Railroads vol. III (Part 2, 3, 4 and 5) by FOZTUA

RAILROADS IN HISTORICAL CONTEXT:

vol.III 2013 ANNE MCCANTS EDUARDO BEIRA JOSÉ M. LOPES CORDEIRO PAULO B. LOURENÇO (eds.)

RAILROADS IN HISTORICAL CONTEXT: vol.III 2013

ANNE MCCANTS EDUARDO BEIRA JOSÉ M. LOPES CORDEIRO PAULO LOURENÇO (eds.)

FOZTUA PROJECT coordination ANNE MCCANTS (MIT, EUA) EDUARDO BEIRA (IN+, Portugal) JOSÉ M. CORDEIRO (U. Minho, Portugal) PAULO B. LOURENÇO (U. Minho, Portugal) www.foztua.com

ISBN: 978-989-98659-6-9 Graphic design and layout, and cover design, by Ana Prudente. Samantha Evaristo contributed with revision and editing of the texts from non english authors. Edited and printed by Inovatec (Portugal) Lda. (V. N. Gaia, Portugal). Cover printing and book binding by Minerva – Artes Gráficas, Lda. (Vila do Conde, Portugal).

Bettina Ward Healey, RIP

It is with much sorrow that we dedicate this 3rd volume of the Foz Tua: Railroads in Historical Context conference to the memory of our beloved friend Bettina Ward Healey, wife of Richard Healey, who passed away on April 16, 2014.

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Bettina accompanied Richard to Foz Tua for each of our three annual meetings, and became along the way an artistic collaborator in our interdisciplinary project. Her capacity to appreciate, and translate onto canvas, the beauty of the Tras-os-Montes and the life of its communities enriched every aspect of our work. She loved life and embraced it fully. Her loss is deeply felt by us all, but we are grateful that her spirit will live on in the beautiful paintings that she made while among us. In them we hear her laughter, see her smile, and feel again the joy that was her companion in life.

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ABOUT FOZTUA PROJECT AND THE 3rd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE IN FOZ TUA

1. About this book

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Participants in one of the 2013 sessions, Quinta do Tua house, living and dining room

This book includes the proceedings of the third FOZTUA International Conference, organized by FOZTUA project and sponsored by EDP. future!) of Tua Valley and Tua railways was held 7-8-9 October 2011, in the small village of Foz Tua, in the mouth of the Tua River with the Douro River. The second was held on 5-6-7 October 2012 and the third one on 11-12-13 October 2013 all in the same location.

2. About the FOZTUA project

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the memory of Tua valley and Tua railroad. A new local nucleus about these memories will be built in the village of Foz Tua. Part of FOZTUA project runs with EDAM MIT ing”). EDP, the largest Portuguese utility company, is building a new dam in Tua river, close to the Foz Tua railways station, where the Tua river meets the Douro river. The Foz Tua station. Tua line operations has already been closed from 2008, due to safety reasons. The Foz Tua railways station is a junction between the main Douro and Tua rail lines, The Douro line runs from Porto to close the border with Spain, along the Douro valley. The Tua line used to run from Foz Tua station to Mirandela city, along the Tua valley, and then to Bragança city, and is has been a subsidiary rail line for the main Douro line

3. About the Tua railway

Group of participants visiting the viaduct and the tunnel of Prezas, close to the new wall of the dam, witch was starting.

and goods in and out of the region of the upper Douro River, home to the viticulture that made the world famous Portwine, to the very far, interior and isolated cities of Mibuilt by Portuguese engineers and contractors. It allowed easy access from a previously remote region to the city of Porto, and from there to the rest of Portugal, and from there to the world. One hundred years later, this heritage and memory deserves to be retrieved, recorded, analyzed and disseminated. Those interested in economic growth and regional development have a lot to learn from the lessons of the past and must build upon it. This project intends to challenge the academic community to study the century-long th century), to publicize the memory and the The project intends to bring together scholars of various aspects of railroad history in order to share their research on other railroad projects, considering their decisioneconomic and social impact of the lines.

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4. About FOZ TUA International Conferences are held in the Tua region itself, with opportunity both for the discussion of scholar research in a comparative perspective, as well as to become familiar with the unique

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Group of participants in the 2013 conference

Working sessions happened in the main old house of an important local Tua and lies, traditional English families operating in the Port wine business, both in producfamous lady that has been perhaps the most important character from Douro region in the history of Port wine. this meeting. We are very much grateful for their kind hospitality. A fabulous view of the Douro River and Tua River, as well as the river margins with their old and new terraces, can be enjoyed from the balcony of the house. The Tua railtrack crossed just in front of the house. The new Tua dam is being built just less

Farewell to last group of participants leaving Foz Tua, after the conference.

5. Acknowledgements

ing to happen and its logistics to work: Marta Meira, Ricardo Fernandes, Nuno Beira and Ana Prudente must be mentioned. The FOZTUA project coordination team: ANNE MCCANTS EDUARDO BEIRA JOSÉ M. LOPES CORDEIRO PAULO B. LOURENÇO

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x•

INDEX

BETTINA WARD HEALEY ABOUT FOZTUA PROJECT AND THE 3rd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE IN FOZ TUA

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PART 1: TUA VALLEY AND THE PORTUGUESES CONTEXT O VALE DO TUA E O CONTEXTO PORTUGUÊS

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The rolling stock of the Tua line: a draft

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Material circulante da linha do Tua: um esboço

Emil Biel photos of Tua Railroad: A critical analysis

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The Mirandela Cork Factory and the Tua Line

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Changes in land use in the Tua valley during the 20th century: a GIS-based approach

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Minho, Portugal)

Terraces in the Tua valley Terraços no vale do Tua

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Minho, Portugal)

from the archives

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com base nos arquivos

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Economy and society in the Tua valley: 1881 and 1885 inquiries

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Mirandela (1887)

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Demographics of the Tua valley: evidences from parish record books ___ 199

Opening up an ‘isolated’ region: the population dynamics of the Trás-os-Montes after the construction of the Tua railroad

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depois da construção da linha do Tua

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PART 2: ECONOMIC IMPACT OF RAILROADS O IMPACTO ECONÓMICO DO CAMINHO DE FERRO

___249 ___251

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century - beginning of the 20th century)

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PART 3: ENGINEERING, FINANCE AND MANAGEMENT ENGENHARIA, FINANCIAMENTO E GESTÃO

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from the archives

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nos arquivos

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___417 laborais

___433 A mão-de-obra na construção das linhas de caminhos-de-ferro nos Estados

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PART 4: THE FUTURE OF HISTORICAL RAILROADS O FUTURO DAS LINHAS HISTÓRICAS

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regions

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PART 5: CLOSING SESSION SESSﾃグ DE ENCERRAMENTO

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Closing Comments

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Notas de encerramento

Closing remarks Notas de encerramento

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PART 2 Economic impact of railroads O impacto econ贸mico do caminho de ferro

Fátima Santos • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

S. LOURENÇO SPA AND THE TUA RAILROAD: UP TO 1920 AS TERMAS DE SÃO LOURENÇO E O CAMINHO-DE-FERRO: ATÉ 1920 Fátima Santos • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro (U. Minho, Portugal) Fátima Santos born in Areias, Carrazeda de Ansiães. Graduated in History of Art, Faculdade de Letras (School of Humanities), University of Coimbra. MSc student, Heritage and Cultural Tourism, University of Minho. She has worked in Museu de Arqueologia D. Diogo de Sousa (Braga) and she has contributed to the art and historical inventory of diocese of Bragança. José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro PhD in Contemporaneous History, professor in Department of History of University of Minho. Member of th board of the Museum of Textile Industry in Ave Valley (Famalicão, Portugal). National representative of “TICCIH - The International Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage”, consulting body for UNESCO/ICOMOS about industrial heritage and president of APPI, the national association for industrial heritage. Published several books and multiple papers about industrial archaeology as well as economic history and contemporaneous politics. Researcher in CITCEM, Center for Transdisciplinar Research “Culture, Space and Memory”. Member of the History doctoral comission (University of Minho). Fátima Santos, natural de Areias, Carrazeda de Ansiães, Licenciada em História da Arte pela Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Coimbra, e mestranda do curso Património e Turismo Cultural da Universidade do Minho. Foi colaboradora dos serviços educativos no Museu de Arqueologia D. Diogo de Sousa e participou como técnica superior no Inventário Histórico-Artístico da Diocese de Bragança-Miranda. José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro, natural do Porto, é licenciado e doutorado em História Contemporânea pela Universidade do Minho, onde exerce funções docentes, sendo Professor Auxiliar do Departamento de História, do Instituto de Ciências Sociais. É director do Museu da Indústria Têxtil da Bacia do Ave, situado em Famalicão, Representante Nacional do “TICCIH - The International Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage”, organismo consultor da UNESCO/ICOMOS para o património industrial, e presidente da APPI – Associação Portuguesa para o Património Industrial. É também director da revista Arqueologia Industrial. Tem inúmeros artigos e livros publicados nas áreas do património e arqueologia industrial, assim como da história económica e política contemporânea. É membro da Comissão Directiva do Curso de Doutoramento em História da Universidade do Minho, e integra o CITCEM – Centro de investigação Transdisciplinar «Cultura, Espaço e Memória».

Abstract Resumo The spa of São Lourenço, rooted in popular and predominantly rural have arisen in its waters, when, the passage of the Romans by the Tua Valley. Its management has long been the purview of the church, from the year 1911 goes to the management of the parish, and only recently the City Council passed the Carrazeda administer the

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exploitation of medical spa for hydrological studies. The oldest structure as we know it today with a community tank inside have been built in 1730, at the behest of Father António Seixas. Since that time the spa in question, lined up huge importance for local and regional populations, making it a place where the idea of sociability and healing waters considered “santas”, are the reasons drivers an annual return during bathing season. Return it looked forward to the reunion between friends, acquaintances and new people, but always with the intention of healing waters. Around the spa was built a small cluster of houses that served to welcome those who came to “baths”, housing conditions and hygiene were very poor, but still people arrived a bit throughout the region. And even further in 1887 when the road-rail Line Tua is opened. This access allowed the bathers increased considerably thereby aggravate the conditions that came to be unsanitary. As termas de São Lourenço, de cariz popular e predominantemente rurais terão surgido em período indeterminado, certo é, que existe a possibilidade de terem sido conhecidas as propriedades das suas águas, aquando, da passagem dos romanos pelo Vale do Tua. A sua gestão esteve durante muito tempo sobre a alçada da igreja, a partir do ano de 1911 passa para gestão da junta de freguesia, e só recentemente a Câmara Municipal de Carrazeda passou a admistrar a exploração das termas para estudos médico-hidrológicos. A estrutura mais antiga, tal como a conhecemos ainda hoje, com um tanque comunitário no seu interior terá sido construído em 1730 a mando do Padre António Seixas. Desde essa época as termas em questão, revestiram-se de enorme importância para as populações locais e regionais, tornando-se um local onde a sociabilidade e a ideia de cura pelas águas consideradas “santas”, são os motivos impulsionadores de um regresso anual durante a época balnear. Regresso que se aguardava com expectativa para o reencontro entre amigos, conhecidos e gentes novas, mas sempre com o intuito da cura pelas águas. Em torno das termas foi construido um pequeno aglomerado de casas que serviam para acolher aqueles que vinham a “banhos”, as condições de alojamento e de higiene eram muito precárias, mas mesmo assim as pessoas chegavam um pouco de toda a região. E de mais longe ainda quando em 1887 o caminho-de-ferro da Linha do Tua é inaugurado. Este acesso permitiu que a frequência de banhistas aumentasse considerávelmente, agravando desta forma as condições que chegavam a ser de insalubridade.

Fátima Santos • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

S. Lourenço spa and the Tua railroad: up to 1920 Fátima Santos • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

The small village of São Lourenço was established on the left bank of the Tua River due to the sulphurous water springs with medicinal properties that existed there. According to Fernando Silva (2011), true “curative and leisure resorts”1 emerged next to the springs, which lead to the creation of towns.

SILVA, Fernando Manuel, (2011), Do Termalismo Popular ao fenómeno termal cientí Segurança, p.2. www.revistasegurança.com. Accessed on 16-12-2012.

, in Revista

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The possibility that the Romans have passed through this valley among the mountains exists, but until now there is still no known archeological evidence to prove this. 18th century, circa 1730, year of the construction of the building that housed the community bath tanks. Father António Seixas was the benefactor that ordered the construction of such a building. “(…)Father António Sexias ordered the construction of the very modest spa in 1730”2

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From the second half of the 19th century on, some wealthy rural families from the region and the parish of Pombal built some houses in S. Lourenço in order to come in the summer and enjoy some leisurely time. Other houses were meant as lodgings for less fortunate people3. These houses had small divided munal, only the houses that hosted wealthier families had a kitchen where one could make their own meal. tions, the search for the São Lourenço spa did not stop until the 20s of the 20th century. People searched for this place within the mountains to cure the wounds of the body and soul, and since there was not much to do, they would take advantage of the situation to rest from the daily tasks in the few lodgings that existed, “The thermal waters were sought in the expectation of obtaining a cure, a miracle (…)”4 The big question we ask is: how were these people able to live and cohabit in a space where insalubrity reigned?! There were no drains, much less sewerage. The cohabitation between people and animals was constant, which aggravated the situation. We can conclude that those who were used to limited resources far did not know what they would encounter. At times, the surprise was such that people would just want to return home due to the poor conditions. The houses furthest from the bathhouse, which was the epicenter of the town, were located in higher places and therefore had poor accesses. They also had more familiar characteristics and thus were less frequented. They were only rented to wealthier families that intended to cook their own meals and be more 2

LOPES, Alfredo Luiz, (1892), Aguas Minero-Medicinaes de Portugal, Lisboa, M. Gomes, LivreiroEditor, pp. 348-349.

FIGUEIREDO, Fernando, (2013), Pombal de Ansiães: Entre o rio Tua e o planalto, (no prelo).

SILVA, Fernando, Ob., Cit.

Fátima Santos • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

at ease. The following families were a part of these groups of houses located east and west: • Família Ribeiro e Calvário; • Casa do Pinhal do Engenheiro Sousa; • Casa Paulino; • Casa Amarela; • Casa da família Pimentel e Casa do Pinheiro. There were no empty rooms in the houses near the bathhouse. Once some clients left, others went in immediately. This was a constant during the summer. The following pensions existed: • Casa Vermelha; • Casa do Salão; • Casa da Acácia; • Casa das Varandas Altas; • Casa da Cantaria; • Casa da família Pinto; • Casa Aurélio; • As well as the rooms in the Varanda Comprida and the room in the “tunnel”; • Casa das Goelas de Pau; These last ones had several people of all ages, and as the popular Portuguese expression goes, they were “ripping at the seams”. The main objective was to stay as close as possible to the bathhouse, since of getting in faster. The duration of the bath should have been between 15 and 20 minutes, recommended by hydrological medicine and also so the waiting time for bathers would not be exaggerated. The hygienic conditions of the lodging spaces left much to be desired, did not have running water in the individual or communal kitchens, and much less in the few existing bathrooms. The care had to be the property owners’ and the tenants initiative. The living places with the highest density of people were the Casa da Acácia and the “tunnel”, which resembled a settlement within the actual space. In the hall of the “tunnel” there were some openings in the side walls that were called “peleheiras”5. The description that we have come to develop on the sociability of the spa, both in the 19th century and early 20th century, and in the course of the same, is 5

Places where people made meals, tea and coffee exclusively in iron or clay pans.

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one of miserable conditions that were frequented and kept, the frequent cohabitation of animals and people, the unbearable heat that was felt all day and night. Small accidents were not unheard of.

MOMENTS OF LEISURE, THE DANCES São Lourenço was so small that during their spare time, bathers had little to do other than sleep and go for short walks. It was then that dances emerged as a way of animating the social life, and took place every night and on Sunday afternoons. “Distractions: The licked whist, some very sweaty dances, (…), song challenges and watching the arrogant locomotive constantly climb and descend and let’s not forget the lovely distraction of shooing the interesting 6

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They also became occasions for the boys of Pombal to travel to the spa with the intention of dancing and meeting marriageable girls who were at the baths, usually with a family member. The trip itself was already a considerable effort if you take into account the round trip on the same day. The dances were held in the hall owned by the Malheiro family and Casa da Acácia, to the sound of a gramophone; later on, record players were used on the terrace of the Varandas Compridas. These were the only occasions where there was an opportunity for closer physical contact between boys and girls7. Many couples met there, although only a few truly went on to marry. The rest were simply “São Lourenço loves”. Unfortunately, from the moment that the number of bathers dwindled, the spa entered a rapid decline. All of this was due to the new fad of the beach, immigration, less permanence in the town and lack of conditions.

THE RAILWAY INFLUENCE On 29 September 1987, São Lourenço’s routine changed. With the opening of the Tua line, this town’s stop became one of the most crowded places due to the 6

Gazeta de Bragança, 30 August 1907.

