Railroads vol. III (Part 1) by FOZTUA

RAILROADS IN HISTORICAL CONTEXT:

vol.III 2013 ANNE MCCANTS EDUARDO BEIRA JOSÉ M. LOPES CORDEIRO PAULO B. LOURENÇO (eds.)

RAILROADS IN HISTORICAL CONTEXT: vol.III 2013

ANNE MCCANTS EDUARDO BEIRA JOSÉ M. LOPES CORDEIRO PAULO LOURENÇO (eds.)

FOZTUA PROJECT coordination ANNE MCCANTS (MIT, EUA) EDUARDO BEIRA (IN+, Portugal) JOSÉ M. CORDEIRO (U. Minho, Portugal) PAULO B. LOURENÇO (U. Minho, Portugal) www.foztua.com

ISBN: 978-989-98659-6-9 Graphic design and layout, and cover design, by Ana Prudente. Samantha Evaristo contributed with revision and editing of the texts from non english authors. Edited and printed by Inovatec (Portugal) Lda. (V. N. Gaia, Portugal). Cover printing and book binding by Minerva – Artes Gráficas, Lda. (Vila do Conde, Portugal).

Bettina Ward Healey, RIP

It is with much sorrow that we dedicate this 3rd volume of the Foz Tua: Railroads in Historical Context conference to the memory of our beloved friend Bettina Ward Healey, wife of Richard Healey, who passed away on April 16, 2014.

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Bettina accompanied Richard to Foz Tua for each of our three annual meetings, and became along the way an artistic collaborator in our interdisciplinary project. Her capacity to appreciate, and translate onto canvas, the beauty of the Tras-os-Montes and the life of its communities enriched every aspect of our work. She loved life and embraced it fully. Her loss is deeply felt by us all, but we are grateful that her spirit will live on in the beautiful paintings that she made while among us. In them we hear her laughter, see her smile, and feel again the joy that was her companion in life.

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ABOUT FOZTUA PROJECT AND THE 3rd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE IN FOZ TUA

1. About this book

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Participants in one of the 2013 sessions, Quinta do Tua house, living and dining room

This book includes the proceedings of the third FOZTUA International Conference, organized by FOZTUA project and sponsored by EDP. future!) of Tua Valley and Tua railways was held 7-8-9 October 2011, in the small village of Foz Tua, in the mouth of the Tua River with the Douro River. The second was held on 5-6-7 October 2012 and the third one on 11-12-13 October 2013 all in the same location.

2. About the FOZTUA project

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the memory of Tua valley and Tua railroad. A new local nucleus about these memories will be built in the village of Foz Tua. Part of FOZTUA project runs with EDAM MIT ing”). EDP, the largest Portuguese utility company, is building a new dam in Tua river, close to the Foz Tua railways station, where the Tua river meets the Douro river. The Foz Tua station. Tua line operations has already been closed from 2008, due to safety reasons. The Foz Tua railways station is a junction between the main Douro and Tua rail lines, The Douro line runs from Porto to close the border with Spain, along the Douro valley. The Tua line used to run from Foz Tua station to Mirandela city, along the Tua valley, and then to Bragança city, and is has been a subsidiary rail line for the main Douro line

3. About the Tua railway

Group of participants visiting the viaduct and the tunnel of Prezas, close to the new wall of the dam, witch was starting.

and goods in and out of the region of the upper Douro River, home to the viticulture that made the world famous Portwine, to the very far, interior and isolated cities of Mibuilt by Portuguese engineers and contractors. It allowed easy access from a previously remote region to the city of Porto, and from there to the rest of Portugal, and from there to the world. One hundred years later, this heritage and memory deserves to be retrieved, recorded, analyzed and disseminated. Those interested in economic growth and regional development have a lot to learn from the lessons of the past and must build upon it. This project intends to challenge the academic community to study the century-long th century), to publicize the memory and the The project intends to bring together scholars of various aspects of railroad history in order to share their research on other railroad projects, considering their decisioneconomic and social impact of the lines.

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4. About FOZ TUA International Conferences are held in the Tua region itself, with opportunity both for the discussion of scholar research in a comparative perspective, as well as to become familiar with the unique

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Group of participants in the 2013 conference

Working sessions happened in the main old house of an important local Tua and lies, traditional English families operating in the Port wine business, both in producfamous lady that has been perhaps the most important character from Douro region in the history of Port wine. this meeting. We are very much grateful for their kind hospitality. A fabulous view of the Douro River and Tua River, as well as the river margins with their old and new terraces, can be enjoyed from the balcony of the house. The Tua railtrack crossed just in front of the house. The new Tua dam is being built just less

Farewell to last group of participants leaving Foz Tua, after the conference.

5. Acknowledgements

ing to happen and its logistics to work: Marta Meira, Ricardo Fernandes, Nuno Beira and Ana Prudente must be mentioned. The FOZTUA project coordination team: ANNE MCCANTS EDUARDO BEIRA JOSÉ M. LOPES CORDEIRO PAULO B. LOURENÇO

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x•

INDEX

BETTINA WARD HEALEY ABOUT FOZTUA PROJECT AND THE 3rd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE IN FOZ TUA

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___v • xi

PART 1: TUA VALLEY AND THE PORTUGUESES CONTEXT O VALE DO TUA E O CONTEXTO PORTUGUÊS

___ 1

The rolling stock of the Tua line: a draft

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Material circulante da linha do Tua: um esboço

Emil Biel photos of Tua Railroad: A critical analysis

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___ 47

The Mirandela Cork Factory and the Tua Line

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Changes in land use in the Tua valley during the 20th century: a GIS-based approach

___ 107

Minho, Portugal)

Terraces in the Tua valley Terraços no vale do Tua

___ 125

Minho, Portugal)

from the archives

___ 143

com base nos arquivos

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Economy and society in the Tua valley: 1881 and 1885 inquiries

___ 167

Mirandela (1887)

___ 181

Demographics of the Tua valley: evidences from parish record books ___ 199

Opening up an ‘isolated’ region: the population dynamics of the Trás-os-Montes after the construction of the Tua railroad

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depois da construção da linha do Tua

___ 239

PART 2: ECONOMIC IMPACT OF RAILROADS O IMPACTO ECONÓMICO DO CAMINHO DE FERRO

___249 ___251

___261

___273

century - beginning of the 20th century)

___301

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PART 3: ENGINEERING, FINANCE AND MANAGEMENT ENGENHARIA, FINANCIAMENTO E GESTÃO

___317

___319

from the archives

___343

nos arquivos

___361

___417 laborais

___433 A mão-de-obra na construção das linhas de caminhos-de-ferro nos Estados

___449

___465

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PART 4: THE FUTURE OF HISTORICAL RAILROADS O FUTURO DAS LINHAS HISTÓRICAS

___485

___487

___503

regions

___519

PART 5: CLOSING SESSION SESSﾃグ DE ENCERRAMENTO

___533

Closing Comments

___535

Notas de encerramento

Closing remarks Notas de encerramento

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窶｢ xv

PART 1 Tua Valley and the portugueses context O Vale do Tua e o contexto portuguĂŞs

Hugo Silveira Pereira

THE ROLLING STOCK OF THE TUA LINE: A DRAFT MATERIAL CIRCULANTE DA LINHA DO TUA: UM ESBOÇO Hugo Silveira Pereira (U. Porto, Portugal) Hugo Silveira Pereira was born in Oporto in 1979. In 2005, he completed his History undergraduate program in the Arts and Humanities College of Oporto University. Three years later he completed his master program in Contemporary History in the same institution with an investigation about the relationships between the lower house of the Portuguese parliament and the construction of railways between 1845 and 1860. He has a PhD degree since 2012 with a dissertation about the Portugal railway policy in the second half of the 19th century. He published several papers about the History of Portuguese railways. Hugo Silveira Pereira nasceu no Porto em 1979. Em 2005, licenciou-se em História na Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto. Aqui obteve, três anos depois, o grau de mestre em História Contemporânea com uma tese sobre a relação entre a câmara baixa do parlamento português e a construção ferroviária no período compreendido entre 1845 e 1860. Concluiu o seu doutoramento em 2012 com uma tese sobre a politica ferroviária nacional na segunda metade do século XIX. Publicou vários artigos sobre a História dos caminhos-de-ferro portugueses.

Abstract Resumo The Tua line was opened in 1887 and for more than one hundred years it served the people of Trás-os-Montes and the Tua valley. Over that period of time its rolling stock suffered some changes in its composition, extension and characteristics. The same thing happened to the Portuguese narrow gauge network, which was – since 1951 – a key aspect in the history of the Tua line roster. For several decades, the Tua line was managed by the Companhia Nacional alone that held one other track – the Dão line/Viseu branch – which was completely isolated from Tua. In the early 1900’s the Companhia Nacional was forced to extend its rolling stock in order to respond to the extension of its railway from Mirandela to Bragança. A few years later, in the 1920’s, the company leased a couple of tracks from the Portuguese government. From that moment on, the rolling stock in Tua suffered a few changes. By then, Portugal had already opened a handful of other narrow gauge tracks operated by different companies. The greatest change, however, would happen in 1951 when the Companhia Nacional and several other companies were merged in the Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro Portugueses (CP), the company to which the government delivered the entire network. The CP then decided to distribute the existent narrow gauge machinery throughout the narrow gauge network. Over the years, CP was

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

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also responsible for modernizing the network’s roster. That upgrading focused mainly on the tracks around Porto, but the waves of modernization eventually arrived to Tua... In this paper we aim to analyze this and other details of the history of the rolling stock in Tua line. To do that we will use the primary sources held by the CP Historical Archive and some Portuguese and British bibliography. A linha do Tua foi aberta em 1887 e por mais de cem anos serviu as populações de Trás-os-Montes e do vale do Tua. Durante esse período de tempo, o seu material circulante sofreu algumas alterações na sua composição, extensão e características. O mesmo aconteceu aliás em toda a rede de via estreita nacional, o que foi, desde 1951, um factor determinante na história das locomotivas e carruagens da linha do Tua. Durante várias décadas, esta ferrovia foi operada pela Companhia Nacional dos Caminhos de Ferro (que detinha um outro caminho-de-ferro – a linha do Dão ou ramal de Viseu – o qual estava completamente separado da linha-férrea do Tua. No início do século XX, a Companhia Nacional foi obrigada a aumentar o seu material circulante para fazer face à construção da extensão da linha de Mirandela a Bragança. Alguns anos mais tarde, na década de 1920, esta companhia arrendou um par de caminhos-de-ferro do estado português. A partir deste momento, o material circulante no Tua sofreu novas alterações. Por esta altura, Portugal já detinha uma mancheia de caminhos-de-ferro de via reduzida, operados por diferentes empresas ferroviárias. A maior mudança ao nível da gestão deste aglomerado ocorreu em 1951 quando a Companhia Nacional e outros operadores ferroviários se fundiram na Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro Portugueses (CP), a empresa a quem o governo entregou a gestão de toda a rede nacional. A CP decidiu redistribuir o material circulante de via estreita pela rede. Ao longo dos anos, a CP foi também responsável pela modernização desse material. Este esforço de renovação centrou-se sobretudo nas vias em torno do Porto, mas os ventos de mudança chegaram também ao vale do Tua. Neste artigo, procuraremos analisar estes e outros detalhes da história do material circulante da linha do Tua. Para tal recorreremos a fontes primárias guardadas no

Hugo Silveira Pereira

The rolling stock of the Tua line: a draft Hugo Silveira Pereira

1. INTRODUCTION •5

The Tua line was open for business in 1887 with a ceremony held at Mirandela with the presence of the King, Luís I. In 1906, the line was extended northwards to Bragança, capital city of the district with the same name. By now, after three conferences and three years of research and gathering documentation about the Tua line (adding to the pre-existent bibliography), there the section of the track between Mirandela and Bragança was shutdown in 19911992 and the remainder of the Tua railway was kept in operation until 20081. However, a comparative study with other Portuguese narrow gauge tracks and with the narrow gauge network as a whole was never realized under the thematic umbrella of the FOZTUA project, nor a thorough research of the companies that operated it and the way how they operated it. These are important issues for conducting an historical survey about the rolling stock of Tua line, as we shall see. First of all, we will address these topics in order to explain (1) how the Tua line included itself in the Portuguese narrow gauge network and (2) the importance different managements had in the history of Tua’s rolling stock and its development. To do so, we will support our statements mostly with the works of Carlos 1 ALEGRIA, 1990. DAVIES, 1998. McCANTS et al., 2012. McCANTS et al., 2013. PEREIRA, 2012b. PINHEIRO, 1986. SANTOS, 2011. SILVA, 2004. TORRES, 1936.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Manitto Torres (1936), W. J. K. Davies (1998), José Ribeiro da Silva (2004) and Luí ny Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro Portuguese (hereafter CP) who wrote a book in 1936 about the factual history of several lines that composed the national network since the very beginning in 1845. In 1998, Davies presented a work about the Portuguese narrow gauge network and its rolling stock. This book will be the main inspiration for this paper, for it gives us a thorough and detailed description of the material roster that operated in the Tua line (adding some photos kept in the archives or taken by Davies himself). However, it lacks some methodological accuracy, namely as far as the indication of the source of information

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documentation from the Historical Archive of CP), but he doesn’t quote them in the text. It is also likely that he gathered the information from oral history from people that were working or had worked in CP. Nevertheless, Davies’ work is a must-read text for all of those who wish to research narrow gauge tracks in Portugal. In 2004, José work about the network he knew so well. In his work, Silva combined historical facts with travel literature, describing the landscape a traveller could enjoy while travelling in CP’s railways. Finally, Luís Santos concluded his PhD in History in 2011 at the Universidade Complutense de Madrid with a dissertation about the th century. He gives us key details about the evolution of the ownership and operation of the Portuguese tracks in that period that proved to be very important to the evolution of the rolling stock in Tua. Besides these main titles, we will also make use of other books, dissertations and papers that carry useful information for this text. Furthermore, source material from the CP Historical Archive will also be included any time we feel necessary as well as photo material gathered from multiple sources. Please note that this text is just a draft for a work that we hope will be more complete.

2. THE PORTUGUESE NARROW GAUGE NETWORK Narrow gauge became an issue in the Portuguese politicians’ and engineers’ agenda roughly around the 1870s. By then, Portugal had already built a handful of broad gauge lines (5’6’’ or 167 cm) connecting the capital – Lisbon – to Spain, Porto and Alentejo (the main goals of the railway policy conducted in the 1850s

Hugo Silveira Pereira

and the 1860s) and it was then necessary to think about taking the railway to the other inner regions of the kingdom. Figure 1 – The Portugal railway network in 18702

•7

Throughout the 1870s, several factors endorsed the investment in narrow gauge: (1) the Portuguese Engineers Association through its journal – the Revista de Obras Públicas e Minas – advertised the success of this sort of railway abroad and lobbied for it in the parliament and in the ministry of public works; (2) the low price of the broad gauge railways of Minho and Douro was merely a mirage; Póvoa de Varzim and Famalicão, therefore on the coast – entirely by private capital, were promising; (4) Portugal had overcome the late in a perceived low-cost technology was very tempting; and (5) the conclusions gathered by the engineers sent by the government to study abroad (at the Parisian 2

PEREIRA, 2012a

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

École de Ponts et Chausées and also in Italy, Austria and Switzerland) were also very favourable to the investment in narrow gauge: its construction could have been cheaper than broad gauge; it was more adaptable to the rugged territories large transportation capabilities were not pressing needs3. Figure 2 – Narrow gauge network as proposed by the engineer Sousa Brandão4

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As years went by, several propositions were presented both to the government and the parliament. Most of them, however, were mere speculation; their authors probably wanted no more than to obtain the authorization to build and operate a railway and then sell that concession to the highest bidder. On the other hand, the Portuguese governments believed that this kind of investment happened with the Porto to Póvoa and Famalicão enterprise. Nevertheless, most investors did not sharee the same opinion. Apart from a Portuguese businessman who took over the enterprise of building a railway between Guimarães and the done in 1884, three years after its beginning), other entrepreneurs demanded the same subsidies the State had given to the broad gauge railways... and the minister of Finance had to give in. In 1881, Portugal accepted granting an income guarantee to a British committee to build a narrow gauge track in... Goa, India, connecting the harbour of Mormugão to the frontier with British India near Castle Rock5. The Portuguese vate investors would simply not appear and using the State’s own resources to directly build a railway was not an option. Two years later, the minister of Public 3

CORDEIRO, 1879.

BRANDÃO, 1880.

KERR & PEREIRA, 2012.

Hugo Silveira Pereira

Works Hintze Ribeiro signed a similar agreement with a group of men that wanted to build a line in the valleys of the Tua and Dão rivers (the latter connected the city of Viseu to the Beira Alta railway – between Figueira da Foz and Spain – inaugurated in 1882). After some bureaucratic nuisances were placed out of the way, construction began and in 1887, the line in Tua was open for business6. The people of the Dão valley, however, had to wait three more years before they could see the smoke of the locomotive against the landscape. Both lines were by then operated by the Companhia Nacional dos Caminhos de Ferro Portugueses (hereafter CN) 7. ernment believed that narrow gauge was the future for the lines of Portugal’s north-eastern provinces of Beira Alta and Trás-os-Montes. To pursue this goal, in 1888, the minister of Public Works, Emídio Navarro, presented a bill to the parliament that was supposed to build the narrow gauge network in the aforementioned provinces. Figure 3 – The 1888 bill proposed network8

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CORDEIRO, 2013. PEREIRA, 2012b.

7 TORRES, 1936. 8

Ministry of Public Works Historical Archive. Mapas e Desenhos. C-32-7-B.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Nonetheless, this bill was never discussed in any of the two houses of parliament. The government was facing internal disputes between some of its ministers and the opposition deemed this project a railway cluster, presented only to promote electoral interests. The bill ended up lost in the parliament archives, despite another fruitless attempt to turn it into a law in 18909. The following years were by no means favourable to railway construction. Portugal defaulted in 1892 and in the remainder of the decade, austerity was in the daily agenda. In 1898-1899 the minister of public works Elvino de Brito dared to change this state of affairs and tried to give a new boost to public investment in railways through a set of decrees that ended up in the law of July 14, 1899. This diploma imposed an array of different legal dispositions, the most im-

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from different sources and that should be applied only to railway construction by State engineers; and (2) the obligation to approve a law that predetermined the lines that should be built using the fund’s money. In the subsequent years, a committee of engineers worked with the local authorities and with the Portuguese Engineers Association in order to present a knowledgeable network to the government. This process was divided in three stages that corresponded to three sub-networks inside the national network: north from the Douro, south from the Tagus and between Douro and Tagus. The approving process was also divided into three steps: in 1900, the network north from the Douro was approved; 1902, it was the turn of the network south from the Tagus; and in 1907, the network was as follows10. The 1899 law was meant to put the State in charge of the construction, but it didn’t completely shut the door to subsidizing private initiative (both through direct funding or tax exemptions). In the following years, a handful of lines were built under this legal umbrella by the State and by private enterprise (broad and narrow gauged, but for the purposes of this paper, we will focus only on the latter). In 1903, the extension of the Tua line from Mirandela towards Bragança and a guaranty of revenue were conceded to a private contractor called João Lopes da Cruz. The contractor sold the concession to CN and in 1906, the line was open. One year later, another private company began the construction of yet another narrow gauge track that was the extension of the Dão line towards the coast near Aveiro and Espinho. It was concluded seven years later, in 1914. Also in 1907, the company of the Guimarães line extended it to Fafe (even though it didn’t have any support from the State). Until 1911, the State also began the construction of three narrow gauge tracks that originated from the Douro line: the Tâmega (Livração – Amarante), Corgo (Régua – Vidago) and Sabor (Pocinho – 9

PEREIRA, 2012a.

10 PEREIRA, 2012a. PINHEIRO et al., 2011. SANTOS, 2011.

Hugo Silveira Pereira

Carviçais) lines. World War I brought disarray to railway management and construction. In the aftermath of the war, the State was able to extend the Corgo line to the terminal station of Chaves (1921) and the Tâmega line to Chapa (1926)11. Figure 4 – The Portuguese network as set by the 1900, 1902 and 1905 decrees12.

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11 TORRES, 1936. SILVA, 2004. 12 PEREIRA, 2012a.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

3. THE CHANGES OF PACE IN THE MANAGEMENT OF THE NARROW GAUGE NETWORK make a long story short, let’s just state that in the mid-1920s Portugal had several companies operating the network and it was felt that for an array of reasons

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nancial operation. So, the government did the opposite. In 1927, a tender leased the whole State network (which included broad gauge lines in Minho, Douro and Alentejo and the aforementioned narrow gauge tracks of Tâmega, Corgo and Sabor) to CP, which was at the time controlled by the government, even though it remained a private company. This agreement came along with a wide set of obligations, but for the sake of argument, we will only mention that from that moment on, CP was responsible for the operation of almost the whole network. However, CP didn’t have any interest in the operation of narrow gauge tracks. Thus, the company sub-leased the Corgo and Sabor lines to CN and the Tâmega line to a brand new company – Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro do Norte de Portugal – that was the result of the merging between the companies that held the Guimarães and Porto to Póvoa and Famalicão lines. Both these companies were also under State control, although they continued to present themselves as private enterprises. It was under these new managements that the narrow gauge network grew a little bit more. The Tâmega line reached Celorico de Basto in 1932, the Sabor line was extended to Duas Igrejas in 1938 and the Companhia do Norte also built and opened new tracks around Porto. The State hoped that with this decision, the service provided by railways among other goals (like rooting out the union trade movements). However, that hope was not met. The narrow gauge companies were closing to bankruptcy and CP wasn’t faring much better. The State had to intervene and help those companies and by doing so, it tightened the grasp it exerted over them. The revenues were dropping due to the competition of truck transportation; the infrastructure and the rolling stock were old and they couldn’t be modernized, for there was no money; the exploitation costs were rising due to the devaluation of the Porthe companies. Nationalizing the companies was still prohibitive and thus the merging of railway managements was becoming ever more the most logical way row gauge railway companies in a single company as a good solution for this

Hugo Silveira Pereira

problem. However, these tracks weren’t interconnected, which could have posed a serious obstacle to the success of that project. So the government went further and decided to give the entire network to CP, issuing the law 2008 of 1945. The merging process lasted until 1951 and in the end, all the Portuguese tracks (apart from the Cascais line), both broad and narrow gauged, were placed under the single management of CP, a private company controlled by the fascist State (it âmega line from Celorico do Arco de Baúlhe in 1949)13. This was the managerial framework in which the Portuguese railways worked until 1974. In this year a coup d’état overthrew the dictatorship and installed a tionalization of private enterprises, which included CP. As time went by, a few regulatory alterations were made. In 1999, CP was stripped of infrastructure management (which was left to a brand new public company created for the purpose, REFER) and retained only the administration of rolling stock. This, though, did not alter the statute of public company held by Portuguese railways, a statute that still remains nowadays.

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4. THE ROLLING STOCK OF THE TUA LINE The last few pages show us that for the purpose of studying Tua’s rolling stock there are some important moments in the history of this line. First and foremost, ondly, there is the lease of the Corgo and Sabor lines to CN – we can wonder whether this fact had any consequences on Tua’s roster. Finally, the CP period, both before and after the Carnation Revolution of 1974 – CP got a hold of the entire narrow gauge network and we will see that this brought change to the machinery inventory in the Tua line. 4.1. Steamers 4.1.1. Under CN management Kessler in Esslingen (Germany). They were everything but modern machines. They were six 2-6-0T locomotives (two leading wheels on one axle, six powered 13 For more details, please check SANTOS, 2011.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

and coupled driving wheels on three axles and no trailing wheels, according to the Whyte notation), that were numbered CN1 to CN6 and they were christened with the name of the province (Trás-os-Montes) and with the names of neighbouring cities. Ironically enough, loco number CN2 was called Bragança – the province capital – even though trains did not travel there before 1906. CN1

Traz os Montes

CN2

Bragança

CN3

Mirandella

CN4

Villa Flor

CN5

Carrazeda

CN6

Foz Tua

According to Davies, “they were long, side-tank machines with two outside cylinders and Allan motion actuating inclined slide valves. Drive was to the centre coupled axle, with laminated springs underhung on the two rear axles extending almost to the centre axle line while the smokebox, set forward of the 14 •

Friedmann injectors and comprised a plain tapered chimney, a dome in an open topped cover with twin Salter safety valves, and a small round sandbox between dome and cab; the maker’s drawing further shows a Salter valve on a plinth over external steampipes from the dome to cylinders were a distinctive feature of this and all other classes. The idler axle was designed as a pony truck, but actually only had limited sideplay. The cab was open-backed, with a rear bunker supplemented by one behind and above the left hand tank and was arranged for right hand drive. As it was built, the class had straight running plates and angular, openbacked cabs with short side sheets and four rectangular spectacle glasses set in a straight line. During various overhauls under CN ownership, all members had was raised over the cylinders and motion, to give better access, and smokebox doors of some at least were replaced by a conventional pattern, probably during a reboilering”14. The second package corresponded to the rolling stock in the Dão line (or Viseu line as it was called in the 1880s). These locomotives were very similar to the previous set (Davies calls them a “Mirandella type without idler axle”) even 14 DAVIES, 1998: 91-93. See also: CP Archive. Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro Portugueses. Divisão de Material e Tracção. 1ª Zona. Locomotivas de vapor de via estreita. Esquemas e principais características. [S. l.]: [s. n.], [s. d.].

Hugo Silveira Pereira

though they were six 0-6-0T locos. In addition, they had a slightly greater overhang at the rear and a shortened front end, but with an extended smokebox”15. Like their siblings in Tua, they too were manufactured at Emil Kesslers’ factories in Esslingen, but in 188916. They were also christened after the history and geography of the territory they travelled. As a matter of fact, this was what distinguished them from the machines in Tua, since they were also numbered CN1 to CN6 (accordingly, Beira Alta, Vizeu, Santa Comba, Tondella, Dão and Viriato17 – Beira Alta was the name of the province; Viseu, Santa Comba and Tondela were some cities served by the railway; Dão was the river in which valley the tracks were set; and Viriato was a local military chief who fought the Romans during their occupation of the Iberian Peninsula). until early 20th century. From 1904 on, the Tua line grew 80 more km and the CN board of directors felt the need to buy more locomotives and once again, they trusted in the expertise of Emil Kessler18. In 1904, two 2-6-0T locomotives arrived at Tua to work on the brand new sections of the line. They were numbered CN7 and CN8 (Kessler numbers 3288 and 3299) and branded Vilalva and Macedo. They were upgraded, heavier and more powerful versions of the previous lots with “Salter valves on the dome, extended tanks and raised footplating”. They resembled the previous lots with their open cabin and smokebox lids and in other details like the safety valves. Three years later, two new 2-6-0Ts were ça. They were numbered CN9 and CN10 (it is likely that the latter was called Sabor19) and but with a slight increase in dimensions and all-up weight. Their windows were also a bit higher than CN7 or 8, although tractive effort remained the same20. These were the locomotives that served during CN’ when the company only held two lines: Tua and Dão. By this day and age, the their duties. As we saw, in the late 1920s, CN leased the lines of Sabor and Corgo from CP, and this brought a few changes to the composition of Tua’s locomotive confusion with the Dão roster, locomotives CN1 to CN6 in Tua were renumbered to CN11-16 (in Dão, the numeration remained unaltered). CN7, CN8, CN9 and CN10 were also renumbered as CN21 to 24 (the latter two were sent to the Sabor 15 DAVIES, 1998: 93. 16 CP Archive. Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro Portugueses. Divisão de Material e Tracção. 1ª Zona. Locomotivas de vapor de via estreita. Esquemas e principais características. [S. l.]: [s. n.], [s. d.]. 17 DAVIES, 1998: 95. 18 CP Archive. Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro Portugueses. Divisão de Material e Tracção. 1ª Zona. Locomotivas de vapor de via estreita. Esquemas e principais características. [S. l.]: [s. n.], [s. d.]. 19 NUNES, 2007: 54. 20 DAVIES, 1998: 95-96. NUNES, 2007: 54.

