned, and the exclusion of developing countries as well as civil society from the discussions. Also alarming was the extent of the involvement of powerful lobbying groups in the US, such as the Motion Picture Association of America. That particular organisation set alarm bells ringing after it reportedly advised governments that anti-piracy firewalls could be used to censor potentially embarrassing sites like Wikileaks. However, such reservations received scant attention and therefore did little to disrupt the signing of the treaty last year by the US and seven other countries. It was only when the EU signed up to the treaty that the real uproar began. Here though there has been more opportunity for a public debate. ACTA must now be signed by the five remaining member-states, and must also be ratified by each national parliament and the European Parliament, which is set to debate the treaty in June.

of patents. Such concerns were echoed by protestors across Europe. In particular, Poland has seen fierce opposition to the government’s signing of the treaty, causing Prime Minister Donald Tusk to backtrack and suspend ratification of ACTA in the Polish Parliament. The rest of Eastern Europe has also seen a significant public backlash, perhaps due to fears of a return to the government censorship of the Communist era.

In response to concerns about the potential implications of the treaty and accusations over its lack of transparency, the European Commission has released a document entitled “10 Myths about ACTA.” In it, the Commission argues that the agreement will not require any changes in EU law, that it contains sufficient safeguards to protect fundamental rights such as freedom of expression, and it would not restrict access to generic medicines. It also emphasised that the treaty has been purposefully drafted in very ‘flexible’ terms. However, it is precisely this vague wording which has most worried critics, as it would allow governments so much room for interpretation. The most striking characteristic of ACTA has been the significant influence of private interests and the exclusion of the general public. To rephrase Abraham Lincoln’s famous quote, it is essentially “government of the people, for the corporations, by the lobby groups”.

However, just like last month’s protests against SOPA and PIPA, the anti-ACTA movement has shown how when properly mobilised citizens can have a real impact on policy.

In addition, despite growing fears in Europe about rising nationalism, it has been a potent example of how protests against the EU’s actions can be combined with a sense of European soliSignificantly, French MEP Kader Arif and ACTA darity, with protestors working together across rapporteur for the European Parliament resigned national boundaries. Increasingly, the covert inin protest after denouncing the whole process fluence of corporate interests is being held to acas a ‘charade.’ Arif claimed that the EP had not count by an active transnational citizenry, unitbeen properly informed during the course of the ed by the mobilising power of the internet. It is negotiations and that concerns raised by the in- therefore doubly important that ACTA receives stitution had been repeatedly sidelined, under- the proper scrutiny it deserves, and that there mining its ability to fulfil its role as a representa- is an open, public debate about its most contentive of the people. He also argued that the treaty tious aspects. For it is not just our individual would not only limit online freedoms, but could liberties that are at risk, but the potential for a also restrict access to vital generic drugs in de- peaceful, interconnected and transnational fuveloping countries due to stricter enforcement ture which the internet so powerfully embodies.

EUREKA | 23

Born to co-operate

Grace Vanstone-Hallam’s Interview with Chris Herries What do you think of when someone says ‘cooperative’? Do you think of a supermarket that is ‘good with food’? A bank that claims to be ‘good with money’? Do you picture a group of hippie socialists, full of hope in the goodness of mankind?

Or a bunch of people who are well-intentioned but don’t really seem to have a clue about how to run a business? The idea of ‘co-operatives’ seems to be hazy in many peoples’ minds, but co-operatives can actually provide a valid alternative business model. Eureka met Chris Herries, Vice-Chair of Co-operatives UK, and a Director of the Co-operative Group to quiz her on all things ‘co-operative’.

Eureka: We each have our own presuppositions about the ‘co-operative’, mainly as a supermarket and banking group; however can you please explain what exactly a ‘co-operative’ is?

Herries: Co-operatives are essentially people getting together to provide for any need they havethey are organisations that are owned by their members. Each member is a part-owner, and so they can get involved in running the organisation.

There are many different forms of co-operative, in the UK the co-operative is most recognised through the food store and banking group, which are examples of a consumer co-operative. Other forms include worker co-operatives which are owned by their workers, such as Mondragon in Spain. You can also have housing co-operatives, where people have joint ownership of property, a lot of student accommodation in Scandinavia is owned this way. The difference between the Cooperative Group and a PLC (Public Limited Company) is that it is owned by all of its members, they elect the board and the board appoints the people who run the society. The profits are shared twice a year, they don’t go to city shareholders, but to members.

Eureka: Do co-operatives rely too heavily on the goodness of mankind? Surely it is more natural for us to compete rather than to cooperate.