7 Idem, (2009), pp. 74-79.

Fátima Santos • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

river and the spa, in a place carved in the rocks of the steep cliff, was itself a typical example of what an arduous task hundreds of men had to endure. There were several men who worked on the Tua line construction. Some came from villages or towns in the region, others even came from Galicia. They were wage-earners that became known as carrilhanos, certainly because they dedicated themselves to the assembly of the rails (carris). We know that at the time, working conditions were poor, and for that reason the number of men that perished on the construction of the line was not small, it was “an authentic cemetery of men”. The S. Lourenço station is about three kilometers from the parish of Pombal de Ansiães, and as with the majority of the stations along this line, the villages were a bit far. The biggest inconvenience of these distances were the limitations villages. Figure 1 – First building of the São Lourenço Station

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The most necessary and important products arrived by train, as well as mail, and some local products, such as olive oil, wine or cork, were sent by train to be sold elsewhere. a small abandoned building that is degrading year after year. Effectively, the railway made it possible to travel to the north of the district, until Bragança, it allowed the connection to the Douro line train, particularly to Régua and Porto, places related to the production and trade of wine. The railway was the most effective and quickest way to circulate, in practically every sense,

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

except to the municipality seat and other upland villages. Animal transportation was still the only way to reach Carrazeda. They traveled through steep and narrow paths that took a day or more at times. The path that the oxcarts used to take products to Foz Tua through Pombal, Paradela and Castanheiro lost its utility with the arrival of the railway to São Lourenço. And thus, a less steeper path was built between the parish and the São Lourenço station to facilitate access to the oxcarts, goods and people that traveled to the spa. Figure 2 – Actual building of the São Lourenço Station

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From this place (São Lourenço), people and goods had the opportunity to travel more quickly in every sense. Thus, we conclude that the touristic potential of the line, which offers a unique natural and built heritage, should have been understood and undertaken by national leaders, local leaders and by the local population itself in a coordinated form...which did not happen!

Fátima Santos • José Manuel Lopes Cordeiro

BIBLIOGRAPHY FIGUEIREDO, Fernando Augusto de, (2004), Pombal de Ansiães: A Terra e a Memória, Edições Arrábida, 1ªed. (2013), Pombal de Ansiães: Entre o rio Tua e o planalto, (printing press). SILVA, Fernando Manuel, (2011), , in Revista Segurança, pp.2. LOPES, Alfredo Luiz, (1892), Aguas Minero-Medicinaes de Portugal, Lisboa, M. Gomes, Livreiro-Editor, pp. 348-349. MATOS, Ana; RIBEIRO, Elói; BERNARDO, Maria, (2009) Caminhos-de-ferro e Turismo em Portugal (Final do Século XIX e Primeiras Décadas do Século XX), paper presented at the V Congreso Historia Ferroviaria, Palma 14-16 October. Periodical Gazeta de Bragança, 30 August 1907.

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Robert M. Schwartz

RAILWAYS AND SEA FISHING IN THE BRITISH ISLES, 1860-1900 THE RISE OF “FISH AND CHIPS” AND ECOLOGICAL AWARENESS FERROVIA E PESCA NAS ILHAS BRITÂNICAS, 1860-1900. A EMERGÊNCIA DE “FISH AND CHIPS” E DA CONSCIÊNCIA AMBIENTAL Robert M. Schwartz (Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, MA, USA EUA) Robert M. Schwartz is E. Nevius Rodman Professor of History Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, Massachusetts. U.S.A. Robert Schwartz é E. Nevius Rodman Professor de História, no Mount Holyoke College, Massachusetts, EUA. Especialista em história ambiental da Europa, desde o século XVII até agora.

Abstract Resumo

GIS and qualitative evidence from a succession of Parliamentary enquiries into sea O caminho-de-ferro a vapor revolucionou a indústria da pesca. Com o transporte rápido a partir dos principais portos para os mercados de Londres e outras cidades

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em Lincolnshire, um dos mais importantes. este porto rapidamente se tornou no mais importante porto de comércio de pesca no Mar do Norte. Este trabalho

parlamentares sobre a pesca de mar.

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Robert M. Schwartz

1860-1900

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Robert M. Schwartz

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Robert M. Schwartz

213.32.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Robert M. Schwartz

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Robert M. Schwartz

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz

COMMUNICATIONS IN THE NORTH: BRAGANÇA NETWORKED COMUNICAÇÕES A NORTE: BRAGANÇA EM REDE Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz (U. Nova, Lisbon Lisboa, Portugal) Maria Fernanda Rollo Associate professor, Department of History, U. Nova, Lisbon, Portugal, where she coordinates the area of contemporary history, in the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities. Author of books and papers about contemporary history of Portugal. Coordinator of the project “History and Heritage of Telecommunications in Portugal”. President of the Institute of Contemporary History” (U. Nova, Lisbon). Has das Telecomunicações em Portugal, Tinta da China, 2009, Mudança de Frequência, 2008, O Plano de 1937 e a modernização dos CTT, 2010 and Marconi em Lisboa, 2007 with Maria Inês Queiroz. Maria Inês Queiroz Researcher of the Institute of Contemporary History, U. Nova, Lisbon. PhD research Fellow of Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia on the History of the Portuguese Marconi Company within the World Communications Network during the 20th Century. Maria Fernanda Rollo

Tinta da China, 2009, Mudança de Frequência, 2008, O Plano de 1937 e a modernização dos CTT, 2010 e Marconi em Lisboa, 2007 com Maria Ines Queiroz. Maria Inês Queiroz mundial de comunicações durante o século XX.

Abstract Resumo The Bragança district, the most distant one from the Portuguese capital, Lisbon, was which intersected with the history of communications in the region. Although being a relatively isolated region, local elites pressured the central government with regard to local development, namely the introduction of telegraph communications. In 1864 the Oporto-Bragança telegraph line was already working with 295 Km of line and 7 stations. only arriving to the region in 1939 as a result of the 1937 development plan for the

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national telegraph and telephone network. In the 1960s, Bragança would play a strategic dynamic role beyond the regional structuring of international connections. O distrito de Bragança, o mais distante da capital portuguesa, foi marcado por algumas as elites locais, na sua representatividade política, protagonizaram momentos de pressão junto do poder central em matéria de desenvolvimento local, nomeadamente Bragança funcionava com 295 Km de linha e 7 estações.

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Na década de 1960, Bragança passou a desempenhar um papel estratégico, para País.

Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz

Communications in the north: Bragança networked Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz

INTRODUCTION The introduction of the electrical telegraph in Portugal in the second half of the the relationships between populations on a regional and national scale and changing the way of perceiving and understanding the organisation of the territory. in 1853 at the initiative of the Oporto Industrial Association (AIP - Associação Industrial Portuense lation of which had been carried out in 1835 by the Oporto Trade Association (Associação Comercial Portuense Palácio da Bolsa) 1

Jornal da Associação Industrial Portuense História das Telecomunicações em Portugal. Da Direcção Geral dos Telégrafos do Reino à Portugal Telecom

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of improvements associated with ministerial and organisational reforms derivMinistério das Obras Públicas, Comércio e Indústria fra-structure developments. The reforms introduced at that time were based on stimulating technological progress with a view to promoting economic develop-

telegraph.

ganda). These episodes intersected with the history of communications in the 276 •

the structuring of cross-border connections.

1. THE TELEGRAPH, STEP BY STEP Cortes tion located in Terreiro do Paço. Further connections came into operation the -

Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz

was debated in Parliament on 5 February 18752 by Tomás Ribeiro and the other through the regional connection between Mirandela and the district capital. The 3 and having as its main argu4

If it were not enough for general impoverishment (...) that the most important councils did not have any easy connections through macadam roads, even more so, and for the complete disregard of this part of the nation, (...) it was the case that not even the centres of the most important councils had any easy viable means of transportation with the district capital.5 services6 economic activity and local politics and the transformations it brought about tween districts and the need to ensure a rational plan for setting up telegraph 2

Diário da Câmara dos Senhores Deputados

O Mirandez, Roteiros Republicanos: Bragança O Mirandez,

O Mirandês,

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capitals. Alluding to the strategic option of the connections between these and the concern shown during the period when he had been responsible for Public (...) a few days after I was given the post of public works, I was approached here by several deputies asking for telegraphs to their localities, and to everybody I said that I was not ordering the construction of a single special telegraph line before the main network was completed that would link the district capitals, and at that time there was a province that did not have a single electrical telegraph line and there were three district capitals that did not have them.

278 •

The line from Oporto to the two district capitals of Trás-os-Montes through the Amarante road was established, and the link to Vila Real and Bragança through Chaves was set up. For me it seemed more economical to take the telegraph line from Vila Real to Bragança through Chaves, than take it directly and later make a special branch for it which, due to its importance, could not remain out of the general telegraphic communications network.8 a general plan to link the other settlements so that they could have this improvement, with special attention to the isolation that -

Diário da Câmara dos Senhores Deputados

Diário de Lisboa

Idem.

Separata from

Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz

324

648

255 66 34 295 145 277

66 34 295 145 277

5 6 8 7 6 7

Coimbra to Aveiro Coimbra to Figueira Oporto to the Foz do Douro

4 22

Mirandela to Moncorvo

42 25

1 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 1

4 55 48 6

1 1 1 1

Oporto to Bragança

Total

2763

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

all regulations, instructions and other

13 enrolled in the Faculty of Mathematics and Philosophy at the University of Coimbra. In the main wrote many opinions about electrical telegraph installation in Portugal.

International Telegraph Union.

Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz

orders (...)14 and implement the necessary measures to ensure (...) the ease and generalisation of this medium of communication to the public, supply a prompt and regular service with an economy of expenditure15 . “(...) branch of service, which (...)” 16

. Among

deniable political and economic importance of the new medium of communica-

14 Portugal 15 Ibidem. 16

in the Diário do Governo.

17 Boletim do Ministério das Obras Públicas Comércio e Indústria 18

Boletim do Ministério das Obras Publicas, Comércio e Indústria

• 281

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

1856 1857 1858

Mirandela Bragança 1861 1862 1863 1864 1865

Moncorvo

Batalha 1866

Vinhais Vila Flôr

282 •

1867 1868 1871 1872 1873 1874

1875

Macedo de Cavaleiros

Vimioso, Mogadouro, Miranda do Douro Carrazeda de Anciães Alfândega da Fé Caldas de Monchique

Freixo de Espada à Cinta,

1876 1877 1878

Separata

Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz

• 283

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

in this way establish communication between more dispersed and less popuof Bragança.

year a project was made for the demolition of the station house and its total reconstruction. formed into both a mechanism of political control to contain local populations -

284 •

that quiet has been established in the province of Trás-os-Montes, having already withdrawn from Vinhais the force that had marched there on the occasion of the riots having taken place the stations of Vinhais and Chaves [could] go back to having a limited service as it had prior to the riots, since (...) continuing their service as permanent results in increased spending and causes embarrassment to this management due to the 21

monarchy in the aftermath of -

Diário do Governo, Conselho Superior de Obras Públicas e Minas Conselho Superior de Obras Públicas e Minas 21

Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz

the population met and was willing to resist the decision. The wave of destrucA Portuguesa sung in unison. 22

crisis and the absence of effective responses from the monarchy. lishment of the Republic reached Bragança by telegramme. On the eve of the 23

leav-

• 285

been established.

public.24 clearly the telecommunications sector stood out.

was aimed at the (...) services

Roteiros Republicanos: Bragança

23 A Pátria Nova Roteiros Republicanos: Bragança 24

Roteiros Republicanos: Bragança

25 Decree with force of law of 24 May published in the Diário do Governo.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

1st Class 2nd Class

3rd Class 4th Class

Bragança

Torre D. Chama

rienced major social unrest (mainly inherited from the harsh conditions of war) 286 •

tegic place in the development of intercontinental and colonial communications from the beginning of the twentieth century. but which ended up being unable to provide an effective response to domestic -

Diário do Governo,

Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz

there were many disruptions in the communication lines in the north of the counexceptional circumstances of what is happening to the telegraph service with the north of the country and the abnormality of what is happening in the districts of Oporto, Braga and Viseu, where this service is not districts of Viana do Castelo, Vila Real and Bragança cannot be made without the normal operation of the central telegraph station of Oporto.27 • 287

Anglo-Portuguese Telephone Company), the 28

of eight thousand contos29 which was to include the construction of a general long distance telephone netThe discussion of the proposal was lengthy and was eventually adopted -

centres and the most important tourist regions. 27 Diário do Governo, 28

História das Telecomunicações em Portugal ). Diário da Câmara dos Deputados

31 Idem, p.138.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

changes in this area. Diário de Notícias reported the govern6000 conto, to be utilised in the construction of long-distance telephone lines, which would have immediate effect. (...) connection to the intercity network of all the district capitals in continental Portugal with the exception of Bragança and Guarda, and all the villages that lie in the path of the lines to be set up.32

2. UNSTEADY NETWORKS ... THE ARRIVAL OF THE TELEPHONE 288 •

The process of consolidating the district of Bragança in its development plan for the national telegraph and telDiário da Manhã

were (...) districts, such as Bragança, which still did not have the telephone, an essential device in the present day, at their disposal. But the preparation of a gencompleted in the short term and its implementation would be set into motion.34

Diário de Notícias

34 Diário da Manhã, 35 See

O Plano de 1937 e a modernização dos CTT,

Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz

years, spending-241,300 contos Telephone service at the level suitable for a civilized country. He also assured We will end the shame of having a district such as Bragança without a telephone connection with the rest of the country, and we will extend the telephone service, an essential appliance for modern living.36

can be read in O Primeiro de Janeiro, “Bragança, 29 - at 22.30 - (by phone) - Though we have already been using the telephone services with great joy for a few days this was only importance of this improvement, which these many years was awaited by the inhabitants of this district capital, which yearned to see it on a similar level to other provinces on an equal footing. (...) for Public Works, the engineer Duarte Calheiros, assistant to the Director General of Posts and Telegraphs.37 36 in Diário da Manhã, 37

O Primeiro de Janeiro,

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

thus forming part of the (...) networks or entrances in the district capitals and 38 most important places which it was planned to connect to the in 1942 or, provisionally in 1941 although provisional, to connect Mogadouro to the R.F.N., with this be [ing] nection of the centres of the network groups, but proposing to essentially ensure

fying and prolonging the delays in implementing the plan.42 43

and Telephones. Idem. 41

História das Telecomunicações em Portugal

43 Cf. 44

Telefone. Monograph 1.

Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz

Year [____]

Figueira da Foz

Caldas da Rainha Alcobaça

Beja Abrantes Castelo Branco Faro

Portalegre

Mealhada Tavira Caldas da Rainha

Bragança Funchal Mirandela

Pombal Chaves Moura Beja Portalegre Ponta Delgada Tavira ____ Abrantes Castelo Branco

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

mately jeopardized the renovation plan of the national telecommunications net45

mosphere of recovery. -

pared with the urban areas.

. Between

But there was still a long way to go ... telecommunications sector

45 AFPC 46 way to PT Innovation. On their origins see 47

Diário do Governo,

48 Diário do Governo, Diário das Sessões da Assembleia Nacional e da Câmara Corporativa

Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz

3. THE FUTURE PASSES THROUGH WHICH PATH? TERRESTRIAL COMMUNICATIONS ing primarily on the principle of ongoing cooperation in peacetime and the co-

The Coordinating Committee on the Planning and Mobilization of Civilian drawing up a general telecommunications plan to establish the equipment and -

munication through tropospheric beams that would enable direct independent 52

51 AFPC - Telephone. Monograph 1 and “Preparatory report for the Third Development Plan Fomento 1968-1973 52

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

vulnerability to possible sabotage.53 -

jects54 contos

point to point links, via radio, using frequencies above 30 MHz, with transmission capacities and application to many different services. Among the main advantages of this mode of trans-

53 54

Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz

ity and able to cover larger distances.

but also to the establishing of new international telephone connections.

Telephone communications in the district of Bragança, and with the outside, leave much to be desired. Far from improving, for months these have been getting worse - irrespective I do not know what to attribute this to, whether the few hours of public service, or the lack of staff, or the construction of the lines, or their overcrowding. Oporto also takes as long. That situation is attributed to shortcomings in the service provided by the Mirandela service station, but this cannot be the case. As a general rule, on the other hand, there is the need to make urgent calls which is no way to serve the public. out an improvement. 56

enable the Nogueira tropospheric station to be connected to the country’s general network. 55

56 Diário das Sessões da Assembleia Nacional

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

tribution of 30% from NATO, this will ensure that most of our international communications will be made through these terrestrial cables and the Lisbon-Oporto coaxial cable that will forward all calls to France and other Nato countries in the near future.57 the Portuguese and French administrations and with the technical support of 58

terrestrial cable. with the Sociedade Comercial Romar Lda. Marconi Portuguese Company (Companhia Portuguesa Rádio Marconi (Telefones de Lisboa e Porto Correios e Telecomunicações de Portugal

the increase in demand was not matched by a response in terms of the capacity of the services. posts in order to respond to numerous complaints such as those that had been 57

58 Companhia Portuguesa Rádio Marconi. Relatório e Contas referentes ao exercício de 1962, Diário do Governo Diário do Governo acquisition is referred to in the Decree of 22 February.