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

line). Apparently, none of the locomotives that worked in Sabor or Corgo came to Tua during this period. But on the other hand, CN gave Tua a brand new 2-6-2 diesel locomotive, numbered 31 and tenderly called Lydya. It was built by the öln and it came to Tua in 1938 (either bought or given as war arrived to Portugal in pieces, since it was assembled in the Mirandela workshops (founded in 1934). It was a “reasonably large machine with rod drive via a jackshaft sited aft of the coupled wheelbase”, but its career in Portugal was a short one, mainly due to the war (it still existed in 1957, but it was never incorporated into CP’s stock; it was probably scrapped before the 1960s)21. Furthermore, some alterations were made to the machines themselves, mainly after the inauguration of the Mirandela workshops in 1934. According to Davies, “by 1943 (CN diagram) the side tanks appear to have been extended in line with cylinder front

16 •

15 at least then had a conventional smokebox door, suggesting at least partial reboilering and the cab side sheets had been extended and provided with small barred windows”22. In the 1904 and 1907 packages, “straight footplating, pop safety valves and short tanks” were added and “ later with full cabs, new boilers, conventional smokebox doors, pop safety valves ”23. 4.1.2. With CP With the CP takeover, the Tua locomotive inventory was substantially altered. First of all, the entire roster was renumbered. The original set from Tua, that by the 1950s was numbered CN11 to CN16, became E81 (E probably standing for “estreita”, Portuguese for “narrow”), E82 and so forth until E86 (and after 1974, UIC 3-069081 to 086). CN 21, CN22, CN23 and CN24 became E111 to E114 (after 1974, 3-089 111 to 114). Furthermore, some of these machines, that until then had never seen other landscapes besides Tua’s, were scattered across the network: E83, E84, E85 and E86 (former Mirandella, Villa Flor, Carrazeda and Foz Tua) were reallocated to the narrow gauge lines around Porto (E86 also worked in Vouga line and E114 had a short experience in the Porto lines), whereas E81, E82, E111, E112 and E113 never left the Tua valley. To replace those four engines, CP assigned the following locomotives from Dão to Tua: CN1, CN2, CN5 and CN6 (or to be more precise E51, E52, E55 and E56, for those were the new numbers under CP management, and after 1974, 3-059051 to 05624). They worked 21 DAVIES, 1998: 76 and 97. 22 DAVIES, 1998: 93. 23 DAVIES, 1998: 95-96. 24 CP. Direcção Industrial. Serviço de Programação e Controlo. Inventário do material circulante. Situação referida a 31/12/1985. [S. l.]: CP, 1985.

Hugo Silveira Pereira

mainly between Foz Tua and Mirandela, hauling service and mixed trains and serving as manoeuvring engines. Curiously, E53, formerly CN3 Santa Comba, was stationed in Boavista as a manoeuvring steamer whereas E54, former CN4 Tondella, was used in Pocinho and Régua, also as a manoeuvring locomotive (this one is now at Viana do Castelo on a pedestal in the quinta of Santoinho)25. “E52, 54 and 56 had twin pop safety valves over the dome, the others had them mounted and E 54 retained the original stove type smokebox doors, matched to the original buffer beams, the others having conventional circular doors and squared off beams, and E 53 alone ended up with a copper capped chimney. All, however, retained the original open-backed cab, although a rather primitive wooden backboard went the rounds”26. In the batch E81-E86 (formerly CN-1/11-CN6/16) “the neys appear to have been swapped around, possibly owing to boiler changes during overhauls”27. The E8X series (the former original steamers of Tua) and E114 would not feel homesick for long though, for in the 1960s/1970s, they were reassigned from the coastal lines to Tua. Tracks like the ones around Porto or Aveiro were naturally considered more valuable than tracks like Tua, and like so, innovation walked in a faster pace there. Therefore, machines like the E8X series became obsolete faster and they were sent back to where they came from. A good example of this strategy is locomotive E95 (former VV2?), originally from the Vouga line, that came to Tua in 1976. It was a 2-6-0T locomotive built in 1910 by Orenstein & Koppel28 under a license of the Decauville company. “They were straightforward, Germanic-looking side tank locomotives with only a partial running plate, high-set side tanks with side and rear bunkers, outsider cylinders, and a large, rounded dome, round sandbox on the rear boiler ring and twin safety … ”29. Furthermore, some 0-4-0T Mallet steamers from the former State lines of Tâmega, Corgo and Sabor (at least E163, E165, E166, E167, E169 and E170, former MD403, MD405, MD406, MD407, MD409 and MD410 and future 3-06916325 NUNES, 2005: 50. 26 DAVIES, 1998: 94. NUNES, 2005: 51 27 DAVIES, 1998: 89-93. 28 CP Archive. Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro Portugueses. Divisão de Material e Tracção. 1ª Zona. Locomotivas de vapor de via estreita. Esquemas e principais características. [S. l.]: [s. n.], [s. d.]. 29 DAVIES, 1998: 199-200.

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

170) were also reassigned in 1975/1976 to Tua, where they worked until the end of steam engines on that line. They were part of a series bought to Henschel & Sohn between 1905 and 190930 to work on the Corgo line and on the section of Tâmega track between Livração and Amarante. They had “full, side-windowed cabs with back bunkers and long boilers with a central dome but without sandboxes – although two, one in front and one to the rear of the dome, were added prior to 1947. The dome was of brass but was normally painted; it is only on preserved examples that it has been scraped clean! Two pop safety valves were tanks were almost full length from the start. All four cylinders had slide valves actuated by Walschaerts motion and an interesting feature was that the locomotives had outside rear frames although the front bogie frames were inside”31. Characteristics Locomotive (mm) Series

18 •

CN7/218/22

CN9/2310/24

E111-112

E113-114

7600 or 7910

8300

8710

CN1-6

CN11-16

E51-56

E81-86

Length o/buffer beams

6890

Length overall

7990

Width overall

2400

Height to chimney Wheelbase (rigid) Wheelbase (total) Coupled wheel diameter Leading wheels diameter Number of cylinders Cylinder diameter Cylinder stroke Distribution system

MD403-410

VV2

E163-170

E95

8300

9733

7336

9350 or 9420

10853

8400

2500

2400

3570 or 3750 2850 4700 1000 or 1020

3750

3400

2850 2850 1000 or 1020

2400 or 2420 3640 or 3750 2850 4700 1000 or 1020

5200 1100 or 1110

4400 1020 or 1030

n/a

800

n/a

730

350 500

350 or 360 500

350 500

320/480 550

350 460

Allan

Walschaerts

3640

30 CP Archive. Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro Portugueses. Divisão de Material e Tracção. 1ª Zona. Locomotivas de vapor de via estreita. Esquemas e principais características. [S. l.]: [s. n.], [s. d.]. Trainspotter, n. 15 (2011): 29. 31 DAVIES, 1998: 144-145.

Hugo Silveira Pereira

Distributor type

Plain

Cylindrical

2 2 2 Friedman Friedman Friedman projectors injectors injectors

2 Friedman injectors

Lighting system Acetylene Acetylene Acetylene

Acetylene

Acetylene Acetylene

Alimentation system

Plain

Lubrication system

Cups and pump Vacuum Braking system and manual 64.5 or Heating surface 78 (m2) 0.88 or Grid surface (m 2) 0.96 Number of smoke 132 pipes Diameter of smoke pipes 45x50 (mm) 10 Pressure (kg/cm 2) Traction effort 3675 (kg) Horse power 510 Coal capacity 800 (kg) Water boxes 3000/3.0 capacity (l/m3) Maximum axle 8333 load (kg)

Plain

Cups and pump Vacuum Vacuum and and manual manual 76.97 or 99.36 85.5 1.05 or 1.22 1.094 Pump

Cups and pump Vacuum and manual

Pump

Vacuum and manual 74.68 or 81.8

Vacuum and manual 55.34 or 58.34

1.22

1.37

99.36

132

172

144

127

45x50

41x48

41x46

3675

4042

6220

600

835

655

12.5 4103 or 4109 500

800

1000

1300

1150

3900/3.9

3500/3.5

3400/3.4

8000

8333

10700

8300

24000

25000

42100

24900

7000

n/a

5100

25000

34200(?)

3400/3.4 3500/3.5 7260 22500 or 21780 5500 or 6220

Weight on wheels

25000

Weight on leading wheels

n/a

Weight tare (kg)

19000

21000

25000

28000

30300 or 30500

32000

42100

30000

Weight in working order (kg) Top speed (km/h)

6300 or 6500 23200, 24000 or 28200

â&#x20AC;˘ 19

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

The progressive introduction of diesel-electric cars in Tua rendered some of in Tua line: E52, E55, E81, E82 and E95. Almost all of them were signalled for museum preservation or scrapping. In the network as a whole, there were 29 usable steamers and 22 immobilized locomotives. By 1985, only four steamers remained in service; 25 were signalled for preservation, eight were immobilized and 13 were scrapped 32.

20 •

and E85 were dismantled between 1979 and 1985, and E56 and E112 somewhere after 1986, E52, E55, E83, E86, E111, E114, E163 and E167 were preserved in several museums after their withdrawal from service (mid 1970s): E52 in Bragança (as N2), E55 in Bragança (as E55), E83 in Lousado, E86 in Macinhata (as CN16), E111 in Macinhata (as CN7), E114 in Bragança, E163 in Estremoz and Entroncamento and E167 in Arco de Baúlhe. E95 was sold to Spain (Valencia) in 1979. E113 was repaired in 1997 in Guifões and stored in Sernada do Vouga. E169 was placed in a pedestal in Vila Real (as MD409) while its sibling E170 is just rusting away in Tua. E165 was still being used in 1986, but its current whereabouts (as well as E166’s) is unknown, whereas E81 and E82 were gradually stripped from parts, but E81 was stored at the Bragança museum, where it proudly displays the number N133. 4.2. Petrol railbuses CP also introduced some innovations in the Tua roster. Early in the 1950s, some tryouts were made with four-wheeled gasoline railbuses. Experimenting was a very common CP practice, for there was a “ systems in use: the VV [Vouga line] had a central buffer with screw coupling below and safety chains; the CN had a similar but not necessarily compatible device at different height centres; the Norte, which had taken over Norwegian choppers from the CFG [Guimarães line] and hole-and-pin couplers from the PPF [Porto – Póvoa – Famalicão line], had a compromise with centre buffer and twin, close-set screw couplings; while the Estado had a central buffer with coupler underneath – but again at a different height. CP did eventually standardize on the latter – or something like it with a very large buffer – but inspection suggests that of of differing sized wheelsets meant that problems were never entirely solved”34. 32 CP Archive. CP. Direcção Industrial. Função Material. Inventário do Material Circulante. Situação referida a 31/12/79. [S. l.]: CP, 1979. CP. Direcção Industrial. Serviço de Programação e Controlo. Inventário do material circulante. Situação referida a 31/12/1985. [S. l.]: CP, 1985. 33 CP. Direcção Industrial. Serviço de Programação e Controlo. Inventário do material circulante. Situação referida a 31/12/1985. [S. l.]: CP, 1985. Trainspotter, n. 15 (2011): 29. DAVIES, 1998: 91-95. 34 DAVIES, 1998: 275.

Hugo Silveira Pereira

Returning to the railbuses, they were built between 1940 and 1949 in the workshops of Sernada do Vouga (narrow gauge) and Barreiro (broad gauge) with automobile spare parts. Originally they had different engines (Panhard Levessor, Fargo, Hercules, Cadillac, Chrysler), but in Tua they operated with 6 cylinders, 3.5 litres 72hp Chevrolet engine, driving the front axle mechanically via 94 6 019002, 3 and 6). Davies gives us a thorough description of this equipment: “they are full-fronted, single-ended railbuses with a front-mounted internal combustion engine driving a single rear axle through a mechanical lorry gearbox and cardan shafts; (…) The frame is a simple steel girder structure with its front end supported on a crude four-wheeled bogie and was produced by cutting and all wheels with a large brake wheel where the steering wheel would normally be. The whole affair is covered by a bulbous body fashioned in 1940’s ‘streamliner’ style and built like a road coach. (…) Internally, the layout comprises the driver’s compartment containing the engine and a bench seat for driver and two 1st class passengers – though it often held up to ten; a saloon containing transverse seats, originally all upholstered for 23 1st class passengers and latterly upholstered for nd (née 3rd) class eight 1st rd [even though in some, accommodation was for 16 3 class seats at the rear and 11 1st class seats at the front; standing capacity was ten. Three of these occupied a curving sofa in the front end, separated from the driver by the engine and gearthe main saloon is by car-type doors halfway along its length and the entrance area – which thriftily contains a seat for three people – now divides 1st from 2nd provision for a trailer”. The cars had a thermic siphon heating apparatus, off the exhaust, and electric light”35. An external locker grafted onto the rear contained water trunks and the main petrol tank was underneath the 1st class sofa seats and the use of the railbuses there was discontinued. On other tracks, however, they 1970s36. MEf 2 and 6 became inoperable by that decade and number MEf3 was preserved in blue livery in a museum. 4.3 Diesel engines The process of dieselization and replacement of steam in Tua really began in not signify the immediate retirement of steam in the line, though; steam would 35 DAVIES, 1998: . 36 CP Archive. CP. Direcção Industrial. Função Material. Inventário do Material Circulante. Situação referida a 31/12/79. [S. l.]: CP, 1979.

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

still be used in transport service until mid 1970s. On the other hand, it had strong consequences on the passenger coach roster, since the Allans also provided passenger transport. 4.3.1. The Allan cars The ten N. V. Allan & Co. metric-gauge twin-bogie diesel-electric cars (originally series MEY 301-310 future series 90 94 8 039301-9310) were built in 1954 and arrived in Portugal in 1955 with the purpose of improving the circulation on

22 •

and more comfortable for the passengers. As far as Tua is concerned, they came 37 . They came with Y a batch of eight trailers (originally series RE 301-308, afterwards 50 94 2829 301-30838). Some of them were tried out in Tua in the early months of that year. Those experiments were positive and on October 5th, the maiden voyage of the Allan in Tua took place. The Allan car, driven by the engineer Júlio dos Prazeres Pereira, carried high members of the CP board of directors and some Dutch engineers of the manufacturer from Tua to Bragança in good technical conditions and without any incident, just like it had happened in the previous tryouts39. The actual service began in Tua on October 15th (three months before their maiden voyage in the narrow gauge network around Porto!). At the time, they were commended for their higher speed and passenger commodity. CP authorities believed that they could be a valuable asset in narrow gauge tracks with 40 , even though they weren’t suitable for lines as curvilinear as Tua. Regardless, they were pretty successful. They introduced higher speeds and shorter travel times in Tua, although they had to face engines that inaugurated the new section of the Tua line between Bragança and the Coxa bridge in 1968 (that replaced and shortened the previous section and that allowed the expansion of Bragança)41. These “motor-cars were powered by twin 204hp [11,3 l]42 AEC diesel engines driving both bogies through four 80hp electric motors; all mechanical equip37 AMENDOEIRA, [s. d./a]: 1. 38 CP Archive. Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro Portugueses. Divisão de Material e Tracção. Servicços Técnicos e Eléctricos. Material Motorizado. Esquemas. [S. l.]: [s. n.]. CP. Direcção Industrial. Função Material. Inventário de Material Circulante. Situação referida a 31/12/1979. [S. l.]: CP, 1979. Trainspotter, n. 17 (2011): 11. Information gathered at the comboios.org forum at http:// www.comboios.org/forum/viewtopic.php?f=985&t=11416&view=previous 39 Boletim da CP, n.er 316 (1955): 9. 40 Boletim da CP, n.er 321 (1956): 12. 41 Boletim da C.P., n.er 472 (1968): 6. 42 CP Archive. Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro Portugueses. Divisão de Material e Tracção. Servicços Técnicos e Eléctricos. Material Motorizado. Esquemas. [S. l.]: [s. n.].

Hugo Silveira Pereira

one end, a half-width driving cab reached through an end vestibule; a 32 seat 3rd class saloon [afterwards 2nd class; originally these cars did not have 2nd class seats] arranged in four bays of 2x2 upholstered seating; a central lobby with two toilets; washrooms and cupboards for the heating and lighting gear; a 12 seat 1st class saloon arranged 2x1 in two bays; an entrance vestibule giving into a small luggage compartment with driver’s half-width cab. Braking comprised air, vacuum (for when towing standard coaches), electric and manual; heating was taken from the engine cooling system and lighting was electric. The trailers rd class [afterwards 2nd class] saloon and 43 no luggage compartment” . Originally they were painted blue with a red trim and silver head and footer. In the 1960s/1970s, some of them lost the red trim while others were painted with a darker blue and three red strips. In 1973, they were given the red and white diagonal strips paint job, with which they would end their careers. In the end of the 1970s, they were transferred to Vouga line44. By 1985, CP only counted four items of this series, numbers 9301, 9303, and Vouga lines; 9305 and 9307 were stored in Sernada do Vouga; 9306 was transformed into an ambulance-train; and 9309 was scrapped after a derailment in 1972. The surviving four cars were renewed with Volvo engines (their heads were also rebuilt to have only four windows instead of six). They were kept in operation until 2001 when they were stored in Sernada do Vouga: 9301 was sold 9310 was restored in Guifões workshops and nowadays is on exhibition at the National Railway Museum in Entroncamento45. Characteristics

Allan cars

Allan trailers

Engine

AEC/Allan

n/a

Horse power (hp)

320 (electrical)/408 (diesel)

n/a

Height (mm)

3800

3400

Width (mm)

2896

Length o/buffer beams (mm)

18500

Length overall (mm)

19510

Structure weight (kg)

23000

13840

Bogie weight (kg)

14000

8160

43 DAVIES, 1998: 278-279. 44 Trainspotter, n. 17 (2011): 11. 45 CP Archive. CP. Direcção Industrial. Serviço de Programação e Controlo. Inventário do material circulante. Situação referida a 31/12/1985. [S. l.]: CP, 1985. CP. Direcção de Material. Gabinete Técnico. Automotoras, autocarros e barcos. Lisboa: CP, [s. n.]. Trainspotter, n. 17 (2011): 11. NUNES, FERREIRA & LAVRADOR, 2008.

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Characteristics

Allan cars

Allan trailers

Overall weight (kg)

37000

22000

Load capacity (kg)

6000

9000

Wheel diameter (mm)

820

Number of diesel engines

n/a

Number of cylinders per engine

n/a

Cylinder diameter (mm)

130

n/a

Cylinder stroke

1800

n/a

Traction effort on start (kg)

9000

n/a

Traction effort on cruise mode – 27km/h (kg)

2840

n/a

Traction effort at top speed (kg)

1150

n/a

Fuel capacity (l)

400

n/a

Transmission

Smitt/Electrical

n/a

Braking system

Knorr/Compressed air, vacuum, electrical and manual

Knorr/Vacuum and manual

24 •

Sandbox

Pneumatic

n/a

Heating and ventilation system

Heated air blown by the cooling system

Heated air blown by Webesto boiler

Lighting system

Electrical

1 class capacity

2nd/3rd class capacity

Standing capacity

Total capacity

252

376

Top speed (km/h)

n/a

4.3.2. Diesel locomotives Between the arrival of the Allan cars and the nationalization in 1974/1975, no more improvements were applied to Tua. The several steamers we mentioned alongside the Allan cars and trailers provided the transportation needs for the neighbouring towns and villages. But in 1974/1975, the Allan cars completed 20 years of age and some of the

Hugo Silveira Pereira

steamers were drawing close to complete a century of service. So, CP (a Stateowned company by then) decided to modernize the rolling stock in Tua and bought six used Alsthom diesel-electric locomotives from the Spanish railways of Tajuña near Madrid (a meter gauge track that originally was a tramway and that was built between 1888 and 1921). The Tajuña Company was undergoing a eral Electric locomotives; their old Alsthom locomotives FT-1022 to 1027, built in 1959 and bought in three batches between 1964 and 1967, were sold to CP46. these engines were assigned to Tua and Corgo lines. Afterwards, they were reassigned to Tâmega, Vouga and Porto tracks. They were Bo-Bo machines (four axles in two individual bogies, all driven by their own traction motors) “with a the upper part of the cab was tapered inward, presumably to suit their original loading gauge”47. 9001 to 9003 had an 850hp engine whereas the other three had 775hp engines – this was the only difference between them – and they could travel at a top speed of 70 km/h48. They had the typical CP dark orange with white diagonal stripes and CP logo on black on the side. It was them who eradicated steam from the Portuguese lines49. CP was so pleased with the performance of these machines that it decided to order eleven new locomotives to Alsthom in 1976. This batch became the 9020/30 series and their numeration ran from 9021 to 9031. They had a “wider ibility. Wide running plates protected by rails and chains gave easy access to the power unit. As before they were diesel electric, with a 12 cylinder 1050 hp engine providing power to four traction motors and had air, vacuum and manual brakes. They could be worked up to three in multiple but this was very rarely, if ever, done”50. They also had the customary orange livery of CP. We know for a fact that some came to Tua (at least 9028, 9029 and 9030), but we cannot pinpoint the numbers of all those who did. They worked in the Portuguese lines until the mid-1990s. Afterwards, they were sold to Guinea-Bissau and to the railway company of Madagascar (MadaRail), where they were repainted a dark blood red with an orange stripe51.

46 CP Archive. CP. Direcção Industrial. Serviço de Programação e Controlo. Inventário do material circulante. Situação referida a 31/12/1985. [S. l.]: CP, 1985. MUÑOZ RUBIO, 2005, vol. 1: 445-449. 47 DAVIES, 1998: 213. 48 Maquetren, n. 42: 15-18. 49 GOMES & GOMES, 2006: 159. 50 DAVIES, 1998: 213. 51 Information gathered at the comboios.org forum at http://www.comboios.org/forum/viewtopic. php?f=985&t=11809&start=0.

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

26 •

Characteristics

9001-9003

9004-9006

9021-9031

Height (mm)

3700

n/a

Width (mm)

2550

2800

Length o/buffer beams (mm)

10200

10144

Length overall (mm)

11174

11360

Weight on wheels (kg)

46000

46800

Weight tare (kg)

43000

Weight in working order (kg)

46000

46800

Wheel diameter (mm)

950

Engine

Alsthom/SACM

Horsepower (hp)

850 or 572

775 or 590

840 or 715

Type and number of cylinders

V 12

Cylinder diameter (mm)

175 x 180

175x180

Transmission

Alsthom

Alsthom/electrical

Braking system

Jourdain-Monneret/ compressed air, vacuum

Freins Westinghouse/ vacuum, compressed air

Top speed (km/h)

Traction effort on start (kg)

11500

Traction effort on cruise mode – 15km/h (kg)

11000

9000

10000

Traction effort on top speed (kg)

2400

1900

2150

Driver’s safety device

Hollande

Vacma

Speedometer

Teloc

Hasler

Hugo Silveira Pereira

4.3.3. The Duro Dakovic cars In the late 1970s, CP’s directors decided to undertake a new modernization process through the acquisition of second-hand vehicles. In 1980, they picked ten sets of four-car diesel multiple units from the Yugoslavian railways, manufactured in the 1960s by Duro Dakovic. Originally these DMUs had a 760mm gauge and they were on a process of broadening the gauge to 1435 mm. They were “genuine multiple units consisting of pairs of single-ended motor cars linked with motored trailers – one Fiat 135hp diesel engine in each car, driving through a mechanical transition. As designed, they had both 1st and 2nd class accommodation with a buffet facility in one of the centre cars, and were linked by covered telescopic gangways”52. They came in 1980 to Portugal, where they became the 9700 series (and nicknamed “Xepas”, after a Brazilian soap opera character Dona Xepa, who shaked a lot, just like the Duro Dakovic cars53). They were given 1000mm axles and painted in a red and white livery. They kept their original 2x1 seating, though. After some tests in the Porto network, they were sent to the Vouga and Tua lines. They were to replace the 9300 series Allan cars. Unfortunately, they had a lot of problems with the FIAT engines, transmission, suspensions and automated doors. The sets were turned into three-car and two-car DMUs, but this did not solve those issues and the Duro Dakovics were progressively shunned in favour of the 9000 series and the 9020-9030 series locomotives. Characteristics

9700 Series

Length overall (m)

59.5

Length of motorized cars (m)

14.75

Length of trailer cars (m)

Height (m)

3.205

Width (m)

2.38

Weight on wheels (t)

104.2

Weight tare (t)

Weight in working order (t)

Maximum weight (t)

120

Wheel diameter (mm)

750

Braking system

Oerlinkon: compressed air and magnetic

Driver’s safety device

Brissoneau & Lotz

52 DAVIES, 1998: 280. 53 NUNES, FERREIRA & LAVRADOR, 2008.

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

28 •

Characteristics

9700 Series

Speedometer

Hasler

Horse power (hp)

185 x 4

Top speed (km/h)

Traction effort on start (kg)

10300

Traction effort at top speed (kg)

2200

Fuel capacity (kg)

4 x 413

Cooling water capacity (kg)

4x150

Heating system

Webasto: oil burner

Type and number of cylinders

Six horizontal

Diameter of cylinders (mm)

135

Cylinder stroke

150

Car seating capacity

2 x 38

Trailer seating capacity

2 x 43

Car standing capacity

2 x 36

Trailer standing capacity

2 x 30

Overall capacity

294

Top speed (km/h)

Some of the Duro Dakovic cars were not simply abandoned or scrapped for parts. In 1992-1993, a few were used in the making of the 9400 series that were used in the Vouga line54. Afterwards, in 1995, the few trailers of the 9400 series model that travelled Tua before the shutdown of the line: the so called LRV2000 (or series 9500)55. Nine of these vehicles were built by a subsidiary of CP and after some test runs in the Guimarães and Póvoa lines (where their top speed was set at 84 km/h), they were spread throughout the narrow gauge lines: vehicles number 9508 and 9 were allocated to the Tâmega line; 9501, 2 and 7 were assigned to the Corgo line; and 9503 to 6 came to Tua (3 and 4 to the Mirandela light rail train and 5 and 6 to the whole Tua line), where they coexisted with the locomotives 54 GOMES & GOMES, 2006: 190. 55 GOMES & GOMES, 2006: 195-196. NUNES, FERREIRA & LAVRADOR, 2008.

Hugo Silveira Pereira

of the 9000/9020-30 series. Just like their E5X and E8X great-great-grandparents, they were also named after a few cities. So 9503 became Lisboa, 9504 was named Bruxelas (Brussels), 9505 was christened Paris and 9506 was Estrasburgo (Strasbourg)56. The chassis was completely overhauled by CAMO “ with new 200hp Volvo motors driving through a Voith hydraulic transmission. On this chassis an outisde coachbuilder provided a modern body constructed much like a double-ended road coach and equipped with similar ventilation and 48 passengers in transverse bays of 2x2 upholstered seating; seat frames are of moulded plastic and large entrance vestibules permit up to 30 standing passengers. On Tua, four were allocated to the so-called Mirandela surface metro and are intended simply for short runs; they therefore have single, rather than double seats and more standing room”57. They were painted a green and cream livery and weighed in as much as the original Duro Dakovic car from which they were made. Vehicles 9503 and 9504 were involved in crashes on the Tua line (in 2007 and 2008), something that led to the closing of the railway. Nowadays, 9505 and 6 still operate in the Mirandela light rail service.

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56 FERREIRA, 2013: 13-14. 57 DAVIES, 1998: 282-283

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

SOURCES CP Archive. Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro Portugueses. Departamento de Material e ço de Estudos. Locomotivas a vapor de via estreita. Características. [S. l.]: [s. n.], [s. d.]. CP Archive. Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro Portugueses. Divisão de Material e Tracção. Servicços Técnicos e Eléctricos. Material Motorizado. Esquemas. [S. l.]: [s. n.], [s. d.]. CP Archive. Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro Portugueses. Divisão de Material e Tracção. 1ª Zona. Locomotivas de vapor de via estreita. Esquemas e principais características. [S. l.]: [s. n.], [s. d.]. 30 •

CP Archive. Companhia Nacional de Caminhos de Ferro. Linha de Santa Comba a Vizeu. Tipo das locomotivas de 3 eixos conjugados. [S. n.]: [s. l.], 1947. CP Archive. Companhia Nacional de Caminhos de Ferro. Linha do Tua. Esquema das locomotivas existentes nesta linha. [S. l.]: [s. n.], 1947. CP Archive. Companhia Nacional de Caminhos de Ferro. Serviço de Tracçã Linhas do vale do Corgo e vale do Sabor. Tipos de locomotivas. [S. l.]: [s. n.], 1947. CP Archive. Companhia Nacional de Caminhos de Ferro. Serviço de Tracçã Tipos de locomotivas. [S. l.]: [s. n.]. CP Archive. CP. Direcção de Material. Departamento Técnico. Locomotivas. Lisboa: CP, 1980. CP Archive. CP. Direcção de Material. Gabinete Técnico. Automotoras, autocarros e barcos. Lisboa: CP, [s. n.]. CP Archive. CP. Direcção Industrial. Função Material. Inventário do Material Circulante. Situação referida a 31/12/79. [S. l.]: CP, 1979. CP Archive. CP. Direcção Industrial. Serviço de Programação e Controlo. Inventário do material circulante. Situação referida a 31/12/1985. [S. l.]: CP, 1985.