Herries: Not necessarily, if you look at evolution, 24 | EUREKA

Photo: The Co-operative Group it’s only by co-operating that we have managed to survive. Some say it’s a ‘dog-eat-dog’ world but dogs actually go around in packs helping each other. Most animals have a social network, and humans are the same, we function much better with people than when we work alone. A wellrun co-op doesn’t just depend on people being nice to each other, but on structures- it should be out there competing to be as business-like and successful as possible. It does that by harnessing everyone’s talents rather than focussing on one person getting all the benefits.

Eureka: With values of participation and sharing, it is obvious how co-operatives can work on a small scale, but can co-operatives really provide a valid alternative that is sustainable and effective in the midst of market forces and competition?

Herries: Yes, I think so! When you talk of co-operatives people tend to think its two people and a dog knitting their own yoghurt, but the co-operative group has a turnover of in excess of £14bn a year, which, if it was a PLC and listed on the Stock Exchange would be about 37 in the FTSE-100, so

it’s a big player. Because it isn’t listed on the stock exchange it’s not necessarily seen like that. In the UK it’s the 5th largest food retailer, the largest funeral provider and the 3rd largest pharmacist.

Together, co-operatives around the world have a turnover roughly the equivalent of the 9th largest nation. In Finland, co-operatives amount to a third of the economy. The largest supermarket chain in Switzerland is a co-operative, the largest banks in France are co-operatives, and similarly, then Canadian bank Desjardins is a co-operative. Most of the healthcare in Spain is provided through cooperatives. So, they can be small but they can be huge, cutting-edge businesses.

Eureka: All fiscal systems have been tested in the current economic crisis, has the co-operative suffered in any way?

Herries: Co-operatives in general actually stood up well in the economic downturn, and fewer have gone out of business than PLCs. The Co-operative Group has been hit in a few areas; this has been one of the few downturns in the economy that actually affected food buying. Obviously this affects all food stores, including the co-op. But generally, as far as businesses go and in terms of businesses staying afloat, co-operatives have performed better than a lot of other businesses.

Eureka: When food is so cheap and high street banks offer great promotions, why should we change our consumer and banking habits to be more ‘co-operative’ when there is no obvious benefit to ourselves?

Herries: One of the reasons why I got involved with the Co-operative is the fact that you actually own the Co-operative when you join. You and six million others! Through ownership you can have a say in how the organisation is run. Take Fairtrade, which nobody had heard of 15 years ago. Because members had said we should not be exploiting producers, the Co-op decided to develop Fairtrade.

Now most people in the UK have heard of Fairtrade and lots of other retailers have followed suit.

Similarly, the ethical policies of the bank were developed from the customers. Food is cheap but in the Co-operative we know that there are certain standards. There is no mechanically recovered meat in any of our ready meals because members have said that they don’t want to buy this. The pesticide levels on our farms are much lower than

is laid down in legislation because we’ve got very stringent conditions on how food on our farms is produced. We’ve got special welfare standards for chickens, turkeys and pigs because members have said that they care about how the animals have been reared. And fundamentally all profit is either put into renewing the business, divided amongst its members or is put into local, national or international campaigns supported by members.

Eureka: 2012 has been designated by the UN as the international year of co-operatives, what does this mean? How is Co-operatives UK taking part, and how can we all participate?

Herries: Co-operatives are one of very few NGOs that have a seat at the UN, which is one reason why 2012 has been designated the international year of co-operatives. This year is to kick-start a decade of raising the profile of co-operatives as something that is not anachronistic and small, but a good business model that works well especially when times are hard. Co-operatives encourage innovation, developing business for everyone; it’s a sustainable business model where the profits benefit members and society. Hopefully many more will have heard about co-operatives as a result of this year’s focus, especially if they are unemployed but have a business idea that could be set up as a co-operative. We’re also looking to promote co-ops in universities and business schools as a good business model, encouraging students to set up or work in a co-operative rather than a PLC. At the end of the year there will be an international conference and exhibition in Manchester with co-operatives from around the world, which will showcase all things co-operative.

--Chris Herries became first involved in the Co-operative movement when she was elected to the local area committee in Cornwall. She was elected as a Non-Executive Director of the Co-operative Group in 2000 serving for six years and re-elected to the Board in 2009. In the same year she became vicechair of Co-operatives UK (trade association) and has worked with the International Co-operative Alliance. She is also a non-executive director of Co-operative Futures and The Energy Saving Co-operative and is a founder member of Women Forward a cooperative consortium of Devon business women.

EUREKA | 25

On free education

By Lucie Mikaelian

In these grim economic times, the rise in university fees has shaken political grounds and it has been the trigger to many strikes and legal battles. In February, judges denied the claim made by two 17 year-old teenagers that the rise in tuitions fees would actually breach human rights.