Maria Fernanda Rollo • Maria Inês Queiroz

eastern Trás-os-Montes.61 -

cações)

course in telecommunications and electronics at the newly-established Univerelling the interurban telephone service based on a multifrequency signalling

lines

lines to install

(per division)

Investment in Contos

Regional lines Beja

stations

3 773

232

464

444

25 Moura

536

sub-total

168

384

768

Braga

8 356

2 166 1 743 3 582

344

688

2 536 3 575

sub-total Castelo Branco

23 322

2 187

4 374

12 563

252 378

756

7 325 -

Total

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

lines

lines to install

(per division)

Investment in Contos

Regional lines

stations -

sub-total

Total

4 355

Coimbra

1 473

Arganil

152

Figueira da Foz

336

4 585

5 148 1 316

Mealhada

2 855

154

Pombal

4 385

sub-total

3 328

6 654

4 131

32 626

63 672

365 1 465

113

1 344 226

145 Portalegre

227

sub-total

1 185

454

1 146 3 211

6 184

Faro Odemira

1 465 -

Tavira sub-total

611 1 885

6 465

Madeira

Caldas da Rainha

Maria Fernanda Rollo â&#x20AC;˘ Maria InĂŞs Queiroz

lines

lines to install

(per division)

Investment in Contos

Regional lines

stations

Total

1 448 3 753

sub-total

2 375

13 323

58 763

Maria

868

Corvo sub-total Oporto

17 426 53

Aveiro 7 118 Madeira

6 848

238

sub-total

Abrantes

81 153

2 218

754

5 175

225

6 475

6 181 815 sub-total

15 784

2 835 3 577

124

248

4 386

2 461 1 656

278

1 625

1 785

416

337

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences โ ข VOL III - 2013

lines

lines to install

(per division)

Investment in Contos

Regional lines

stations

Total

1 772 134 4 128

268

538

sub-total 1 421

2 842

1243

348 375 sub-total

2 144

4 288

17 185

Total

thorisation was given to award the contract for the installation of equipment for 62

(

Chaves and Braganรงa arteries.64

62 63 64

Joana Paulino • Luís Silveira

RAILWAYS AND TOURISM IN PORTUGAL (LATE 19TH CENTURY - EARLY 20TH CENTURY) CAMINHOS-DE-FERRO E TURISMO EM PORTUGAL (FINAIS DO SÉCULO XIX, PRINCÍPIOS DO SÉCULO XX) Joana Paulino • Luís Silveira (U. Nova, Lisbon Lisboa, Portugal) Joana Paulino graduation and master in contemporary history, Nova University in Lisbon, where she is preparing her PhD. Researcher in ICH Instituto de História Contemporânea, she has published about urban and suburban railways history and tourism, as well as about the role of children and child abandonment during the contemporary períod. Luís Espinha da Silveira is Associate Professor, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa and a researcher at the Instituto de História Contemporânea, at the same University, where he coordinates the Territory and Society research group. He was the principal researcher of the Portuguese team involved in the international project “The Development of European Waterways, Road and Rail Infrastructures: A Geographical Information System for the History of European Integration (1825–2005)” of the European Science Foundation. Funded by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia. Joana Paulino é licenciada e mestre em História, com especialização em História Contemporânea, pela Universidade Nova de Lisboa, encontrando-se a frequentar o Doutoramento na mesma área e instituição. É investigadora no Instituto de História Contemporânea (FCSH-UNL) desde 2008, sendo que os seus trabalhos têm privilegiado a história ferroviária, urbana, suburbana e do turismo, bem como temas em torno do papel da criança e do abandono infantil no período contemporâneo. Luis Espinha da Silveira é professor associado, Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa e investigador do Instituto de História Contemporânea da mesma Universidade, onde coordena o grupo de investigação sobre Território e Sociedade. É o principal investigador da equipe portuguesa envolvida no projeto internacional “The Development of European Waterways, Road and Rail Infrastructures: A Geographical Information System for the History of European Ciencia e Tecnologia.

Abstract Resumo Leisure time emerged due to a change on mentality, which is related to the Industrial Revolution. Faster ways of work were developed arising, from 1880 to the II World War, a need and a desire of a personal time, related to a better perception of men needs and limits. From this desire and with a reduction of working hours emerged free time, which people could dedicate to leisure practices. At that time, leisure

• 301

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

started to be more civilized, planed, calculated and also democratized, no longer lied to aristocracy, reaching the masses. We must not neglect the importance of the Transportation Revolution, an arm of the Industrial Revolution, a technologic progress parallel to the mental changing towards the leisure time. Specially, the creation of the railway, allowed more diverse leisure practices and also that they occurred on much further places. Different areas became deceptively closer, the travels were shorter in time and cheaper. After the progress in transportation and, later, the granting of paid vacancies, emerged the

302 •

end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, there has been a straight connection between railways and leisure practices, mainly, tourism, although that was a privilege of a few. One of the Portuguese railways that completely embodies the relation between this transportation and the economic sector referred – Tourism – is the Cascais railway. In the end of the nineteenth century, there were mainly meaningful touristic objectives behind its construction, nevertheless it became an important way to Lisbon’s growth and to the suburbanization of this principal city. The link between Cascais railway and tourism persisted throw the twentieth century. For example, there was a profound symbiosis among the modernization of the railway – materialized in the adoption of electric energy, «neglecting» coal one – and the construction of the cosmopolitan resort Parque Estoril. Bough projects were undertaken and instigated by the businessmen from the Portuguese oligarchy of the Cardoso de Figueiredo (1890-1950). This visionary understood the importance of this two elements: the electric railway would promote his touristic area, meanwhile, the last one would lead more to use this modernized transportation. O lazer emergiu com uma mudança de mentalidade, relacionada com a revolução industrial. Entre 1880 e a segunda guerra mundial desenvolveram-se métodos de trabalho cada vez mais rápidos, uma necessidade e um desejo de tempo pessoal, relacionados com uma melhor percepção das necessidades e limites humanos. Deste desejo e com uma redução das horas de trabalho emergiu o tempo livre, que as pessoas podiam dedicar a práticas de lazer. Ao mesmo tempo, o lazer tornou-se mais civilizado, planeado, calculado e também mais democratizado, deixando de estar relacionado com a aristocracia e chegando ás massas populares. Não ignoramos a importância da revolução nos transportes, um ramo da revolução industrial, um progresso tecnológico paralelo ás mudanças de mentalidade conducentes ao tempo de lazer. O aparecimento dos caminhos de ferro, em particular,

Joana Paulino • Luís Silveira

permitiu uma maior diversidade das práticas de lazer e a sua realização em locais mais distantes. Diferentes regiões tornaram-se cada vez mais próximas, com transportes cada vez mais curtos em tempo e mais baratos em valor. Do progresso dos transportes e depois das férias pagas emergiu a ideia de que as ferias deviam ser gozadas longe existiu uma correlação direta entre os caminhos de ferro e as práticas de lazer, ou seja o turismo, embora ainda fosse privilégio de apenas alguns. Uma das linhas portuguesas de caminhos de ferro que melhor mostra a relação entre XIX, os objetivos da sua construção foram essencialmente turísticos, embora depois tenha tido um papel importante no crescimento de Lisboa e na suburbanização da capital. A ligação entre a linha de Cascais e o turismo persistiu ao longo do século XX. Por exemplo, deu-se uma simbiose importante entre a modernização da linha, materializada na adopção da energia elétrica, ignorando o carvão, e na construção do Parque Estoril, projetos incentivados e promovidos pela oligarquia portuguesa Fausto Cardoso de Figueiredo (1890-1950). Este homem visionário compreendeu bem a importância desses dois elementos: a linha elétrica iria promover as suas iniciativas turísticas e, por sua vez, estas últimas conduziriam a uma modernização dos transportes.

• 303

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

304 •

Joana Paulino • Luís Silveira

Railways and tourism in Portugal (late 19th century - early 20th century) Joana Paulino • Luís Silveira

This study aims to analyze the relationship between the railways and tourism • 305

relationship with the railways. context, unequivocally portrays the patent relationship between both elements. Thus, we will cover the Cascais line, which went from Cais do Sodré to the town pursuits of this coastline. We thus aim to establish contact points between tourism and the railways, which allow us to conclude the symbiotic relationship that exists between them ahead.

LEISURE

To see more on the history of free time and leisure see CORBIN, 1995.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

favored the institutionalization of free time, and with it, leisurely activities. space and use of time. Initially, reference is made to the importance of the railway, which has been considered to date, an innovative means of transportation. -

TRAVEL AND TOURISM: THE IMPORTANCE OF THE RAILWAY

306 â&#x20AC;˘

exclusively aristocratic, encompassed the middle classes in the 19th century and 2

Tourism and travel were until very late, an aristocratic reality and at the heart of these practices, as well as one of the oldest practices, was hydrotherapy. an audience and wider interests, and were frequently explored by local businessthe beach, an old leisure activity resumed in the 18th century with the promotion

Joana Paulino • Luís Silveira

cept of the beach from the one that existed in the 1800s thus developed, now associated with vacation, sun and leisure. -

– leisurely seaside resorts and the railway, since they all had a connection to this mode of transportation. They were also favored by excursionist movements, in other lications, such as the Gazeta dos Caminhos de Ferro, with articles on touristic activities, monuments, landscapes, spa and sea resorts, travel itineraries, etc.

spread. Seaside resorts were further enhanced and popularized. These ideas are evident in today’s concept of tourism.

THE CASCAIS LINE symbiotic relationships between the tourism sector and the railway. This concosts of the construction of the line and the elaboration of its path, then in its 3

• 307

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

we analyze its effects on the effective occupation of the space. The construction of the Cascais line tive of the construction of this line. The roads that connected them were in poor alternative route was necessary. Several proposals were presented for the construction of the line, from

beach, city.4 between Cascais and Pedrouços (Torres de Belém), he set some conditions for 308 •

importance of the railway to the touristic development of the coastline – an example of that would be the demand for the implementation of lower and upper accesses to beaches. This request was answered by the company, which placed 5

the line – the conclusion of the Lisbon port. The connection of the railway to the sense, to supply the city as well as tourist areas that dotted the coastline. The nected to Hersent, while the second section was under the Companhia Real’s re-

The construction of the Port of Lisbon explains the phased way the Cascais line was opened between 1889 and 1895. Nevertheless, the section between the town and Pedrou a touristic route and therefore, seasonal.7 4 5 6 7

PAULINO, 2013, pp. 16-24. Carta de D. Luís I à C.R.C.F.P. aprovando o projecto de 2 de Julho de 1887, 1887, p. 1 e PAULINO, 2013, pp. 37-41 e 45.

Joana Paulino • Luís Silveira

tion of the automobile and especially from the Companhia Carris de Ferro de Lisboa tram opened in 1901, the need to modernize the Cascais line became Companhia Real it did not have the means to carry it out.8

the symbiotic relationship between both. Indeed, there is a multiplicity of “coin-

Companhia Real’s Board of Directors, at least, as a representative of his mentor and father-in-law José 9

were presented separately to the Chamber of Deputies in 1914, without any men-

speeches of the members of the Companhia Real, who considered the proposal 10

PAULINO, 2013, pp. 48-50.

PAULINO, 2013, pp. 50-54.

10 PAULINO, 2013, p. 63-73.

• 309

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

The Cascais line and its impact on land use As previously mentioned, the initial aim of the Cascais line was clearly touristic. However, this turned out to be an important route of population concentra-

310 •

1918. Note: R = rural; U = Urban.

Initially, the Cascais line had a touristic nature, with the destination of Cas-

A posteriori, after the appearance of the Carris tram, which competed with the railway, the importance of the Cascais line became associated with

Escritura de 10 de Abril de 1920 entre a Sociedade “Estoril” e as Companhias Reunidas de Gaz e Electricidade, p. 5.

12 PAULINO, 2013, p. 62.

Joana Paulino • Luís Silveira

• 311

At that moment, we witness the importance of the Cascais line in the effecThus, there was development of a suburbanization process – initially, the

River.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

CONCLUSION In the 19th and 20th century tourism, more than any other activity, became an

vated by the railway. tourism. it, this railway also had an impact on the effective land use served by it. Howat the time.

312 â&#x20AC;˘

Joana Paulino • Luís Silveira

BIBLIOGRAPHY Archives Arquivo e Biblioteca da Assembleia da República. Debates parlamentares disponíveis em: http://debates.parlamento.pt/?pid=mc

caixas 484 e 485.

• 313

Cascais - 1874-1940.

Printed sources Relatório do I Congresso Nacional de Turismo, s.n., Lisboa. Linha de Cascais. Contrato de 7 de Agosto de 1918, Imprensa Nacional, Lisboa. Memôria sobre a utilidade, e uso medicinal dos banhos do Estoril, de, Organização do Estoril. Estação Maritima, Climaterica, Thermal e Sportiva,

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Periodicals Grande Enciclopédia Portuguesa e Brasileira AAVV. S.d., Os caminhos-de-ferro portugueses 1856-2006, s.d., C.P. – Comboios de AAVV. 2010, Viajar. Viajantes e Turistas à Descoberta de Portugal no Tempo da I República, Cascais – Vila de Corte Cascais, Cascais. Cascais, Cascais. 314 •

IV Congresso História Ferroviária Histoire du tourisme de masse Notas sobre a evolução do Viajar e a Formação do Turismo, 2 Os Procuradores da Câmara Corporativa, 1935-1974,

a Tourist Resort”. 9th International Conference: Transport and Mobility on Display, Memórias da Linha de Cascais, CORBIN, Alain. 1995, História dos tempos livres, Teorema, Lisboa. Revista da Associação dos Engenheiros Civis Portugueses, :141-147.

Joana Paulino • Luís Silveira

Parlamentar 1935-1974, vol. I (A-L), Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa e Assembleia da República, Lisboa. (1908-1914) Da Riviera Portuguesa à Costa do Sol. Fundação, , Universidade de Lisboa, Lisboa. Parlamentares e ministros da 1ª República (1910-1926), Contributos para uma história do ir à praia em Portugal, • 315

Humanas – Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa.

século XX)”. V Congresso de Historia Ferroviária, Palma. Disponível em: http://www.

primeiras décadas do século XX)”. ciencias sociales, vol. VIII, nº 167. Coisas de turismo PINA, Paulo. 1988, O Turismo no século XX, Lucidus, Lisboa. Cidade e Caminhos de Ferro Impacto da construção ferroviária sobre a cidade de Lisboa, s.n., s.l. Para a história do caminho de ferro em Portugal A Gazeta dos Caminhos de Ferro e a Promoção do Turismo em Portugal (1888-1940) de Évora, Évora.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Sintra e o caminho férreo. Transformações urbanísticas e de infraestruturas, 1850-1910 Lisboa, Lisboa. A Companhia Real dos Caminhos de Ferro Portugueses (1859-1891) Os comboios em Portugal. Do Vapor à Electricidade, Vol. 4, Terramar, Lisboa. TISSOT, Laurent (dir). 2003, Perspectives internationales. Development of a Tourist Industry in the 19th and 20th Centuries. International Perspectives 316 •

Sintra. Caminhos-de-ferro e crescimento urbano do concelho: contribuição para um estudo siècle“. Sociétés & Représentations, nº 21, :5-21. História da Companhia Carris de Ferro de Lisboa, vols. 1

Análise Social, vol. XVI (1º-2º), nº 61-62, :71-84. Os transportes públicos em Lisboa entre 1830 e 1910,

PART 3

Ian Kerr • Bruno J. Navarro • Hugo Silveira Pereira

LABOUR RELATIONS AND THE PROCESSES OF RAILWAY CONSTRUCTION IN PORTUGAL, INDIA AND AFRICA, CIRCA 1850—CIRCA 1910 RELAÇÕES LABORAIS E OS PROCESSO DE CONSTRUÇÃO DE CAMINHOS-DE-FERRO EM PORTUGAL, ÍNDIA E ÁFRICA (C. 1850 – C. 1910) Ian Kerr, (U. Manitoba, Canada Canadá) • Bruno J. Navarro (CIUHCT, Portugal) • Hugo Silveira Pereira (U. Porto, Portugal) Ian Kerr is senior scholar in the University of Manitoba (Canada) and Professorial Research Associate in the Department of History, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London (U.K.). He published several books of reference about the construction and impact of railways in India. Bruno J. Navarro, graduated in History and has a MSc in Contemporary History (U. Clássica, Lisbon, Portugal). Researcher in the Center for History of Sciences and Technologies. His works have received several awards. Hugo Silveira Pereira was born in Oporto in 1979. In 2005, he completed his History undergraduate program in the Arts and Humanities College of Oporto University. Three years later he completed his master program in Contemporary History in the same institution with an investigation about the relationships between the lower house of the Portuguese parliament and the construction of railways between 1845 and 1860. He has a PhD degree since 2012 with a dissertation about the Portugal railway policy in the second half of the 19th century. He published several papers about the History of Portuguese railways. Ian Kerr é Senior Scholar no Departamento de História, Universidade de Manitoba (Canada) e professor associado e investigador no Departamento de História, Escola de Estudos Orientais e Africanos, Universidade de Londres. Publicou vários livros sobre a construção e impacto dos caminhos de ferro na Índia. Bruno J. Navarro, Licenciado em História e Mestre em História Contemporânea, pela Faculdade de Letras da Universidade Clássica de Lisboa, é investigador integrado do Centro Interuniversitário de História das Ciências e da Tecnologia. Em 2010 venceu o Prémio “O Parlamento e a República”, atribuído pela Assembleia da República; o Prémio de História Contemporânea – Dr. Victor de Sá, atribuído pelo Conselho Cultural da Universidade do Minho; e o prémio “República e Academia”, atribuído pela Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações do Centenário da República. Hugo Silveira Pereira nasceu no Porto em 1979. Em 2005, licenciou-se em História na Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto. Aqui obteve, três anos depois, o grau de mestre em História Contemporânea com uma tese sobre a relação entre a câmara baixa do parlamento português e a construção ferroviária no período compreendido entre 1845 e 1860. Concluiu o seu doutoramento em 2012 com uma tese sobre a politica ferroviária nacional na segunda metade do século XIX. Publicou vários artigos sobre a História dos caminhos-de-ferro portugueses.

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Abstract Resumo The construction of railways always demanded the concentration of vast amounts navvies gathered in order to realize the infrastructure that best represented the idea of progress in the 19th and early years of the 20th century. The relations that were established between these individuals were not always peaceful. In some occasions there were more than a few altercations between the engineers of the concessionary company and the engineers of the state (namely in the Portuguese case) and mainly between workers and their bosses. As Robert Stephenson so eloquently put it: “I can In this paper we aim to analyze labour relations in the construction of railways in three different contexts: India (with a special emphasis on the Mormugão railway), Portugal and the Portuguese colonies of Africa, relying upon the research 320 •

the resemblances in labour in those three regions and afterwards study the main differences as far as project management and construction processes were concerned. A construção de caminhos-de-ferro sempre requereu a concentração de grandes capatazes e operários juntavam-se para levar a cabo a obra que mais representou a ideia de progresso ao longo do século XIX e parte do século XX. As relações entre si nem sempre eram conciliatórias, pois por vezes era possível haver altercações entre os engenheiros das companhias privadas e os engenheiros do estado (no caso dos caminhos-de-ferro portugueses) e sobretudo entre operários e directores de construção – Robert Stephenson dizia a este propósito que sabia engendrar a matéria engendrar homens. Neste artigo procuraremos analisar as relações laborais na construção de caminhosde-ferro em três contextos diferentes: Índia (com especial ênfase para o caminhode-ferro de Mormugão), Portugal e colónias portuguesas em África, contando com a experiência de investigação dos três autores nestes mesmos contextos. Tentaremos demonstrar em primeiro lugar as semelhanças das relações laborais entre as três regiões para depois analisar as principais diferenças a nível de gestão de projecto e construção propriamente dita.