MINISTRY of Public Works Historical Archive. Mapas e Desenhos. BRANDÃ

– Estudos de caminhos de ferro de via

Hugo Silveira Pereira

reduzida ao Norte do Douro. «ROPM», t. 11, n. 125-126. Lisboa: IN, p. 145-183. CORDEIRO, Câ – Memoria ácerca dos caminhos de ferro de via reduzida. «Revista de Obras Públicsa e Minas», t. 10, n. 113-115. Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, p. 237-269, 289-318 e 337-365.

BIBLIOGRAPHY BOLETIM da C. P. Several numbers. Lisbon: CP. MAQUETREN. Several numbers. Madrid: Aboyment Maquetren, SL. TRAINSPOTTER. Several numbers. Available in www.portugalferroviario.net. – A organização dos transportes em Portugal (18501910): as vias e o tráfego. Lisboa: Centro de Estudos Geográ AMENDOEIRA, Clá com (9.12.13).

– Automotoras 9300. Available in: www.trainlogistic.

AMENDOEIRA, Clá com (9.12.13).

– Automotoras 9700. Available in: www.trainlogistic.

CORDEIRO, José – The opening of Tua railroad: the king and royal court went to Mirandela (1887). «Workshop Railroads in Historical Context: construction cost and consequences». – Narrow Gauge Railways of Portugal. Norfolk: Plateway. – A linha do Tâmega 22 anos depois. «Trainspotter», n. 15: 11-19. Available in www.portugalferroviario.net (9.12.13). – LRV2000 em testes na linha do Vouga. «Trainspotter», n. 34: 13-14. Available in www.portugalferroviario.net (9.12.13). – Os caminhos-de-ferro portugueses, 1856-2006. Lisboa: CP. – Crossing Colonial Boundaries: the West of India Portuguese Guaranteed Railway Company, circa 1860 – circa 1902. «11th

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

International Conference of the T2M – Transport & Borders». é – Railroads in Historical Context: construction, costs and consequences. Porto: Universidade do Minho; MIT Portugal; EDP.

ÇO,

é – Railroads in Historical Context: construction, costs and consequences. Porto: Universidade do Minho; MIT Portugal; EDP.

ÇO,

MUÑ – Historia de los Ferrocarriles de Vía Estrecha en España. Madrid: Fundación de los Ferrocarriles Españoles. 2 vols. – Locomotivas da série E51-E56. «O Foguete», n. 12. Entroncamento: Associação dos Amigos do Museu Nacional Ferroviário, pp. 50-51. – Locomotivas da série E111-E112 e E-113-E114. «O Foguete», n. 17. Entroncamento: Associação dos Amigos do Museu Nacional Ferroviário, pp. 53-54. – Automotoras. «Transportes XXI». Available in: http://www.transportes-xxi.net/tferroviario/automotoras (15.12.2013) 32 •

– A política ferroviária nacional (1845-1899). Porto: Universidade do Porto. Tese de doutoramento. – Debates parlamentares sobre a linha do Tua (18511906). Porto: Universidade do Minho; MIT Portugal; EDP. – État et dependance éxte-rieure au Portugal: 1850-1890. Paris: Université de Paris. Tese de doutoramento. e preço dos transportes: a utilização da rede ferroviá História», n.º 61. Lisboa: CEHC, p. 39-64.

– Espaço, tempo éculo XIX. «Ler

SANTOS, Luí ó – Politica ferroviaria ibérica: de principios del siglo XX a la agrupacion de los ferrocarriles (1901-1951). Madrid: Universidade Complutense. é Queluz: Mensagem.

– Os comboios em Portugal: do vapor à electricidade. – Caminhos de ferro. Lisboa: [s.n.]. – Portuguese Narrow Gauge Railways. Railway Holiday in

Portugal. S. l.: Irwell Press.

Leonel de Castro

EMIL BIEL PHOTOS OF TUA RAILROAD: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS AS FOTOGRAFIAS DE EMIL BIEL SOBRE A LINHA DO TUA: UMA ANÁLISE CRÍTICA Leonel de Castro (U. Minho, Portugal) Leonel de Castro, although born in Munster, Germany, his deep roots are in Lavandeira de Ansiães, in the northern east Portugal (Trás-os-Montes). Graduated in Communication (Escola Superior de Jornalismo, Lisbon) and also in Photography (Escola Superior Artística do Porto). Professional in Jornal de Notícias, from 1996 until February 2010. Now with Agência Global de Imagens, that supplies photos for the major portuguese printed media. His works have won several prizes in Portugal and abroad. Artística do Porto. books. Leonel de Castro, apesar de ter nascido na República Federal da Alemanha, Munster, as suas raízes estão Licenciado em Comunicação Social pela Escola Superior de Jornalismo, completou também o curso de Desde 1996 esteve ligado ao Jornal de Notícias até à criação da Agência Global Imagens, em Fevereiro de Volta ao Mundo e Evasões, tendo o seu trabalho sido premiado em vários concursos de fotojornalismo em Portugal e no estrangeiro.

Abstract Resumo The German Karl Emil Biel (1838-1915), who made Portugal his second home, documented the railway expansion in the center and north of the country, registering powerful images that contrast the chaos of nature and its apparent wild side to the industrial action of man. Progress’ arrogance thus deliberately irritated Prometheus’ arrogance. His images were so decisive and powerful that they became the model for one of his apprentices and operators, Domingos Alvão. Mirandela), organized in an album produced by the Fritz House, which he bought in 1874, are an innovative photographic approach, with images that reveal a technical mastery (capture and laboratory judging by the tonal richness) and cinematic framing, a panorama that helps translate all of the rugged and inhospitable beauty

• 33

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

of the Tua Valley. The riverbed dug by the force of nature is then subject to human intervention. The plans are rich in information for the reader, under the perspective of the look of god. In his images – images always humanized by the presence of man – the great human effort of dominating the elements without forgetting the reverence to the landscape is showcased. But the landscape that Biel photographed, such as the Tua and the Douro among others, is a construction of man, and that knowledge, that discovery of its beauty is mainly due to pioneer photography, such as Emil Biel’s photography. In his most striking characteristic, gods, honoring the great entrepreneurs and engineers of the Industrial Revolution, of which the railway is a prominent symbol. Indicative of his love for progress, his laboratory emerges as a personal carriage linked to the steam engine of the trains that comprise the landscapes that are not only documents, but abrupt sensations. 34 •

documentou a expansão dos caminhos-de-ferro no centro e norte do país, registando imagens poderosas do contraste entre o caos da natureza e a aparente lado selvagem da acção industrial do homem. A arrogância do progresso irritava então deliberadamente a arrogância de Prometeus. As suas imagens foram tão operadores, Domingos Alvão.

e inóspita do vale do Tua. O leito do rio cavado pela força da natureza é então objeto de intervenção humana. Os planos são ricos de informação, sob o olhar de deus. Nas suas imagens - imagens humanizadas pela presença do homem - o esforço para dominar os elementos aparece em simultâneo com a reverencia pela paisagem uma construção do homem, e o conhecimento e a descoberta da sua beleza

mais proeminente. Indicativo do seu gosto pelo progresso, o laboratório de Biel imagens não são apenas documentos, mas também sensações abruptas.

Leonel de Castro

Emil Biel photos of Tua Railroad: A critical analysis Leonel de Castro

The German Karl Emil Biel (1838-1915), who made Portugal his second home, documented the railroad expansion in the center and north of the country, registering powerful images that contrast the chaos of nature and its apparent wild side to the industrial action of man. Progress’ arrogance thus deliberately imitated Prometheus’ arrogance. Biel added an indelible admiration for nature to an enthusiastic defense of 19th century and man’s industrial progress.

1. EMIL BIEL, PIONEER PHOTOGRAPHER AND VISIONARY ENTREPRENEUR His photographic images, which were requested for the launch of the railroad, seem to summarize these two aspects: the progress of communication and a profound respect for the challenge of nature. These images were so decisive and powerful that they became a model for one of his apprentices and workers, Domingos Alvão. establishment he acquired in 1874 and where he began his career as a documen-

• 35

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

tary photographer, making the landscape his theme of choice. These shall be the theme of our investigation. His entrepreneurial and visionary spirit, always connected to cutting-edge industry, lead him to embrace major projects in distinct areas. He imported the Campanhã and Santa Apolónia railroad stations and brought electric current to tens of factories, institutions and even cities, such as Vila Real, where he based printing and typography. In 1885, he had had in his possession a printing house and a steam lithography press, where he produced postcards and his various photographic albums with phototypic images learned in Carlos Relvas’ studio in Golegã. Since he valued the new process, he took charge of an innovative ad for the Costa Braga hat factory in Porto. As a documentary photographer, he published photographs for the following projects in “O Ocidente” magazine:

36 •

e 1899)”. The 80s decade of the 1800s in Portugal became decisive for photo editing, with the development of the phototype, which was advantageous for the printed and faithful distribution of photographs of the great architectural and engineering works of the country. At this time, which was already replete with photography/art debates, the Centro Artístico Portuense (Porto Art Center) was estabsuch as Aurélio da Paz dos Reis and Carlos Relvas participated in this and the ments were held there. It seems indisputable that his non-adherence to naturalisthe value of documenting and of nature just as it appears. Biel liked to emphasize the grandiosity of natural accidents and man’s actions while exploring it. In both cases, it is the sublime Kantian concept that seemed to guide him. The Emílio Biel House, which thus owned the best machinery, equipment and along with , one of the most important studios in the city of Porto, which had a relative commercial and cultural development at the time. In 1866, an International Photography Exhibition took place in Porto. It was manufacturers and photography editors from all countries” (Sena, 1998: 113) were invited.

Leonel de Castro

At that time, the practice of photography was still slow, complex and expensive, requiring rudimentary knowledge of physics and chemistry and personal the privileged elites in their social quotidian. It was an object of recognition, although relatively quiet and removed from the aesthetic interests of the institutionalized national intellectual circles, although science and the military had practiced it earlier. But it was essentially for show in the great international fairs that large commissions, such as Biel’s, were made.

2. TECHNICAL AND SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS OF THE LINHA DE FOZ-TUA A MIRANDELLA ALBUM line, which had been commissioned by the Ferro resident in Portugal, known among us as Emílio Biel, presents us 23 phototypes terpiece of Portuguese engineering that would later be completed in the city of Bragança. A little-known publication, with red covers and “oblong in folio with frontispiece”, whose only copy we can consult at the Municipal Library of Mirandela, was edited to commemorate the inauguration of the line on September 27, 1887, with the presence of the royal family – King Luis I and Queen Maria Pia –, ministers and various guests, among them, naturally, German photographer Emílio Biel. Throughout this journey, the author offered us impressive compositions, an innovative photographic approach, with images that reveal a technical mastery (capture and laboratory judging by the tonal richness) and cinematic framing, a panorama that helps translate all of the rugged and inhospitable beauty of the Tua Valley. The riverbed dug by the force of nature is then subject to human intervention. The plans are rich in information for the reader, under the perspective of the construction. But the landscape that Biel photographed, such as the Tua and the Douro among others, is a construction of man, and that knowledge, that discovery of its beauty, is mainly due to pioneer photography, such as Emil Biel’s photography. In his most striking characteristic, he emerged as the representative of “Pro-

• 37

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

humans, initiating the progress of civilization: honoring the great entrepreneurs that technical progress of which the railroad is a prominent symbol.

38 â&#x20AC;˘

In the analyzed compositions, we have always ascertain a relationship benological progress, due to the 19th century industrial revolution, are well evidenced along the 23 images that the author presents us in his work, such as the used iron on railroad bridges, the viaducts, the tunnels that cross mountains, the train stations of the Tua line, as well as the great symbol of the industrial revolution, the steam engine, in contrast with the riverbed and all the predominant vegetation along the Tua Valley. In the early days of photography, all the necessary technique to obtain an image, from the equipment for capturing images to the development processes that were required, was not exactly simple. Everything was quite expensive and complex, and there was the need for a very large power of synthesis in the preparation of the shooting locations. The quantity of produced images was small, which is why we only have 23 photographs, although we believe that there may have been some that have been excluded in the editing process. However, a narrative constructed by the author gives us the illusion of accompanying a train ride down the Tua railroad. This train drives the reader into a journey along the railroad, through the man-made works, the destroyed rock formations making it

Leonel de Castro

in perspectives that reveal, Indicative of that attitude of love for Progress, as well as the urgency of the collodion wet plate process after capturing an image, Biel’s laboratory occupied an entire carriage. That personal carriage was linked to the steam engine of the trains, and which the photographer took care of integrating into the landscapes, which were not just documents, but abrupt sensations. natural surroundings breaking out, although imbued with great expressiveness and aesthetic beauty, capturing details of local attire and certain postures, such as the placement of a coat on a shoulder.

• 39

When we discuss the human presence in the photographs, it is not just about people who passed by or lived there, but about construction workers, or the workers that accompanied Biel in the commissioned photographic survey. The people here photographed allow the photographer, through compositional language, to place the human being in the framework, as well as the “small” locomotive with its respective carriages, to better understand the perception of the work’s magnitude and its relationship with the enormity of the mountains and the work. A notion of scale is thus obtained. Occasionally, only a very attentive look can perceive the presence

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

of man in the image, as well as the train lost in the immensity of the mountains.

40 •

In these images – with the frequent presence of man –, the almost incongruent human effort to dominate the elements, without forgetting the extraordinary reverence for the landscape, is evident.

Leonel de Castro

Sometimes there are also images of rural houses in the background, while in the foreground, trees and hillsides serve as an aesthetic framework for the photographs, where the almost always present movement of people is usually small. a caption indicating the location and referencing the work. Unlike â&#x20AC;&#x153;Douro the shooting locations here are not presented, since the photographer captured the images throughout the railroad line, with the exception of the photograph that opens the album (the shooting location was the west bank of the Tua river where we can see the Prezas viaduct, in iron, which allows access to the tunnel) and the closing photograph (a panorama of the city of Mirandela). These apparent exceptions accentuate the monographic nature of the album.

â&#x20AC;˘ 41

There are very careful, strong and geometrical lines, high-angle and low-angle shots accentuating the sinuosity of the escarpments that accompany the riverbed. The use of general plans in the framework of these phototypes is constant. The photographer demonstrates the entire work, in all its plenitude. It becomes interesting to think about the location where Biel was placed in order to obtain some of these views, namely in rough plans, which lead us to believe that the equipment and his worker were suspended in cranes in order to obtain a perspective view of the sky over land (S. LourenĂ§o Station and Spa).

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

why this is not a mechanic record, devoid of artistic sensibility. The patterns ofcreating successive plans which accentuate the perspective and increase the volumetrics between the elements presented in the frames along the narrative. Depth is also distinctive in some images by the Tua riverbed or by the railroad line. In the foreground, we have parallel carriages that end up narrowing, creating a diagonal, almost always from left to right. At the time, spontaneity was not very evident if we keep in mind that this was a time where equipment was not very easily handled or transported, as previously mentioned. The compositions are valued for Emílio Biel’s sensibility and “know-how”. Despite the compositions seeming static to us, which evokes comfort in the reader, all of them are nonetheless quite rhythmic, thanks to the various elements distributed along the canvas in successive plans, with a rectangular and always horizontal format.

42 •

CONCLUSION zambique occupied by the Germans. With support from England, the country began the usual retaliation against Germany, including the appropriation of German citizens’ possessions. His photography estate in Bolhão and his residence

Leonel de Castro

were sold at a public auction. Little was left of the glass plates sold to ceramic factories, such as the ones retained by the Casa Alvão, from the time he was a supervisor. Today, we know of Biel’s vast photographic work through rare reason, it is important to uncover and study the lesser known albums. The Tua line became one of the most relevant works of Portuguese engineering, a true monument of the progresses of the railroad launch. The paths tearing through the mountains, the numerous bridges, and fundamentally, the incredible long tunnels that traversed rock and were commented on by national and international press. In this album, Emílio Biel showed us the beginning of these demiurgic works, as the true national monument the line represents.

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

BIBLIOGRAPHY AMAR; Pierre-Jean (2001)

, Lisboa: Edições 70.

A Imagem, Campinas: Papirus. BARRETO, António (1993) Douro, Lisboa: Edições Inapa. BAURET, G. (1992)

, Lisboa: Edições 70. , São

Paulo: Abril Cultural. BARRETO, António (1993) Douro, Lisboa: Edições Inapa. DUBOIS, Philippe (1981)

, Lisboa: Edições 70.

44 •

, Paris: Seuil. JOLY, Martine (1994)

, Lisboa: Edições 70.

JOLY, Martine (1994)

, Lisboa: Edições 70.

LEDO, Margarida (1998)

, Madrid: Edições Cátedra.

MEDEIROS, Margarida (2008)

, Lisboa: Relógio de Água.

ROSEIRA, Luís (1992)

, Rio Tinto: Edições ASA.

ROUILLÉ, André (2009) Senac.

, São Paulo:

Moeda. Editores. , Baguim do Monte: Lello Editores.

Leonel de Castro

, Porto: Cepese. SIZA, Maria Tereza (1995) O

, Coimbra: Encontros de Coimbra. , Rio de Janeiro: Arbor.

SOUSA, Jorge Pedro (1994)

,Porto.

â&#x20AC;˘ 45

Maria Otília Pereira Lage

TUA VALLEY: LITERARY FICTIONS, REPRESENTATIONS AND SOCIAL “WORLDS” VALE DO TUA: FICÇÕES LITERÁRIAS, REPRESENTAÇÕES E “MUNDOS” SOCIAIS Maria Otília Lage (CITCEM, U. Porto, Portugal) Otília Lage is professor in Universidade Lusófona, Porto and researcher in CITCEM (Transdiciplinar Research Center of Culture, Space and Memory, University of Porto). She has a PhD in Contemporary History by University of Minho and she is also professor (retired) in the Polytechnic Institute, Porto. She was born in Carrazeda de Ansiães (in Tua Valley). Otília Lage é professora da Universidade Lusófona do Porto e investigadora do CITCEM, Universidade do Porto. Doutorada em História Contemporânea pela Universidade do Minho. Professora reformada do Instituto Politécnico do Porto. Natural de Carrazeda de Ansiães.

Abstract Resumo «TUA» COLECTÂNEA LITERÁRIA: Memórias do Vale e da Linha Férrea, of the Tua Memory Project: Valley and Railway edition. The texts compiled in this anthology, by various classic and anonymous authors, allow us to understand the historic action of individuals and populations in relation with the Tua Valley, River, and line. This topic has been dealt with under various genres (novels, poetry, short stories, popular literature, news columns, etc.), for over 120 years, since the end of the 19th century to the present, in a language with multiple meanings, built historically and socially. The narratives, characters, events and episodes in various time spaces that make up

In turn, the memories and the regional and individual identities and the historic contexts that can be perceived operate in the act of writing and reading, by the triggering of comprehension processes of percepts and affects to which must be paid attention. To that extent, in the writing of this anthology, there are signs of social representations that can be seen under various logics or social worlds, whose

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

This proposal of interdisciplinary analysis is developed in a theoretical framework of social history (M.Bloch), our area of research and integrates analytical frameworks of “sociology of action” (Thévenot e Boltanski), of the theory of social representations (Durkheim) and literature theory (Todorov), updated by recent studies. We hope thus, to contribute to a wider reception of the literary collection, help form new engaged, knowledgeable and critical readers and open other paths of research on this topic beyond the actual academic limits. «TUA» COLECTÂNEA LITERÁRIA: Memórias do Vale e da Linha Férrea, edição do “Projecto Memória do Tua: Caminho de Ferro e Vale”. permitem compreender a acção da história sobre indivíduos e populações nas suas múltiplas relações com o vale, o rio, a linha férrea e o comboio do Tua. Este tema é aí tratado, sob múltiplos géneros (romance, poesia, conto, literatura popular, crónica 48 •

presente, numa linguagem de múltiplos sentidos, construídos histórica e socialmente. Os textos, narrativas, personagens, acontecimentos e episódios em diversos espaços

Por sua vez, as memórias e identidades individuais e regionais, relações sociais e contextos históricos que se podem percepcionar operam no próprio acto da escrita e da leitura, pelo desencadear de processos de compreensão de perceptos e afectos a que se tem de atender. representações sociais que podem ser vistas sob diversas lógicas ou mundos sociais,

da “sociologia da acção” (Thévenot e Boltanski), da teoria das representações sociais (Durkheim) e da teoria da Literatura (Todorov), actualizadas por estudos recentes.

académicos.

Maria Otília Pereira Lage

Tua valley:

Maria Otília Pereira Lage

INTRODUCTION • 49

“There are books that are like lost souls in the world. They go, go, trip through centuries through obscurity and suffering, until one day someone shows up and takes them away from the limbo of oblivion. And this, while it does not seem it does, offers hope…”1 Many of the literary texts from «TUA» LITERARY ANTHOLOGY: Memories of the Tua Valley and Railway that we will analyze have an identical path as mentioned in the epigraph, a quote from Miguel Torga, a well-known writer from Douro e Trás-os-Montes. The stories told there and the impressions written by various authors in various historical moments are rich in sensitive, narrative and linguistic experiencthe Tua Valley is part of diverse spacial temporalities that range from the local scale to the translocal scale, which makes it possible to search for foundations tional production crossed by an imaginary realism. Montes society, which they are generally a part of, establish dynamic and their own dialogic correlations characteristic of the social representations built in the cross between the singular and the collective, with multiple and mutual ex1 Miguel Torga - Diário, 1942.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

changes between environments and cultural elements developed in narrative plots and descriptive natural and human settings, customs and habits of the inhabitants that lived and live there, allowing the perception of transformations lived in a more than a hundred year diachrony. In the reading of each of the fragments and of its whole, through the social representations built in and by literary language, one can be taken to share customs, traditions, manners and organizadaily routines of the arrival and departure of the Tua trains. This comprehension, at a micro-level, of quotidian rules and practices that organize the social behaviors around a conveying element that opened new horizons, ideologically joins, in an emotive empathy, those representations that convey affective and social elements and contribute to the construction of a sentiment of the reality of a common identity. Figure 1 – Tua River – Castanheiro.

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photo M.J. Fernandes Lopes

context that authors and readers are a part of as integral subjects of a given society – in the present case, a Trás-os-Montes society where the arrival of the railway opens a rupture and development in terms of exchange of products and goods,

Maria Otília Pereira Lage

worlds through the regular arrival of news – transfers experiences lived there to writing/reading. Thus, it stimulates the acts that cause its comprehension. Based on these assumptions, this paper aims to investigate the social representations and the logics or social worlds that could be possibly built in literary on the social-historical meaning of the Tua Valley railway, in a desired future of subsequent enchanted generations of readers. Figure 2 – Tua Valley and line

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photo M.J. Fernandes Lopes

TUA” LITERARY ANTHOLOGY A mirror of refracted images of an unusual natural and human heritage, the anduring a long period (late 19th century until today), and is composed of various texts, styles and authors – mainly Portuguese authors – their impressions and imaginative life experiences of the Tua Valley, River, line and train. 1.1. The historical and social contingencies of distinct literary productions of the

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the known and worked literary corpus, leading us to opt for the formal designation of anthology. This is not arbitrary. It is the singular formulation and expression of an orderly social and intellectual practice that is thus characterized: “(...) and its autonomous form, it is caught up in a system of references to other books, other texts, other sentences: it is a node with a network (...).”2 Consider the relationship between statements and events, knots of an extensive network of senses and meanings that not only depend on the work and choices of the compiler and organizer of the anthology. Its critical assessment demands that the dialogic conception of discursive types be attended to since its formulations are not mere subjective productions. Like any other, this anthology has its own style that reverts back to the social group represented by the recipient that permanently participates in the inner and outer discourse of man and incarnates the authority the social group has over him”3 The “answers” found for its construction and organization do not come from the compiler/organizer’s private tastes, although the argument of personal preferences is implicit and/or explicit in the intradiscourse that occurs in the linguistic and historical material of the anthology. 52 •

Figure 3 – Tua Line –Brunheda, Carrazeda de Ansiães

photo M.J. Fernandes Lopes

Foucault, M. - La arqueología del saber, p. 37 e 46-47

3 Bakhtin; Voloshinov apud Todorov. Mikhail Bakhtine: le principe dialogique. Suivi de écrits du Cercle de Bakhtine, p. 212.

Maria Otília Pereira Lage

In terms of diffusion, preservation and consolidation of a local historic spatio-temporality and of a regional heritage and identity, this anthology, with alA multi-perspective discursive construction of the literary memory of the Tua Valley and line, this anthology demonstrates a socio-cultural and technical object, historically anchored and part of its spatial temporal dimensions. The literary corpus, which is varied in terms of themes, genres and authors, as well as the contextual dimensions represented, insert us into various, but impressive historical environments and in a symbolic universe of great literary, aesthetic and sensitive richness. Aiming to translate the historical, social, literary and cultural contextualization of the Tua Valley and line, a “natural” and technical object, this anthology constitutes a spatial-temporal constellation where the authors operate in a focused way producing a plot of readings susceptible of sending the literarily represented object, both to the present and to its genealogy. The order and presentation of the literary compositions follows a chronological thread (author and temporality of his argument), an organizing structure to which the indexes com• 53

Also understood as a critical analysis practice, this anthology that counted fragmentally represented, and also encourages the investigative, educational and cultural development of various audiences under the Foz-Tua Project it is a part of, which reinforces its social and cultural added value. ing up to proposals with non-dichotomous focuses of history, language and literature4 and contributes to new projects that enrich knowledge and the literary, cultural and historical debate on the Tua Valley and line. In the area of education, there is a great lack of literary anthologies for young adults and adults in the training process of becoming readers, it emerges as an incentive for a policy of learning throughout life, since it: • promotes literary texts for various interests and tastes, of different writers, genres and periods; • presents various writing styles: poems and quatrains, short stories, legends, oral chronicles and narratives, fragments of novels, travel narratives, memories and impressions of travel, journalistic chronicles and reports and even lyrics from songs once popular. • all texts have in common references and representations of not only 4

SERRANI, Silvana– “Antologias, Discurso e Memória Cultural...” AL E T R IA - v. 17 - jan.-jun. 2008.

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distinctive traits of the Tua Valley, river, line and train, of its riverside villages and populations, but also condensed emotions experienced in various lives. • each reader can easily understand which author or which writing genre they like more, although such preferences change with time and with what one reads. Finally, its reading allows us to understand that literature, the art of the word, can present itself in many and various forms; if it were always the same, it would not be an art. Figure 4 – Tua Valley and River

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photo J.D.

2. LITERARY FICTIONS AND SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS: The texts of this literary anthology reveal and inform about lifestyles, sociocultural, economic and historical characteristics and different physical means of the region or geographic area depicted, the regional space of the Tua Valley which is its background and gives it substantiation. That substance derives from affect human life in the region; or from the peculiar ways of the human societies here established that make them different from any other. To that extent they can be seen as documents of certain realities and characteristics of this region, by situating collectivities and individuals creatively re-

Maria Otília Pereira Lage

society, with its transformations between late 19th century and the 20th century. There we found traditional and non-traditional ways of narrating that in some cases broke through the classic ways of “telling” a past and present transformed alternatives, hopes and frustrations. This allows a deeper understanding of various economic, social and cultural meanings of the Tua Valley’s history, its local geographic harmony and its projection in a future that surpasses the local scale and approaches the translocal scale by the similarity of historical contingencies. Built with that background, the – imagined reconstructions of experiences, memories and imaginations – under a type of perceptions and affects, were marked in their diachronic observation, by various forms of imagined realism, the characters and the societies that “portray” in ordinary or fantastical experiences. They allow us to visualize, through objects that impose themselves, various transformations of the Tua Valley, River, line and train quotidian, from the movement of people, goods and commodities, travels, mobilities and recurring emigration, historical events and work methods and day to day icine and household remedies, local enterprises and social transformations, etc. The characters and their social contexts and the narrative plots that unfold in reconstructed landscape scenes, customs and habits of a transforming local geography and history establish dynamic relationships among them and dialectics of the symbolic social representations used by individuals, in gestures and words and constructed in the meeting of the singular/collective, with mutual exchanges between natural, social and cultural environments. Figure 5 – Tua Line

Photo J.D.