However, the Court highlighted that the government “failed to comply with its public sector equality duties”. This increase of university fees has shown competing views on the role of the state. In theory, the view promoted by the coalition government would be to reduce spending to its bare minimum. Cameron is surely not Churchill, but he apparently has “nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat”, like the rest of European leaders. But is this choice coherent with the society we are heading towards?

University fees have been significantly affected by this change of course; they have risen from £1000 in 1998 to £9000 starting next academic term. This strong increase has been explained and justified many times by consecutive governments, but mainly under economic terms. However, among other uprisings this year, we have witnessed Chilean students fighting for free public education, shedding light on the highly socially weighted value of education.

much to hope for the near future. Besides this worrying fact, the Institute for Fiscal Studies claims that public spending in the UK will fall by 13% in real terms between 2010-11 and 2014-15.

It seems very difficult to sustain a system in which students are more indebted than ever, where education spending is decreasing and where youth employment is reaching increasingly high peaks. If this state of affairs persists, we could well be heading to a catastrophic situation from which we might not recover. This system is supported by a utilitarian view of education: education is now merely training for work, in order to reach a state of general “happiness” in which youth unemployment would be almost inexistent.

However, the overall “happiness” policy is flawed by its selection criteria. We have lost track of the “greatest happiness for the greatest number”: it now seems we all queue in front of the most fancy club in town. Many young people are surely going to weigh the costs against the benefits of going to university and decide it’s not worth it.

But this calculation in itself is strongly ideological. While the cost of university is clear to establish, there are various long-term benefits to education. If it is essential to ultimately find a Why should education be free? Is it a utopian job, an educated nation is also essential to its ambition? In Norway, education is free up to civic functioning.

PhD level, apart from a small tuition fee that allows students to enjoy benefits such as health Moreover, it is a very dangerous game to assess services or cultural activities. In the US or the education in regards to the outcome it might UK, the utopian vision of free education for provide. It is fundamental to find a job, to earn all has run headlong into a backlash. Going to money. However, the state must encourage diuniversity has become an investment. Between versity. Many disciplines do not have a direct summer jobs, odd jobs, tuition fees and mainte- link with the economic prosperity of the counnance loans, it seems terribly unfair when stu- try. One might even decide that history of art or dents do not find a job at the end of their degree. journalism degrees should bear a “high price” to prevent students from taking them, while mediYouth unemployment is at its highest, reach- cal or biosciences studies should bear a “low ing 1 million this year, while it used to hit only price” to encourage students to take this path.

560,000 in 2002. Long term unemployed young people are the most vulnerable as they risk fall- Free education for all also highlights a moral ising into chronic depression, and cannot have sue. If education was really equally free for all, 26 | EUREKA

Photo: Souvid Datta then the state would also pay for the rich families, something the economic crisis conditions cannot allow. However, does it mean that everyone should pay high tuition fees? In the end, rich families can pay for their children’s education from A to Z.

to ask for free education.

It is important to reassess the role of education in the construction of citizenship in order to legitimize the claim for free education. In addition, in the major part of European countries, only 20% of our time is dedicated to actual work The choice has been made between two models (to earn money), which questions the whole of society, in which education reflects the cur- capitalist system and vision western socierent short-term priorities. This might put social ties are following. We are afraid that Chinese peace at risk because of a growing feeling of in- workers might “steal” our jobs but the leisure justice and a separation between those you have and services-oriented society to which we asthe chance to study and the others. Because cribe cannot compete with China anymore. The education has lost part of its prestige, hence future choices in education policies must take its social value and is even sometimes deemed those patterns into consideration in order to counter-productive, it is more and more difficult shape a viable world.

EUREKA | 27

An engine for progress: why i believe in the european project

By Andrew Noakes

Photo: Louise Dewast As Chair of the Young European Movement London, I am often asked why I believe so strongly in the European Project. In truth, I am not your typical euro-enthusiast. I have not travelled extensively around Europe, I never did ‘Erasmus’, and I’m still working on my French; the only Eu28 | EUREKA

ropean language I know besides English. But I do feel European, not necessarily because I have transcended my national political identity, but because I feel I am a part of something truly unique and radical – something that is a force for progress within our continent and beyond.

That is why I believe in the European Project.

Of course, European integration has always been such a force. Following the end of the Second World War, it played an instrumental role in finally bringing peace to our continent after a long history of violence and conflict. After the end of the Cold War, it fostered democratisation and liberalisation in central and Eastern Europe.

Through the single market and free movement of people, it has removed national barriers to social mobility, allowing millions of Europeans to benefit from job opportunities, education, and training across our continent.

Now, in an era of globalisation, the European Project represents an ambitious template for global governance and insures that Europe’s presence is felt in an increasingly multi-polar world. The European Union is already starting to assert itself in this way, defying the demands of the USA, China, and corporate interests. It has successfully introduced an aviation tax designed to tackle climate change, and fined large corporations like Microsoft and Intel for abusing their market dominance.