Ian Kerr • Bruno J. Navarro • Hugo Silveira Pereira

Labour Relations and the processes of railway construction in Portugal, India and Africa, circa 1850—circa 1910 Ian Kerr • Bruno J. Navarro • Hugo Silveira Pereira

INTRODUCTION • 321

Railway construction in the 19th and early 20th centuries required large amounts of labour and capital, skilled engineers, and complex managerial and logistical arrangements. Construction took place in the heart of great cities, in uninhabited, rugged and sometimes disease-ridden terrain, and through every imaginable landscape between those crowded urban and the near empty, wilderness extremes. Deserts, verdant plains and great rivers were crossed, jungles conquered, and mountains pierced by tunnels. By 1900 worldwide trackage exceeded one million kms with another 250 thousand added by 1920. Central to the success of this great effort was the mobilization and coordinated utilization of huge numbers of construction workers because on most continents railway building was a labour-intensive activity. In their spatially extended, aggregated totals their numbers likely made them the largest assembly of construction workers focussed on the same task in human history. Ten million or more built the railways of India between 1850 and 1900.1 Some 200,000 were engaged in railway construction in Britain in the year 1846 alone.2 In Portugal we can’t say for sure how many workers were employed in the construction of its network (the main branches were built in the second half of the 19th century). However, it is known that in the construction of the northern and eastern lines (roughly 500 km of track) between 1859 and 1864, 30,000 or 40,000 labourers were employed.3 1

Ian J. Kerr, Building the Railways of the Raj, 1850-1900 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995; paperback ed., 1997), esp. appendices I and II.

Dick Sullivan, Navvyman (London: Coracle Books, 1983), p. 91.

Gilberto Gomes, “A construção das linhas do Leste e do Norte 1860/1865”, in O Caminho de

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For the Tua line, we have reports stating that about 4,000 men worked in the construction of the section between Foz Tua and Mirandela4 and roughly 2,000 men built the track between Mirandela and Bragança5. Even a short, 83 km line in the Portuguese colony of Goa, the West of India Portuguese Guaranteed Railway, assembled over 16,000 workers in 1885 and again in 1886.6 In Mozambique, the construction of the 89 km-long railway from Lourenço Marques to Transvaal (Delagoa Bay, 1886-1890) employed over 3,000 indigenous labourers and 350 European workers7. In Angola, the railway between Luanda and Ambaca (363 km), contracted in 1885 to the Companhia Real dos Caminhos de Ferro Através was pretty much the same as in the Mozambican track8. Stromquist suggests railway construction workers “became the preeminent migratory laborers” while Karl Marx referred to them as “nomad labour”, the

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brought a variety of diseases to the localities in which they situated their temporary hutments.9 Marx should have added that the work sites themselves were sometimes located in areas where diseases such as malaria or yellow fever had an endemic presence that could become an epidemic when a large agglomeration of labour was in the neighbourhood. These agglomerations could be assembled from nearby populations and/or more distant locations, and often included people of different cultural, religious and ethnic backgrounds, all of whom had to be directed to the collective effort of railway building. The massive numbers of railway construction workers came primarily from the need for a great many unskilled labourers to move earth and rock, to cut and to embank. However, and it is an important caveat, substantial numbers ferro em Portugal de 1856 a 1996. O Caminho de ferro revisitado, coord. Gilberto Gomes and Joel 4

O Brigantino, n.er 4 (16-11-1886), p. 3.

Fundação Museu Nacional Ferroviário. Box 150. Costa Serrão – Carta ao Director dos Caminhos de Ferro do Minho e Douro.

Ernest Edward Sawyer. “West of India Portuguese Railway and Harbour Works”, Minutes of Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers MPICE

Alfredo Pereira de Lima, História dos Caminhos de Ferro de Moçambique (Lourenço Marques: Adm. dos Portos, Caminhos de Ferro e Transportes de Moçambique, 1971), pp. 93135; Gazeta dos Caminhos de Ferro de Portugal e Espanha, 1 de Maio de 1890, pp. 130-131; Documentos relativos ao Caminho de Ferro de Lourenço Marques (Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1889), p. 322.

Bruno J. Navarro, “The “miracle of the locomotive” in the construction of the Third Portuguese Empire: The launch of the railroad in Angola” in Railroads in Historical Context: construction, costs and consequences, eds. Anne McCants, Eduardo Beira, Jose M. Lopes Cordero, Paulo Lourenco (forthcoming); Gazeta dos Caminhos de Ferro de Portugal e Espanha, 16 de Janeiro de 1890, p. 29.

Shelton Stromquist, “Railroad Labor and the Global Economy: Historical Patterns”, in Global Labour History. A State of the Art, ed. Jan Lucassen (2nd ed.; Bern: Peter Lang, 2008), p. 633. Karl Marx, Capital, Books, 1977), p. 818.

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of skilled workers with a range of abilities also were needed for most projects, and most particularly for tunnels, bridges and viaducts. But how and by whom were these huge agglomerations of labour managed? What kinds of relationships existed between those who supervised the work of railway building and those who provided the labour power needed to build a railway? These are not questions that have straightforward answers. There are patterns and commonalities we can identify but the construction of

building particularly in Portugal, its colonies and adjacent areas. Our examples suggest some of the ways the general picture outlined in section 1 required argued by Ravenstejin among others, that most engineering projects involved interactions between the local and the global, between what Frederick Cooper their connections to distant places and long-term processes of change . . .” 10 We particularly draw upon the near contemporaneous railway construction in Portuguese Goa (the West of India Portuguese Guaranteed Railway, hereafter WIPGR, opened in 1888) and the Trás-os-Montes region of north-east Portugal (the Tua line, opened to Mirandela in 1887 and then onwards to Bragança, opened in 1906) to provide many of our examples.

PATTERNS AND COMMONALITIES Regardless of whether a particular railway project was initiated by a private company or by government the actual construction had to be undertaken via one of two basic modalities: (1) through the large contract system where a private contractor undertook to build the line, or a substantial section thereof when the line was long. In the latter case the completed line was often built via a number of substantial contracts each tendered separately, and often sequentially over a number of years; (2) through the departmental system where the engineers of the railway company (be it private or state-owned) directly-managed the construction process. The two basic modalities, however, could quickly ramify into a variety of combinations and patterns.11 Thus, one might distinguish between very large 10 Wim Ravesteijn, “Between Globalization and Localization. The Case of Dutch Civil Engineering in Indonesia, 1800-1950”, Comparative Technology Transfer and Society, 5:1 (April 2007), pp. 3265; Frederick Cooper, “African Labor History”, in Global Labour History, p. 94. 11 This is not an issue much discussed in the literature about railway building in Asia, Africa and Latin America. For a suggestive contribution read Rory Miller, “Transferring Techniques: Railway

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works and substantial sections of a line, but not the entire line. A common occurrence involved the attempt to build through the large contract system only to have the contractor(s) fail, and the line or section thereof completed departmentally. This happened during the construction of the Goa line, and also in Portuguese Africa and Portuguese mainland. It was a common occurrence in British India in the 19th century, and usually caused by contractors with too little experience and/or too little capital although sometimes a contractor would seek Sometimes a large contractor failed and was followed almost immediately by another large contractor. In an unusual example the construction of the difPeninsula Railway (2500 Kms plus in 1905) was begun under one large contract, and then continued departmentally for almost a year after the private contractor gave it up. Then, retendering resulted in the selection of a new contractor new contractor, Solomon Tredwell, died soon after reaching India.12 The same thing happened in Portugal, for instance with its northern and eastern railways. 324 •

was terminated and the works were resumed departmentally by the ministry of Public Works, who placed the Portuguese engineer João Crisóstomo de Abreu e Sousa at the head of the enterprise. João Crisóstomo was at the time one of the best choices amongst the Portuguese engineers to assume the task. He worked (the Companhia das Obras Públicas de Portugal in the 1840’s) and had also been explained in full detail his work in a book he wrote and that is still considered as one of the most complete treatises about railways written by a Portuguese engineer. In the following decades, João Crisóstomo, as he became known in the parliament, would lead a very full life as an engineer, congressman, minister of Public Works and even PM (after the British ultimatum, when no one else seemed eager to take the helm of government)13. Building and Management on the West Coast of South America,” in The State and the Market. Studies in the Economic and Social History of the Third World, ed. Clive Dewey (Riverdale, Maryland: The Riverdale Company, 1987), pp. 155-191. 12 Details about the Bhor construction can be found in Ian Kerr, “The building of the Bhor Ghat Railway Incline in western India in the mid-19th century,” in Railroads in Historical Context: construction, costs and consequences, eds. Anne McCants, Eduardo Beira, Jose M. Lopes Cordero, Paulo Lourenco (Foz Tua, 2011), pp. 345-355. 13 João Crisóstomo de Abreu e Sousa (1915-1919), “Relatorio sobre os resultados de exploração do Caminho de Ferro de Leste no anno decorrido desde o 1.º de novembro de 1856 até 31 de Outubro

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Subsequently to the discharge of João Crisóstomo, a new agreement was signed with Sir Samuel Morton Peto, who too wasn’t able to build the railway. Whilst Peto was trying to gather the capital to form the company the works were resumed departmentally by the ministry of Public Works. Third time’s the charm and in 1859 a new deal was signed with the Spaniard José de Salamanca 14 In Africa, during the construction of the Delagoa Bay railway we witness a set of similar events. The concessionaire of the track – the American colonel Mac-Murdo – wasn’t able to gather the necessary capital to form the company and the beginning of the construction was consecutively postponed. In 1886, three years after the signing of the contract, the Portuguese government was aware of the disappointment of the Transvaalian rulers due to this procrastination. Simultaneously, two other railways were being set (between the British colonies of Natal and Cape and that boer republic), which could very well render useless the Portuguese track. Therefore, the Portuguese cabinet determined that the construction should begin departmentally under the responsibility of the Public Works Department of obligations15. That day arrived on the 17th May 1887, roughly a year after the taking over of the works by the Portuguese government. Mac-Murdo founded a new company – the Delagoa Bay and East African Railway Company, Limited – that assumed the responsibility of the construction and operation of the railway16. The new company hired Thomas Tancred, a New Zealander engineer, 1888 and the company resumed the works departmentally17. Not a year would pass before the government intervened again, this time to terminate the contract, 18 . The the Portuguese government to an old acquaintance: Ernest Edward Sawyer19. de 1857”, in Compilação de diversos documentos relativos à Companhia dos Caminhos de Ferro Portuguezes, ed. Pedro Guilherme dos Santos Dinis (Lisboa, 1915-1919), v. 1, pp. 391-504. Maria Filomena Mónica, (Lisbon: ICS, 2004-2005). 14 Maria Fernanda Alegria, University of Lisbon, 1990).

(Lisbon:

15 Documentos relativos ao Caminho de Ferro de Lourenço Marques (Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1889), pp. 156-166. 16 Ibidem, pp. 284-288 / 307. 17 Ibidem, pp. 409-415. 18 Ibidem, pp. 567-571. Caminhos de Ferro de Lourenço Marques. Questão entre os Governos da GrãBretanha e dos Estados Unidos da América por uma parte e o Governo de Portugal por outra parte submetida a arbitragem do Venerando Tribunal Suiço, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1892. 19 Documentos relativos ao Caminho de Ferro de Lourenço Marques (Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1889), pp. 621-622.

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culus worked against change of modality. Meanwhile, on-site engineers usually pushed a line through to completion because as salaried engineers they needed and loss. Moreover, because a good many private railways in the 19th century ers had little incentive to build cheaply. The engineers of state-owned railways encountered political and bureaucratic concern for costs but not the immedicontract. An engineer building a railway departmentally might lose his job if unsuccessful contractor might experience. In peripheral and close-to-bankruptcy countries, however, this risk wasn’t so overwhelming if the contractors had 326 •

of a few British contractors who were hired by the Portuguese government and failed (Hislop, Waring and Peto – and we could also add a group led by John Alentejo). We didn’t mention, though, that despite that failure all of them were handsomely compensated for their (lack of) efforts20. A variant pattern found within large and complicated railway projects involved a mix of the two modalities. Particularly demanding sections of a long a contractor or departmentally depending on who had the necessary experience while the easier sections were built through the most expedient modality. Sometimes in the history of the construction of a multi-contract, lengthy line the failure of some contractors but not all would result in a patchwork of departmental and large-contract work-sites. The initial decision to utilize one modality rather than the other depended on historical predilections, availability of contractors; the experience-level of the gineers; and idiosyncratic considerations including the venal interests of those making the decisions.21 20 franceses nos caminhos-de-ferro portugueses”, Análise Social, 24: 101-102 (1988), pp. 723-744. 21 David Sunderland, “The Departmental System of Railway Construction in British West Africa, 1895-1906,” Journal of Transport History, 23:2 (Sept. 2002), pp. 87-112 argues that the Crown Agents (responsible for projects in British colonies other than the Indian Empire) and a consulting

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Consulting engineers and chief engineers in the British colonial context in the early decades of railway development favoured the large contract system largest railways, the lengthy GIPR in Western India and the East Indian Railway dent Engineers, respectively James John Berkley and George Turnbull, thought that the best system. The EIR, however, experienced many failures among its contractors and much work was completed departmentally. The Madras Railway (MR) begun a couple of years later had Bruce as its Chief Engineer. He had served previously on the construction of the EIR and having seen the many contractual failures resolutely decided to build the MR departmentally. The Portugal-Britain joint venture in the Mormugão railway also preferred the large condepartmentally22. As a matter of fact that was the system used in the Portuguese mainland: the railway company would hire a contractor (who sometimes was also a major stockholder of the company) to build the entire railway. The disappointment with this system was one of the reasons why the Portuguese government decided to build a couple of railways (Minho and Douro) departmentally23. In Tua, the Companhia Nacional signed two contracts for the two sections of the the Portuguese road builder João Lopes da Cruz24. In Portuguese Africa, the companies also relied upon the large contract system, mainly in the larger enterprises, even though we have a few examples of departmental contracts. The Angolan railway of Benguela (1357 km) had been granted to the Scottish engineer Robert Williams, who founded in 1902 the was hired as main contractor, but it would only set 198 km of track before terminating the contract in 1908. The company took then the responsibility of the con-

self-interests. 22 Ian Kerr and Hugo Silveira Pereira, “India and Portugal: the Mormugão and the Tua railways compared” in Railroads in Historical Context: construction, costs and consequences, eds. Anne McCants, Eduardo Beira, Jose M. Lopes Cordero, Paulo Lourenco (Foz Tua, 2012). 23 University of Porto, 2012. 24 QUOTE NEEDED. João Lopes da Cruz, Construcção do Caminho de Ferro de Mirandela a Bragança. Como a vaidade, egoismo e ambição dos directores da Companhia Nacional de Caminhos de Ferro, acarreta a ruina ao empreiteiro geral, deixando-o reduzido á miseria. Publicidade, 1906).

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would indeed perform successfully the job25. In the railway between Luanda and Ambaca (still in Angola) the Companhia Real dos Caminhos de Ferro Através de África formed a new company – Sociedade Construtora do Caminho de Ferro de Ambaca – that should be responsible for the construction of the track. However, this very company would pass the task to João Burnay and Davenport26. A few years later the contract with Burnay and Davenport was terminated and the construction returned to the Sociedade Construtora responsibility27. At the upper level of a railway construction project the chosen modality siglarge contract system the company’s engineers were fewer in number and employed primarily to make sure the work was carried out according to contractual Company engineers inspected, supervised, adjudicated, and reported to their superiors. Engineers in the departmental system directly managed the construction processes and thereby also had much closer contact with the work people. They did the work of the contractor and his agents, and they also had to inspect and report to their superiors. In the Portuguese case, both in the mainland and in the overseas, besides the agents and engineers of the company and the 328 •

departments of Public Works. In Portugal – as in most countries of continental Europe – the State played a very important role in railway building. Even when the railway was privately hired, the employees of the ministry of Public Works were present in every aspect of the construction and operation, from the presentation of the proposal to inauguration of the line. The Portuguese authorities hoped that by exerting a thorough supervision, the contract would be fully accomplished28. However, that really wasn’t the case. Most companies/contractors the government to look the other way. Moreover, in some occasions, the disas an excuse to delay the works. In the construction of the northern line (becontractor’s engineers Le François reportedly exchanged blows over the solidness of a bridge29. In the Beira Alta railway the disagreements between the ministry’s engineers and the company’s contractors were recurrent. When the 25 Emmanuel Esteves, O caminho-de-ferro de Bengela e o impacto económico, social e cultural na

Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Maço 2674, 1B.

27 Pareceres e documentos sobre a questão de Ambaca (Lisboa: Ministério das Colónias, 1919), pp. 34-36. 28 Magda Pinheiro, Cidade e caminhos-de-ferro (Lisboa: CEHE, 2008). 29 Gazeta dos Caminhos de Ferro de Portugal e Espanha, July, 1st, 1890, pp. 198-199.