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morphous composition, we can understand them as a set of concepts, propositions and explanations with origin in the quotidian life in the unfolding of interpersonal communications (Moscovici,2003). Their objective is to abstract the meaning of the world and to insert order and today’s society can be seen as an equivalent to the myths and belief systems of traditional societies. They may still be seen as a contemporary version of com-

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elaborated and shared practical knowledge that manifest as cognitive elements (images, concepts, categories, theories), but do not reduce the cognitive components (Spink, 1993), oriented to the communication and comprehension of the social, material and cognitive context in which we live in and contribute to the construction of a reality common to a social group (Jodelet,2002). Symbolic elements can also be understood as structured mental content, or in other words, cognitive, evaluative and affective in regard to a relevant social phenomenon, taking the form of images or metaphors, messages mediated by languages, socially constructed and anchored in the real and concrete situation of the individuals that emit them. That content is shared with the other members of different social and cultural groups in a conscious way. By forming its representation of an object, its subjects, in a certain way, constitute it, reconstruct it in its cognitive system, in a way that adjusts it to its value system, which in turn depends on its history and social and ideological context. small scale” (Leontiev, 1978). The social representations are taken here as popular knowledge, myths, beliefs, customs, condensed memories and expressions of multiple identities, convergent and contradictory, that come together in a common sense and that are historically and socially shared. They work as a system of interpretation of reality, acting in the relations established by individuals, thus guiding their and communicating that which we already know. It is true that they are not the same for all members of society, since they depend so much on the knowledge of common sense in the sociocultural context the individuals are in. 5

The collective representations (Durkheim) as concepts were restored by historians of mentalities, psychology to the analytical category of social representations (Serge Moscovici) apropos which, at least enable the act of understanding the logic of the social factors, and some of their especially important behaviors for an integration of typical social attitudes in relation to various areas of human life (society, politics, economy, justice, etc.)

Maria Otília Pereira Lage

In the study of social representations, the realization of a careful “contextual analysis” is thus indispensable: we need to know the different spatial-temporal contexts they are historically produced in and how they relate, as well as socioeconomic and cultural conditions of the individuals. They should be studied articulating affective, mental and social elements and integrating them alongside cognition, language and communication, the social relations that affect the representations and the material, social and ideal reality in which they will intervene. In this analytical perspective, the anthology, without obscuring the singularity of each literary production, can thus be seen as composed of these various types of elements, expression of multiple contexts and social relations, whose articulation leads to the comprehension of the social representations, memories and multiple identities, and to the understanding of the messages that are constructed based on these, after all another form of also knowing the Trás-osMontes communities. The Tua Valley, railway and train that are invariably revisited are of a regiontranslations, versions of these. The variations of the climate and the times, the physiognomy of the hills, the topography of the steep valley, the abrupt banks and the rocky riverbed, always in the life experiences of all that through the local populations that compose the literary spaces, are the object of various modes of approach and successive recreations (memories, impressions, perceptions, loaded with symbolism. First, for the readers who are sensitive, whether in the scheme of literature, for the update of meanings of places, events, characters, or whether in the cultural scheme, for a value assignment of things that surround us and/or are revisited through the projection of human stories surrounded and in different times contemplated and intertwined in relational spaces: social, political, economic and cultural. In literature, which coexists as a form of art and a part of culture, the possibility of mediating the understanding of the relationship of man and the environment produced and valued by him, as a great depository of relations – discourses or links – established between man and Earth. Throughout time, the world-spaces lived, narrated and represented are considered the latent essence of the human experiences literarily recreated. And the behaviors and characters, in a mediation between reality and social representations, are observed like con-

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Figure 6 – The Thinker – Pinhal do Norte

photo M.J. Fernandes Lopes

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“Tua” Anthology The whistle of the Tua train that with the metallic noise of its carriages on the rails pierces the silence of the valley, in the narrow railway on which it travels in echoes, through the granitic slopes, the interior Trás-os-Montes space crossed by the steam engine, symbol of the industrial revolution that was arriving late and incomplete, emerges as a strong image of “progress, development and communication”, and organizes the possible readings of this anthology, recentering the voices that constitute it around the nuclear social representation6 of the railMontes backwardness in its ancestral nations of space, time and velocity. The (dis)order of the train, in movement and/or stopped at unknown stations populations and goods not only by the induced transformations but also by . The opening, hundred-year passage, and closing of the line and the operation/stopping of the train – in its function of transportation of people and products exchanged between the interior and the great coastal cities – attracted commerce and markets, passengers, visitors and curious people, bringing news from more distant places in the world, slowly but originating other collective and social perceptions.

analysis all its texts are marked in bold.

Maria Otília Pereira Lage

Of the many literary images and social representations built on the Tua Valley from the beginning to the closing of its railway line, a vast human and social projection contrasting with the which it crosses is inferred. From Foz Tua to Mirandela, the mountainous and rugged region of cliffs further highlights the public act of the inauguration of the arrival of the train by the people’s acclaims and complaints, attendance of nobles, local important people and authorities, speeches and greetings, toasts to the material improvement of symbolism of the new path of communication that would come to reduce interiorities, organizing itself in networks within a short range, between the small stations and stops and the villages and towns in the Trás-os-Montes interior. The construction of the line was done with a large quantity of explosives to , and was marked by the humorous nickname/imaginary statue to , in a reference to the heated of the , thus socially represented. It would continue with the at slow speed, its march until Bragança, passing through Vila Flor and Mirandela, the “ ” that took to the or to , in new and old . Through the literary imagination of the popular voice passed the absence and the distancing of the land’s natives, the fear of loss, the curse and the image of the devil that impend the building of bridges such as the emblematic Abreiro Bridge, built in an abyss. and setbacks of the people and a deaf lethargy like the slow speed of the , we found in addition, the social representation of and associated with the construction of the line, tunnel and bridges and the . It is followed by the impressive and precise of the in the far east in the privileged winemaking Douro area, between Alijó and Foz Tua, with its intense heat, and Carrazeda, linked by the of the , its where “steep riverbanks of grandiose proportions” were featured, old Douro estates of great landowners and renowned , the

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, similar to the , the in the yards and olive and orange groves are cultivated. and

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of inhabitants , where bread, vine-

, scarce during the and , the hitching of 9 and 10 of goods, the non-stop work of the stoker, engine driver, “hand on the brake”, factor, loader and pointsman, train inspector and brakeman, putting the train in motion through , tractor wheels screeching on the rails, sporadic whistles, horn blows from the pointsman at stations and halts (Avantos, Romeu, Quadraçal, Cortiços…) “always stopping people who would greet him with their hats and yelled. was the .” In addition to these human and non-human objects, the machine-like movements and periods of crises such as the First Portuguese Republic (1910-1926) and the First World War, acts of , of political propaganda, between (strikes, train robberies, theft of goods, constant changes in the governand waves of . push the to and begging, every day from the “most incredible places to the less believable”, , , the same faces from the Bragança fairs, from the Macedo festivals or the Tua assemblies, in the grape and olive harvest. “Now and again huge emerged, settled by cudgels and shots”. Now crossing other temporalities in the Salazar dictatorship the novelistic character of the in , where he only spends time during the grape harvest, living in Lisbon, in the imposing palace with a butler, servants and a personal chauffer, who hospitably and unceremoniously serves their own . Parallel to the valley, the Tua River runs among without any life forms, rocks which are looked at with love, seeming that man “likes the , like a beggar with wounds under the sun.” In Macedo de Cavaleiros, the groups of , absolute measure of liberty, , the princes of nothing, millionaires of disinterest, priests of laziness, eating the decay and wearing the absurd, . The image of the rough and the . The

Maria Otília Pereira Lage

and literary representations. The poetry throbs and follows the train, among , men , diluted in , . In slow carriages and rendered to youthful adventure of passengers awakened by the and the fear of disappearing tickets, , during the summer, from the torrid Foz Tua to the lands of Bragança, end of the line. The of the 1 strange, stopping in all the stations and stops that and among . On the train, indiscriminately of goods and passengers, frank , , the of , as if they were all . In season and in the from the north to the south of the country, the warehouses, without worry or fear, characteristic of the brave , possessive of their things, to . The , that bought and sold in the ups and downs of the Port wine markets frame the beginning of the Tua Valley and line, in , paradise of , between the slow light riding up the river arrival. In the 1940s, in explodes once more, now in service of more on the opening of the new road bridge in Foz do Tua. And the journey continues side by side, detailed and erudite description of another pleasant and old , from Foz Tua to Bragança by the , (a branch of the Douro line) comparable with the . Regurgitating bags and passengers, the jolting windows of the carriages revealed green marshes, dikes and granite peaks, streams descending the hills, the gravelly riverbed, the rugged valley, plowed lands of cereal and groves, some livestock, roads and mounting animals, chapels and monuments, small communities, granite peaks, watchtowers to look into the enigmas of the sky, in summary, all of a , where the . The train winds on the narrow railway, a Homeric work of engineers and workers, parallel to the twisted river, in

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the congested valley, between live rocks, primitive waters, cataclysms where the and the prevail. The mutation of movements in the “non-place” Foz Tua station, in or ance of the pointsman! While the song of the RTP Song Festival celebrates the Tua train and the people of Trás-os-Montes cross new and old paths: soldiers, students, couples, children, emigrants, restless handkerchiefs in departures and reunions. Between trolleys, railway ties, deactivated locomotive and warehouses, now object of reanimation in the active hands of many: the station manager, fore-

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as well as its last railway. The train’s “little land” path of the once deactivated line is followed with nostalgia, the , of the Trás-os-Montes soul on the other side of politicians’ accounts and the hospitality of the people that rush to the arrivals and departures at the stops and stations. The old construction of the as a “ ” and “ ” of many with shovels and pickaxes in their hands. There is huge of the train at unrestrained speed and emerge, the . The Tua river is drawn in poetry, lukewarm waters and stones and the , acrobat, with hopeful people inside, , rips through the core of the night, with noise on the line that contains a galaxy within, beyond the darkness of the and of the . of , between , wait for the train at the deserted stations and make the abandoned stops their homes, , , both imposing themselves as Represented as a leaning , the becomes the main character. Once more, , governed by the , and the of the construction of the line, amid the unafraid of death, by the initiative of blessed men of the Trás-os-Montes elite, of . In the general dispersion of fragments, the multifaceted evocation of the Tua Valley: river, line and train, and passengers absorbed in the , brief stops and and still the , since the immemorial date of the

Maria Otília Pereira Lage

opening of the line, with the presence of royalty, passing through successive presidents, republics and dictators until its abrupt stop, “the night of theft” of the engines, against the frowning face of the state, in name of the other idea of progress strange to those who continued to live on the Tua line, the São Lourenço spa, . In the last text, in Spanish, the only one in the anthology in a language that is not Portuguese, an echo of another particularly for this historical, natural and cultural heritage and for the . From social representations we just inventoried we can also understand: -the force of the social system that organized customs, habits, practices and social conducts of characters, changes and interiorized readaptations, in the long period narrated, -the rules of operation and the organization of social and cultural life that establish a common reality to individuals that, incorporating and reelaborating the values they received in their repertoires, are found umbilically linked to the culture of these places.. Figure 7 – Tua line – tunnel • 63

photo M.J. Fernandes Lopes

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

LOGICS OR SOCIAL WORLDS: ANOTHER ANALYTICAL PERSPECTIVE OF THE “TUA” ANTHOLOGY

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composite reality that was and is of the Tua Valley, River, line and train, can now be reanalyzed from an attempt at its broader sociological categorization expressed in the analytical table below7, more appropriate for the singularity of the empirical object studied, and constructed from the logics or social worlds, concepts of the “sociology of action” that can be mobilized and operate by their heuristic and hermeneutic value in the present analytical context. These coning hard to get resources and denouncing or justifying the actions of the actors, serving us for the effect of the proof through objects, according to the diverse logics or worlds they are in, namely domestic logic, based on trust, but of a social and familiar nature, industrial logic of an economic nature, such as market logic, based on opportunity, inspiration logic, based on imagination and innovation, but of an individual nature, and also civil logic, inspired in ethics. In this theoretical and heterogeneous framework of coordination built to face problems and questions derived from the plural use of micro and macro scales tion of the social representations tending towards an intelligible reading of the complex and hybrid empirical reality and even by its structural mark, a multiactivity regime derived from the simultaneous presence of small agriculture and spaces technologized by the railway and train, which also allow us to approach these cases to other national cases at the interpretive and explanatory level.

BOLTANSKI, L., THÉVENOT, L., 1987, Paris: Gallimard.

Justesse et justice dans le travail, “Cahiers de Centre Justesse et justice dans le travail d’Etudes de l’Emploi”. Paris: PUF.

Maria Otília Pereira Lage

Table 1 – Social worlds or logics Inspiration logic

Civic logic

Train and railway, means and connection route

Literary

Construction of the Tua line

Transportation of people and goods

Poetic writing

Denunciation of the line’s closure and the “night of theft” of the engines Defense of a world of values and of natural and historical heritage

Relation between railway and local populations

Railway workers

Controversial debates around the opening of the line

Percepts and affects

Abandoned stops and closed stations

Local rural practices, uses and customs

Whistle of the train and the noise of the rails

Mobility and emigration

Literary plots

Controversy surrounding the construction of the dam

River ferries

Steam engine, locomotives, handles, levers

Transportation of agricultural products and goods

Erudite and mythological perceptions

Uproar and social revolt

Hospitality of local populations and socialization

Idea of progress and regional development

English Port wine merchants

Diachronic perception of time

Beliefs and superstiations (the devil…)

Explosive force of dynamite

Highly competetive environment of wine and spirits

Mountains’ open arms. Womb of strange frangrances.

Domestic logic

Industrial logic

Market logic

Estates and the absent farmowner

The train as the iron horse and beautiful iron monster

Agriculture in the Tua Valley, toil of agricultural land

opening of the line, constuction and progresso of a region. Right to the continuity of life of the Tua Valley populations

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The literary fragments that compose the analyzed anthology, united in their diversity for the common theme of the Tua Valley – the opening, more than hundred year operation and closing of the line – perceived and reinvented in multiple perspectives, build like a collective epic crossed by different signals of a touted progress and regional development.

CONCLUSIONS Resorting once more to literature, we metaphorically end with this recommendation: If you go to Tua, forget about possessive pronouns 8 and the following warning, written in Foz-Tua 60 years ago: Progress still leaves many stones in its way!9 The polyphonic memories that narrate life experiences and social and cultural impacts of that historical technical enterprise that was the Tua railway in Trás-os-Montes, a factor of transformation in the way of life of small and inte-

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sive chronicles of the quotidian, poetic perceptions and sensitive speeches are social representations that share different worlds or social logics with which realities are recreated, which transform and transform the surrounding environment, giving meaning to the various historical processes in question. In that process of recreation, lived/imagined experiences are transferred to written texts and there transformed, allowing the authors and readers to also represent representations and logics could be important in the interpretation of the Tua anthology, since as readings of a world and of the social and historical context can allow the creaand experience new ways. Finally, it should be noted that different meanings of truth in literature (idenin suspension) and in history (narrative of truth), which through socio-historic of the relationship between literature, history and sociology, requiring a parand the way which history reads the literary production. The “local color” and the “permanence of nature” are here a common characteristic and bridge for 8 Antonio Cabral - Antologia dos Poemas Durienses 9 Miguel Torga – Diário VI, Tua 30 September, 1951

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dialogue between the writer and the social historian, revealing two forms of by the extra-narrative reference to reach the truth. The mediation between what ture, to read the sources available, reconstruct the past and place what is absent in front of the reader.10 This is however, another whole development of this argument.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY ADORNO, Theodor W.- Notes to Literature: Volume two. Nova Iorque: Columbia University Press, 1992. AguiAr e SilvA, Vítor Manuel de - Teoria da Literatura, 8ª edição, Livraria Almedina, Coimbra, 1993. BOLTANSKI, L., THÉVENOT, L. Gallimard, 1987.

. Paris:

Justesse et justice dans le travail, “Cahiers de Centre Justesse et justice dans le travail d’Etudes de l’Emploi”. Paris: PUF, 1989. 68 •

FRANCO, M L P B. Representações sociais, ideologia e desenvolvimento da consciência. “Cadernos de pesquisa”, v.34, n. 121, p. 169-186, jan/abr. 2004. LAGE, Maria Otilia Pereira, Org. - «TUA» COLECTÂNEA LITERÁRIA: Memórias do Vale e Projecto Foz Tua, 2013. MOSCOVICI, S. Representações sociais: investigações em psicologia social. Rio de Janeiro, Vozes, 2003. SERRANI, Silvana – Antologias, Discurso e Memória Cultural…”AL E T R IA” - v. 17 Jan.- Jun., 2008. SILVEIRA, Pedro Telles da descobrimento do Brasil (1840), de Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen. História da TODOROV, Tzvetan – Teoria da Literatura I. Lisboa: Edições 70, 1987.

comparativo entre Grande Sertão Veredas e Cem Anos de Solidão. In I congresso nacional de Linguagens e Representações, UESC – Ilhéus, Out. 2009. Available at http://

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www.uesc.br/eventos/iconlireanais/iconlire_anais/anais-28.pdf, accessed May 2013. FRANCO, Maria Laura Puglisi Barbosa. Representações sociais, ideologia e desenvolvimento da consciência. In: Cadernos de Pesquisa, v. 34, n. 121, Jan./Abr. 2004, p. 169-186, jan./abr. 2004. Available at: <http://www.scielo.br/pdf/cp/v34n121/a08n121. pdf> accessed: 10 June 2013 http://www.periodicos.ufsc.br/index.php/geosul/ article/view/2177-5230.2008v23n46p7/11722 , accessed 10 May 2013

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Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

THE MIRANDELA CORK FACTORY AND THE TUA LINE A FÁBRICA DE CORTIÇAS DE MIRANDELA E A LINHA DO TUA Albano Viseu (CITCEM, U. Porto, Portugal) Albano Viseu Born in 1954, graduated in History (U. Porto, 1979). PhD in History (U. Porto, 2007). He has published several essays about contemporaneous history. He published two books about issues related to Mirandela and Trás-os-Montes. Researcher in CITCEM. Albano Viseu Licenciado em História (U. Porto, 1979), onde se doutorou em 2007. Publicou diversos trabalhas sobre história contemporanea. Publicou dois livros sobre temas relativos a Mirandela e Trás-osMontes. Investigador do CITCEM.

Abstract Resumo Cork arrived in Oporto from Trás-os-Montes, which in the 18th century was produced as stoppers. These cork stoppers, although grotesque in shape due to being handmade, were used in the Port wine trade. Clemente Menéres marketed wine and cork, and in his trips through Europe, the Middle East and Northern Africa, he realized that it was better to invest in the production of these two products. He knew very well that the Trás-os-Montes region could supply the cork for exportation and supply the factory where he obtained the products derived from it. The municipality of Mirandela had a lot of good quality cork, but this culture was not very valued in the region. In May of 1874, he became a landowner in Romeu and began to build a farming to also producing and exporting good quality wine. The large territory extended into other municipalities of the Bragança district and to Valpaços, in the Vila Real district. While owning cork, he wanted to dedicate himself to its extraction, manufacture and commercialization, thus he valued this culture in the Trás-os-Montes region and built a factory that was supplied by not only what he obtained from his cork oak groves, but from the cork he bought in the region as well. The factory experienced periods of operation in Romeu, Mirandela and Oporto. The main objective of this paper is to verify how the Mirandela factory operated and to know the reasons for its installation and motives that lead to its relocation. The Tua line was fundamental in channeling the cork and its derivatives to Oporto,

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helping the Sociedade Clemente Menéres, Lda. to supply exportation with these products and the Monchique factory when it was later organized. Cork was exported in planks or manufactured into its derivatives. The companies that dedicated themselves to this business gained wealth, since their production

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Portugal. Era de Trás-os-Montes que chegava até ao Porto a cortiça com que, no séc. XVIII, eram produzidas as rolhas, mesmo que de uma forma grotesca, porque feitas à mão, que serviam para ser utilizadas no comércio do vinho do Porto. Clemente Menéres comercializava o vinho e a cortiça e, nas suas digressões pela Europa, pelo Médio Oriente e pelo Norte de África, apercebeu-se de que era melhor investir na produção destes dois artigos. E sabia muito bem que a região transmontana lhe poderia fornecer a cortiça para exportar e para alimentar a fábrica de onde obteria os produtos dela derivados. O concelho de Mirandela possuía muita cortiça e de boa qualidade, mas esta cultura era pouco valorizada na região. Em maio de 1874, tornou-se proprietário no Romeu e começou a constituir uma casa agrícola que tiraria os lucros, maioritariamente, da exploração da cortiça, para além de também produzir e exportar vinho de boa qualidade. O grande domínio estendeu-se a outros concelhos do distrito de Bragança e a Valpaços, no distrito de Vila Real. Ao possuir a cortiça, quis dedicar-se à sua extracção, transformação e comercialização, pelo que valorizou esta cultura na região transmontana e montou uma fábrica que foi alimentada não apenas com a que obtinha nos seus sobreirais, mas também com aquela que comprava na região. A fábrica conheceu períodos de laboração no Romeu, em Mirandela e no Porto. conhecer razões para a sua instalação e motivos que levaram à sua deslocalização. A linha do Tua foi essencial para canalizar as cortiças e os seus derivados para o Porto, ajudando a Sociedade Clemente Menéres, Lda., a alimentar a exportação com estes produtos e a fábrica de Monchique, quando, posteriormente, se veio a organizar. A cortiça era exportada em prancha ou transformada nos seus derivados. As empresas que se dedicaram a este negócio criaram riqueza, pois levaram a maior parte da sua Palavras-chave: cortiça; Mirandela; Clemente Menéres; fábrica de cortiças; produção; mecanização; linha do Tua; exportação.

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

The Mirandela Cork Factory and the Tua Line Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

1. INTRODUCTION • 73

The northeast region of Trás-os-Montes used to be covered by a dense forest that use of land for agriculture, the rearing of livestock and the humanization of the landscape. repopulate plants and implement measures that could avoid the total dilapidation of the region’s hills and mountains. In the area surrounding the villages and populations, in the ring where the practice of agriculture was possible and more frequent, in a peripheral area near the housing, trees were planted and the existing trees were preserved. The forested area which consisted of other trees and shrubs occupied the majority of the landscape, either in a dense or scattered form, and represented a source of wealth for the populations. The Mirandela municipality shared this characterizing aspect and presented more abundant trees, in addition to the olive tree planted in the 16th century, construction of cars and farming tools and its leaves used for feeding pigs), the the cork oak.

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The cork oak was the tree which best developed in this municipality and still in the 19th though, they have been spared and even cared for thanks to the stimulating lesson and example that the people of this region gave Clemente Menéres, valuing the Quadraçal woods, an exemplary property of his”1. Although the cultivation of cork oak groves existed in the Mirandela region and in the northeast Trás-os-Montes, it must be noted that the regions of Portugal with the most cork production were and are Alentejo and Algarve. were introduced by Catalan workers who taught the workers of that area the art of making use of cork as a raw material. Figure 1 – Distribution of cork groves in the Mediterranean

74 •

Source: The cork industry federation. Available at: http://www.cork-products.co.uk/info.htm. [Accessed: 6/09/2013].

In Northern Portugal, in the city of Oporto, there was a cork factory in the 18th century that was linked to the Port wine trade, where the respective raw material was obtained in the cork oak groves of Trás-os-Montes. In the 19th century, there were people in the region that already knew of the use of cork, but had several problems when it came to actually taking advantage of it. The rockroses, brooms, and wood from cork oaks, other fruit trees and olive Clemente Menéres, who did business with wines and cork, one of the main products exported by Portugal in the 19th century, appeared in the region in 1874 and valued the cork oak culture and cork. During his journeys through Europe, Middle East and North Africa, he became aware of the importance of these two products and decided to invest in their production, manufacture and commercialization. Mirandela: apontamentos históricos. Mirandela: Câmara Municipal de Mirandela, Vol. II, 1983, p. 178; Vol. I, 1978.

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

He began the cork exploitation in Quadraçal2, where there were centuriesold cork oak groves3, and created the Romeu estate in Carriça, in Jerusalem of Romeu, “where there was only one resident, a pan manufacturer.”4. In terms of management of the Romeu Estate, Clemente Menéres improved the cork oak groves, planted new vineyards and olive groves and bought lands with cork oaks or only cork oaks in the Mirandela municipality and in neighboring municipalities. And the merchant who had left from Oporto to search for cork established the industry of this product in the Trás-os-Montes region.

• 75

After the formation of a great estate, the Casa Menéres at one point became one of the biggest cork producers and exporters, having registered some 400 to 500 thousand kg per year. Afterwards, that production began decreasing, and today it is only about 180,000 kg. 5 Memórias Arqueológico-Históricas do distrito de Braganç 3 “The existing centenary forests of cork oaks in the vast area known as Quadraçal, still containing subdivision of the forests, the absolute lack of knowledge of the forestry practices then still incipient in the Alentejo, where cork oak culture sought to expand itself, the lack of means of transport, the standoff of substantial capitals in the expectation of ten years tied to the removal of the domesticated cork, apt for the stopper industry, were so many other insurmountable obstacles to the value of this great source

SANTOS, Henrique – Interview by Albano Viseu; Romeu: 20/07/2012.

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archive from January to November 1907

The analysis of the header of a letter, a model used by the Sociedade Clemente

76 •

the activity of this company was: “The exploitation and exportation of cork from the notable Romeu and Quadraçal cork oak groves and the olive oils and wines from Alto Douro”. The company’s headquarters were in Mirandela and the branch, where the management worked, initially in Quinta da Avenida in Vila Nova de Gaia, afterwards passed to Monchique, in Oporto. The registered trademark was C.M. Towards the end of April 1874, Clemente Menéres wanted to secure raw materials, like cork, at lower prices. He tried to open factories that would increase

Romeu, Mirandela and Monchique, Oporto). To produce the products he aimed to export, he needed to have lands and an extraction that would lead him to establish an agricultural company sustained in a project. implications that his great-grandfather, Clemente Menéres, the patriarch of the family, had when choosing Trás-os-Montes for “his farming activity. He needed cork for the stopper factory and knew that there was a fantastic nucleus of cork oak groves in the Quadraçal area.

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

• 77

Despite the fact that the cork oaks were planted in a rocky area, he still became so enthusiastic about them that he began buying cork oak groves. He was from lands close to Vila da Feira and was already familiarized with corkrelated work. He also went into viniculture, which had been already ruined by the phylloxera. But Trás-os-Montes was very isolated. Due to the cork stopper factory, it was imperative that things be transported, so nothing better than the railway to transport and sell out. As you know, the railway connections were very poor; there was also the Douro River, but it was for those situated near its banks. Now, as Clemente Menéres’ business was to create raw material for the cork stopper factory, he began by having local factories in Romeu and Mirandela, and later to Oporto, thus the attempt to create a railway line emerged”6 from

Agostinho da Fonseca Menéres. He is the great-grandson of Clemente Joaquim da Fonseca Menéres st generation). He is from the 4th generation of Clemente Menéres’ family.

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in Romeu. The train facilitated the transportation of the Sociedade Clemente Menéres, Lda.’s products, and the corks of the various properties which were located along exportation. If the train contributed to the cork industry being situated in Romeu and in Mirandela, during a few years, it also allowed the return of the factory to Oporto since the transportation of raw materials, which was essential to the functioning of the Monchique factory, was facilitated and now secured. The train also carried families and workers when the factory switched from Mirandela to Oporto. And “the modest merchant of 1866, already holding credit, which was so to speak unlimited, transformed himself into a bold and competent silviculturist. He began the purchase of cork oak groves; recruited skilled workers from Alentejo;

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roses which sucked the soil; cleaned the virgin cork trees, giving them life, air, light, work for the inhabitants of the region and the example of how much an onerous and intelligent initiative is capable of doing”.7 Clemente Menéres came to value a wealth that was constantly underestimated in the region.