Through my own personal experiences, I have also seen that the European Union is a force for progress beyond its own borders. Last year, I worked in Cameroon, West Africa, as a human rights investigator. Everywhere I went, I saw vital infrastructure projects funded and assisted by the European Union. Things that we take for granted, like roads and electricity networks, were being constructed and installed with help from the EU. Today, Europeans are harnessing our collective political and economic resources to make these positive changes in partnership with states and people all over the world.

tive effort to resolve disputes and keep the peace.

Of course, there is more to the European Project than the European Union. As you read this article, scientists from the European Organization for Nuclear Research (CERN) are working deep underneath the Franco-Swiss border on a panEuropean, multi-billion euros project of scientific discovery – the Large Hadron Collider – that may help to unlock the secrets of our universe.

At the European Space Agency, European scientists and astronauts are embarking on efforts to explore our galaxy and develop technologies that could revolutionise our lives here on Earth.

The Council of Europe, meanwhile, is working hard to promote democracy and human rights in wider Europe.

From international development, social mobility, human rights, and democratisation, to dealing with climate change, advancing our scientific understanding, and exploring space, the European Project has become an engine for progress in Europe and beyond. It has, moreover, come to represent not just a new way of doing international politics but a new way of thinking about Europe’s place in the world. It is genuinely exciting to be a part of such a dynamic and pioneering effort.

In my role as Chair of the Young European Movement London, I encounter a fair amount of Euroscepticism. But so much of it is based on the mistaken assumption that the European Project is something that takes power away from Britain. I think it does the opposite. I think it empowers us to harness the forces of globalisation rather than be consumed by them, to play a leading role in the effort to build a better world society, and contribute to human progress. Over the coming months and years, we will make a determined effort to persuade the British public The European Union’s global presence is felt that European integration is a source of strength through its permanent diplomatic delegations for Britain. We hope that you will join us. to over one hundred countries, through its comprehensive development programmes, and, in- --creasingly, through its role as a security actor.

The EU has not just participated in, but led mul- The Young European Movement London is oftilateral negotiations with Iran over its nuclear fering free membership to all UCLU European programme. Meanwhile, it plays a peacekeep- Society Members. E-mail london@yem.org.uk ing role in conflict-prone areas across the world. from your UCL e-mail account for more inforWorking together, Europeans are making a posi- mation.

EUREKA | 29

Events Art Exhibitions Picasso and Modern British Art Until Sun Jul 15, Tate Britain Gesamtkunstwerk: New Art from Germany Until Sun Apr 29, Saatchi Gallery Lucian Freud Portraits Until Sun May 27, National Portrait Gallery David Hockney RA: A Bigger Picture Until April 8, Royal Academy of Arts Damien Hirst From Apr 5-Sept 9, Tate Modern Bauhaus: Art as Life From May 3-Aug 12, Barbican Centre Public Lectures Climate Treaties and Approaching Catastrophes Date: Monday 12 March 2012 6.30pm Location: London School of Economics New Theatre, East Building

Language, Culture, and Being Human Date: Thursday 22 March 2012 6.30pm Location: London School of Economics Old Theatre, Old Building Women’s rights and feminist activism across the Middle East and North Africa Date: Tue 20 Mar 2012 Location: Amnesty International UK, Human Rights Action Centre, 17-25 New Inn Yard Philosophy café, discussion open to all Date: Sat 4 Feb - Sat 31 Mar Location: French institute, 17 Queensberry Place, London.

Talk on the collections of the Prado Museum Date: March 29th 2012 Location: Cervantes, Spanish Institute, 102 Eaton Square Films ‘Britain Street Children’ Date: Wed 21 Mar 2012 Venue: Amnesty International UK, The Y Theatre Italian Film Festival Date: 8-15 March Location: French Institute, Ciné Lumière, 17 Queensberry Place, London.

Has rising income inequalities ghettoised the poor in Britain?

Date: Monday 12 March 2012 6.30pm Location: London School of Economics, NAB 2.16, New Academic Building French Film Festival Date: 21-23 March Pushing the EU borders to the East: The Eu- Location: French Institute, Ciné Lumière, 17 ropeanization of Greek Foreign Policy in the Queensberry Place, London. aftermath of the Eastern Enlargement Date: Tuesday 13 March 2012 6.15pm Location: London School of Economics, Canada Blanch Room, COW 1.11, Cowdray House EU Foreign Policy after Lisbon: The European External Action Service Date: Thursday 15 March 2012 6.30pm To get involved you can get in touch with us via Location: London School of Economics, e-mail or facebook CLM.3.02, Clement House www.eurosoc.co.uk eureka@eurosoc.co.uk 30 | EUREKA