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would remain slow during the following years, it blamed the government and 30 . In the Mormugão line, end to the alleged misconduct of the West of India Portuguese Railway Company and it added aggressiveness to the relationship between Portugal and that 31 . The use of the departmental system did not mean an absence of contractors. Indeed, on a substantial line hundreds or more small contractors might be utilized, many of them petty men controlling small gangs of earth workers whose only “contract” might be a verbal agreement with an engineer to build an embankment or to excavate a cutting. These agreements almost invariably were tation of earth and rock for example. Many of these petty contractors were, in effect, headmen (and in some cases women) and the workers their kinfolk. Day labour, however, could also be used by a company engineer whose responsibility it then became to ensure payment to the workers after each day’s work. The hired earth workers were usually organized into pre-existing gangs with their individual headmen. In 1902, Portugal terminated the contract with the Companhia Real dos Caminhos de Ferro Através de África for the extension of the Luanda to Ambaca railway to Malange. The Portuguese state took over the works and trusted them to the staff of the Direcção do Caminho de Ferro de Malange (led by the engineer José de Beires). At the same time some petty contracts were established with six foremen. During the construction of the bridge over the Lucala River, the assembly of the metallic tray was contracted with the Société Anonyme de were hired by the Ambaca authorities, Duke of Bragança and Pungo Andongo. Those labourers were characterized as inexperienced and with a natural born loathing to that particular kind of work. Not surprisingly, few were the men that voluntarily took the jobs.32 Multiple smaller contractors usually existed also within the large-contract modality. The big difference was found at the upper-levels of the management of the work processes where the contractor and/or his resident agents had the responsibility of mobilizing labour, engaging smaller contractors (sub-contractors in effect), and providing the physical plant and supplies needed to construct the

30 Pereira, A política. 31 Kerr and Pereira, “India and Portugal”. 32

(Luanda, Imprensa Nacional, 1909), pp. 18-34.

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sometimes took on complete, turn-key contracts where they accepted responsibility for building a line, providing the rolling-stock, and maintaining the line for its initial year or two of operation. Brassey, Paxton, Wythes and Henfrey signed such a contract in December of 1858 for the 110 miles Eastern Bengal Railway, Calcutta to Kushtia.33 The contract in a large 18” by 12” format is some 100 pages of tight, clear handwriting that specify on a mile to mile basis the construction details.34 In May 1865 Brassey, Wythes and Henfrey signed a turnkey from Delhi to Amritsar.35 The same thing happened in mainland Portugal. The main contractor had the freedom to hire sub-contractors to perform any given task. It is likely that some of these arrangements were merely verbal, something that could become a nuisance further on depending on the integrity of the main contractor36. In the State-built railways this was also frequent, even though it went against the le-

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issue of transnational railways and worked in several railways across the country (Beira Alta, Eastern, South and Southeastern). He was nominated director of ginning of the construction) and he tried to hire sub-contractors to perform a few given tasks in the Douro line but he found himself overwhelmed by bureaucracy (namely contracting a couple of works to the contractors Francisco Gamero and Augusto Machado de Faria e Maia, without the necessary formalities), which was something that was done in every single railway building, Even though the 37

As for the Portuguese Africa case, a 1909 report of the Companhia Real do Caminho de Ferro Através de África (Luanda – Ambaca) illustrates comprehensively the different kinds of contracts used during the construction of the railway, some of them assuming curious details: 33 Kerr, Building, p. 48. 34 35 Kerr, Building, p. 69. Thomas Brassey (1805-1870), undoubtedly the greatest railway contractor of his era, never went to India. Charles Henfrey, who had previously built railways in Italy, was the partner and agent on the spot for the Bengal and Punjab contracts. 36 Lamirelle, Caminhos de ferro de D. José de Salamanca em Portugal (Lisboa: Sociedade 37

A Questão do Caminho de Ferro do Douro 1880). Maria Filomena Mónica,

(Lisbon: ICS,

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“Os primeiros trabalhos foram executados por administração, como já se mostrou; mas, apenas encetados, numerosos empreiteiros começaram a chegar da Europa; apontadores e capatazes transformavam-se em empreiteiros; pedreiros contratados pela Sociedade de Construção tomavam à tarefa as obras de arte e até muitos comerciantes se propunham tomar trabalhos à sua conta. O pouco conhecimento que uns tinham destes trabalhos e o pouco capital de que dispunham a maior parte, fez dar os trabalhos divididos em pequenas tarefas de dez quilómetros, o máximo, para os terraplanadores e de uma ou duas obras de arte para cada empreiteiro. Este método de trabalho seguiu-se até ao quilómetro 183 e ainda no vale do Luce e do Zondo, onde para dar um maior desenvolvimento aos trabalhos, os subdividiram em pequenas empresas que compreendiam, não somente os terraplanadores, mas também as obras de arte do mesmo troço. Os trabalhos eram pagam por unidade de trabalho e eram os agentes da Sociedade de Construção que davam os pontos de ataque, que marcavam as rasantes e que implantavam as obras de arte; formanda a cada de arte. Era esta a marcha mais racional por causa das incertezas e obstáculos que se levantavam a cada momento. A morte de um empreiteiro, a sua má conduta para com os negros, e os menores acidentes obrigavam estes a fugir, abandonando os acampamentos, o que fazia parar os trabalhos. Foi assim que houve troços em que três ou quatro empreiteiros se sucederam antes de terminar o trabalho. Os trabalhos compreendidos entre os quilómetros 182 e 222 foram contratados de empreitada, compreendendo as terraplanagens, obras de arte, colocação e balastragem da via, e tudo que fosse necessário para Os 49 quilómetros, compreendidos entre os quilómetros 238 e 287 foram também contratados com um outro empreiteiro, nas mesmas condições. Nesta empreitada os trabalhos eram divididos em três troços por causa do preço quilométrico que variava para cada troço. (quilómetro 364,440) formaram uma terceira empreitada nas mesmas condições da anterior. em face da medição organizava-se a situação mensal da mesma. Para as empreitadas, os trabalhos eram pagos por unidade de trabalho,

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e o preço de cada unidade estava consignado no contrato. Os pagamentos faziam-se com um desconto da décima parte da imO prazo de garantia era de três meses para as terraplanagens e de seis para as obras de arte. Para as empreitadas a forfait, e para a colocação da via, a responsabilidade dos empreiteiros terminava pela recepção da linA Sociedade de Construção fornecia dos seus Armazéns Gerais não somente todo o material necessário para os trabalhos, como picaretas, pás, maços, picões, tenazes e ferramentas de forja, matérias explosivas, carros de mão, camiões, materiais de construção, tais como cal, cimento, etc., etc., como também todo o material indispensável para os acampamentos, como barracas, mobiliário, etc. Estes materiais eram facturados indo-se o valor da depreciação sofrida”38 38 332 •

foremen turned into contractors, bricklayers did the works of art and even tradesmen wanted to do part of the works. The lack of knowledge and the lack of capital of these men divided the work in small tasks of less than 10 km each and one or two work of art to each contractor. This working method was followed up to the 183th km of the track. In the valley of the Luce and the Zondo, the work was divided between small companies that did the earthworks and the works of art. The tasks were paid by work unit and the agents of the Sociedade de Construção were the ones who determined the construction plans. This was the most rational way to do the deed due to the uncertainties and obstacles faced by the work force at any moment. The death of a contractor, his misconduct towards the negroes and lesser The work between the 182nd and the 222th km were hired to a contractor, who was paid by the kilometre. It encompassed the earthworks, works or art, laying and ballasting the track and whatever was needed to get the track ready for operation. The 49 km between the 238th and the 287th km were also adjudicated to another contractor under the same terms. This contract was divided in three sections, because the kilometric price varied a lot from one section to the other. Finally, the works between the 327th km and the end of the line (364,44 km) formed a third contract with the same conditions as the latter. In the end of each month, the tasks were surveyed and if the work was acceptable the payments were made. As far as the contracts were concerned, the works were paid by work unit. The price of each unit was determined in the contract. The payments were made with a 10% discount. This discount served as a guarantee. The guarantee period was three months for the earthworks and six months for the works of art. For the contracts a forfait and for the laying of the track, the liability of the contractors ended when the The Sociedade de Construção handed in its Armazéns Gerais (General Stores) all the necessary equipment for the construction (pickaxes, shovels, mallets, picks, tongs, forging material, explosive material, whellbarrow, trucks, cement, lime, etc.) as well as living equipment (tens, furniture, etc.). These materials were charged to the contractors and they were paid when they left the General Stores. When they were returned, their price, abated the value of depreciation, was credited to the contractor. Memória explicativa e descritiva dos actos e da situação da Companhia Real dos Caminhos de Ferro

Ian Kerr • Bruno J. Navarro • Hugo Silveira Pereira

Company engineers found departmental construction to be more onerous but some appreciated the greater control they exercised over the work and the accolades they received for the completion of “their” projects. This dimension and the overall differences experienced by engineers working within the two modalities is well-captured in a letter an engineer named Walter Merivale (18551902) wrote to his father on 8 May 1887.39 Merivale wrote that the project with which he was involved (the Saugor-Etawah line of the Indian Midland Railway) “a very good name for work”.40 So I shall have a comparatively easy time of it. Instead of having all these hundreds of petty contracts to keep measuring up every fortnight with tons of bills my assistants will just have to ride over the work once a month with the contractor’s agent and agree upon an approximate measurement. I shall have the same amount of . . . drawings etc. to do, in fact work, but then I have much less responsibility and the accounts are much simpler, so that, seeing how little experience I have of my work it is of course better that I should be got into it gradually. I cannot help acknowledging that is right, and further it would have shown perhaps an unwaryet I cannot help feeling rather sorry. However, I shall have a very easy time of it, and hope I sha’nt get into lazy habits.41 Merivale’s initial experience as a practicing engineer had been as a member, 1881-1885, of the staff that built the WIPGR. We mention some of his WIPGR experiences below. Merivale occupied a more senior position with the Indian Midland Railway from March 1887 to December 1889 after which he returned Railway in August 1890. Other appointments in Latin America and the Caribbean followed until ill health forced him to return to England in the summer of 1901, and to an early death in February 1902. Despite these important differences at the upper levels of the direction of a railway project the structure at the human interface between those who did the actual work, and those who supervised the work had many similarities. Different através d’África 39 Obituary, Walter Merivale, MPICE 40 Bodleian Library, University of Oxford, Special Collections, Correspondence of the Merivale Family, 1869-1943, mainly of Walter Merivale, railway engineer, and his wife Emma Magdalene, 8 May 1887. 41 Ibid.

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mixtures of intermediate-sized contractors, petty contractors and day labourers in the 1850s and 1860s opposed the use of large British contractors precisely because the use of a multiplicity of smaller Indian contractors would be needed because only they commanded the necessary labour and local supplies. As far as and costly superstructure. Why not proceed departmentally, they argued, and let the company engineers deal directly with smaller Indian contractors or Europeans domiciled in India.42

PROJECT MANAGEMENT AND LABOUR RELATIONS

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What kinds of relationships existed between those who supervised the work and those who provided the labour power needed to build a railway? Were the relationships affected by the choice between a large contractor and departmental management? The answers to these and related questions parallel those provided above regarding the overarching modalities of management. We can identify common themes and re-occurring tensions across space and time within the relationships between management and labour in railway construction. We can general answers, and to recognize the presence of the uniquely local within the global processes of railway construction. For example, we suspect few worksites duplicated the following situation in Eastern India during the departmental construction (1890-1893) of the Bezwada bridge (12 spans of 300 feet) across the Kistna River. The engineer-in-charge, Francis Spring, used bullock-powered dredges to excavate the bridge’s foundation wells. Spring wrote that steam dredges were available on site but they were only marginally better “than the primitive bullock system as to justify its retention as a reserve to overawe the bullock-drivers, who were a troublesome and bad-tempered lot, always ready to strike”. This was a clever example of the fective work process. Railways for India, were realized through socio-technical processes that blended the old and the new, imported techniques and machines alongside long-standing Indian techniques and work processes within overall labour processes shaped and controlled by foreign experts. Two general considerations, however, are imbedded in the Bezwada bridge 42 Kerr, Building, pp. 63-69.

Ian Kerr • Bruno J. Navarro • Hugo Silveira Pereira

example. First, the labour processes used to construct railways were never static. They changed over time and the trend was towards the greater use of machines and improved tools, and the more effective management of the workforces. Second, Spring’s strike-prone bullock-drivers had multiple counterparts throughout the history of railway building in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Regardless of the continent railway construction workers had highly contested relationships with those who managed them. The justly famous George Stephenson hit the nail on the head when he said: “I can engineer matter very well, but my great 43 Effective railway construction always had the management of labour as its core requirement. Contestation came in many forms ranging from brief disagreements, temporary work stoppages, the attempts of workers to control the pace of work, small strikes, wider, more sustained strikes, violent outbursts and full-scale riots. Perhaps the most effective contestation was the most peaceful and almost invisible: worksite despite an engagement to work. However, in the colonial world strikes rarely encompassed most of the workers at larger worksites, and almost never extended beyond a given worksite. The reason for this was the heterogeneous mix of workers present at many sites. Differences of culture, language and religion made widespread combination almost impossible to which in a context like India one also had to add differences of tribe and caste. Skilled workers might combine among themselves although rarely across trades. Combination across the skilled/unskilled divide was rare. Workers combined and protested for a variety of reasons although two basic causes were most common: (1) working conditions; (2) the amount and regularity of payment. However, idiosyncratic causes were not uncommon including deliberate or unintended cultural offenses committed by supervisory personnel who in the earlier decades of colonial railway projects most often were white men. At the foreman and overseer level, they could be a pretty rough, ready and racially prejudiced lot.44 The range of these culturally based affronts was enormous. A European contractor at work building the GIPR near Bombay in May 1851 reported he tried to cool off a hot workman by pouring liquid from the man’s water pot over his head only to see the pot immediately destroyed because “the fact of my touching it 45 A tribal group known as Santhals in the Rajmahal hills of Eastern India rose in widespread rebellion in1856 sparked in part by the bullying of Santhal labourers and the abuse of Santhal women practiced by the railway contractor’s European staff.46 43 Recounted by Robert Stephenson, The Engineer (25 April 1856), p. 233. 44 Racial prejudice was also present among many European engineers. However, the overseers had the more frequent and direct contact with the workers, and were more likely to include physical abuse within their repertoire of racially-motivated behaviours. 45 46 Ranajit Guha, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India (Delhi: Oxford

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The Santhal women were part of the construction gangs. In most parts of India women and children who, with their men folk, came to construction sites as family units, provided a substantial portion of the earth workers.47 Gender composition, therefore, was an important and variable characteristic of railway construction workforces. Regional cultural norms, in India and elsewhere, determined the presence or absence of female labourers within the labour processes of railway construction. This cultural gap was not a very important issue in mainland Portugal; nonetheless contestation was a real problem. It is highly likely that were some strikes and riots in the work sites of Portuguese railways. In the parliamentary sessions proceeding we have a few speeches that mention the need to increase security around work sites. Furthermore the need to keep those workers occupied after the job was done was frequently mentioned in congress48. As for particular In Tua, there are reports of some quarrels amongst workers. The chief engineer

336 •

Public Works. He mentions trouble both in the worksite and in the neighbouring towns caused by – what he calls – “agitators”; a few reports of breaking and entering in Macedo de Cavaleiros; a sort of strike or labour demonstration demanding a rise in wages; and even a manslaughter attempt of a worker against a foreman. He also says that this kind of events was usually and easily resolved by dropping the axe on the “agitator”. However, that technique didn’t seem region.49 struction worksites was the methods used to mobilize the requisite labour and the degree of coercion involved. Railway builders in the 19th and early 20th century used slaves, convict labour50, indentured labour, corvee labour, and so-called free labour where economic compulsion rather than extra-economic coercion predominated. In India free labour was most often used with advances often ers to worksites. However, compulsion could also be present. Henfrey, writing about the Delhi to Amritsar contract mentioned above claimed that labour often University Press, 1983), p. 143. 47 See Kerr, Building, appendices I and II for examples of employment numbers broken down by gender. 48 Pereira, A política. 49 Fundação Museu Nacional Ferroviário. Box 150. Costa Serrão – Carta ao Director dos Caminhos de Ferro do Minho e Douro. 50 We cannot say for sure if this sort of employment happened in Portugal. If we take the word of Costa Serrão, the engineer who managed the construction of the section between Mirandela and Bragança in Tua, the government didn’t hire former convicts, but they appeared by their own means in the worksite. Fundação Museu Nacional Ferroviário. Box 150. Costa Serrão – Carta ao Director dos Caminhos de Ferro do Minho e Douro.

Ian Kerr • Bruno J. Navarro • Hugo Silveira Pereira

had to be forced out of villages in the morning “’to earn a good day’s wages on the neighbouring railway works’”.51 Africa presented a more complex picture with good examples of each kind of relationship available including the co-existence of multiple forms within the same project. Indentured labourers from India were among those who built railways in Natal and Uganda. French authorities conscripted large numbers of labourers in successive drafts to build railways in French West Africa, and in Nigeria the so-called “political” railway labour drafted by British colonial of52

However, one is well advised not to get overly caught up in the formal distinctions between free and unfree labour.53 Marcel van der Linden reminds us that “the boundaries between ‘free’ wage labourers and other kinds of subaltern 54 He continues: Firstly, there are extensive and complicated ‘grey areas’ replete with transitional locations between the ‘free’ wages laborers and the slaves, the self-employed and the lumpenproletarians. Secondly, almost all subaltern workers belong to households that combine several modes of labor. Thirdly, individual subaltern workers can also combine different modes tion between different kinds of subaltern workers is not clear-cut.55 The free/unfree distinctions did affect worker-management relationships at the railway worksites. Obviously, convicts and slaves had less leverage and could be subjected to more rigorous discipline. However, even the “unfree” had ways in which they could protest unfair treatment ranging from attempts to control the pace of work to violent outbursts. Regardless of the free to unfree forms of employment one can safely assert that across the globe and spanning many decades employees and employers within railway construction had a fraught relationship. One can also make the generalization that as railway construction became a more established and better-understood process, and as both workers and management improved then labour relations at worksites became more settled and less fractious although contestation remained. This “settling down” of the relationships at the human interface of railway 51 Kerr, Building, p. 172. 52 For a brief overview see Catherine B. Ash, “Forced Labor in Colonial West Africa,” History Compass, 4:3 (2006), pp. 402–406. 53 A good entry point into the free/unfree discussion is Free and Unfree Labour. The Debate Continues, eds. Tom Brass and Marcel van der Linden (Bern: Peter Lang, 1997). 54 Marcel van der Linden, Workers of the World. Essays Toward a Global Labor History (Leiden: Brill, 2008), p. 32. 55 Ibid.