The quality of these products lead to them being prized in international fairs. The Tua line train served to ship cork, stoppers, boards, shavings, plugs, cork strips, buoys, bobbins, hard coal to cook the cork, potatoes, fruit, casks and other machinery, oil for the machines, work tools, acorns, clothes, bags, knives, carbide…). The stewards were involved not only in the purchase of properties and cork oak groves, but also in the work related to the production of wine, olive oil and fruit, and in all the process linked to cork: the cleaning of cork oaks, the extraction, the purchase of this raw material, leading it to safe and controlled Since he was little, he grew accustomed to spending holidays in Romeu and had the pleasure of meeting

The people who went to Romeu accompanied agricultural activities: grape harvest, cork extraction, etc… There were always many people, some local and others that were hired to do certain jobs, such as the extraction of cork, for example, many of these workers from Alentejo. People from outside were housed in Vila Verdinho. He recalls some very hot summers, such as the summer of 1947, where he saw people roasting sardines in the train carriages.

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

locations and its shipping to the Romeu, Mirandela and Oporto factories. The extraction of cork took a long time and involved many people, various resources and means to bring it to the Mirandela railway station, where it was shipped to Oporto until the year 1906. From this date on, the cork was shipped not only from Mirandela, but Romeu de Cavaleiros… Cork was the polarizing vector of the agricultural enterprise, since this raw material, in high demand at the time, expanded its reach, and achieved a European, Asian and American countries. Cork had a preponderant role, since it provided the Sociedade Clemente Menéres, Lda. Cork, one of the main assets of our country, had various applications: nets and bath mats. From the cork boards, decorations for mosaics and paneling, gym exterior coverings”8. Graph 1 – The cork oak: area and production per country

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1000s metric tones harvested 1000s hectars planted

Tunisia Italy France Morocco Algeria Spain Portugal 0

100

200 300 400 500 1000s of hectares or metric tones

600

700

http:// shirahime.ch/2012/10/portugals-cork-industry-is-trading-up-part-1-of-2/ [Accessed: 6/09/2013].

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production and exportation of cork, having stood out amongst the rest of the Mediterranean countries. 20th 1959, that value increased to 627 t and the quality of this product was considered the best. In 1964, that production continued to increase, reaching to 870 t in Mirandela, district’s cork9 20,023 t. The abundance of cork made it so that in Mirandela, turning to information from Father Sales, two factories were established: “one, located on the property

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Oporto businessmen, and was managed by a certain Artur Casteloa [Arthur Castello]10 etc.), which was then packed into planks, sent to Oporto, where it was exported to Germany, Russia, etc. This factory was in operation some ten or twelve years, and closed around 1904.” The other factory belonged to Clemente Menéres and was established in Mirandela, around 1900, due to the incapacity of a company of this nature, factory was equipped with calibration machines to make stoppers, a boiler, and other equipment11. Spaniards from Zamora who not only looked to obtain cork in the region to supply the factory that they had in that location, but also intended to establish another factory in Mirandela, led Clemente Menéres to anticipate that pretension and establish his factory in that location. The appearance of new cork factories in the region in the early 20th century, by initiative of some Spaniards, made it so that Clemente Menéres acquired more lands and established the factory in Mirandela, as a way of controlling cork production. Clemente Menéres needed to control a large part of the cork produced in the region, since the cork from the Sociedade Clemente Menéres, 9 VISEU, Albano Augusto Veiga – Memórias históricas de um espaço rural: três aldeias de Trás-os-

10 The correct name of this factory’s administrator was Arthur Castello, according to a notarial

11 Porto, III série, vol. 8, 2007, p. 131.

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

Lda factories. The acquisition of properties and of cork oaks became easier since there were people from Trás-os-Montes who wanted to emigrate or longed to solve

P S P S P S P S P 1901 55 39 9 8 327 222 1302 694 23 1916 111 78 120 100 1538 711 1719 905 41

S P S 19 30 206 85

Vinhais

Valpaços

Vila Flor

Mirandela

Macedo de Cavaleiros

Carrazeda de

Alfândega da Fé

Year

possessions they owned.

2 91 27

Source: Sociedade Clemente Menéres, Memorial de 1895 e Tombo II

The Sociedade Clemente Menéres, Lda., established in 1902, began managing its land and cork oak property. At the end of 1901, the number of properties was 1,716 and had 982 securities. At the end of 1916, the year Clemente Menéres passed away, the territory 12 and the The Sociedade Clemente Menéres, Lda. established its activity around the development of three fundamental sectors: the agricultural and forestry Vila Nova de Gaia and later on in Monchique). Clemente Menéres attempted the manufacturing of cork in the Monchique factory as well as in the Romeu and Mirandela factories. The cork factory represented Clemente Menéres’ pioneerism in northern Portugal, just as the creation of the canned food factory, previously mentioned, was pioneering. the Mirandela factory, cork was favored and cleaned, planks were made, carved into boards, and stoppers were made. This factory employed many of the town’s men and some women.13 12 VISEU, p. 310. 13

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The Tua line was fundamental for channeling the cork and its derivatives to Oporto to supply the Monchique factory and for exportation, securing and extending the places to where its products were channeled. since a connection that linked Mirandela, and later Romeu, to Oporto, and through the Douro line, to Europe, was crucial14. goods, transported the manager, the steward, the cork workers, the workers, the servants and the repair technicians, took and brought machines and products to the factory. The Tua line was, in fact, very important in the dynamics that were established between the Mirandela cork factory, the Trás-os-Montes region and Oporto.

2. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND DOCUMENTAL SOURCES

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The study of a topic such as cork and the art of working cork requires a special attention, since the cork oak is a tree representative of the nation’s trees and the products derived from it for many years reached the international market. The persistence of its exploitation led to the birth of companies that were dedicated to its producing, manufacturing and commercialization. Our attention should focus on the Mirandela region, as the municipality that the Romeu Estate was situated, corresponding to the realization Clemente Menéres’ dream, who valued the cork oaks of Romeu and Quadraçal from 1874 on. The time period we will mark in this present study should be set in two parts: from 1874 to 1895, time period in which cork supplied small factories in the Romeu region, which occurred one after another; and 1895 to 1913, the period where the cork factory in Mirandela was set up, its maximum operation and its closing. To achieve this research, written and photographic material from the Sociedade Clemente Menéres, Lda. Archive was chosen, which was crucial, as well as material from oral history, obtained through some interviews. Some authors will serve as support for the work, because they lived in 14 After the purchase of cork oaks and properties, Clemente Menéres “with the domesticated cork of some cork oaks stripped by the primitive landowners for beehives, the operation of the factory set up in Jerusalém do Romeu, in the old Carriço place at the roadside of Estrada Real, could begin It is understood that, due to the high prices of transportation, then in the pre-historic carts, and to regional products, Clemente Menéres became a staunch defender of the construction of the Foz Tua to

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

studying in depth themes such as: the corporate action of Clemente Menéres; the implantation of the art of working cork in the Mirandela region; the channeling Alves and José Parreira). The approach of this topic will consist in verifying how the train and cork walked side by side as two poles of interests that developed and operated throughout time. The train was fundamental, since without it the cork business would not have its products to the foreign and domestic markets.

3. CLEMENTE MENÉRES’ CORK FACTORIES Clemente Menéres founded cork factories to prepare this product and for the manufacture of cork stoppers: in 1874, in the Quadraçal stream; in 1881, in importance in 1887 with the opening of the Foz Tua to Mirandela line); and in 1900, in Mirandela, in the Toural neighborhood, in Canelha do Outeiro. This last factory closed in 1913.15 16 . Clemente Menéres felt the need to obtain this raw material to: keep the factory in operation; supply the external market; extend the transportation of its derivatives to other markets. The trips abroad allowed the knowledge and the extension of the cork market and its derivatives. In 1874, Clemente Menéres headed to Romeu and became a landowner. As was mentioned before, he began the foundation of the Romeu Estate with the purchase of properties, cork oaks and cork. Since he already had cork, he set up 15 was sold by D. Antónia Cândida d’Araújo Menéres, Clemente Menéres’ widow, to Manuel Eugénio

wine pressing; c) another house for olive oil pressing and all its mechanisms; d) another house that is with olive trees and more trees, all of this at Toural”. Excerpt from notary document, accessed at sides. 16 PARREIRA, José Joaquim A. – A industrialização da cortiça no Norte de Portugal: o caso das fábricas Menéres.

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roads, problems arose when it came to transporting this product to the market. and to Europe: cork, stoppers, boards, bundles, and bales.

and the United States of America.

Product Shavings

Stoppers

Hamburg 280 68 100 120

214 88 84

Stockholm Gothenburg Riga Philadelphia

116

118 10

100 125

15 326

Source: O Comércio do Porto e O Comércio Portuguez Mestrado em História Contemporânea), 1997, p. 43.

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In 1881, the Quadraçal factory closed and a new cork factory began operation in Carriça, Jerusalém do Romeu. This factory maintained the same type of it rarely operated since the majority of the cork was channeled to the Oporto factory in Monchique. Figure 5 –Old cork stopper factory of Quadraçal in Romeu

Source: Romeu – Porch of the cork stopper factory. Available at: http://www.panoramio.com/ [Accessed: 24/9/2013]

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

In 1883, the Carriça cork factory closed and the Horta da Massada factory began operating. Clemente Menéres gathered the same fundamental sectors of the cork industry in the same company: producer, preparer and manufacturer. station] did not allow the manufacturing of the cork into planks, much easier to sell in the Eastern European countries, and even in the Prata republics, and therefore only stoppers were manufactured in the [Horta da Massada] factory”17. This path was lengthy and complicated the transportation of the cork and other products. In 1887, with the public opening of the Foz Tua to Mirandela line, the Horta da Massada factory lost its importance. The transportation of the cork to the Oporto factory was secured by the train. In that same year, the cork factory was transferred to Monchique, Oporto.18. acorns, hay, fruit, pork, smoked sausages…) were sent to Oporto from the Mirandela railway station. After this date, they were shipped from the Romeu station. The establishment of the cork oak groves along or near the railway help us understand its utility in both the gathering of this raw material and in its • 85

into bales, bundles, boards, stoppers, plugs, strips, shavings, buoys, bobbins…). “Initially, 3 or 4 carriages of cork and other agricultural products arrived from Romeu in direction to Oporto.”19 The Romeu Estate was not a part of Clemente Menéres’ company in 1874. and the Mirandela one began operating. In addition to cork, Clemente Menéres not have success). functioned: the cork stopper factory and the wine and drinks warehouse. The cork that left the factory was exported, as were the cork stoppers, wine, drinks, such as cognac, and olive oil. The exported products received awards in international fairs. company. Clemente Menéres dedicated himself to the Romeu Estate and the Mirandela factory went into operation during this period. 17 Factory. 18 19 Romeu, worked 13 years for the Casa Menéres). Interview by Albano Viseu; Romeu: 20/7/2012.

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During this phase, the following products were exported: cork, stoppers, brandy, onions, wood, glass, toothpicks, olive oil), to Peru and Uruguay, to canned food). Figure 6 – Mirandela Cork Factory

In 1900, the cork factory, which transferred to Mirandela, was established in equipped with 25 steam engines: 9 that cut cork into boards and 16 that made stoppers and counted. The cork was prepared in planks, was cut into boards and the stoppers were made before being sent to Oporto. 86 •

Source: Mirandela Map. Available at:

. [Accessed: 3/10/2013]

The streets that led to the Toural Square at that time were the following: “Rua da Portela; travessa do Encontro; Rua do Encontro; Rua das Amoreiras,

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

which went until the Vila Flor street; Rua do Cruzeiro, today better known as Rua do Cemitério; and Canelha do Outeiro which meets with passes.”20 Nowadays, in the place where Canelha do Outeiro was, Avenida das at the top of the hill, Clemente Menéres opened a road at his own expense on his own territory, which today retains his name. “This road connects [connected] the small Portela square with the old road to Vale da Azenha”21 The new Mirandela factory received some machinery, as mentioned earlier, between 1903 and 1908: in 1903, 1 calibrating machine and 2 that made cork stoppers; in 1904, 1 board cutting machine and 1 hydraulic press; in 1908, 2 stopper making machines and 3 board cutting machines. The cork factory was set up in Mirandela for the following reasons: the abundance of raw material; competition from other cork factories and other candidates for its installation; secure control over a large part of the cork around the region to buy cork and to secure business). This factory led to the creation of jobs in Mirandela, many men and some women found work there: in the factory, in the extraction of cork, driving cork to the factory and to the railway station, and in the transportation of cork and its derivatives to Oporto. The factory staff consisted of the following elements: the manager, the production controller, cork stopper selectors, cork cutters, cork selectors, workers that dealt with the boilers and machinery, helpers, apprentices and the factory guard. The production of the Mirandela factory revolved around the following cork paper for cigarettes) 22. In 1907, the factory already had modern mechanisms for that time and provided employment for some specialized workers. The substitute manager, José Markl, already had experience in management in factories from southern Portugal and Spain. of stoppers were noticeable, and the Sociedade Clemente Menéres, Lda. began exporting cork to Europe and the planks and stoppers were sold out to the From 1906 to 1908, there was a variation in the production of stoppers, 20 21 22 PARREIRA, 1998, p. 176.

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between 4 to 12 million units, in addition to the continued production of buoys, boards and plugs. In a letter written to Clemente Menéres by the managing partner of the Vidago water company, dated July 12, 1905, the problematic quality of the stoppers is addressed. It was necessary to “regularize the quality of the stoppers of your supply, often extremely unequal, causing us trouble with the complaints, which due to this we received a large number of our customers; but, before this point is established, we came to inform Your Excellency that many offers of cork have been made by many with all the guarantees of good quality and very favorable prices, which certainly is due to the noticeable decrease that the price of cork has had recently.”23. On November 28, 1907, José Margarido approached the same topic once more in his correspondence with the manager: “the stoppers made in the drilling machine come out in the usual way, poorly made, and for this reason I once 24 . Clemente Menéres threatened to close the factory that year if the problem was not solved.

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of workers for the factory. had to be substituted, but the problem with the quality of the stoppers remained. In a letter dated 10/11/1912, José Margarido informed that the “worker José Maria”, a technician from Oporto, arrived that day to Mirandela. Two days later, in a conversation with Manuel Valentim, the worker he had substituted, he stated that he “did not know how much he was going to earn, that in Oporto he earned 600 réis, but if they didn’t offer him the minimum of 650 in Mirandela, he wouldn’t stay.” Manuel Valentim returned to Oporto on 20/11/1912. On 22/11/1912, Clemente Menéres was informed that José Maria was “very far from satisfying, as Valentim was, since he had been preparing a machine for 2 days and still had not composed it in terms, the cork maker stopped working. The rest of what he does is poorly done and very slow. I will continue informing you of what goes on.” On 26/11/1912, José Margarido informed Clemente Menéres that he had given “precise instructions that the selection of the cork for 18” stoppers be done with great care, and if poor, to pass to the 15” stoppers. It is no surprise that many poorly made stoppers appeared, since José Maria does not understand 23 Correspondance Archive of various letters from 5 August 1903 to 10 November 1905. 24 Mirandela Factory Archive, January 1907 to November 1907

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

adjusting machines, for each of the cork makers the service cannot go perfect as was my biggest wish. In any case, we will endeavor to the best of our abilities to make sure the service done does not draw complaints.” On 27/11/1912, José Margarido wrote to Clemente Menéres informing him that he had received that day “the samples of stoppers provided as required so that there will be no complaints in the future.25 On 1/12/1912, José Margarido informed that José Maria could now repair the machines, reason for which he thought it “unnecessary, for now, to bring someone else to teach him, but if necessary, I will communicate this to Your Excellency and someone will come to teach him.” Some machines from the Mirandela cork factory were repaired in the workshops that the Companhia Nacional had installed next to the railway station. Figure 8 – Workshops at the Mirandela Railway Station

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Source: Illustrated Postcard

On 19/1/1912, José Margarido discussed this topic with Clemente Menéres, stating: “According to the Companhia Nacional’s blacksmith, Mr. Marcolino Osório’s brother, who is repairing the machine, the coal that has recently arrived is very ordinary, does not burn and does not heat the machine; I thus request that 10 bags similar to the 1st and 2nd shipments that you sent me.” José Margarido asked the manager on 19/2/1912 to send him 70$000 réis in order to make the following payments: “factory staff’s leave, cleaning service and for the payment of a maintenance and repair bill of the machine, done at the railway’s workshops.” Another problem was related with the acquisition of knives suitable for the 25 Mirandela Cork Factory 1912 Correspondence Archive.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

cork industry, which had to be ordered to Oporto and should have been indicated for each task to execute. On 6/11/1912, the workers “did not accept the 2 cutting knives, since they asked for knives that cut cork into strips.” On 9/11/1912, the workers continued to not want the cutting knives. They said that in the Oporto factory they could be used, “since they cut and strip pieces, while here [Mirandela] they are only good for cutting cork into strips, I ask to send them, since they are very needed, otherwise I will dispatch them Balança brand, and 24 of the same for the squaring machines, do I order them from you On 13/11/1912, José Margarido received the order “of a pack of knives, 12 of which were to make stoppers and the other 12 for cutting cork into boards.” Clemente Menéres created labor laws in the Mirandela cork factory, such job, they had to give a 15 day warning, but the same was valid for the boss if he

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The regulation of the Mirandela cork factory came into effect on 25 November 26 , sent by José Margarido to Clemente th Menéres, and was applied on the 28 to solve a case in point. On 27/11/1907 “the cork cutters António Figueiredo, Joaquim Francisco, took machine made strips to cut them into boards as if they were the tips of strips. The baskets were examined, and at the bottom of Manuel de Macedo’s basket two cork cutters since they had already cut the cork into boards, which they had confessed after being interrogated by me. 9th article of the regulation in effect since the 25th of this month. Today it was reported that the same cork cutters said, especially Joaquim consent that they be deducted anything, and if they are deducted that it will be by force, and if they are not good enough to send them away, but to deduct from what they have earned, they do not consent. The strips of cork that they took was with the consent of the cork cutters, therefore the same penalty. In view of the above, I implore that Your Excellency tell me if I maintain as 26 Mirandela Factory Correspondence Archive: January to November 1907.

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

I should and what is necessary to maintain order, and to have knowledge of the cork cutters’ attitude. I ask that you send the answer by telegraph before making the payment so we can avoid anything that might be unpleasant, in case Your Excellency does not On 30 November, 1907, José Margarido once more discussed the same topic, to know the manager’s opinion and to be able to apply the regulation in effect: Figueiredo, Manuel Macedo, Artur Minas who cut cork into strips and six to receive leave, making a big fuss. And the disorderly conduct of the women, who were the ones who most protested, was considered strange. If they show up for work the next Monday, it would be good to punish them, lowering their wages 20 or 40 réis for some time, if Your Excellency

• 91

functions in the factory.

The introduction of machines led the workers of many factories to adopt a kind of behavior that was out of the ordinary. Other times, the workers fought to improve their working conditions, work schedules or wages27. Another problem felt in the Mirandela factory was related to the late arrival of the hard coal to cook the cork and to run the machine. On 22/9/1912, since 20 bags of requested hard coal had not arrived, José Margarido warned that, if the wait was long, he would have to “send people from the factory away, since there was no cooked cork to manufacture.” The brand of cork written about in the correspondence between Mirandela and Oporto is Cardiff, but on 26/9/1912, José Margarido asked Clemente 27 strikes increased towards the end of the 19th century in Portugal, with a 44.2% increase in recorded strikes in 1895 and to 61.6% in 1900. With the arrival of the republic, these types of strikes, recorded between 1916 and 1920, reached values higher than 80% In TENGARRINHA, José – As greves em 1981, p.580.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

since Cardiff is not good enough.” Another problem was related to the construction of a branch between the Mirandela railway station and the cork factory. of a branch that connected the factory to the Mirandela railway station. This on 22 December 1903: “And, dealing with our business, I will tell Your Excellency that in accordance to your wish, the railway detour project is ready to serve your factory, of which I here send the budget, for the time being it is just approximate, since the price of land where the work is realized”28. The budget of this branch cost some 1 507$030 réis including: excavation

. The distance between the station and the factory, according to this budget, would be some 200 meters of distance, since it was located in Toural, near the Mirandela railway station. In a letter dated 29/12/1903, as a response to the draft budget presented by 29

92 •

and privileges of my important properties that I should not resolve lightly”; “the value of a courtyard full of vineyards in stakes in their greatest strength, having an orchard, etc., that you intend to equate to the value of your property’s swamp that property in a much larger extension than any other of my properties in Quadraçal”. The price for the expropriation of the Mirandela courtyard belonging to Clemente Menéres’ wife, Antónia Cândida de Araújo Menéres, would be of “400 thousand réis. As for the other expropriations, in lands belonging to the Sociedade Clemente Menéres, Limitada, of which I am the chief manager, it is my duty to say that I am in agreement with the condition expressed in the 1st article of your projected contract.30. 28 permission to build the railway on Clemente Menéres’ property at the Alminhas in Mirandela. 29 Menéres’ cork factory in Mirandela: approximate budget. Mirandela, 20/12/1903. Manuel Francisco da 30

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

the expropriations of the courtyard, so the detour of the line to the Mirandela cork factory was not built. And with no agreement, these two individuals cut those properties. continuity of the cork stopper factory in Romeu and Mirandela were the cutters); low level of quality stoppers there manufactured; skilled workers cork began to have more value if exported in planks than if manufactured into stoppers31 technical assistances in Mirandela, since the skilled technicians had moved to Oporto. These factors made it so that the carriages of cork that were loaded in the region went to Oporto, where the factory returned to in 1909. From 1908 on, the train, which had reached Romeu in 1905, once again transported raw cork to Oporto, to the Monchique factory, which revived its activity. This factory saw its importance dwindle in 1900. • 93

“Had some cork stopper factories, one in Romeu and the other in Mirandela, in the Toural square near the station and looked to take advantage of this raw material and since the stopper factories did not work, he stayed with only the cork.”32. factory and the availability of more space in Oporto, in the former convent of Monchique contributed to that transfer of the factory to Oporto. The majority of the machines were transported by train in 1909, and with them the Mirandela factory staff as well. When we consult the documents archived in the Sociedade Clemente Menéres, Lda.’s headquarters in Oporto, we can precisely verify the dates of some of those machines and of some equipment that were sent to Oporto: The Monchique cork factory also became equipped with new machines, in addition to those previously mentioned: in 1909, producer gas motors; in 1912, new electric motors and new cork crushing machines, with the capacity to grind 400 to 500 kg per hour33.

31 32 33 Sociedade Clemente Menéres Archive. Correspondence. Portugal, 1909 e 1912.

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Table 3 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Dispatches of machines and equipment from 1909 to 1913

Dates

94 â&#x20AC;˘

Machines and equipment dispatched by the railway

28/05/1909

2 stopper making machines; 2 large cork cutting machines; 2 small cork cutting machines.

04/06/1909

1 weighing-machine

09/06/1909

18 different volumes, with weight of 850 kg: 2 large cork cutting machines; 8 old small cork cutting machines; 1 drill stopper machine; 1 stopper cleaning machine; 1 ventilator, 729 kg; 4 buckled baskets for bales of cork, 111 kg; 1 box of tools, 10 kg.

25/06/1909

2 cork stopper making machines, 125 kg

23/07/1909

4 knives for cork stopper making machines.

26/07/1909

1 large cork stopper making machine, acquired abroad, weighing 445 kg

04/10/1909

1 table with saw.

12/10/1909

2 grindstones for sharpening tools, 106 kg.

30/10/1909

1 cylinder cover for the new machine, 11 kg.

13/12/1911

1 grille and 2 grindstones, 140 kg.

05/12/1912 07/12/1912

Cork stopper making machine.

21/10/1913

1 grille and 2 grindstones, 150 kg.

22/11/1913

5 stopper making machines 365 kg, 9 cork cutting machines 225 kg, 1 cork stripping machine 223 kg, 1 iron grille of the same 27 kg, 1 wheel and axle of the same 65 kg, 1 counting machines 100 kg, 1 wooden cupola of the same 20 kg, 1 wooden latter of the same 60 kg, 1 grille, 2 grindstones 180 kg, 2 knife boxes 17 kg, 1 emery knife box peso 5 kg, 3 boxes of hardware and 1 basket of hardware and oilcans 92 kg, 2 bundles of baskets 32 kg, 1 pallet 22 kg, 9 wooden benches and 1 wooden chair 70 kg Record of dispatches from the Mirandela cork factory from 1908 to 1913

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

The Mirandela factory came to a close at the end of 1913. The magazine Agricultura Moderna, published on October 1909 refers to the changes in the Monchique factory brought on by the equipment installed there, since the factory had in mind: “the production of the so-called planks and boards and stoppers, where cork is cooked in a boiler…then after being manually cut and shaved it is packed by the same process. The cork for the production of stoppers is cut into strips by the machines driven by an electric motor of ½ horsepower, then those strips of corks are manufactured into boards and stoppers by small by a 7 horsepower electric motor. There is also a grindstone and a circular saw driven by a ½ horsepower electric motor. The factory has about 40 employees who work in various trades.” 34

4. THE DYNAMICS OF THE MIRANDELA CORK FACTORY AND THE TUA LINE At the Mirandela cork factory, Mr. Margarido, who was in charge, informed the manager daily about everything that was related with the activity of this manufacturing unit: the quantity of cork that entered; the global and individual production of boards and stoppers; the kind of dispatches made for Oporto and 25,000), the number of bundles and bales of cork with the indication of the weight of each, which would not be less than 65kg; the number of bales with shavings and the respective weight; the quantity of boards, buoys and bobbins. The majority of those communications were done through the memorandum, but also through letters, notes and telegrams.

The production of the Mirandela cork factory decreased from 1908, the year 34

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

the train began to transport, as was mentioned before, the majority of the raw cork to the Oporto factory. Clemente Menéres received complaints about the poor quality of the stoppers produced in the Mirandela factory and in 1907, he threatened to close it if that problem was not resolved. Through the analysis of registered data in the Sociedade Clemente Menéres, Lda. archive, we can verify that the Mirandela cork factory went through

96 •

Years

Stoppers

1902 1903 1904 1905 1906 1907 1908

6 665 070 3 807 670 12 384 790 8 115 177 11 156 470 10 537 128 4 619 668

57 850 8 600 9 000 53 765 4 500

No. 2 198 530 1 690 1825 1 792 1727 743

Kg 170 992 40 784 113 419 120 644 123 973 121 007 48 647

No. 60 1 217 300 595 918 4 231 880

Kg 47 206 79 739 18 596 26 145 55 742 225 849 50 900

Plugs

9 095 275 23 130 6 800 32 010 9 450

16 230

Source: PARREIRA, 1998, Op. cit., p. 177.

Table 4 reveals: • the opening period of the factory until 1903, with a reasonable production; • the period of most activity and most values recorded in terms of production, in all the products obtained from cork between 1904 and 1907. At this point of analysis, the years with the highest production were: stoppers, 1904, 1906 and 1907; boards, 1902 and 1906; cork, 1902 and 1906; shavings, 1907 and 1903; plugs, 1907 and 1905; buoys, 1907 and 1903; • the period in which the factory began to register a decrease in the The data recorded in table 5 is related to the products dispatched from weight of stoppers, plugs and buoys and not the respective quantity, however, they demonstrate a clear decrease in the production of various products in between 1909 and 1912):

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

Years

Stoppers

1909 1910 1911 1912 1913

19 553 9 557 13 911 16 689 7 674

587 588 15 000

No. 3 867 200 128 230 325

Kg 223 742 31 930 21 441 42 596 27 783

No. 2 734 374 786 687 591

Kg 166 783 27 240 47 221 36 408 28 418

Plugs 171 kg 1 175 kg 237 kg 33 kg

In order to perform a more detailed analysis in terms of checking the variation of the monthly production, the years 1909, 1912 and 1913 were chosen. The

stoppers

shavings

cork â&#x20AC;˘ 97

120000 100000 80000 60000 40000 20000 December

November

October

September

August

July

June

May

April

March

February

January

to 1913

In 1909, the Mirandela cork factory began to close down, but continued producing cork, shavings, stoppers, plugs, boards, strips, buoys and bobbins.

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The Monchique cork factory reopened that year and, as already mentioned, received machinery from Mirandela. The lack of this equipment and some workers which moved to the Monchique factory affected the Mirandela plant and contributed in some way to the decrease of production. The months that the most dispatches for Oporto were made were: stoppers

April, June and September).

stoppers

cork

25,000 20,000 15,000 10,000 5,000 December

November

October

September

August

July

June

May

April

March

February

0 January

98 â&#x20AC;˘

shavings

1908 to 1913

shavings and cork) and decreased its laboring and the quantity of products shipped by train to Oporto. The factory was already living a period of decline in relation to its activity and production.

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

In 1912, the months of highest production and most dispatches for Oporto

stoppers

shavings

cork

December

November

October

September

August

July

June

May

April

March

February

January

9,000 8,000 7,000 6,000 5,000 4,000 3,000 2,000 1,000 0

1908 to 1913

In 1913, the Mirandela cork factory saw its production decline even further, which was a sign of its closing. The months where there are records of the most dispatches: stoppers, May

Months in which there are no records of product dispatches: stoppers September, November and December). A large quantity of machinery was sent from Mirandela to Monchique in November of 1913, as was mentioned before, and in the following month, the factory closed its own production, thus ending the industrialization of cork in TrĂĄs-os-Montes. In order to verify the dynamics of the factory in 1912, since there were recorded the amount of money requested from the manager to make payments, whether

â&#x20AC;˘ 99

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of the nitriary, repair of Canelha where the factory was located, carpenters, stonemasons, construction workers, painters, repair of factory machinery…). 600.000 500.000 400.000 300.000 200.000 100.000

December

November

October

September

August

July

June

May

April

March

February

January

0.000

1908 to 1913 • Key: 600,000 = 600$000 réis

Analysis of the data shows that the person responsible for the factory had to make payments throughout the year to the factory staff and cleaning services. The months with higher expenses were October, May and April. And December was the month in which less money was spent. was in that same year, the following:

700.000 600.000 500.000 400.000 300.000 200.000 100.000

1908 to 1913 • Key: 700,000 = 700$000 réis

December

November

October

September

August

July

June

May

April

March

February

January

100 •

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

Despite a declining phase lived by the Mirandela cork factory, expenses and April. The months in which the most money was spent in the securing of cork business were August, July, September and October, which corresponds to the Raw material continued to be necessary in the operation of the Monchique factory and in channeling for exportation.

5. EXPORTATION OF CORK AND ITS DERIVATIVES Despite the fact that cork reached certain international markets has been already mentioned, it is important to stress once more the direction of the Sociedade Clemente Menéres, Lda.’s channeling of production. England and Germany were the main consumers of raw cork and planks and Throughout the First World War, the contraction of business did not stop that this was carried out in a more expressive form in cities like: Copenhagen, through neutral countries. The cork was also exported to countries like: the Netherlands, Ukraine, Hungary, Romania, Ireland, Italy, Norway, Sweden and Russia. The main client of the Sociedade’s stopper industry in South America was The commercial transactions of cork and its derivatives were also secured in other countries, such as: the United States, Canada, Japan, Singapore and Thailand. The exportation of cork to North America had miniscule values and to Japan dates back to 1902, when Clemente Menéres participated in the Osaka world fair with samples of stoppers, boards and raw cork. The scarcity and slowness of the connections with Japan prevented that trade with the Socidedade’s products be more intense with that country.

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CONCLUSION The cork oak and cork, as economic resources capable of supplying the stopper and cork industry gained another importance from late 19th century and went on to be the most valued natural resources in the Trás-os-Montes region up until then. Mirandela was the municipality that registered the biggest production of this used for the production of stoppers in Oporto came from its woods, even if rudimentary, to supply the Port wine trade. Clemente Menéres knew the wine and cork trade and already sold them to the international market, therefore he invested in the purchase of properties and cork oaks and afterwards bet on production, preparation, manufacturing and commercialization of cork. In this context, he not only became a landowner, but also an industrialist by creating the cork factory that was set up in Romeu, Mirandela and Oporto. His entrepreneurship made it so that corporate and simultaneously commercial action alternated between Oporto and Trás-os-Montes and between 102 •

its derivatives, but Clemente Menéres sought markets in other parts of the world. The crises felt by the productive and manufacturing sector were overcome over time and with his persistence. Clemente Menéres valued cork culture in the Trás-os-Montes region and launched a cork industry: he preserved existing cork oak groves, fought whatever could potentially destroy them and began new plantations.

The cork factory served to channel the extraction of the Sociedade Clemente Menéres, in addition to all the cork that was purchased, thus guaranteeing control over the region’s cork production and securing raw materials so it could operate. The cork factory was set up and in operation in three locations where the raw material was used and manufactured: Monchique, Oporto, Romeu and Mirandela. The Romeu and Mirandela factories did not have what it took to survive in an interior where there was a lack of skilled workers with no preparation to operate in one or different phases of production; in an interior where there was a lack

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

in the transportation of local and regional products. There was no demonstration of change in the production process and in the quality of the products obtained, and therefore Clemente Menéres transferred the factory to Oporto. The train transported machinery, equipment and workers to Monchique. Thus, the Trás-os-Montes dream of the cork industrialization came to an end in 1913.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY AND DOCUMENT SOURCES

•

Correspondence: Various letters from 5 August 1903 to 10 November 1905, Oporto.

•

104 •

•

Correspondence: Mirandela Cork Factory, 1912, Oporto.

•

Correspondence: Mirandela Factory: January to November 1907, Oporto.

•

Correspondence: Portugal, 1909 and 1912, Porto.

•

Record of dispatches from the Mirandela Cork Factory from 1908 to 1913.

•

Memorial de 1895, Oporto

•

Tombo II, Oporto. Notarial document dated 13/11/1923.

SOURCES Oral Sources (Interviews): 2003.

SANTOS, Henrique – Interview by Albano Viseu; Romeu: 20/7/2012.

Printed sources: Periodicals (newspapers, magazines):

Albano Augusto Veiga Viseu

Other printed sources: cultural agendas and informative work Abr. 2003). Electronic sources: The cork industry federation. Available at: http://www.cork-products.co.uk/info.htm. [Accessed: 6/09/2013]. Mapa Mirandela. Available at:

[Accessed: 3/10/2013]

• 105

able at: http://shirahime.ch/2012/10/portugals-cork-industry-is-trading-up-part-1-of-2/. [Accessed: 6/09/2013]. Romeu - Alpendre da fábrica de rolhas. Available at: . [Accessed: 24/9/2013]

References: Portuguese and foreign studies: Memórias Arqueológico-Históricas do distrito de Bragança tomo I. Das pedras fez terra – um caso de empreendedorismo e investimento agrícola no Nordeste Transmontano (Clemente Menéres). Revista História

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PARREIRA, José Joaquim Andrade – A Acção empresarial de Clemente Menéres – entre o Porto e Trás-os-Montes (1867-1916) Contemporânea), 1997. PARREIRA, José Joaquim A. – A industrialização da cortiça no Norte de Portugal: o caso das fábricas Menéres. A indústria portuense em perspectiva histórica. Actas do Mirandela: apontamentos históricos. Mirandela: Câmara Municipal de Mirandela, Vol. I, 1978, e Vol. II, 1983. VISEU, Albano Augusto Veiga – Memórias históricas de um espaço rural: três aldeias de Trás-os-Montes (Coleja, Cachão e Romeu), ao tempo do Estado Novo 106 •

2007.

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

CHANGES IN LAND USE IN THE TUA VALLEY DURING THE 20TH CENTURY: A GISBASED APPROACH ALTERAÇÕES DO USO DO SOLO NO VALE DO TUA DURANTE O SÉCULO XX COM BASE EM SIG António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço (U. Minho, Portugal) António Vieira is a geographer and assistant professor at the Department of Geography, University of Minho, and develops his research activities as an integrated member of the Center for Studies of Geography and Spatial Planning (CEGOT - UM/UC/UP). During his career has developed research in granitic geomorphology, geomorphological heritage and changes in land use, addressing today on issues related to geographic information systems and remote sensing and its application to land use, among others. Eduarda Pimenta holds a master degree in Geography, at the Department of Geography, University of Minho. António Pedro Lourenço is graduated in Geography and Planning, at the Department of Geography, University of Minho and holds a master degree in Geographical Information Systems and Planning. He is developing his PhD within the Geographic Information Technologies. António Vieira desenvolvendo as suas atividades de investigação como membro integrado do Centro de Estudos de Durante a sua carreira desenvolveu investigação no âmbito da geomorfologia granítica, do património geomorfológico, ou das alterações do uso do solo, debruçando-se atualmente sobre temáticas relacionadas entre outras. Eduarda Pimenta António Pedro Lourenço

Abstract Resumo The main objective of the research team from the Geography Department of the University of Minho in the FOZTUA project was the development and implementation of a Spatial Data Infrastructure (SDI), based on GIS software, to support the management of information produced throughout the project as well as the production of useful geographical contents to integrate in the future Memory museum.

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

This Infrastructure could also support the development of other studies related to the natural, demographic, and socioeconomic dynamics of the region. In this context and based on the useful data collected and stored in the FOZTUA GIS/SDI regarding the land use and land cover of the Tua Valley for the 20th century, we carried out an evaluation of the changes in the Tua Valley landscape. As a result of changes in the economic activities, the social-economic evolution of the Tua Valley during the 20th century, affected the form and intensity of land use by landscape. Based on the cartographic representations over this period, we proceeded to analyze the changes in land use that occurred in the Tua Valley, relating the dynamics observed with the factors with which they are traditionally associated.

108 •

Universidade do Minho no projeto FOZTUA foi o desenvolvimento e a implementação de uma Infraestrutura de Dados Espaciais (IDE), com base em software SIG, para apoiar a gestão da informação produzida ao longo do projeto, bem como a produção Esta infraestrutura pode apoiar também o desenvolvimento de outros estudos Neste contexto e com base nos dados recolhidos e armazenados na IDE FOZTUA, relacionada com o uso e do solo no Vale do Tua durante o século 20, realizou-se uma avaliação das transformações na paisagem aí ocorridas. Como resultado das mudanças nas atividades económicas ocorridas, foram afetadas a forma e intensidade de uso do solo, alterando estruturas e padrões já existentes e, à análise das mudanças no uso da terra que ocorreram no Vale do Tua, relativas à dinâmica observada com os fatores com que são tradicionalmente associados.

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

Changes in land use in the Tua valley during the 20th century: a gis-based approach António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta António Pedro Lourenço

1. INTRODUCTION • 109

The participation of a research team of the Geography Department (University of Minho) in the FozTua project sought to develop and implement a Spatial Data Infrastructure (SDI) to support the management of the geographical information generated during the project, as well as the production of useful geographical contents for future integration in the educational and promotional Memory museum activities. The team also developed several studies on the demographic and socioeconomic dynamics of the Tua Valley during the last two centuries, as well as the changes in land use and evolution of the settlements throughout the 20th century. Thus, this study presents some initial results of the analysis of some cartographic data related to the land use in the Tua Valley during the 20th century.

2. STUDY AREA The Tua river basin extends for an area of approximately 3122 Km2in the national territory. The Tua River has his headwaters located in Spain, but only

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Rabaçal. It is a right bank tributary of the Douro River, converging with it near the town of Foz Tua. The study area is located in the lower part of the Tua Valley and corresponds to the area of the municipalities of Alijó, Carrazeda de Ansiães, Mirandela, Murça, e Vila Flor (within the Tua river basin). The area is located in the Trasos-Montes region, which is divided by the districts of Bragança and Vila Real

Figure 1 – Study area

110 •

Source: APAmbiente

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

The highest elevation point is located at 1320 meters high, at the Serra da Nogueira, on the eastern boundary of the basin area, and the lowest elevation point is located near Foz Tua, at about 70 meters. The geological substratum is characterized by the predominance of metasedimentary materials, essentially schist, but also quartzite, registering also a play a key role in the local geomorphology by contributing to the individualization of prominent reliefs and the presence of steep slopes. From the climatic point of view, the study area is characterized by a hetprecipitation occurs in the N and NE sectors, where it reaches a total annual value exceeding 1200 mm. This value contrasts with the values registered in the middle sector of the Tua valley, which come close to 400 mm. As for the temperature, there is a heterogeneous distribution throughout the region. The lowest annual average is registered in the N and E, and O sectors, at about 7° C. These sectors correspond to topographically higher areas. The higher values

• 111

3. METHODOLOGY Based on the land use patterns represented in cartographic documents in different moments throughout the 20th century, , the changes in land use which ocThe availability of maps representing the land use from the beginning of the 20th century, allowed for the comparison with the recent land use maps produced tion of the land use in the Tua Valley region. Nevertheless, this analysis was constrained by the characteristics of the cartographic information used. In fact, the different maps used were made with differentiated data sources, collected under very different conditions and with very diverse methodologies, and were represented under different scales of representation and considered different classes of land use which cannot always be directly correlated. th century there is very little available cartography and the resolution is generally low. The “Carta Agrícola e Florestal”, coordinated by Engineer Pedro Romano Folque, was used. The map was edited in 1910 and has

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

a scale of 1/500000. Despite the accuracy of the map, the scale of reproduction nition of broader classes of land use makes the correlation with the more recent and understanding the trends of existing land use in the beginning of the 20th century. It also provides a basis for analyzing the dynamics occurring during that century. For the second half of the 20th century the land usemaps employed were produced by semi-automatic methods which are more accurate and present a high level of detail. For 1990 we used the “Carta de Ocupação do Solo” (COS’90), from the (CNIG/IGP). This particular map is available in vector format. This map has been produced by analyzing the aerial photographs of 1990 and was updated with data from 1995. This map was produced at the 1/25000 scale. The last map used was produced in 2007 and has similar characteristics to the the COS’90. Produced by the same institution and with the same scale, the “Carta de Ocupação do Solo” (COS’07) was produced from the analysis of the aerial photographs of the same year. 112 •

areas, and water (these last two classes are absent from the map of 1910).

4. ANALYSIS OF THE CHANGES IN LAND USE DURING THE 20TH CENTURY The information regarding the land use in the study area at the beginning of the 20th century is reduced and is only present in the “Carta Agrícola e Florestal de detail (scale 1/500000), it allows for a general but rigorous analysis of the reality of land use during that period.

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

Figure 2 – Distribution of land use in accordance with the “Carta Agrícola e Florestal de Portugal” (1910).

• 113

The analysis of this map reveals that there is a prevalence of agricultural arland uses present are arable crops, but there are also important areas occupied by olive trees (in the municipalities of Mirandela and Vila Flor) and vineyards (especially in the municipalities of Murça and Alijó). The uncultivated areas

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

entire study area. The least represented land use in the map of 1910 is forest area,

Graph 1 – Distribution of the land use patterns (in percentage) in accordance with the “Carta Agrícola e Florestal de Portugal” (1910).

114 •

Agricultural areas | 49,76 Forestal areas | 31,27 Uncultivated areas | 18,97

The distribution of the uncultivated areas is consistent with the areas of steep slopes and hilltops, but not exclusive. On the other hand, the concentration of vineyards and olive trees in the southern part of the study area is explained by climatic factors. Effectively, the higher mean annual temperatures occurring in the central part of the Tua valley and in the southern part, the so called “Terra Quente Transmontana”, are very adequate to the development of these cultures. th century proceeded at a pace that followed the dynamics of the population, as the needs for food and agricultural production was growing. The second half of the XX century was affected by a deep transformation at the economic, social, political, and cultural levels. The consequences of the development of the coastal areas and of the urban centers in the region, along with the migration of populations from rural areas mountain areas where the process of population decline accelerated, making them increasingly devoid of human resources and less attractive areas. The effects on the territory resulted in a progressive abandonment of tra-

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

ditional practices, decreased agricultural and pastoral activities, and the abandonment of farmland - which has been converted to forestry activities or to uncultivated land. The cartographic document available for the end of the 20th century, the occurred in the study area. Figure 3 – Distribution of the land use patterns in accordance with the “Carta de Ocupação do Solo” (1990).

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The comparison of the two maps (one from 1910 and the other from 1990) tion of the different land uses in 1990 is very different from the one observed in 1910. The main differences are related with the area occupied by forests and the -

Graph 2 – Distribution of the land use patterns (in percentage) in accordance with the “Carta de Ocupação do Solo” (1990).

116 •

The last cartographic element analyzed is the “Carta de Ocupação do Solo” produced in 2007. With only 17 years separating it from the previous map, the changes observed are minor. In fact, the main difference is observed in the areas occupied by forest which registered a slight increase and by agriculture that suffered a small decrease. of population induced by local and regional development strategies and by the concentration of population in the few cities and villages existing in this area (Mirandela, Carrazeda de Ansiães, Alijó).

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

Figure 4 – Distribution of the land use patterns in accordance with the “Carta de Ocupação do Solo” (2007).

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Graph 3 – Distribution of the land use patterns (in percentage) in accordance with the “Carta de Ocupação do Solo” (2007).

Figure 5 presents the main changes observed between 1910 and 1990. In fact, society. Firstly, agricultural areas registered a slight decrease, but the changes were were previously uncultivated areas and forest areas. However, it lost an important quantity of lands for forests. Forest areas increased by occupying an important part of agricultural and uncultivated areas.

society these had few impacts in the land use dynamics of the study area. mainly between two land uses: agricultural areas and forest areas. Forest areas have gained space from agricultural areas.

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

Figure 5 – Land use dynamics between 1910 and 1990 in the study area.

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Figure 6 – Land use class transference occurring between 1910 and 1990 (values in km2)

Figure 7 – Land use dynamics between 1990 and 2007 in the study area.

120 •

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

Figure 8 – Land use class transference occurring between 1990 and 2007 (values in km2)

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5. CONCLUDING REMARKS The FozTua project essentially seeks to preserve the cultural heritage of the Tua line and the Tua valley. The achievement of this primary goal rests on the collection, production, analysis, and management of information on various topics considered in the context of the project of the museological nucleus in progress. The project also seeks to integrate the information regarding the geographical factors. Therefore, it is fundamental to implement integrated information analysis solutions based on Geographic Information Systems (GIS). Thus, it is possible to develop a diverse set of analyses, taking into consideration the temporal and spatial interaction inherent to the phenomena in study. In fact, one of the potentials of GIS is the ability to incorporate and model a vast amount of spatial and alphanumeric information. The analysis of the change in land use during the twentieth century reveal a host of transformations brought about by social-demographic, political, and environmental factors. Despite the importance of the latter (i.e., climate, topography, hydrological resources, and soil properties), the major catalysts underlying the transformation of the land use patterns are the social and political factors.

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They are critical for understanding the change in land use patterns and the consequent transformation of the regional landscape throughout the last century. In fact, the evolution of the land use patterns follows the patterns associated with Human activity. Therefore, the predominant agricultural use registered th since at least the 19th century. This pattern was associated with the demographic dynamics of the same period, which registered an increase of the population up to the 1950s. The demographic decline registered since the second half of the 20th century (resulting from several factors, namely those of a social-economic nature) along with the population aging phenomenon has directly affected the land use cultivated areas have also suffered a drastic reduction during the period under consideration. This fact has also contributed to an increase in forest areas. th century are more moderate. In large part this is due to the shorter period of the cartographic analysis. However, it is also indicative of the more stable social and economic conditions during this period.

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REFERENCES BEIRA, Eduardo, MONTEIRO, Jorge e OLIVEIRA Maria Manuel. . EDP, MIT, UMinho, 2011. FIGUEIREDO, Rui F. 2007. Integração das questões geoambientais nos processos de ordenamento sustentado dos territórios. Territórios e Culturas Ibéricas II, Colecção NUNES, Adélia J. N. 2007. Abandono do espaço agrícola na “Beira Transmontana”. Extensão, causas e efeitos ambientais, Diss. Doutoramento, Coimbra, Univ. Coimbra, 317 p. RIBEIRO, Orlando 1998. Portugal, o Mediterrâneo e o Atlântico. Esboço de relações • 123

edição de 1945). ROXO, Maria José 1994. A acção antrópica no processo de degradação de solos: a Serra de Serpa e Mértola. Diss. Doutoramento, Universidade Nova de Lisboa. VIEIRA, António A. B. 2008. Serra de Montemuro: Dinâmicas geomorfológicas, evolução da paisagem e património natural. Diss. de Doutoramento, Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Coimbra. VIEIRA, António 2009/2011. Alterações do uso do solo na Serra de Montemuro no século Planeamento, Universidade do Minho, Guimarães. ISSN: 1646-5709. VIEIRA, António, BENTO-GONÇALVES, A. J., MARTINS, C. O., LOUREIRO, E. 2009. . Geo-Working Paper, Série de Investigação 2009/20, VIEIRA, António, BENTO-GONÇALVES, A. J., MARTINS, C., FERREIRA-LEITE, F., LOUREIRO, E. 2011.

Planeamento, Universidade do Minho, Guimarães.

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VIEIRA, António, CORREIA, M., LOUREIRO, E. 2012. GIS for Tua Valley. In McCants et al. (Eds.), Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences, Vol. II, Projeto Foztua. VIEIRA, António, CORREIA, Marta, LOUREIRO, Eurico, LOURENÇO, António 2012. Infraestrutura de dados espacial aplicada à preservação e promoção da memória cultural, no âmbito do projeto Foztua. In A. Vieira, F. Costa e P. Remoaldo (Ed.),

Guimarães, 179-186. ISBN: 978-989-97394-1-3.

MAPS 124 •

Carta Agrícola e Florestal, Esc. 1: 500 000. SROA, Lisboa, 1910. 75, 76, 77, 88, 89, 90, 91, 102, 103, 104, 105, 116, 117, 118, 128 e 129, 1990 (atualizada em 1995). 88, 89, 90, 91, 102, 103, 104, 105, 116, 117, 118, 128 e 129, 2007.

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

TERRACES IN THE TUA VALLEY TERRAÇOS NO VALE DO TUA António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço (U. Minho, Portugal) António Vieira is a geographer and assistant professor at the Department of Geography, University of Minho, and develops his research activities as an integrated member of the Center for Studies of Geography and Spatial Planning (CEGOT - UM/UC/UP). During his career has developed research in granitic geomorphology, geomorphological heritage and changes in land use, addressing today on issues related to geographic information systems and remote sensing and its application to land use, among others. Eduarda Pimenta holds a master degree in Geography, at the Department of Geography, University of Minho. António Pedro Lourenço is graduated in Geography and Planning, at the Department of Geography, University of Minho and holds a master degree in Geographical Information Systems and Planning. He is developing his PhD within the Geographic Information Technologies. António Vieira desenvolvendo as suas atividades de investigação como membro integrado do Centro de Estudos de Durante a sua carreira desenvolveu investigação no âmbito da geomorfologia granítica, do património geomorfológico, ou das alterações do uso do solo, debruçando-se atualmente sobre temáticas relacionadas entre outras. Eduarda Pimenta António Pedro Lourenço

Abstract Resumo The Tua Valley presents itself as a unique riparian ecosystem in Europe, revealing outstanding beauty and an unparalleled level of biodiversity. It also contains an incomparable cultural wealth built up over the centuries, making it a very attractive landscape. The different land uses and resulting land management practices have a major impact on the local ecosystems and natural resources, creating a landscape with unique and distinctive features. One of the striking aspects of this landscaped is the existence of terraces. The terraces are structures that contradict the nature of the slopes and have enabled humans to develop agricultural activities in the most adverse places. These reveal the excellent adaptation of man to his environment since the slopes

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leave no other choice other than using them as terraces. Based on cartographic and photographic information we performed an inventory of the existing terraces in the Tua Valley (in its lower sector) in order to identify the

126 •

walls, access structures, and other elements. O vale do Tua apresenta-se como um ecossistema ribeirinho único na Europa, revelando uma beleza excecional e um elevado valor de biodiversidade. Encerra também uma riqueza cultural incomparável, construída ao longo dos séculos, tornando-se numa paisagem extremamente atraente. Os diferentes usos do solo e as práticas de gestão da terra resultantes têm um grande impacto sobre os ecossistemas locais e recursos naturais, criando uma paisagem com características únicas e distintivas. Um dos aspetos marcantes desta paisagem é a existência de terraços. Os terraços são estruturas que contradizem a natureza das encostas e permitiram ao ser humano o desenvolvimento das atividades agrícolas nos lugares mais adversos. Estas estruturas revelam a excelente adaptação do homem ao seu ambiente, uma vez que as encostas não deixam outra escolha que não seja usá-los como terraços. dos diferentes campos em terraços. Tivemos também em conta o tipo de paredes, estruturas de acesso, bem como outros elementos associados.

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

Terraces in the Tua valley António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

1. INTRODUCTION • 127

Terraced landscapes are very common in the mountain areas of the northern and central regions of Portugal. The reduced availability of agricultural lands in these mountain areas characterized by steep slopes forced the population to from the mountain.

The implementation of terraces is not random, but rather results from the slopes, geology and hydrology also condition their construction, as do accesin other countries in Europe (Italy, France or Spain, among many others), South America (Peru), Africa (Ethiopia), and also in Asia (China, Japan).

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2. STUDY AREA The Tua river basin is located in the region of Portuguese region of Tras-os2 . The area is partitioned by the Figure 1. Study area

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The geological substratum is characterized by the predominance of metakey role in the local geomorphology by contributing to the individualization of prominent reliefs and the presence of steep slopes. geneous distribution of precipitation. The greatest concentration of precipitation of the Tua valley. The temperature also reveals a heterogeneous distribution. about 7° C. These areas correspond to the higher altitudes. The highest tempera-

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3. CHARACTERIZATION OF THE TERRACES AND METHODOLOGY

soil from hydraulic erosion. The construction of terraces consists in removing soil from the upper part of Through the construction of terraces humans are able to create regular and accessible patches for agricultural use in steep slopes. They also help increase tribute to the decrease of soil erosion. and often involve them. terraces in our study area.

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Figure 2 – Scheme of the construction of a terrace.

of 1958, by the USAF; Land use cartography from different years (“Carta AgríComissão Nacional de Informação Geográproduced by the (IGP). -

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

Table I – Typology and main characteristics of terraces STRUCTURES

SUB-TYPES

1. Structural arrangement of terraces

1.1. Continuous Parallel

1.5. Concentric concave 1.6. Radial

2.1. With no arrangement or irregular 2.2. With minor arrangement

5. Support structures

5.1. Water harvesting systems 5.2. Water transport systems

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4. TERRACES IN THE TUA VALLEY

to develop some kind of agricultural activity is by constructing terraces. groves, and annual cultures (near settlements). th

olive groves represented a small percentage.

century

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

century the area occupied by vineyards and olive

According to the typology of the terrace structures presented in the previous

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rain (photo 1). Photograph 1 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Continuous parallel terraces

terraces, i.e., functioning as ramps. In this system there is no need to build stairs (photo 2).

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

As for the concave concentric structures, these are associated to the use of

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The radial structure terraces have a circular shape and are crossed at right das” (photo 5). The orthogonal structure terraces are developed on the valley Photograph 5 – Radial structures

the stone is placed crudely and in a crude fashion (photo 6).

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

stituent blocks (photo 7).

stones above the ground.

properties. The access to the terraces can be achieved through stairs or ramps. The stairs

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are the most common system in the study area and they are composed of various

Photograph 8 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Symmetric parallel slab

direction. order to optimize land use. Finally, taking into account a very diverse set of other structures that supter. Indeed, these are structures designed for irrigation and are essential for the maintenance of the terraces.

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CONCLUDING REMARKS they play a fundamental role in maintain human activity in this territory. The of potentially used surfaces. -

António Vieira • Eduarda Pimenta • António Pedro Lourenço

REFERENCES Vale e linha do

Rio Alva. Coleção Cindínicas VI. NICIF, FLUC.

ção Universidade de Coimbra.

Infraestrutura de dados espacial aplicada à preservação e promoção da memória

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

MAPS

em 1995).

Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Paulo B. Lourenço • Eduardo Beira

DESIGNING TUA LINE: BRIDGES, TUNNELS AND OTHER SPECIAL ARTWORKS, EVIDENCE FROM THE ARCHIVES PROJETO DA LINHA DO TUA: PONTES, TÚNEIS E OUTRAS CONSTRUÇÕES ESPECIAIS, EVIDÊNCIA COM BASE NOS ARQUIVOS Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Paulo B. Lourenço (U. Minho, Portugal) • Eduardo Beira (IN+, Técnico, Lisboa Lisbon, Portugal) Lurdes Martins, ph student, Department of Civil Engineering, University of Minho, Guimarães, Portugal. Admitted in CAP as Higher Technical Safety and Health at Work Level VI. Academic interests in issues in granites. Graça Vasconcelos is assistant Professor at Department of Civil Engineering at University of Minho and is

Open Construction and Building Technology Journal, Bentham and conferences. Paulo Lourenço, professor, Department of Civil Engineering, University of Minho, Guimarães, Portugal

sites, such as Cathedral of Porto, Monastery of Jeronimos (Lisbon), Castle of Guimaraes or Qutb Minar and Morocco. He is Editor of the “International Journal of Architectural Heritage: Conservation, Analysis and Restoration”, Editor of the Conference Series “Structural Analysis of Historical Constructions” and Coordinator of the European Erasmus Mundus Master Course on “Structural Analysis of Monuments and

Eduardo Beira, IN+ Center for Innovation, Technology and Policy Research, IST (Lisboa). Professor professor and EDAM (Engineering Design and Advanced Manufacturing) Professor in MIT Portugal Program.