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construction took place over many decades and within different time frames in different parts of the world. Britain, the birthplace of steam, railed locomotion began to settle down by the mid-19th century while in Britain’s greatest colony, India, railway construction did not begin until the 1850s with a more settled situation emerging by the end of the 19th century when the process had become more routinized, and substantial bodies of experienced workers had emerged who moved across the Indian sub-continent from one job to another. Management became more effective as the engineers and subordinate supervisors “understood better how to put Indian labour to more productive use”.56 Interestingly, greater productivity was often found through increased sensitivity to the needs and practices of Indian workers. Engineers building railways in Assam, 1896-1904, reported they used Indian tools and appliances whenever possible, “’and where they did not affect the progress of construction, native customs of labour or even prejudices were not interfered with’”.57 George Stephenson’s “engineering of men’ could sometimes be achieved best by less intrusive management. WEST OF INDIA PORTUGUESE GUARANTEED RAILWAY 338 •

construction of the WIPGR.58 Taking place during the fourth decade of railway the hard-won experience of their predecessors. In particular, the WIPGR’s difseason), mountain range, home to tigers known as the Western Ghats could draw upon the pioneering Thal and Bhore Ghat inclines built through the same mounthat required an aggregate mean daily employment total of some 40,000 in 1860 and 1861. However, the WIPGR was built through an isolated and little-populated part required some clerks, accountants and other book-keepers) referred to even the better-positioned town of Marmagoa as “a strange, uninhabited and out-of-the way place . . . . ”59. Additionally, the WIPGR ran through Portuguese territory where construction undertaken by a private British company with British engi56 Kerr, Building, p. 158. 57 Quoted in Kerr, Building, p. 156. 58 Portuguese Railway”, MPICE Son & Hayter 59 The Times of India, 9 April 1883, p. 3.

Report of Sir John Hawkshaw,

Ian Kerr • Bruno J. Navarro • Hugo Silveira Pereira

neers had to deal with supervision by Portuguese authorities: different cultural and bureaucratic traditions engendered friction at the apex supervisory level of this railway project. Thus, although the WIPGR was a short, metre gauge line built many decades into India’s railway era, its construction presented many challenges of a physical, political and cultural nature. Hayter, supervised the engineering aspects of the project. Sir John Hawkshaw dency of the Institution of Civil Engineers, 1862-63. We do not know the diviSir John began to withdraw from active engineering circa 1880 and fully retired Clarke Hawkshaw (1841-1921) supervised the WIPGR project. Though not of the engineering consultant for the WIPGR well into the 20th century. tion process, Ernest Edward Sawyer (1850-1937). Sawyer headed the survey and then became the Chief Engineer in executive charge of the construction. He remained Chief Engineer (and subsequently also the Agent, roughly general manager) of the Company until he returned to England in 1887. Ten engineers and a deputy agent assisted Sawyer. During the construction one engineer was killed in an accident and one other had to return to England because of sickness. the contract (December 1881) to build the line.60 They commenced the work in February 1882. The contract was rescinded by mutual agreement in February 1884. The Contractors previously had received formal notice of the need to prosecute the work more vigorously; they in turn asked for an extension of contract time. Discussions in London involving Sawyer, the Consulting Engineers, and the Contractors continued to make unsatisfactory progress, in part because of labour supply issues.61 The WIPGR was completed departmentally late in 1887 through a mix of petty contracts and day labour. Thirteen and one-half months into the departmental system Sir John HawkReport dated 23 May 1885 in which they noted the much improved progress after the changeover, and a reduction in costs of some sixteen percent less than if the work had been carried out at the previously established contract rates. The Report suggested that the sixteen percent represented 60 The latter two had had experience with smaller contracts in India. Thompson and his partners had little India experience but presumably more access to capital. See BL-IOR, PWD Railway Construction Proceedings, vol. 1878, January to June 1882. 61 BL-IOR, L/AG/46/19/1, Third Annual Report of the Directors of the West of India Portuguese Guaranteed Railway Company, Limited, 26 June 1884, p. 5.

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contract might hope to realize because few records from anywhere tell us much

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An adequate supply of labour was crucial to the building of the WIPGR, as it was to most railways. The 16,000 plus that at peak times worked to construct the 62 Reports from Sawyer and Portuguese authorities frequently mentioned labour shortages, especially in the hot months. In June 1885, no one could be hired for work in some areas. Heat, disease and poor living conditions discouraged employment and the construction of the SMR line to Castle Rock provided nearby, competing opportunities for those inclined to take up railway work.63 Labourers, skilled workers and clerical staff alike had to be recruited from an extended area. People from Ceylon and Afghanistan were observed among those at work in the Ghats.64 The diversity of castes, religions and working habits among the workers challenged the abilities of the engineers and their subordinates to coordinate the efforts of the assembled thousands.65 Skilled tunnelers were not available so twenty-two miners were imported from England. The latter number would have been higher had not Sawyer also decided to acquire drilling machinery that could be operated by Indians under the superintendence of the English miners. The machinery came from a completed railway project in Ceylon illustrating the extent to which railway projects separated by time and space became interlinked both with regard to the movement of labour and machinery. Sawyer also tried to reduce his need for labour through the use light tramways and wagons to move earth and rock where possible. The traditional Indian practice was for numerous women to do so using little head baskets with the men doing the excavation using a special hoe called a powrah. Thus, the WIPGR with its mix of labour and capital intensive activiScranton epigrammatically described “as the point at which people and machine th and early 20th centuries.66 The health of the workforce was a major concern for the Engineering staff. facilities were established and steps taken to improve sanitation at worksites and 62 Sawyer, p. 324, appendix III. 63 AHU, SEMU. DGU. Maco 2770. Caminho de Ferro de Mormugao. Julho a Dezembro (1885). 64 POHA. SEMU. DGU. Pack 2625. Caminho-de-ferro de Mormugão (1886). Janeiro a Junho. Report by Francisco Joaquim Ferreira do Amaral, Governor General, of 23 May 1886. 65 POHA. SEMU. DGU. Pack 2625. Caminho-de-ferro de Mormugão (1886). Julho a Setembro. Report by Francisco Joaquim Ferreira do Amaral, Governor General, of 12 June 1886. 66 Philip Scranton, “ None-Too-Porous Boundaries: Labor History and the History of Technology,” Technology and Culture, 29: 4, Special Issue: Labor History and the History of Technology (Oct., 1988), p. 736.

Ian Kerr • Bruno J. Navarro • Hugo Silveira Pereira

worker encampments. That latter was particularly important to the diminution of cholera, although outbreaks did occur. 63,000 were treated in the various hospitals during the four years of construction, among who 392 died. Some twothirds of all patients worked in the Sonauli valley, sometimes called the “valley of death”, at the foot of the Ghats. Improved worker health was a lesson hard past experience. The well being of workers slowly became of greater concern to those who managed railway construction projects. Walter Merivale writes about a cooly who became ill with cholera and died within three and a half hours causing “all of the other coolies” to run away. When Merivale arrived he got four men to dig a burial hole, but being “of different caste” they refused to help lift the corpse until Merivale attempted to do so deeply affected the young engineer.67 Strikes certainly occurred during the construction of the WIPGR although they seem to have been localized and relatively minor affairs. Merivale writes about his workmen striking to obtain advances. Desertions from worksites or refusal to enter construction work were the more common form of contestation. Something of the problems faced by a WIPGR engineer attempting to retain labourers is caught in the following from a letter Merivale wrote to his father in March 1883.68 Merivale employed some people directly as day labour, and indirectly many more via petty contractors. Shall I increase the wages of my coolies? The sub contractors on my length employ some 2,000 men and they pay 6 annas a day. I employ All the little pros and cons in this again! The hot unhealthy season is only just begun, if I begin an increase so soon, they will probably want another next month, and another in May. It was in the beginning of March that they asked for it, so I decided to give it them in April. They were quite happy and stick to me. You see I have gained a whole month, for they stay with me in March in spite of the contractors’ men receiving higher wages, on the promise of their pay being increased next month. The WIPGR was a small line representing a minute fraction of the total the 19th and a microcosmic example of many of the patterns and frictions that characterized railway building everywhere in the later 19th and early 20th centuries. The 67 Bodleian, Merivale Family, Ms.Eng, c. 5240, Walter Merivale to his father dated 21 Nov. 1884 68 Bodleian, Merivale Family, Ms.Eng, c. 5240, Walter Merivale to his father dated March 1883??

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next section of this paper presents information about the Tua line built during the same decade in the Trás-os-Montes region of Portugal, itself a peripheral region within Portugal. To what extent, we ask, were construction labour processes on the Tua line similar to, or different from, those described above.

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Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Eduardo Beira

CONSTRUCTION OF TUA RAILROAD: INCIDENTS, DEATHS AND WOUNDED, EVIDENCE FROM THE ARCHIVES CONSTRUÇÃO DA LINHA DO TUA: INCIDENTES, MORTOS E FERIDOS, EVIDÊNCIA COM BASE NOS ARQUIVOS Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos (U. Minho, Portugal) • Eduardo Beira (IN+, Técnico, Lisboa Lisbon, Portugal) Lurdes Martins, ph student, Department of Civil Engineering, University of Minho, Guimarães, Portugal. Admitted in CAP as Higher Technical Safety and Health at Work Level VI. Academic interests in issues in granites. Graça Vasconcelos is assistant Professor at Department of Civil Engineering at University of Minho and is

Open Construction and Building Technology Journal, Bentham and conferences. Eduardo Beira, IN+ Center for Innovation, Technology and Policy Research, IST (Lisboa). Professor professor and EDAM (Engineering Design and Advanced Manufacturing) Professor in MIT Portugal Program.

innovation, engineering and technology, regional development. Lurdes Martins, aluna de doutoramento na Escola de Engenharia da Universidade do Minho, departamento de Engenharia Civil. Inscrita no CAP como Técnica Superior de Segurança e Higiene do Trabalho de nível VI. Interesses académicos pelas questões relacionadas com a arquitetura vernácula, ensaios in situ em Graça Vasconcelos Minho e membro do Instituto para a Sustentabilidade e Inovação em Engenharia de Estruturas (ISISE). Open Construction and Building Technology Journal, Bentham Open e revisora de diversos artigos de revistas internacionais. Tem mais congressos e seminários nacionais e internacionais.

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Eduardo Beira, IN+ Center for Innovation, Technology and Policy Research, IST (Lisboa). Professor Professor Associado, e Professor EDAM (Engineering Design and Advanced Manufacturing) do Programa industriais e de serviços durante mais de vinte anos, depois de uma primeira carreira académica na Faculdade de Engenharia da Universidade do Porto. Interesses académicos pelas questões de inovação, desenvolvimento, engenharia e tecnologia, indústrias “tradicionais”.

Abstract Resumo This paper intends to give a detailed overview of the deaths and accidents that this, a detailed investigation was carried on the archives of Centro de Documentação event arose. Complementarily, it will be given emphasis to the absenteeism rates of 344 •

Este trabalho analisa as mortes e acidentes que ocorreram durante a construção da nos arquivos do Centro de Documentação Ferroviária, onde se encontraram autos de noticia da inspeção da obra, lavrados sempre que um incidente importante acontecia.

Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Eduardo Beira

Construction of Tua railroad: incidents, deaths and wounded, evidence from the archives Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Eduardo Beira

1. INTRODUCTION • 345

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

2. SICK LEAVE OF WORKERS INVOLVED IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE LINE BETWEEN FOZ TUA AND MIRANDELA

Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Eduardo Beira

3. DEATHS AND WONDED SINCE THE BEGINNING OF THE WORK UNTIL THE COMPLETION OF THE RAILWAY LINE BETWEEN FOZ TUA AND MIRANDELA

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

nd st

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

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Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Eduardo Beira

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

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Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Eduardo Beira

haul

3th haul

Total

• 353

4th haul

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nd st

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

occurred shots in trench No. 76 and one stone was reach the mason who worked at supporting wall No. 68. The distance to the supporting wall at the trench was 70m. He was not seriously injured in the left hand”. st

354 •

haul

3th haul

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Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Eduardo Beira

section the accidents are concen-

trated in the 5th “The employee was pouring gunpowder to a shot serving up a stick of wood. Subsequently he handled with his hands a steel iron to attack the shot. He burned her face and went to the hospital of Mirandela”. victim of the explosion, when he approached to check the shots that were not ruptured. Not seriously injured. The next day he returned to work.” “The servant placed himself at the front of the aqueduct mouth that was to be coated, to support one stone. He got the left arm and head underneath of the stone. He fractured his arm and stood with his hand crushed. Had been reprimanded by the responsible to deviate from the front of the stone, but he ignored the warning • 355

wounded in the head by a stone. He was conducted to a house in Castanheiro and was operated in the hospital of St. Antonio on 24/08/86. He is in the recovery phase but shows alteration of mental faculties”. “It took place the explosion shots in the supporting wall. The worker sought shelter under a crag leaving an uncovered hand, was harvested by a rock fracturing it. The wounded is on treatment in Amieiro, with intermittent fevers”. “Landslide in the trench burying a man who was taking a nap”. 3.1. Comparison the Tua line with other rail lines -

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Eduardo Beira

Tua

Madeira-

CONCLUSION

3 st

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Lurdes Martins • Graça Vasconcelos • Eduardo Beira

REFERENCIES

A Ferrovia do Diabo. Dissertação de Mestrado: Pontes e linha do Tua: história, construção e valorização.

Dissertação de Mestrado. Linha do Tua: história, estruturas, acidentes, contexto geológico-geotécnico.

ANNEX

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Domingo Cuéllar

LOS INICIOS DE LA ELECTRIFICACIÓN EN LOS FERROCARRILES ESPAÑOLES (1907-1941) OS PRIMÓRDIOS DA ELETRIFICAÇÃO NOS CAMINHOS-DE-FERRO ESPANHÓIS (1907-1941) Domingo Cuéllar (Madrid Railway Museum, Spain Espanha) Domingo Cuéllar PhD in History, Universidade de Almeria. Specialist in transportation, Universidad Politecnica de Madrid. He has been associate professor in Universidad Autonoma de Madrid, manager of historical research in Fundacion de los Ferrocarriles Espanoles, editor of a journal of history (TST) and codirector of a collection of Railways History. Author of several monographies about railways and transportation. Domingo Cuéllar Doutorado em História pela Universidade de Almeria e especialista em transportes pela Universidade Politecnica de Madrid. Foi professor associado na Universidade Autonoma de Madrid, geriu projetos de investigação histórica na Fundacion de los Ferrocarriles Espanoles, foi editor de uma revista de transportes e caminhos de ferro.

Abstract Resumo the second industrial revolution, when new energy, new materials and new organizational structures accelerated the change. The application of this new type of energy to railway traction was a direct result of this process, but was surrounded by technical and economic controversies that make very interesting to study. From these ideas, in this paper we will study the case of the development of the see, there was a period of great expansion in the Spanish railway system which had For this reason, it was the State which carried out the high investment required for on mountain lines and the demand increase in the suburban services. A expansão da eletricidade simboliza a transição entre a primeira e a segunda revolução industrial quando novas energias, novos materiais e novas estruturas

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organizacionais aceleraram a mudança. A aplicação deste novo tipo de energia á tração ferroviária foi um resultado direto deste processo, mas envolvido por controvérsias técnicas e económicas que merecem análise e estudo. em Espanha, tanto nas linhas de via estreita como de via larga. Como veremos, foi um período de grande expansão do sistema ferroviário em Espanha, que tinha grandes

das linhas. Estes casos estavam associados a linhas de grande tráfego em linhas montanhosas e provocaram um aumento da procura para os serviços suburbanos

362 •

Domingo Cuéllar

ferrocarriles españoles (1907-1941) Domingo Cuéllar

1. INTRODUCCIÓN • 363

Compañía de los Caminos de Hierro del Norte de España

Compañía de los Ferrocarriles de Madrid a Zaragoza y Alicante

Compañía de los Caminos de Hierro del Sur de España

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Midi

a Compañía Nacional de los Compañía de los Ferrocarriles

Ferrocarriles del Oeste de España Andaluces (Andaluces

364 •

1 Compañía de los Ferrocarriles de Cataluña

Domingo Cuéllar

21 22

CC CC

1’44 m

CC CC CC CC CC

132

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Km CC 2

CC CC

Carol

366 •

CC CC

ramal

1’

CC CC

Domingo Cuéllar

2. EL INESPERADO PIONERO: SUR

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

3 4 6

Tracci

Domingo Cuéllar

Crédit Mobilier

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Brown-Boveri

General Electric

Westinghouse

Brown-Boveri 11 12

Domingo CuĂŠllar

13 14

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Andaluces

Domingo Cuéllar

Ateliers suisses pour la construction des wagons Brown-Boveri

ctrica

Nacimiento

3. EL ESPÍRITU ELÉCTRICO DE NORTE Y EL LIDERAZGO DE FONTAO

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

n de la rampa de Pajares

21 22 23

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Grasset y cía Brown-Boveri NORTE 26 Gaceta de Madrid

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Mengemor

31 32

Gaceta de Madrid

Domingo Cuéllar

Oerlikon

Boveri 34

Sociedad Española Thomson-Houston Compañía Ibérica de Electricidad Thomson-Houston AEG Thomson-Houston Ibérica (AEG Ibérica Brown-Boveri Sociedad Española de Electricidad Brown-

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Tanto Brown-Boveri

Oerlikon o Westinghouse

é Gaceta de Madrid

i. ii. (16

iii.