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innovation, engineering and technology, regional development. Lurdes Martins, aluna de doutoramento na Escola de Engenharia da Universidade do Minho, departamento de Engenharia Civil. Inscrita no CAP como Técnica Superior de Segurança e Higiene do Trabalho de nível Graça Vasconcelos Minho e membro do Instituto para a Sustentabilidade e Inovação em Engenharia de Estruturas (ISISE). Open Construction and Building Technology Journal, Bentham Open e revisora de diversos artigos de revistas internacionais. Tem mais Paulo Lourenço de Engenharia Civil. Dirige o ISISE, Instituto para a Sustentabilidade e Inovação em Engenharia Estrutural. Especialista em restauro de estruturas, tendo sido consultor em diversos casos de Património Mundial.

144 • “Structural Analysis of Historical Constructions” e coordenador do European Erasmus Mundus Master Eduardo Beira, IN+ Center for Innovation, Technology and Policy Research, IST (Lisboa). Professor Professor Associado, e Professor EDAM (Engineering Design and Advanced Manufacturing) do Programa industriais e de serviços durante mais de vinte anos, depois de uma primeira carreira académica na desenvolvimento, engenharia e tecnologia, indústrias “tradicionais”.

Abstract Resumo This paper intends to give a detailed overview of the special structures along supporting walls. For this, a detailed investigation was carried on the archives in National Center of Railway Documentation, which is the company in charge of the management of the infrastructure of the national Portuguese railways. The Tua line

animal traction to reach the worksite to transport tons of iron and stone.

Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Paulo B. Lourenço • Eduardo Beira

Este trabalho passa em revista as estruturas especiais ao longo da linha do Tua, em

considerando os limitados recursos construtivos disponíveis, baseados na tração

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Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Paulo B. Lourenço • Eduardo Beira

Designing Tua line: bridges, tunnels and other special artworks, evidence from the archives Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Paulo B. Lourenço • Eduardo Beira

1. INTRODUCTION • 147

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2. CONSTRUCTIVE PROCESS OF THE SPECIAL STRUCTURES IN TUA LINE -

Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Paulo B. Lourenço • Eduardo Beira

Mirandela

1st haul

4th haul

haul

5th haul

3th haul

haul

2.1. Technical aspects of the bridges and viaducts -

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Year Encounters and Presas

Metallic Encounters and Metallic

Viaduct Más concrete

Paradela

Metallic

Leiras

1 1

17+311

Pontoon 1 -

ou Vieiro Pontoon

Pontoon

Meireles ou 41+741 Cachão

Pontoon

1 Metallic

Metallic

1 1

Encounters in Vaults in Vaults in Vaults in Vaults in Encounters in Encounters in Vaults in Vaults in

Metallic

1 1

da 1

Encounters in Vaults in

Vaults in

ou Pontoon

Vaults in

Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Paulo B. Lourenço • Eduardo Beira

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Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Paulo B. Lourenço • Eduardo Beira

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154 •

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2.2. Technical aspects of the tunnels -

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2.3. Technical aspects of the supporting walls

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2.4. Technical aspects of the aqueducts -

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144 3 5 1 Total

4. CONCLUSION

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Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Paulo B. Lourenço • Eduardo Beira

REFERENCIES Dissertação de Mestrado: Pontes e linha do Tua: história, construção e valorização. Infraestruturas Ferroviarias. Dissertação de Mestrado. Linha do Tua: história, estruturas, acidentes, contexto geológico-geotécnico.

Maria da Conceição Salgado

ECONOMY AND SOCIETY IN THE TUA VALLEY: 1881 AND 1885 INQUIRIES ECONOMIA E SOCIEDADE NO VALE DO TUA: OS INQUÉRITOS DE 1881 E 1885 Conceição Salgado (U. Lusiada, Porto, Portugal) Conceição Salgado Born in Torre de Moncorvo (Trás-os-Montes). PhD student (Emigration from Bragança district to Brazil and the links between Portugal and Brazil, 1844-1911) in Universidade Lusíada, Porto, and historical demography and contemporary history and economy. Coordinator of Revista Colégio Campos Monteiro, edited by Associação dos Alunos e Amigos do Ex-Colégio Campos Monteiro de Torre de Moncorvo. Conceição Salgado Natural de Torre de Moncorvo (Trás-os-Montes). Doutoranda em Relações Internacionais na Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Lusíada do Porto é investigadora do Centro de Estudos da População Economia e Sociedade (CEPESE), Porto. Tem desenvolvido estudos na área da a emigração portuguesa para o Brasil e realiza trabalhos de investigação nessa área, alguns deles já publicados, outros apresentados em comunicações em Bragança, Porto, Brasil e Açores. Prepara a sua tese de doutoramento subordinada ao tema A emigração do distrito de Bragança para o Brasil e as relações entre Portugal e o Brasil (1844-1911). Ex-Colégio Campos Monteiro de Torre de Moncorvo.

Abstract Resumo This paper deals with the most distinctive aspects of the society and the economy in the counties of Bragança district in the Tua valley, based o two surveys from end of 1800’s: the industrial survey (1881) and the survey to the portuguese emigration (1885). sociedade nos concelhos do Distrito de Bragança, inseridos no Vale do Tua. Industrial - 1881 e o Inquérito à Emigração Portuguesa – 1885.

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Maria da Conceição Salgado

Economy and society in the Tua valley: 1881 and 1885 inquiries Maria da Conceição Salgado

INTRODUCTION • 169

1. INQUIRIES

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Industrial Survey 1881 Parliamentary Inquiry on Portuguese Emigration of 1885,

2. INDUSTRIAL INQUIRY -1881

170 •

Maria da Conceição Salgado

2.1. The results of the Inquiry of 1881: Municipalities where they are located 2 Bragança

Macedo de Cavaleiros

1 2

Cereal

leather

Bragança

shoe

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industries

Cereal leather

shoe

172 •

3. PARLIAMENTARY INQUIRY PORTUGUESE ON EMIGRATION -1885

Maria da ConceiĂ§ĂŁo Salgado

consult:

3.1. The Answers

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Not answering were the districts:

Districts that answered in part:

Districts

Castelo Branco

Guarda Viseu

Bragança Viana Braga

Funchal Horta

Faro

Vila Real

Agricultural industry Other industries Various subject Emigration

3.1.1. Carrazeda de Ansiães The agricultural industry

Maria da Conceição Salgado

In Other Industries In Other Business

Regarding Emigration -

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3.1.2. Mirandela The agricultural industry

Other industries In Other Business

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Emigration

3.1.3. Vila Flor Regarding the agricultural industry –

176 •

other industries Regarding Other business – Respondents said that there were no indus-

The instruction and hygienic conditions are not good and teachers are not well About Emigration -

3.1.4. Response of other counties in the district of Bragança

Maria da Conceição Salgado

Industry

CONCLUSION Industrial inquiry in 1881 and the Parliamentary Inquiry the Portuguese Emigration in 1885 -

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draft rural development

178 •

Maria da Conceição Salgado

SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Commissão Parlamentar para o estudo da Emigração Portuguesa, 1885, Inquérito Industrial de 1881 Diário da Câmara Senhores Deputados- 1885 O desenvolvimento do capitalismo em Portugal A indústria do Porto na primeira metade do século XIX Moncorvo no Inquérito Parlamentar de 1885. Revista

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Hugo Silveira Pereira • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

THE OPENING OF THE TUA RAILROAD: THE KING AND ROYAL COURT WENT TO MIRANDELA (1887) A INAUGURAÇÃO DA LINHA DO TUA: O REI E A CORTE FORAM A MIRANDELA (1887) Hugo Silveira Pereira (U. Porto, Portugal) • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro (U. Minho, Portugal) Hugo Silveira Pereira was born in Oporto in 1979. In 2005, he completed his History undergraduate program in the Arts and Humanities College of Oporto University. Three years later he completed his master program in Contemporary History in the same institution with an investigation about the relationships between the lower house of the Portuguese parliament and the construction of railways between 1845 and 1860. He has a PhD degree since 2012 with a dissertation about the Portugal railway policy in the second half of the 19th century. He published several papers about the History of Portuguese railways. José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro PhD in Contemporaneous History, professor in Department of History of University of Minho. Member of th board of the Museum of Textile Industry in Ave Valley (Famalicão, Portugal). National representative of “TICCIH - The International Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage”, consulting body for UNESCO/ICOMOS about industrial heritage and president of APPI, the national association for industrial heritage. Published several books and multiple papers about industrial archaeology as well as economic history and contemporaneous politics. Researcher in CITCEM, Center for Transdisciplinar Research “Culture, Space and Memory”. Member of the History doctoral comission (University of Minho). Hugo Silveira Pereira nasceu no Porto em 1979. Em 2005, licenciou-se em História na Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto. Aqui obteve, três anos depois, o grau de mestre em História Contemporânea com uma tese sobre a relação entre a câmara baixa do parlamento português e a construção ferroviária no período compreendido entre 1845 e 1860. Concluiu o seu doutoramento em 2012 com uma tese sobre a politica ferroviária nacional na segunda metade do século XIX. Publicou vários artigos sobre a História dos caminhos-de-ferro portugueses. José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro, natural do Porto, é licenciado e doutorado em História Contemporânea pela Universidade do Minho, onde exerce funções docentes, sendo Professor Auxiliar do Departamento de História, do Instituto de Ciências Sociais. É director do Museu da Indústria Têxtil da Bacia do Ave, situado em Famalicão, Representante Nacional do “TICCIH - The International Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage”, organismo consultor da UNESCO/ICOMOS para o património industrial, e presidente da APPI – Associação Portuguesa para o Património Industrial. É também director da revista Arqueologia Industrial. Tem inúmeros artigos e livros publicados nas áreas do património e arqueologia industrial, assim como da história económica e política contemporânea. É membro da Comissão Directiva do Curso de Doutoramento em História da Universidade do Minho, e integra o CITCEM – Centro de investigação Transdisciplinar «Cultura, Espaço e Memória».

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Abstract Resumo After long and arduous months of work, on 29 September 1886, the Tua line was and various minsters and guests, such as Rafael Bordalo Pinheiro, creator of the

182 •

the German constructor Emil Kessler of Esslingen with the number E81), was piloted by the engineer in charge of the Tua line construction himself, Dinis da Mota. A large crowd attended the departure from Foz Tua, among them the representatives of the Alijó, Carrazeda de Ansiães and São João da Pesqueira municipalities. The arrival of the train was effusively received in Mirandela and the guests of honor were the Civil Governor of Bragança, the Bishop of Bragança-Mirandela, the Mayor of Mirandela, and representatives from the Macedo de Cavaleiros, Valpaços, Bragança, Vila Flor and Alfândega da Fé municipalities. The construction company offered a lavish dinner with two hundred seats in the railway warehouse, painted by Luigi Manini and decorated by Marques da Silva. The author intends to present the inaugurada no dia 27 de Setembro de 1887, na presença do rei D. Luís I, rainha D. Maria Pia, príncipe real D. Carlos e vários ministros e convidados, como Rafael inauguração – chamada Traz os Montes e fabricada pelo construtor alemão Emil Kessler de Esslingen – foi conduzida pelo engenheiro responsável pela construção da própria linha do Tua: Dinis Moreira da Mota. Uma vasta multidão presenciou a partida do comboio de Foz-Tua, entre a qual se contava os representantes das câmaras municipais de Alijó, Carrazeda de Anciães e São João da Pesqueira. A chegada do comboio foi efusivamente celebrada em Mirandela, onde aguardavam os convidados de honra governador civil de Bragança, bispo de Bragança-Mirandela, o presidente da câmara de Mirandela e representantes autárquicos de Macedo de Cavaleiros, Valpaços, Bragança, Vila Flor e Alfândega da Fé. A companhia construtora ofereceu um elegante jantar para 200 convidados num pavilhão decorado por Luigi Manini e Marques da Silva. Neste artigo, procuraremos apresentar os aspectos mais

Hugo Silveira Pereira • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

The opening of the Tua railroad: the king and royal court went to Mirandela (1887) Hugo Silveira Pereira • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

INTRODUCTION • 183

After a long and troublesome bureaucratic and technical process, the line between Foz Tua and Mirandela, which promised to retrieve Trás-os-Montes from its backon the 22nd, 23rd, 24th and 25th still much work to be done on the line, the inspecting commission authorized the inauguration and the beginning of the transportation of passengers1

of state visited one of the poorest and most underdeveloped provinces of the

was the highlight of that visit2

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

184 •

Viscount de Claverie – Figaro; Bordalo Pinheiro – Pontos nos ii Jornal do Comércio Gazeta dos Caminhos-de-ferro Correio da Manhã José Abranches – Notícias da Noite Batista Borges – Diário de Notícias Eduardo Schwalback – Diário Popular António Castilho – Economista Jornal da Noite Pinto Coelho – Época Ilustrado Sárrea Prado – Nação Lapa Valente – Correio Português Alves Correia – O Século

Hugo Silveira Pereira • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

Fontoura de Carvalho – Novidades Revolução de Setembro Primeiro de Janeiro Francisco Carrelhas – Actualidade Borges de Avellar – Comércio Português Ricardo Costa – Folha Nova Acácio Pereira – O Commercio do Porto Jornal do Porto3 O Comércio do Porto, Correio da Manhã, Diário Ilustrado, Diário Popular, Jornal do Comércio, O Século and Pontos nos ii lished in the satirical newspaper Pontos nos ii Figure 2 – Rafael Bordalo Pinheiro

• 185

thousands of contos

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idea for the king tour his kingdom and greet his subjects as a means to counter O Seculo

rated the line between Foz Tua and Mirandela, as we shall see in the following

GETTING TO FOZ TUA th

station lobbies in order to see the king and the angel of charity 5

Hugo Silveira Pereira • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

O Comercio do Porto

very

tiresome great desire to take part in the festivities of progress and his great desire to get to know the country from up close”7

• 187

8 th

, he

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

no Montenegro, José Borges de Faria, general Malaquias de Lemos, viscounts of miro Mena, António de Albuquerque, José Celestino de Paula e Mello, Almeida 11

188 •

O Seculo

11 12

Hugo Silveira Pereira • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

, as Rafael Bordalo Pin-

ARRIVAL AT FOZ TUA

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

At Foz Tua, the king and his court took another train north to Mirandela Diario Popular The Jornal do Comercio refers that a woman, pointing to one of the children on They are perfect. God save themâ&#x20AC;?15 Joaquim Azevedo, with the most absolute disregard for the patience of the king,

14 15

Hugo Silveira Pereira • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

Mirandela, the terminus station of the Tua line and the place where the inaugu-

IN MIRANDELA

Traz os Montes and Bragança18

17 18

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

out the visit were too thin to hold the populace the reporter of O Seculo train and not about the visit of the king

Te Deum in Mirandelaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s

Hugo Silveira Pereira â&#x20AC;˘ JosĂŠ Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

the center medallion was painted in light blue and the other two framed the coat -

members of the government, the local authorities, and a few members of the

Chaud

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Filet de boeuf à la diplomate, Froids Jambon de York à l’aspic,

Roti: Entremets Asperges en branches sauce mousseline, pouding à la Reine, pains de ananas Grosses pièces

The king didn’t go through the entire menu as his duties required his pres23

of Mirandela followed him, even though – according to Bordalo Pinheiro – he Jornal do Comercio, there were also some boring toasts24 -

22 23 24

Hugo Silveira Pereira • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

THE JOURNEY BACK

Menu Commé au riz Froid Filets de boeuf à la demi-glace

Foie-gras à la brillante Entremets sucrés Pudding diplomatique Biscuits assortis Fruits divers et frommage

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Vins

CafĂŠ et liqueurs Montes25

FINAL REMARKS

O Seculo -

deserted, and apart from the local authorities, no one else came to greet the 25

Hugo Silveira Pereira â&#x20AC;˘ JosĂŠ Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

not access the reports of O Seculo about the inauguration in Mirandela, so we

Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

DEMOGRAPHICS OF THE TUA VALLEY: EVIDENCES FROM PARISH RECORD BOOKS DURING THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE RAILWAY (1878-1897) DEMOGRAFIA DO VALE DO TUA: EVIDÊNCIAS A PARTIR DOS LIVROS DE REGISTOS PAROQUIAIS DURANTE A CONSTRUÇÃO DA LINHA DE CAMINHO-DEFERRO (1878-1897) Maria Otília Lage (CITCEM, U. Porto, Portugal) • Otília Silva (FLUP - U. Porto, Portugal) • Manuela Silva (CITCEM, U. Porto, Portugal) Otília Lage is professor in Universidade Lusófona, Porto and researcher in CITCEM (Transdiciplinar Research Center of Culture, Space and Memory, University of Porto). She has a PhD in Contemporary History by University of Minho and she is also professor (retired) in the Polytechnic Institute, Porto. She was born in Carrazeda de Ansiães (in Tua Valley). Maria Otília Santos Silva Graduation in History (1966). Researcher in historical demography and post graduation in documentary sciences, she has founded and leaded Library Padre Silva Lopes (in Matosinhos) for 14 years. She has worked has techical manager for several libraries in universities and she has teached courses in library sciences and social sciences programs. Student of MSc program on History and Geography (University of Porto) Manuela Silva Researcher in the Group of History of Populations and CITCEM, University of Minho. MSc in History of Populations. Retired teacher in the secondary school D. Maria II, in Braga. Born in Barcelos. Author of several papers in the area of the history of portuguese demography. Otília Lage é professora da Universidade Lusófona do Porto e investigadora do CITCEM, Universidade do Porto. Doutorada em História Contemporânea pela Universidade do Minho. Professora reformada do Instituto Politécnico do Porto. Natural de Carrazeda de Ansiães. Maria Otília Santos Silva (Matosinhos, 1974), é licenciada em Ciências Históricas desde 1996. Tem como Populações na Universidade do Minho. Com uma Pós-Graduação em Ciências Documentais, foi fundadora e directora, em regime de voluntariado, da Biblioteca Padre Silva Lopes (Lavra - Matosinhos) durante 14 anos. Exerceu funções como técnica superior de bibliotecas, em Bibliotecas Universitárias, e docente de Centro de Inovação Social do Porto, na Fundação Porto Social. Manuel Silva investigadora do Grupo História das Populações e Citcem da universidade do Minho, Mestre

• 199

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

em História das Populações, professora reformada da escola secundária D. Maria II em Braga, é autora de

Abstract Resumo In this communication, we will present some interpretations of the research Valley, of the Carrazeda de Ansiães and Vila Flor municipalities between 1803 and 1900, including the construction period of the railway (1883-1897). prove the eventual arrival of Galicians to this region, who came with the intention of working on the construction of the railway. 200 •

the Tua line passed through: Carrazeda, Castanheiro do Norte, Pereiros, Pinhal do Norte and Pombal, in the municipality of Carrazeda de Ansiães and Vilarinho das Azenhas in the municipality of Vila Flor. For the realization of this study, parish record books of baptisms, marriages and death records of the aforementioned parishes, available in the District Archive of Bragança were used as our main source. Individual and family data was inventoried and analyzed according to the Parish Reconstitution Method (Norberta Amorim, Minho University). Baptisms, marriages and death records of workers from Galicia and/or their descendants were also looked at with particular attention. We assume that many recorded deaths were caused by the construction of the Tua work carried out in steep terrain. However, the constant lack of cause of death in the parish records, coupled with the age of death, revealed to be a shortcoming of this source, which along with the line’s construction, allowed us to verify that the amount of individuals who died in this context was very low. Through the study of marriage and fertility variables we came to two other conclusions: on one hand, the number of Galicians that moved to the Tua region and lived or remained there was not substantial. On the other hand, some eventually permanently settled in the area, married and formed families. universe considered and an analysis of the same in sight of a historical reconstitution

Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

of these communities, particularly in the socio-demographic, cultural and sociological aspects, cross-referencing sources and data from different origins. de construção da linha do Tua a Mirandela (1883 a 1887). O objetivo principal é mostrar a entrada eventual de galegos na região, emigrantes para os trabalhos de construção da linha. Carrazeda de Ansiães (Carrazeda, Castanheiro do Norte, Pinhal do Norte, Pombal de

(Norberta Amorim, Universidade do Minho), sendo prestada um especial atenção aos dados relativos a trabalhadores oriundos da Galiza. e perigos dos trabalhos nesses terrenos.O cruzamento com os dados da Companhia Nacional sobre vítimas de acidentes nas obras mostra alguma das limitações desta construção da linha foi bastante baixo. Através do estudo dos casamentos e das variáveis de fertilidade, chegamos a duas

• 201

Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

Demographics of the Tua valley: evidences from parish record books during the construction of the railway (1878-1897) Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

INTRODUCTION • 203

The historical and demographic knowledge of the Tua line construction period, is essentially due to two causes: the lack of compilation and research of the existing primary sources, which allow a direct systematic and representative approach of the subject, and the lack of studies that constitute a source of informographics, which is the study of the parish populations alongside the Tua line were the object of our study, particularly those located near the most dangerous -

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

This investigation was achieved through direct primary sources: the parish

204 •

cross-checking of various different sources, such as the map of sick, injured and deceased workers on the construction of the line between July 1885 and July ing certain premises that were established by us in the beginning of this paper: • Study the demographic behavior of these parishes through birth, marriage and mortality variables; • •

1. THE TUA LINE AND ITS PEOPLE – HISTORICAL REVIEW -

Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

Its construction was vital for the development of better life conditions of the -

DEMOGRAPHIC BEHAVIORS OF THE POPULATIONS The scattered populations began concentrating along the railroad with increas-

Table 1 –

Year

• 205

men wom men wom men women men women men women men women 1878 235 455 281 270 438 452 230 452 311 339 123 120 1890 225 414 331 322 499 533 296 315 359 394 103 109 1900 417 408 436 392 642 575 370 513 382 408 116 205

The censuses of 1878, 1890 and 1900 depict the population growth before

2.1.Nuptiality

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

demographic phenomena is very tight “and some of those phenomena bind more than others to social or cultural variables” 1 are in the presence of a fertile variable that raises questions in order to show the Therefore, its importance is relevant in the study of a population 2 Seasonality in marriage - The month to get married The monthly or seasonal distribution of marriages enabled us to directly or inendar3 206 •

oux4 tween 1st

are periods of fasting and abstinence respected by the grooms. The analysis of the population dynamics will be addressed in the six parishthat the allocation of marriages is lower in the last months of the year, a peculiar

Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

Table 2 – Seasonality of marriage

1878-1897 month

jan

feb

mar

nºabs

apr may jun 6

jul

aug

sep

oct

nov

dec

total

nºday nºpro

1200 Source parish marriage records, own elaboration

Table 3 – Seasonality of marriage es 1878-1897 month

jan

feb

mar

apr

may

jun

jul

ºabs

aug sep 6

0ct

nov

dec

tota

ºday ºpro

136

1200

Table 4 – Seasonality of marriage

1878-1897 month

jan

feb

nºabs

mar apri may jun 9

jul aug sep 8

oct

nob

dec

total

129

nºday nºpro

1200

• 207

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Table 5 – Seasonality of marriage

1878-1894 Month

jan

feb

ºabs

mar apr May jun 2

jul aug sep

oct

nov

dec

total

ºday ºpro

1200

February5 208 •

wedding rather than waiting for the end of Lent. Table 6 – Seasonality of marriages

1893-1897 month jan ºabs

feb

mar

apr

may

jun

jul

aug

sep

octo

nov

dec

total

ºday ºpro

1200 Source: parish marriages records, own elaboration

Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

We worked this variable between the period 1878 and 1897; although the exist6

Table 7 – Weekly calendar of marriages

es 1878-1894

1878-1897

1893-1897

1878-1897

Monday

Tuesday

Wednesday

Thursday

Friday

Saturday

Sunday

Total

129

Figura 1 – Weekly calendar of marriages

When we analyse Table 7, 1878-1897, we found that the days chosen to cel50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday

• 209

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

ebrate the wedding were preferably Monday and Saturday for the parishes of was Saturday7 period, an undesired day to celebrate a wedding because, according to Lebrun, meat in the wedding meal” 8 9

The preference for Saturday in some parishes also marked a typical social behaviour of communities10 maining days of the week only Thursday emerged as a preferred day to celebrate marriage because some Thursdays coincided with liturgical celebrations or sim-

210 •

The results were within the standards for the period in question, 1878-1897, although we cannot analyse this period in the six parishes since there are some

Table 8 – Marital status before marriage es 1878-1897

1878-1894

119

1893-1897

1878-1897

men single

widow

total

129

single

123

widow

total

129

women

Source: parish marriage records, own elaboration

that for Terlizzi and considering the same period the least

ast

Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

It is a fact that there were more widowers than widows in second marriages, since the mortality from childbirth leads young husbands to marry once more in

es 1878-1897

1878-1894

1893-1897

1878-1897

men Women Source: parish marriage records, own elaboration

With large numbers of single men and women, the age at marriage was higher

Nationality of the spouses

We found that the number of males who marry in the parish of the bride coming

1878- 1878- 1878- 1878- 18931894 1897 1897 1897 1897

men birthp

out

galiz

out galiz

111

out galiza

out

galiz

out galiz

Women

• 211

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Distribution of the male population by occupation. worked in agriculture: farmers and day-labourers, although some of them had other jobs: blacksmiths and joiners, and it is likely that many of them were

Table 11 – parishes

es Men

212 •

farmers

worK railway line

others

totals

147

138

Distribution of the female population by occupation cording to tradition, many women worked on the railway delivering bread and

Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

parishes

es Women 37

farmers

WorK road

Stand out

totals

Source: parish marriage records, own elaboration

2.2.Birth rates Table 13 parish do norte periods births

1878-1897 1890-1895 747

295

1878-1897

1884-1897

1878-1897

582

225

456

159

• 213

Source: parish marriage records, own elaboration

parish periods

es 1878-1897

1890-1895

1878-1897

1884-1897

1878-1897

Men

367

189

Women

380

106

263

103

198

325

122

258

Totals

747

295

582

225

456

159

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

400

Men

350

Women

300 250 200 150 100 50 0

was, respectively,

214 •

es 1884-1897 month

Jan

feb

mar

apr

may

jun

jul

aug

sep

ºab

oct nov

dec Totals

225

ºday ºpro

1200 Source: parish birth records, own elaboration

addressing the monthly or seasonal distribution of births in order to know the to the gaps in the parish regis-

Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

Seasonality of the births 1878-1897 month Jan ºab

feb

mar

apr

may

jun

jul

aug

sep

oct

nov

dec Totals 59

588

ºday ºpro ºab

1200 6

159

ºday ºpro

1200 Source: parish birth records, own elaboration

1884-1897 month Jan ºab

feb

mar

apr

may

jun

jul

aug

sep

oct

nov dec Totals 54

747

ºday ºpro

1200

highest number of births occured in January, February and March “summer love, births in the spring”12

12 455

• 215

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

1884-1897 month Jan ºab

feb

mar

apr

may jun 28

jul

aug

sep

oct

nov

dec

Totals

295

ºday ºpro

1200 Source: parish birth records, own elaboration

ture has proposed the connection to rural life and agricultural work as well as the month in which the marriage takes place, especially the impediments arising 13 respectively, as an explanation

216 •

1883-1897 month Jan ºab

feb mar apr 25

may

jun

jul

aug

sep

oct

nov

dec Totals 33

456

ºday ºpro

1200

2.3. Mortality

Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

the center of the municipality, standing out even in relation to the surrounding

1896-1897

1893-1899

1878-1897

1877-1897

Male

Female

141

childbearing age stands out, although the cause of death is not explicit in the

30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Menos 1 a 5 de 1 ano anos

6 a 10 11 a 15 16 a 20 21 a 30 31 a 40 41 a 50 51 a 60 61 a 70 71 a 80 81 a 90 anos anos anos anos anos anos anos anos anos anos

sabe

• 217

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

The results expressed in the seasonality of deaths graph demonstrate that in all the causes of death were not mentioned in the death records, we hypothesize that these results may be due to, for example, digestive diseases caused by the heat and the