Domingo Cuéllar

iv. v.

vi.

Thomson-Houston Sociedad Española de Construcción Naval Westinghouse norteamericana

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

n de la l nea de Barcelona a Manresa

NORTE

Barcelona Traction Light and Power (Barcelona Traction Compañía de los Ferrocarriles de Cataluña

Domingo CuĂŠllar

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Ferrocarril Metropolitano de Barcelona (Transversal) a

MetropolitanoTransversal 41

Gaceta de Madrid

42 NORTE

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Energía Eléctrica de Cataluña43

Sociedad Ibérica de Construcciones Eléctricas

Metropolitan Vickers

Euskalduna Oerlikon 43 44

Barcelona Traction

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

4. EL INTERÉS ESTRATÉGICO DE LA LÍNEA DE LOS PIRINEOS Y LAS ELECTRIFICACIONES DE SAN JUAN DE LAS ABADESAS, RIPOLL Y PUIGCERDÁ

Midi

Metropolitano Transversal

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Oerlikon Euskalduna

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

5. LA ELECTRIFICACIÓN DE ALSASUA A IRÚN

Brown-Boveri

Domingo Cuéllar

Hidroeléctrica Ibérica

Sudexprés

Revue BBC

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Juan

Térmica

132

212

éctrica

6. EL PROYECTO PENDIENTE DE LA ELECTRIFICACIÓN DE LA SIERRA DE GUADARRAMA

Domingo Cuéllar

Electra de Viesgo Energía Eléctrica de Cataluña Hidroeléctrica Ibérica

Alberche

Hidroeléctrica Española Unión Eléctrica Madrileña Saltos del Saltos del Duero 62

Compañía Anónima Basconia 61 62

Mate-

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

rial para Ferrocarriles y Construcciones (m

Fábrica de Mieres

Sociedades Nuevas Industrias Metálicas Sabata y Ubach Comercial de Cobre y Metales S.A Sociedad Española de Montajes Industriales (automo Compañía Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles Construcciones Devis S.A 63

Sociedad de Grandes Redes Eléctricas

NORTE

Estatutos de la Compañía del Ferrocarril de Bilbao a Portugalete

Domingo CuĂŠllar

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

General Eléctrica Española

Babcock & Wilcox General Eléctrica Española Ferrocarriles y Tranvías

Domingo Cuéllar

6.2. Las tentativas fracasadas de MZA y Andaluces

Andaluces

7. ¿LA RENUNCIA DE MZA?

Compañía de los Ferrocarriles de Tarragona a Barcelona y Francia

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

el interé

Domingo CuĂŠllar

Total

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

8. EL ESCASO INTERÉS DE ANDALUCES Andaluces

Andaluces

Memoria que eleva al Excmo. Sr. Ministro de Fomento la Comisión nombrada para la

Domingo Cuéllar

Andaluces

a estrecha en Espa

El Irati

El Irati Electra Aoiz Compañía General de Maderas, Fuerzas Eléctricas y Tranvía Eléctrico de Navarra (El Irati

rreas

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Metropolitano de Madrid

aci ĂŠctrica

El Irati

Iberduero

Domingo Cuéllar

Tramways Électriques Biarritz-St Sébastien-Tolose Sociedad Explotadora de Ferrocarriles y Tranvías

Salto de Endarlaza

Electra de

Puente Marín

a un

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Barcelona Traction Barcelona Traction

Barcelona Traction

Domingo Cuéllar

Société Financière de Transports et d’Entreprises Industrielles Barcelona Traction

Lusitania

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Compañía de los Caminos de Hierro del Nordeste de España m Compañía del Ferrocarril Central Catalán Ferrocarril Económico de Manresa a Berga Compañía General de Ferrocarriles Catalanes

Metropolitano Transversal

Sociedad Anónima de Electricidad Ganz de Budapest de Braine-le-Comte

Usines

Domingo Cuéllar

Sociedad Anónima del Ferrocarril Eléctrico del Guadarrama

Brown-Boveri (Sociedad Española de Electricidad Brown-Boveri

Brown-Boveri

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

econ Revue BBC

Gaceta de Madrid

ann

Domingo Cuéllar

Société Minière et Métallurgique de Peñarroya

Compañía de los Ferrocarriles de Peñarroya y Puertollano

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

aci Mengemor BrownBoveri Société alsacienne de constructions mécaniques

americana Thomson-Houston Alsthom

General Electric

Domingo Cuéllar

tro eléctrico Compañía de los nea en

Ferrocarriles de Santander a Bilbao Vasconavarro

Compañía de los Fer-

rocarriles Vascongados

111

112

113 114

AEG Ibérica droeléctrica Ibérica

111 112 113 114

Hi-

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Vasconavarro

Anglo-Vasco Navarro Railway

116

Siemens-Schuckert Miravalles o Material Móvil y Construcciones AEG Ibérica Brown-Boveri Siemens-Schuckert

116

Domingo Cuéllar

Explotación de Ferrocarriles por el Estado

Vascongados Ferrocarril Central de Vizcaya el Ferrocarril de Durango a Zumárraga el Ferrocarril de Elgóibar a San Sebastián Compañía General de los Ferrocarriles Vascon121 gados

121

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Saltos de Duero122

Hidroeléctrica Ibérica 123

124

inter

Ferrocarril de Sóller

126

122 123

124 126

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Siemens-Schuckert Siemens-Schuckert ller AEG Ibérica Compañía de Cobre y Metales S.A. Ferrocarril de Sóller

Sociedad Alumbrado por Gas de Palma Compañía Mallorquina de Electricidad • 411

CONCLUSIONES

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

412 •

Domingo Cuéllar

BIBLIOGRAFÍA

El Le Rôle des intérêts économiques étrangers dans la croissance de l’Espagne au XIXe siècle

El Ferrocarril a Mallorca, la via del progrès • 413

Las tres chimeneas

proyecto concurso. Adjudicaciones. Comienzo de los trabajos Economía, Empresas y Territorio Grandes empresarios andaluces VI Congreso de Historia Ferroviaria

Actas del Simposio Internacional Globalización, innovación y construcción de redes técnicas urbanas en Amé

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

Actas del Simposio Internacional Globalización,

Revista de Historia Industrial de los Ferrocarriles Catalanes Revista de Historia Económica

Revista de Obras Públicas

Revista de Historia Económica 414 •

Documentos de trabajo. Historia Económica Trenes, cables y minas de Almería Zangotzarra Historia de los Ferrocarriles de Vía Estrecha en España

La Technique Moderne Historia de los Ferrocarriles de Vía Estrecha en España

Domingo Cuéllar

Historia de los Ferrocarriles de Vía Estrecha en España n topo Congreso de Historia Ferroviaria

La crisis hullera en España Revista de Obras Públicas

Sabadell i Terrasa Protagonistas en la historia del Puerto de Almer XIX

Ingeniería y Construcción Annales de Géographie WAIS,

Historia de los Ferrocarriles Españoles

Stefano Maggi

THE BUILDING OF THE RAILWAY NETWORK IN ITALY RAILWAYMEN AND LABOR CONFLICTS A CONSTRUÇÃO DA REDE DE CAMINHOS-DE-FERRO EM ITÁLIA: FERROVIÁRIOS E CONFLITOS LABORAIS Stefano Maggi (U. Sienna, Italy Itália) Stefano Maggi is Associate professor in Contemporary History, Director of the Department of Political and International Sciences at the University of Siena, where he teaches History of communications and History of economy and territory. He lectured and presented papers at conferences in Italy and abroad. Member of research groups in a national and international context, he worked for public administration for the development of the railway heritage and transport networks. His studies mainly concern social transport history and sustainable mobility. Stefano Maggi Professor associado de história contemporânea e diretor do departamento de ciências políticas e internacionais na Universidade de Siena (Itália) onde ensina história das comunicações e história da economia e do território. Ensinou e apresentou trabalhos em conferencias em Itália e no estrangeiro. É membro de vários grupos de investigação, nacionais e internacionais, e trabalhou para a administração pública no desenvolvimento do património ferroviário e de redes de transporte por caminhos de ferro. Estuda principalmente temas sobre a história do transportes sociais e a mobilidade sustentável.

Abstract Resumo In March 1861, when the Kingdom of Italy was established, 2,189 km of railways were operating in the Italian peninsula: in Piedmont there were 850 km, in Lombardy-Venetia 607 km, in Grand Duchy of Tuscany 323 km, in the Papal State 132 km, in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies 128 km, in the Duchy of Parma 99 km, in the Duchy of Modena 50 km. network. In general, in the decade from 1861 to 1870 about 4,000 km of railways were built, almost the double mileage in comparison to the previous two decades. In 1866 the railway network reached 5,000 km after the annexation of Venetia. In December 1866 it was possible to go from Milan to Rome by train. The railway network was managed by private companies and the industrial nature of the railway sector caused the railwaymen to assume a worker’s mentality, who kept

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Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

even when in 1905 they became civil servants, because State Railways (Ferrovie dello Stato) were constituted. Sindacato Ferrovieri Italiani) was founded in 1907. century, thanks to the reduction of working hours obtained by the trade unions, the number of railwaymen increased in Italy from 100,000 to 226,000, which was accompanied by an increase in the trade unionism, in strike and in the participation to socialist politics, that was unequalled in other sectors. Fascism was against the railwaymen and took drastic action as soon as it gained power. In December 1922 the board of directors of the Ferrovie dello Stato was cancelled and the attributes owed to it were temporarily assigned to an extra commissioner who - within approximately two years - completed the business reformation operation. From 226,000 railwaymen in service in June 1922, two years later only 174,000 agents remained. The railwaymen did not strike any more until 1944. At the end of twenty years of fascism the train began to lose ground in the transport market. The railways were worryingly abandoned in favour of motor-vehicles and street infrastructure. In railroads resumed labour disputes and often the railway workers were at the head of the workers’ demands. Many of them belonged to the Communist Party. After the second world war, the number of employees rose once more above 220,000 people like at the start of the 1920’s before fascism, because of unrealised technical interventions and further working-time reductions. Half-way through the 1980’s, with the start of the process of privatisation, the greatest industrial restructuration ever realized in Italy began. From out of the 220,000 railwaymen in service in 1987, only 60,000 remain today. Em Março de 1861, quando se estabeleceu o Reino de Itália, estavam cerca de 2189 km de linhas de caminhos de ferro a operar na península italiana. th

418 •

numa rede italiana. Durante a década de 1861 a 1870 construiram-se cerca de 4000 km de linhas, cerca do dobro das construídas nas duas décadas anteriores. Em 1866 a rede ferroviária atingia os 5000 kms depois da anexação de Veneza. Em dezembro de 1866 era possível ir de Milão a Roma de combóio.

Stefano Maggi

A rede ferroviária era gerida por empresas privadas e a natureza industrial levou do setor ferroviário levou os ferroviários a assumirem a mentalidade de trabalhadores, que mantiveram mesmo até 1950 quando se tornaram funcionários públicos, com a formação da empresa estatal de caminhos de ferro (Ferrovie dello Stato). As primeiras organizações de ferroviários começaram com as sociedades de benefícios mútuos (Sindacato Ferrovieri Italiani). de 100 para 226 mil, o que foi acompanhado por um aumento do sindicalismo, de greves e numa participação na política socialista sem equivalente noutros setores. O fascismo era contra os ferroviários e tomou medidas drásticas logo que chegaram ao poder. Em dezembro de 1922 o conselho de administração da Ferrovie dello Stato era suspenso e as suas atribuições foram temporariamente atribuídas a comissários extraordinários que, dentro de dois anos, completaram a reforma das operações. De 226 mil ferroviários ao serviço em Junho de 1922, dois anos depois restavam apenas 174 mil. Não aconteceram então mais greves de ferroviários até 1944. dos transportes e foram abandonados a favor de veículos motorizados e de infraestruturas rodoviárias. Nos caminhos de ferro recomeçaram as disputas laborais e muitas vezes os trabalhadores ferroviários estiveram na frente dessas lutas. Muitos deles pertenciam ao partido comunista. Depois da segunda guerra mundial, o numero de ferroviários voltou a crescer, acima dos 220 mil, tal como nos princípios dos anos de 1920, antes do fascismo, devido a novas realizações técnicas e reduções adicionais dos tempos de trabalho. Em meados dos anos de 1980, com o inicio do processo de privatização, começou a maior reestruturação industrial jamais tentada em Itália. Dos 220 mil ferroviários ao serviço em 1987, hoje em dia, restam apenas cerca de 60 mil.

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420 •

Stefano Maggi

The building of the railway network in Italy Stefano Maggi

1. THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE RAILWAYS â&#x20AC;˘ 421

In March 1861, when the Kingdom of Italy was established, 2,189 km of railways were operating in the Italian peninsula: in Piedmont there were 850 km, in Lombardy-Venetia 607 km, in Grand Duchy of Tuscany 323 km, in the Papal State 132 km, in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies 128 km, in the Duchy of Parma 99 km, in the Duchy of Modena 50 km. Italian network. The railway building became the most important task of the Italian state, just after its establishment. Government saw in the railway the way of connecting the different economies and societies that composed the new nation. In the decade from 1861 to 1870 about 4,000 km of railways were built, almost the double mileage in comparison to the previous two decades. In 1866 the railway network reached 5,000 km after the annexation of Venetia. In December 1866 it was possible to go from Milan to Rome by train. Of the 34 provinces which were initially without railways, only 9 of them still had epidemics of cholera, improvements in the main railway network were relevant.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

At the end of 1870’s, after many debates, a general plan was then prepared; in addition to the secondary railways, it also included the main ones necessary to complete the national network, as well as the lines of regional and local interest, for a total of 6,000 km. The enormous expense of 1,260 million liras had to be charged on the budget of the Ministry of Public Works for the period 1880-19001.

2. THE MANAGEMENT OF THE NETWORK Before 1865 the management of the railway-sections was less uniform, deriving Piedmont, existed alongside the lines owned by various private companies which each received considerably different concessions from the others. In that same year it was decided that the construction and operation of the railthe system almost immediately met with crisis and the State had to spend huge sums of money for ransom and the balancing of budgets. 422 •

put into practice in 1885. It entrusted the operation to three big companies, while the ownership of the lines, permanent installations and the rolling stock remained with the State. The peninsula was divided longitudinally with the intention of encouraging between the two areas of Italy. The eastern network was entrusted to the Società Adriatica which managed in total 4,300km of railway, while the western network, of 4,100km, was assigned to the Società per le Strade Ferrate del Mediterraneo Sicula which had to manage 1,100km of lines in the island. The grants of 1885 lasted for a maximum of sixty years and were subdivided into three periods of twenty years each. handouts, until the nationalisation of 13,000km of railways – the majority of the existing network – achieved after a heated debate in April 1905, relatively early compared to the other European States2. A state railway administration (Ferrovie dello Stato) was created, that was initially autonomous from the Ministry which ever, the administration was then brought under tight political control3. 1

S. Maggi, Le ferrovie, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2012.

2 The network run by the State reached 16,000 km - over 22,000 km existing - during the 1930’s, period of maximum extent. 3

S. Maggi, Aspetti istituzionali della storia delle ferrovie nell’Ottocento, “Le Carte e la Storia”, n. 2, 1995, pp. 176-181.

Stefano Maggi

3. THE RAILWAYMAN: LABOR DISPUTES AND TRADE UNIONS In Italy, during the period of construction of railways, there were few labor disputes. While most of the technicians came from abroad, on the spot were used railway construction an important means of increasing wages to subsistence catches. Different was the next period, when railroad workers began to organize. Railway companies had so many workers in the factories of rolling stock, depots and stations. The workers were similar to those of the mechanical industry, while the railwaymen of trains, such as station chiefs, drivers, train conductors, were a novelty in the world of work: they wore the uniform and were initially considered as military or police. The detailed regulation of any aspect of the service, plus the fact that they were working in a special sector, linked to progress and modernization, brought the railwaymen to quickly develop a strong team spirit and feel like a “big family”. From the outside, however, they were viewed as a “labor aristocracy” for job stability and the level of earnings. The industrial nature of the railway sector caused the railwaymen to assume a worker’s mentality, who kept even when in 1905 they became civil servants, because State Railways (Ferrovie dello Stato) were constituted. Unlike the civil servants employed by the ministerial bureaucracy, the rail-

Owing to this particular forma mentis the trade unions and political ideologies amongst the railwaymen. On the other hand, the spread of such ideas amongst the railway workers was facilitated by the fact that the sector was literate and operated on a large national scale, totally separate from the local particularisms, where the notables’ parties ruled. In the second half of the XIXth century, the railway workers of workshops often went on strike, then began to strike the workers of the trains, which threatened

Sindacato Ferrovieri Italiani) was founded in 1907, just after the creation of the Ferrovie dello Stato4.

Lavoro e identità. I cento anni del sindacato ferrovieri, edited by S. Maggi, Roma, Ediesse, 2007.