Table 21 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Seasonality of death 1896-1897

1893-1899

1878-1897

1877-1897

218 â&#x20AC;˘

jan

feb

mar

apr

may

jun

jul

aug

sept

oct

nov

dec

constitutions that did not incentivize that practice, it also depended on the avail-

To complement our study, we turned to another source: the map of sick, injured and deceased workers on the construction of the line between July there were recorded accidents on the construction on the line, namely explosions, landslides and even a murder, which were not mentioned in the par-

Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

- where the cliffs were quite steep, which explain the explosions, to more easily break the rock when making passages under the mountain -, the number of even lead to an outbreak, since in just one year, 75 cases of these diseases were towns and even countries, gave them poor living conditions, both in terms of accommodation, and in terms of food, in addition to most likely working many

12 10 8 6 4 2 0 Figure 5 – Situation of the workers on the Tua line construction – July 1885 to July 1886 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

In the present investigation, we also studied the birthplace of the deceased,

• 219

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1896-1897

1893-1988

1878-1897

1877-1897

Minho

220 â&#x20AC;˘

ceased workers on the construction of the line between July 1885 and July 1886, from the Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro

buried in these parishes, where did they go? We believe that at this moment, this

Tarouca Sabrosa

Mirandela Mangualde Lamego

Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

jority had occupations connected to agriculture, as property owners or laborers, as well as servants, and few were connected to railway work, as the table below

Table 22 – 1896-1897

1893-1988

1878-1897

1877-1897

Criado de servir

Farmaceutico

Jornaleiro

Lavrador

Mendigo

Militar

Proprietário

Sapateiro

Taberneiro

Tendeiro ambulante

Não se sabe

• 221

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

We also analysed the marital status of the deceased, in order to understand the type of population that died and we found that in all the studied parishes, the majority of the deceased population were single, which was related to the great infant mortality rate, followed by many married people, who in principle were but not in few numbers are the widows, from which we can hypothesize that

Table 23 – Marital status at death 1896-1897

1893-1988

1878-1897

1877-1897

es 1

Widowed

Married

Single

222 •

The people did not accept this new norm, since they believed that burials should -

Table 24 – Location of burial 1896-1897

1893-1988

1878-1897

1877-1897

107

es 0

Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

CONCLUSION While carrying out this paper, we came across some gaps in the studied parish books, which justify a certain data aggregation and which may have caused This work was based on a thorough investigation in 130 birth records and 71

We studied the nuptiality and fertility variables in these populations, as well

was in general quite low throughout the studied period, although we can hypoth• 223

parishes, therefore shorter longevity of women in relation to men, which contraOne of the objectives of this study was to verify the amount of people that in verifying this premise due to the lack of information from the parish priests between July 1885 and July 1886, and although we ignored the total number of

Tua line required intensive gathering, organization and integration of a large quantity of data from different sources, which had not been studied up until this

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

point, and guaranteed the reliability of the information studied and a reliable -

224 â&#x20AC;˘

Maria Otília Lage • Otília Silva • Manuela Silva

BIBLIOGRAPHY Uma metodologia de reconstituição de Paróquias

La famille et L`enfant en France et en Anglaterre du XVIème XIXème

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Paróquia

Origens de la família moderna

European Marriage patterns in Perspective

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“Le mariage et la famille”

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Anne McCants

OPENING UP AN ‘ISOLATED’ REGION: THE POPULATION DYNAMICS OF THE TRÁS-OSMONTES AFTER THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE TUA RAILROAD A ABERTURA DE UMA REGIÃO “ISOLADA”; DINÂMICAS POPULACIONAIS DE TRÁS-OSMONTES DEPOIS DA CONSTRUÇÃO DA LINHA DO TUA Anne McCants (MIT, USA EUA) Anne McCants is Margaret Mac Vicar Faculty Fellow and professor of History and director of the Concourse Program, MIT Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston (U.S.A.). She has published extensively in the areas of economics of Gothic church building, wealth and income inequality, global trade networks and European consumerism, women’s work and access to credit, history of nutrition and social welfare, migration and labor market participation, historical demography. Anne McCants é Margaret Mac Vicar Faculty Fellow, professora de História e diretora do Concourse Program do MIT Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston (E.U.A.). Tem publicados trabalhos nas áreas da economia da construção das catedrais e igrejas góticas, desigualdades de riqueza e de rendimentos, redes comerciais globais e consumismo europeu, trabalho feminino e acesso ao crédito, histórica.

Abstract Resumo What is the expected population impact of improving the transportation infrastructure of a rural and isolated region? What difference might a railroad make to family formation, and people’s movements when the wider world is made more accessible? On the one hand, as we know was the case for the Tua Valley from the narrative histories collected for this project, a railroad allows for an expansion of the economic base via the easier export of raw commodities. Thus it promotes employment, or possibly even in-migration, at least for seasonal labor. But it also allows the native population to emigrate more easily, which was also clearly the case for the Tua Valley especially in the decades leading up to World War I. These two forces together help to explain the absolute population growth of the Trans-os-Montes over th the course of the late 19th centuries, even while the relative

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share of the region was declining as a percentage of Portugal’s total population.

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worked through the mechanism of completed family size rather than population movements per se. This factor might be characterized broadly as ‘modernization,’ one key component of which was the postponement of marriage and childbearing, as well as limitation of completed family size. Research into the fertility behavior of the Trás-os-Montes suggests that the cultural transformation of the region may have had a greater impact on population dynamics than even the high levels of emigration revealed in the regional Passport Data. Qual o impacto esperado de uma melhoria na infra estrutura tecnológica de uma região rural e isolada? Que impacto pode ter tido uma linha ferroviária sobre a formação de famílias e sobre os movimentos populacionais quando o mundo se torna muito mais acessível? Por um lado, tal como sabemos ter sido o caso do vale do Tua, através das narrativas recolhidas pelo projeto, uma linha de caminho-de-ferro permite uma expansão da base económica através de uma exportação mais fácil de matérias primas e outros produções locais. Logo promove o emprego, ou mesmo imigração, pelo menos para o trabalho sazonal. Mas também permite uma emigração mais fácil da população nativa, o que também foi claramente o caso do vale do Tua, em especial nas décadas anteriores á primeira guerra mundial. Estas duas forças, em conjunto, ajudam a explicar o crescimento absoluto da população de Trás-os-Montes em da população da região na população total nacional tenha diminuído. Mas pode-se do agregado familiar, mais do que por movimentos populacionais per si. Esta factor pode-se caracterizar de uma forma geral como “modernização”, um componente crítico dimensão da família. A investigação sobre o comportamento da fertilidade em Trás-osMontes sugere que as transformações culturais da região terão tido um maior impacto na dinâmica populacional do que os elevados índices de emigração revelados, por exemplo, pelos dados dos passaportes emitidos na região.

Anne McCants

Opening up an ‘isolated’ region: the population dynamics of the Trás-os-Montes after the construction of the Tua railroad Anne McCants One of the most dramatic changes in the social life of the Portuguese over the course of the twentieth century has been the steep fall in the number of children the typical married couple can expect to raise over their lifespan. At the opening of the century Portugal had among the highest birth rates in Europe, driven by high marital fertility, relatively low ages at marriage for women (although higher in the north than in the south), and widespread female nuptiality. By the close of the century, Portugal had joined the rest of Europe in markedly reducing typical family size. Indeed, Portugal now has even lower fertility rates than the rest of Western Europe (well below replacement at 1.32 as measured by the World Bank in 2010), despite the marked improvements in life span that keep more married couples together for longer periods of time. This development is of course the fall in mortality (particularly in infant and child mortality) followed with a short at least in some places, fertility decline has overtaken the decline in mortality so that rates of net natural increase have actually dropped below zero for what rival to the demographic transition, more than a century after it began in France and England, Portugal is now at the cutting edge of a new future prospect with declining native populations. How did such a dramatic shift in behavior come to pass? What cultural or

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socio-economic forces have been at work that contributed to such radically altered demographic norms? Is this phenomenon the product of an expansion of opportunity and choice, or a contraction of them? These are questions that have piqued the curiosity of historians and demographers alike, not to mention the ire of social commentators and especially religious leaders, since nearly the moment that the demographic changes became manifest.

EXPLANATIONS FOR THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION Two broad categories of explanation have dominated the literature that has studied the demographic transition. Roughly these can be characterized as falling under the rubrics of innovation and adaptation. Innovation advocates, most prominently the collaborators behind the European Fertility Project run out of

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kins, have argued that the most dynamic force for change has been cultural. In particular they cite the geographic diffusion of knowledge about effective contraceptive techniques and a growing cultural attitude of acceptance for a separation between procreation and sex, something that had not been permissible in the west since at least the time of Augustine in the forth century and likely from the very beginnings of Christianity. Critics of the European Fertility Project, most prominently Timothy Guinnane and John Brown,1 have argued instead that the most important forces behind the demographic transition are socio-economic in nature. They contend that despite individual variations in motive and circumstance, communities as a whole make vital decisions about if and when grown children will marry on the basis of economic opportunities, or conversely the costs associated with the same. This in turn will impact fertility through the mechanism that most societies in the past had punitive social norms against childbearing outside of matrimony. Moreover, in the post-contraceptive period they argue, fertility decisions still rest primarily on an economic valuaInnovation theorists cite as evidence the complex of new attitudes about religion, the autonomy of the individual, the espoused equality between the sexes, and the relationship between humans and their environment that arose out of Enlightenment ideals as the prime catalyst of new cultural norms about the family. In particular they have embedded these notions into what has been articulated as a broader theory of ‘modernization,’ a concept associated with processes Population: Bavaria, 1880-1910,” Population Studies, Vol. 56, No. 1 (Mar., 2002), pp. 35-49; and, Methodology,” The Economic History Review

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of urbanization, rising literacy, declining religiousity, and the increasing diverimportance of changes in the composition of the workforce, levels of (female, especially) literacy, and increasingly urban populations. But in each of these and demand for children. In urban industrial societies the cost of children rises substantially as housing becomes more expensive and women working outside of the household must contract specially for childcare provision. If married couples live far away from their families of origin childcare becomes even more expensive as kin networks cannot supplement paid care. At the same time, the demand for children falls as they are now occupied full time by schooling and there is no locally relevant work for them to perform as there had been for families living on a farm where simple chores were plentiful. Even marriage itself may become more expensive as the price of land rises, and prolonged schooling delays entry into full adulthood.

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In the context of this larger literature about the dramatic changes in family formation and household composition that were experienced in Europe over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth century and have now spread to almost every part of the world, the local experience of northern Portugal over the same period can offer some interesting insights into the debate between innovation and adaptation, or between the forces of culture and those of socio-economic pressure. Portugal, as already noted, was slow in coming to the demographic transition, and northern Portugal was slower than the central region surrounduardo Beira has argued elsewhere in this project. Yet the arrival of the Tua line train connection with Porto and the rest of Portugal in the last decades of the nineteenth century began to change some of the conditions of isolation that had led to the social and economic marginalization of the region, thereby raising for us a number of interesting questions about changes in family life as a result. What is the expected demographic impact of improving the transportation infrastructure of a rural and isolated region? What difference to family formation strategies might a railroad make if it opens a connection to other regions, or to distant port cities and beyond? In what ways might cultural expectations about

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household size and composition, or people’s patterns of movement, be altered to the extent that improved transport networks facilitated greater mobility of the population, what relationship should we expect between changes in migration and changes in fertility behavior? This last question is especially relevant given than nuptiality restrictions.”2 Graph 1 – Ig fertility measure-Portugal 1890-1981 Note: Ig = the ratio of the actual number of births to the married women in a given population relative to the number regime. 0.900 0.800 0.700 0.600 0.500 0.400

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0.300 0.200 1890 1895 1900 1905 1910 1915 1920 1925 1930 1935 1940 1945 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980

THE TUA CASE We know already from the narratives culled from the oral histories collected by the FozTua project that it was the case that the opening of the railroad allowed for an expansion of the region’s economic base via the much expanded opportunities for the export of the rich agricultural commodities of the region. guinea pigs, and sheep products. With greater exports there was an expansion of employment, and even some opportunities for in-migration, most particularly for the building of the railroad itself and subsequently for seasonal labor at the Journal of Family History, Vol. 31, No. 4 (October 2006 ), pp. 413-421.

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harvest. This is especially true of the grape harvest for which the burst of seacoming of the railroad did indeed provide some opportunities for the local population to remain in the region, just as promoters of the project had so forcefully the railroad demanded in what was otherwise a most peripheral area. But the opening of a railroad connection might also allow the local population to emigrate more easily. This was clearly the case for residents of the Tua Valley, especially in the decades leading up to World War I as is evidenced in the two forces together (that is expanded economic opportunities and systematic out-migration) help to explain the otherwise anomalous evidence of the absolute population growth of the Trans-os-Montes over the course of the late 19th and th centuries, even while the relative share of the region was declining as a percentage of Portugalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s total population. Modernization theory railroad in play -- one that worked through the mechanism of completed family size rather than population movements per se. In this model the greater exposure to new ideas from outside the region, ideas that were both more cosmopolitan and potentially more secular than what had been locally prevalent before, might lead to the postponement of marriage and childbearing, as well as deliberate limitation of completed family size. Given the overall conservativeness of Portugal relative to other parts of Western Europe across most of the twentieth century however, it should not be a forgone conclusion that a modernization process, at least as it is understood by historical demographers, should have been an expected outcome of the building of the railroad. Montes in the century following the initial completion of the Tua Line to Mirandela and subsequent extension to Braganca between 1887 and 1906. The parish 3 that occupied the watershed of the Tua River (and thus, the catchment area of the new transportation system) have been collected for the years 1886-2012. Otilia the period of construction, 1878-1897, in their contribution to this volume. Here I will consider the broader trend of natural increase through an examination of the births and deaths that took place in the Tua Valley over the course of the entire period for which we have data.

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5000 4500 4000 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 -500 1886

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counties that constitute the Tua Valley beginning in 1886 and continuing to 2012 (with the exception of the years 1897-1912 and 1926-28 for which the data is not complete). What is immediately apparent is that with the notable exception the number of deaths in every year up to 1989, after which they drop below that number not to recover to the present day. Indeed, by the start of the decade of the 1970s the drop in the total number of births accelerated such that its rate of decline outpaced the much more steady rate of decline in the number of deaths in the Valley. It is only in this very late period (by Western European standards) that the demographic transition can be said to have come to this particularly of natural increase after 1970 can be seen easily in Graph 3, which charts the same data as a differential between births and deaths.4 There are several interesting things one might notice about this data, even in its current crude form as simply absolute numbers of demographic events. To ately after the construction of the railroad, 1886-96, suggests that perhaps both births and deaths fell in this period of initial connection with the wider world of northern Portugal, and perhaps beyond. It is a tempting conclusion to draw given the theory discussed above. However, the absence of records prior to the building of the railroad, the cessation of records for sixteen years less than a decade after it was completed, and the return of the level of births and deaths to the approximate level around 1890 when the series resumes in 1913, all conspire against drawing any real conclusions about the immediate impact of the construction of the line on family formation strategies or on the economic opportunities for household formation in the Valley. The data is simply too fragmented, (and moreover at precisely the wrong moments) to offer us a reliable guide to changes that may have been set in motion by the sudden expansion in 1887 of agricultural export capacity or the infusion of new ideas from the outside world. Another striking feature of this initial review of the parish records of the Tua Valley is the conformity it reveals to the standard features of the demographic transition, despite its very late arrival. Following the cessation of hostilities at the number of deaths began a slow, but steady, decline across all of the twentieth century. A decline in births did not immediately follow, however, and so for all of the decades of the twenties through the sixties (with a peak in 1952), there were high rates of natural increase. Only after 1970 did the number of births be4

Ideally, the absolute number of births and deaths should be converted into fertility and mortality rates There is (more or less) decadal census data for the counties of the Valley after 1878 but we have not as yet developed the estimates of annual population numbers needed to calculate rates. This work is in progress and will be forthcoming in a subsequent presentation of this data.

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gin to fall substantially, crossing below the number of deaths as already noted in population of the Valley did not actually increase as much as one would have ties reached its peak in 1950 after which it fell more or less steadily despite the additional two decades of high natural increase leading up to the decade of the 1970s. Although we do not have migration data for most of the twentieth century, we can infer that there must have been a substantial outmigration from the Valley that counteracted the impact of excess births over deaths. Indeed, even in the period between the census counts of 1930 and 1950 the total population of the Valley only grew by about 25%, again less than would have been expected given the natural increase documented during those decades. Clearly outmigration is an important part of the demographic story of the century. The efforts on the part of the promoters of the Tua Railroad line to stem

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Porto, then Lisbon and the south, and presumably also outside of the country altogether. Of course, what we can never know is if the outmigration from the interior of the north would have been even stronger in the absence of the railroad and the economic opportunities it provided. Finally, we should ask whether the rapid fall in births from 1970 onwards represented true fertility decline or perhaps just a response to the (unknown, but certainly plausible given the importance of emigration out of the region) those most likely to migrate, we might expect a fall in the number of births even if the underlying fertility of those who remained was not changing. Given the current state of the available data simply as absolute numbers of children born and baptized in the Valley we cannot calculate fertility rates of any kind. However, we do also know the total number of marriages that took place in the Valley and it is possible to generate the crude measure of the number of births that took place in any given year with the number of marriages in the same year. While there is no reason to expect that marriages and births for any one us an indication across time of the relationship between the formation of new marital unions and the prevalence of completed pregnancies in the region. Graph the relatively small underlying populations of each of the counties individually.

Anne McCants

Moreover, the point at which the lines converge around the important demarcation point of two births for every marital union performed is in the decade of the 1970s, precisely at the time that the rate of natural increase drops below zero. This certainly suggests that the phenomenon that we are getting an impression of from the parish records is a decline in marital fertility concomitant with the general depopulation of the Valley owing to excess outmigration. Graph 4 – Births per Marriage - 5 municipalities 14.0

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It will be the place of further research to understand more fully the cultural, economic and/or social phenomena at work behind these trends. The data presented here are consistent with both theories of innovation and adaptation. New ideas – what historians have called modernization – certainly became more of the wider world, either sending information home, returning to visit, or even returning to live after completing working lives elsewhere as is evidenced in the oral histories collected by the Foz Tua Project. It is also likely that the cost of bearing children rose as female literacy became more prevalent, especially after

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the Revolution in 1974. The disruption to social and kin networks on account of migration patterns also presumably increased the cost of bearing children. Finally, changes in the agricultural landscape and new requirements for formal schooling for children would have decreased both the demand for children as farm laborers as well as their availability until school had been completed. All of these forces may well have been at work in producing the radical change in the demographic experience of this isolated region, in what was already one of the more demographically backward countries of Europe.

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Ellan F. Spero

THE TUA RIVER VALLEY: A “TECHNOLOGICAL LANDSCAPE” O VALE DO TUA COMO PAISAGEM TECNOLÓGICA Ellan F. Spero (MIT, USA EUA) Ellan F. Spero, studies innovation and technological change in historical context. She holds a PhD from MIT’s program in History, Anthropology, Science, Technology and Society. Her dissertation project, Institutions for Innovation – Academic-Industrial Cooperation in the Early 20th Century, offers the lens of early stage academic-industrial cooperation between the world wars as an entry point for understanding the landscape of innovation, its organizations and their strategic responses to uncertainty. Before coming to MIT, she studied Fiber Science and Apparel Design at Cornell University (BS/MS) as well as Museum Studies and Textile & Fashion History at the Fashion Institute of Technology (MA). Ellan F. Spero, estuda inovação e mudança tecnológica num contexto histórico. Doutorou-se no MIT, pelo programa HAST (Historia, Antropologia, Ciência, Tecnologia e Sociedade) com uma dissertação sobre os inícios da cooperação académica com a indústria entre as grandes guerras mundiais como ponto de entrada para compreender os cenários da inovação, a sua organização e as respostas estratégicas à incerteza. Antes do MIT, estudou na Cornell University (BS/MS em Fiber Science and Apparel Design) assim como Fashion Institute of Technology (Museum Studies and Textile and Fashion History).

Abstract Resumo Through the concept of the technological landscape, this discussion offers a framework to think about the Tua River Valley as “history in the making.” It is a way With its dramatic slopes and climate, carved terraces for viticulture, railroad lines, old roads, new highways and a dam underway, the valley provides a useful context to think about what constitutes technological progress, remoteness and connectedness, traditional and high-tech practices, and the complexity of preservation. Este trabalho oferece um quadro de referência baseado no conceito de paisagem tecnológica para pensar sobre o vale do Tua como “história em construção”. É uma os seus declives e clima dramáticos, os socalcos esculpidos no terreno, as linhas de caminhos-de-ferro, as novas vias rápidas e uma nova barragem em construção, o vale isolamento periférico e as ligações em rede, as práticas de tecnologias tradicionais e de tecnologias avançadas, e sobre a complexidade da preservação.

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Ellan F. Spero

The Tua River Valley: A “Technological Landscape” Ellan F. Spero

Over the past three years, the international research team on the Foz Tua Railroads in Historical Context Project has engaged many aspects of life, technology, and environment, in the Tua and Douro Valleys in northern Portugal. They have discussed how these categories may have changed over time and in many cases even blend together. As this project moves forward to its next phase, with plans for the cultural center at Foz Tua -- the Nucleus of Memory -- well underway, and a diverse array of publications continuing to circulate to a broader tugal is a vehicle for understanding technological landscape as “history in the the invisible and visible. With its dramatic slopes and climate, carved terraces for viticulture, railroad lines, old roads, new highways and a dam underway, the valley provides a useful context to think about what constitutes technological progress, remoteness and connectedness, traditional and high-tech practices, and the complexity of preservation. ers from Europe, the United States and the United Kingdom together, was the construction of a dam, itself a transformative technological project. This contemporary event served as a catalyst, to bring the group’s focus back to previous major alterations in the land, namely the railroad and terraced agriculture.

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cultural heritage of the valley and its railroad, now symbolized in part by this

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high tech transportation system, turned obsolete, which then turned into cultural capital, is in itself worth noting. Projects spearheaded by the Foz Tua project behind an early railroad construction. They have gathered evidence from local sources, including from individuals and oral histories outside of formal archival systems, as well as created digital repositories for these materials. Others have focused on changes within the land itself employing new geospatial mapping techniques. To engage the public architectural and design teams have concentrated on both the physical and practical challenges associated with the Nucleus of Memory. They have also gathered and learned from examples of other heritage railway projects from elsewhere in Europe and the UK. Throughout all of this diverse, yet integrated work, there is a unifying theme, which I call “technological landscape.” some concept of landscape at the forefront in one’s mind when surrounded by a place such as this region in northern Portugal. In JB Jackson’s Discovering the Vernacular Landscape for our collective existence.”1 In the edited volume Technologies of Landscape (1999), David Nye quotes Jackson and goes farther to assert, “Landscape is thus 1

John Brinckerhoff Jackson, Discovering the Vernacular Landscape, (Yale University Press, 1984).

Ellan F. Spero

relationships. Landscapes are part of the infrastructure of existence, and they are inseparable from the technologies that people have used to shape land and their vision.”2 Landscape and technology for Nye and his colleagues are not opposites, but rather subtly interwoven elements. As Nye puts it, landscape is “a process embedded in narrative, or time,”3 “a verb as well as a noun, referring to an active process in which human beings do not merely intervene, but improve a site so that it becomes a more useful or pleasing prospect.”4 Closely related to Nye’s “technologies of landscape,” I use the term “technological landscape,” which is slightly different. Technological landscape is meant to encompass both the human and non-human actors of the valley together. Through this term, it is my intention to privilege neither the people, nor land, nor technologies in this discussion, but rather to blur the boundaries between them and treat these as a dynamic and interconnected whole. Yet, while this interconnected, or going one step farther, co-produced approach is not new yet to take hold in the popular understanding of science, technology and environment.5 This is worth consideration, especially because one of the goals of the Foz Tua project is to reach outside of academic discourse and engage popular 2

David Nye, Technologies of Landscape (MIT Press, 1999). p 3.

Nye (1999, 7)

Nye (1999, 5)

For more discussion of co-production see: Shelia Jasanoff, States of Knowledge: The Co-production of Science and the Social Order (Routledge, 2004) and Designs on Nature: Science and Democracy in Europe and the United States (Princeton University Press, 2007).

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audiences to offer new ways for people to challenge their assumptions about the technological world that is often hidden in the everyday. Rather than being caught up in contemporary value judgments about the valley, the railroad, or the dam, through this historically focused project we may engage the constitution of values itself, and how it may change with time, audience and economic context. Apart from the alternating binary between the romanticization and then subsequent demonization of technological change in the past, we may venture to instead see it all as a continuous process of history in the making. Nye reminds us that, “human beings have repeatedly shaped the land to new uses and pleasures, and what appears to be natural to one generation often is the end result of a previous intervention.”6 This naturalization of previous transthe face of a new dam project, but perhaps even more so by the way that the agricultural terraces carved into the steep slopes of the Douro Valley also may fade into a kind of pastoral ideal in the popular imagination. Despite this naturalization of the wine terraces in the Tua and Douro river valleys, the wine-making business is actually a dynamic technological system. Hidden from view are process improvements in health and safety, quality control and production speed. These behind the scenes technologies are black-boxed, or 6

Nye (1999, 3)

Ellan F. Spero

microscale techniques such as spectral and chromatographic chemical analysis to a macro views using aerial photography and color analysis which as a tool to determine harvest times. At the same time just as new processes are used to im• 245

to physical earth and a notion of craft tradition, even if an abstract concept, are equally important to creating value. highlight this very interplay. Not far from Foz Tua station, is the Quinta dos ’s Port. Here, a stone lagar, the traditional vessel for grape-treading shares the room with a stainless steel robotic lagar. The two devices are separated only by a partial wall and can be seen together in one glance from either side of the room. The stone lagar section, enclose the space and cast dim textured shadows along their surfaces. A picture of men in matching red plaid shirts and blue shorts immersed mid-thigh in tion about this now empty stone vessel. Although the image, uniforms and all, seems a bit like a staged portrayal of countryside production designed for public consumption, it is no less striking. The next room appears to be a place designed to highlight contrasts between the ‘old’ and ‘new’ technologies. It is brightly lit with smooth white plastered walls and a vaulted ceiling, surely a later addition to the quinta structure. The robotic lagar itself features a large stainless steel vessel, a shallow rectangle

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similar in shape to the stone model. The pressing machine moves back and forth across the vat, though when not in use is stored at the far end of the vessel. The actual contact between the machine and the grapes is performed by silicone pads, shaped like inverted ingots in the place of feet. The estate manager explained to me that this material was selected by their team of consulting engineers to mimic the pressure distribution of the human foot. The mechanism, which may appear like stamping in regular intervals along the vat, was inspired by the pressing action of a row of interlocked people stomping rhythmically usually to accordion music. This practice of treading, here modeled through mechanization often resembled folk dances, which varied by region. In this particular place, the dances took the form of moving lines, as demonstrated by the photo, though others had circular or other patterns. This human-powered treading itself, may be commonly characterized as ‘traditional,’ carrying a connotation that often assumes a static practice. However, these selves, who in the more recent past also included migrant workers from as far as as a way to create a niche within the British market. Indeed many of the wine producing families in the Douro share a British heritage and spend their lives between both countries. Exported wines were too often spoiled by the time they

Ellan F. Spero

the wine more stable by stopping fermentation at an early stage. Portugal does not produce enough grapes to make this type of alcohol, so this stabilizing high proof alcohol chosen for its neutral character, is often imported from France. Upon closer examination, this product, produced in an apparently isolated rural context, named after this very place, is itself more global than it may appear. This particular piece of technology serves to highlight the interplay between human and mechanical production. It helps us interrogate what it means to produce something locally as well as what it means to participate in an ever changing global market. The robotic lagar was designed by Portuguese engineers in collaboration with the Douro-based Symington Estates not only as a way to introduce new technology into the wine process, but also as a response to labor constraints both domestic and foreign. One might ask - Does this piece of technology make this wine then more “Portuguese” a product than if treaded by migrant feet? Or in other words, is this the elimination of foreign labor through technological replacement a method used by producers to maintain “local” labor in high-wage economy? Is this type of technology then more or less “globalizing”? It is not the apparent contradiction, but the combination of old and new methods, local products connected in a global economy, the rural, the urban, the Portuguese-British family businesses that make the wine here a critical piece of the technological landscape.

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