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4. THE CHARACTER OF THE RAILWAYMAN The origins of the railwaymen were varied, but it must be noticed that the whole

workers learned a trade that they then put to use on the railways. Towards the end of the 19th century, thanks to the headway made in teaching, the specialised workers were employed among those graduated from the technical schools. The majority of the personnel connected with the movement of trains such as the station hodmen, the brakemen, the signalmen etc. mostly came from small towns and the countryside. This happens again both among the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, and after the second world war, en masse into the domain of industry and the tertiary sector because of the depopulation of the countryside. The origins from the provincial towns appears to be a long-established characteristic of the Italian “lower class railwayman”. This is probably owing to the fact that railway work was more appealing to those in the countryside compared 424 •

were considered more attractive. As for the last half century one should also remember the prevailing origins from the southern regions, which lack industry. In this case, the railways have conformed to the great Italian phenomenon known as the “southernizing of public administration”. sion was particularly stable and was due to the pride of working on the railways and the affection for the job which was considered to be of fundamental importance for both economic and social development. The railwaymen have always considered themselves as one “big family”, a working class that stood apart from the others with a sincere joint identity; a family that has fought many battles together over the years for the emancipation of the working class and for the improvement of their standards of both life and work as well as the reformation of the management of the railways. children who found themselves living in stations, stairways and boxes since permanent on site presence was part of working on the railways. The job therefore tightly conditioned their social habits so that not only the railwaymen but also their families tended to make friends with each other which increased a sense of shared belonging. As a direct result of this pervasive characteristic of the job, many railway families were formed in Italy with sons that followed in their fa-

Stefano Maggi

thers’ footsteps and were frequently encouraged by the same companies who preferred to employ those that had grown up around trains as they were already the conservation of the railwayman’s lineage by the State business in 1905 which did, however, provide a preference clause for the sons of the railwaymen in the entrance competitions. Regardless of the profound differences between them, all the railway workers found a common unity in the fact of “being railwaymen”, in their possession of that “artisan craft” that enabled them to make the trains work, a symbol of progress and a technological challenge. Such aspects were even more accentuated in Italy because of the delay in the development of a modern industry.

5. WORKERS’ ARISTOCRACY century the train appeared to be a very fast object which was enabled by its power to generate extremely serious disasters. Precise rules were consequently adopted to discipline the movement of the trains, thus opposing the substantial freedom that was in force on the ordinary roads. These standards sanctioned many of the railwaymen’s duties and theoretically made the whole system like a precision device but they turned out to be excessively complicated. Although the rules of the service included certain regulations which were to be respected, in actual fact the concrete contents of the job’s execution were the sole prerogative of the employee who often had to take immediate decisions on his own. Every worker, even those at the lower levels, therefore had important attributes, unlike the repetitive work in the factories carried out under the control of the supervisors. This great responsibility (penal, civic and disciplinary) was indeed the most original trait of the railwayman’s occupation, let alone the risk of accidents which the majority of the staff encountered whilst carrying out their duties. These responsibilities and risks contributed to the consolidation of the union of the railway families and their common occupational identity. As a result of these features there has always been a particularly strong insurance movement amongst the workers. It was introduced in the 19th century to assist the workers and their families by mutual societies, which, before the development of trade unions, represented the main worker organisations in Italy and were particularly spread among the railwaymen. th

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426 •

If the railwaymen’s service had on the one hand more freedom than industrial work, its discipline and hierarchy were on the other hand extremely rigid, almost military-like. The railwymen considered themselves a sort of para-military corps and their uniforms and caps, which determined the rank held by each agent, contributed to the birth of such a behaviour. Furthermore, there was a heavy work load which in many cases stretched to 16 hours a day for both the station staff, the engine-drivers and the travelling staff5. Many sectors of the railway had a continuous day and night work cycle including Sundays, Christmas and Easter. The irregular working-time encouraged the railwaymen to form links with their colleagues rather than those outside. This was also because they were often obliged to move away from their original homes and consequently lost contact with childhood friends. The long, daily commitment and the personal responsibility were compensated for by a high salary, which was nevertheless not paid in a straightforward manner since it was characterised by many incentives known as the “additional competence”. th In the Italian society of the 19th century, the railwaymen enjoyed a remarkable prestige. They represented the main workers’ aristocracy, claimed as such by the other workers and often envied for the amount and regularity of their earnings, not to mention the career opportunities. Indeed the railways’ promotional system based on old age presented many opportunities for occupational growth. This was also due to the huge size of the administration and its exceptional exchange especially in the sector of the “active consequently doomed to carry out the lighter duties. The boiler-lighters could terminate their career as engine-drivers, the brakemen as guards, the hodmen as station employees or even station masters. The railwaymen differed from the other workers for income, customs, forma mentis but - apart from the “railway towns” - they represented a minor part of the industrial work. Yet, at the same time, the sector acted as a leading role model for remaining workers. sively subordinate to his needs of economic survival. This was demonstrated by the way they dressed, which was considered as an important distinctive symbol in the 19th century, and also by the fact that the railwaymen’s wives employed servant girls to do the domestic chores, especially in the towns of southern Italy6. 5 The problem of the excessive working-time emerged at the end of the 19th century, due to the numerous grave accidents and the rebellion of the railwaymen. In order to grant the service security the government imposed severe prescriptions, which limited the working day in June 1900. 6 D. Jalla, “Perché mio papà era un ferroviere...”. Una famiglia operaia torinese dei primi del Novecento, “Rivista di Storia Contemporanea”, year IX, January 1980, p. 45.

Stefano Maggi

In the world of the railways, subdivided into a myriad of duties, those employed in train movement represented an even more particular rank and they they would not leave home to “go to work” but “to begin their service”; a typical expression that denoted their conviction in the importance and distinction of their job compared to other normal ones. In order to indicate their position on the hierarchical ladder, engine-drivers, conductors, signalmen etc. did not use the term “worker”, but instead preferred “agent” which better characterised the non-purely-manual attributes. Thay didn’t simply work for the railway, they were duty and in their private life.

6. THE ENGINE DRIVER “macchinista just driving the steam train also had to be able to take care of its maintenance and minor repairs. The engine-drivers were looked upon with particular admiration. In the 19th century the steam train actually represented the main image of progress and whoever could drive it obviously enjoyed considerable prestige, despite the drink excessive amounts of alcohol but also to great vivacity in both the trade unions and politics, as well as having a greater team spirit than other jobs. By the beginning of the 20th own unions, their own group newspaper (“In Marcia!”), and their own internal authorised them to drive various types of locomotive. The skilled schools were, however, introduced for other jobs, especially for those linked to train movement. The features of the work on the railways, with the great personal responsibilitrade union which, at the beginning of the 20th century, became a model for the other workers organisations. From the time of their establishment in the 1890’s, the railwaymen’s trade unions had to confront the problem of how to keep the different railway jobs together and, at the same time, not isolate them from the rest of the workers’ movement. Unlike the other groups, the decisive centralisation was not as important as the ability to mediate between the demands made by each job and their general

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choices. It is important to clarify how the internal cohesion did not diminish the keen interest in the workers’ struggle. On the contrary, until the 1950’s the Italian railwaymen considered themselves one step ahead of the others and the true leader of the entire workers emancipation movement. Then, with the railwayman’s loss of “status”, the growth of autonomous trade union organisations began, which then raised a corporative mentality.

7. FASCISM AND RAILWAY WORKERS

428 •

Between 1900 and 1920, thanks to the reduction of working hours, the number of railwaymen increased from 100,000 to 235,000, which was accompanied by an increase in the trade unionism, in strike and in the participation to socialist politics, that was unequalled in other sectors. Fascism was against the railwaymen and took drastic action as soon as it gained power in October 1922. Two months later, the board of directors of the Ferrovie dello Stato was cancelled and the attributes owed to it were temporarily assigned to an extra commissioner who - within approximately two years - completed the business reformation operation; from 226,000 railwaymen in service on 30th June 1922, two years later only 174,000 agents remained7. The railwaymen did not strike any more until 1944. The massive expulsion, mainly carried out according to political criteria, tostaff management, caused a decrease in the number of railwaymen which was absolutely unheard of at the time, since the railway had been conceived to resemprogress and lead them towards economic and social modernisation. The fascist action hit hard the occupational pride of the railwaymen, who during the twenty years of fascism, although their wages stayed high, and the railways were still highly respected thanks to the “trains on time” propaganda ahead of the rest of the world. 7 A.M. Bonanno, Ristrutturazione; esigenza del dominio borghese. Pubblico impiego e ferrovieri dal 1919 all’avvento del fascismo, (Torino), pp. 17-31.

Stefano Maggi

8. THE RAILWAYMEN IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY At the end of twenty years of fascism the train began to lose ground in the transport market. The railways were worryingly abandoned in favour of motor-vehicles and street infrastructure. In railways labor disputes resumed and often the railway workers were at the head of the workers’ demands. Many of them belonged to the Communist Party. After the second world war, the number of employees rose once more above 220,000 people like at the start of the 1920’s before fascism, because of unrealised technical interventions and further working-time reductions. Indeed from the 1960’s onwards the railwaymen were no longer considered to be the best representative of the “worker’s aristocracy” and their occupational pride also suffered a serious blow. Other sectors now led the way in progress and modernisation. According to the Italian public opinion the train itself had assumed a marginal role and a negative image. In the meantime the myth of the automobile fed off the nourishment provided by the big industrial producers, such as FIAT. greatest industrial restructuration ever realized in Italy began. From out of the 220,000 railwaymen in service in 1987, only 60,000 remain today.

9. CONCLUSION The recent re-organisation of the railway work has been characterised by the control, automatic level-crossings), and has been accompanied by the employment of many young people with private contracts without the traditional stability of the railway service. The old occupational identity has nevertheless been thrown into confusion by the complete change in the work structure. Important transformations had occurred in the past. In addition to the fascist restructuring and purge, there was the transition from steam to electricity and diesel trains, the abandonment of many watch points along the tracks, the move from telegraphs to the telephone and the reduction in working hours. But the last change is really the biggest one in the history of the railwaymen also because it occurred so quickly. The staff has been halved in number. The attractive country stations have

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become anonymous stopping points with no services and have fallen prey to vandals. The high-speed trains (“Pendolino” and Etr 500) arrived inspired by the French TGV, and in the last years the fast line Turin-Milan-Rome-Naples has been opened. The new technology has permitted remote-control of points and In the meantime the secondary railways have been abandoned without attempts to make the most of their potential. At this epic turning point the job of the railwayman has lost a large part of becoming extinct. The railway today is a complex electronic mechanism which is far more impersonal and lacks the old political and cultural vivacity that had always characterised the world of trains and its workers. The restructuring of the Italian railways is still going on with the process of liberalization, and new railway companies begin to manage some freight services and some branch lines, while a new company (Ntv) operates high speed services in competition with Trenitalia, the train company by Ferrovie dello Stato.

430 •

Stefano Maggi

BIBLIOGRAPHY ABOUT THE RAILWAY WORK IN ITALY A. Catelani, Vita ferroviaria, (Roma, 1894). C. Pozzo, Vent’anni di vita ferroviaria. Storia dell’organizzazione dei macchinisti e fuochisti italiani, (Milano, 1899). L. Guerrini, Organizzazioni e lotte dei ferrovieri italiani (1862-1907), (Firenze, 1957). E. Finzi, Alle origini del movimento sindacale: i ferrovieri, (Bologna, 1975). G. De Lorenzo, La prima organizzazione di classe dei ferrovieri, (Roma, 1977). D. Jalla, “Perché mio papà era un ferroviere...”. Una famiglia operaia torinese dei primi del Novecento, “Rivista di Storia Contemporanea”, year IX, January 1980, pp. 37-65. G. Checcozzo-S. Stefanelli, La mutua dei macchinisti e fuochisti. Una storia nella storia del movimento dei ferrovieri, (Milano, 1987). Il Sindacato Ferrovieri Italiani dalle origini al fascismo 1907-1925, edited by M. Antonioli e G. Checcozzo, (Milano, 1994). E. Gallori, 40 anni di lotte in ferrovia : da sindacato a Cobas, (Florence, 1996). S. Maggi, Il tormento di un’idea. Vita e opera di Cesare Pozzo. Dal sindacato al socialismo (1853-1898), (Milano, 1998). F. Paolini, Storia del sindacato ferrovieri italiani 1943-1958, (Venezia, 1998). Il sindacato in ferrovia dal fascismo alle federazioni dei trasporti (1925-1980), edited by S. Maggi e F. Paolini, (Venezia, 2000). S. Maggi, Le ferrovie, (Bologna, 2003). Lavoro e identità. I cento anni del sindacato ferrovieri 1907-2007, edited by S. Maggi, (Roma, 2007). M. Fratesi, Macchinista ferroviere. I cento anni della rivista “In Marcia!”, edizioni “Ancora in Marcia!”, 2008.

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Richard Healey • Michael Johns

TRACKING THE 19TH CENTURY RAILROAD CONSTRUCTION WORKFORCE IN THE UNITED STATES: SOME PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS A MÃO-DE-OBRA NA CONSTRUÇÃO DAS LINHAS DE CAMINHOS-DE-FERRO NOS ESTADOS UNIDOS DA AMÉRICA, SÉCULO XIX: ALGUMAS CONSIDERAÇÕES PRELIMINARES Richard Healey (U. Portsmouth, UK Reino Unido) • Michael Johns (WSP, UK Reino Unido) Richard Healey is Professor in the Department of Geography, University of Portsmouth, UK. His research interests include regional economic development in the NE USA during the 19th century, historical GIS, historical census analysis and data warehousing. Michael Johns is a senior transport planner and GIS specialist at WSP, UK, a leading engineering consultancy Richard Healey Interesses de investigação: desenvolvimento económico regional no nordeste dos EUA durante o século XIX, SIGs históricos, análise de censos históricos e “data warehousing”. Michael Johns na WSP UK, uma importante empresa britânica de consultadoria em engenharia.

Abstract Resumo The dramatic increase in the extent of the United States railroad network from about 9000 miles of track in 1850 to nearly 200,000 miles by 1900 has been extensively studied. However, the implications of this extraordinary conquest of geographical space by the ‘iron horse’, in terms of the demand for railroad construction labour, have received much less attention, with the exception of workers on the transcontinental railroad in the 1860s. While anecdotal observations can be found in the literature, we have very little systematic understanding of the contribution of railroad construction projects to regional labour markets, their role in the assimilation of immigrant streams into the national workforce and the subsequent employment

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destinations of former construction workers. A number of reasons for this will be considered. They include the fragmented nature of railroad construction contracting/ sub-contracting, the dearth of surviving construction payrolls and shortcomings of the successive population censuses, as a means of identifying changes in the railroad labour force. These and related issues are examined in the light of several examples of 19th century railroad projects. O aumento dramático da rede ferroviária americana, de cerca de 9 mil milhas em 1850 para cerca de 200 mil milhas em 1900 tem sido muito estudado. No entanto,

434 •

(cavalos de ferro) sobre a procura de mão de obra para a construção ferroviária tem merecido muito menos atenção, salvo no caso de trabalhadores do transcontinental nos anos de 1860. Embora se possam encontrar observações pontuais na literatura, há pouco conhecimento sistemático da contribuição dos projetos de construções ferroviárias para os mercados regionais de emprego e o seu papel na assimilação das correntes migratórias na mão-de-obra nacional e os destinos subsequentes dos anteriores trabalhadores na construção das linhas. Podem-se considerar várias razões para isso, incluindo a natureza fragmentada dos contratos e subcontratos de construção das linhas, a escassez de mapas de salários que sobreviveram e as trabalho em ferrovias. Examinamos estas e outras questões com base em vários exemplos de projetos de construção de ferrovias na cintura industrial americana, que sugerem que o impacto da construção ferroviária pode ter sido mais importante do que sugerido pelas interpretações tradicionais.

Richard Healey • Michael Johns

Tracking the 19th Century Railroad Construction Workforce in the United States: Some Preliminary Considerations Richard Healey • Michael Johns

INTRODUCTION • 435

Although the rapid expansion of the railroad network of the United States in the 19th century has been extensively studied (e.g. Taylor and Neu 1956; Vance 1995), the implications of this unprecedented investment in transportation infrastructure for employment demand in railroad construction have received much ing a number of methodological and substantive issues that hinder the development of reliable measures of railroad construction employment at different time periods. It will be seen that many of these issues relate to the organisation and prosecution of construction work and how the progress of that work was subsequently reported by individual companies or state authorities. After outlining some of these problems, possible routes forward utilising either digital census records or GIS-based technologies will be proposed.

THE ORGANIZATION OF RAILROAD CONSTRUCTION roads were usually built by external construction contractors, not railroad com-

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

pany employees. In the 1850s it was commonplace for contracts to be let in 1-mile sections to the lowest bidder. A good example of this was the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad (Baltimore and Ohio Railroad 1851, 45-6). Both small, local construction contractors and larger contractors, who operated on a regional basis, working on several projects, might be involved. The larger contractors might take several sections, but the ‘heavier’ the work the fewer they would take on (e.g. if the section involved tunnelling or making rock cuts). Such contractors, especially the smaller ones with limited capital, often went bankrupt, if they under-estimated the volume of work, or wage rates moved against them,

436 •

and for a limited portion of the construction operation (both geographically and temporally), would construction workers actually have appeared on the railroad’s own payroll. Since the ‘small business’ accounts of independent construction contractors hardly ever survive, this structuring of the construction process makes it all the harder to track from any kind of archival sources. It is worth noting that from the mid-19th century, a new breed of much larger railroad contractor began to emerge. These individuals or small consortia assumed responsibility for the entire construction project (or at least a major phase of it). They then employed large numbers of construction workers. They often shared in the risk of the scheme by taking part of their payment in securities of the new railroad and this also sometimes meant that they later became Directors of the railroad or indeed the General Superintendents. A number of these large contractors became important, both nationally and internationally. For example, James McHenry, an Irishman based in London, but raised in Philadelphia, collaborated with Sir Morton Peto and the Duke of Salamanca in funding and completing the construction of the Atlantic and Great Western Railway (AGWRR) across Ohio during the 1860s. Others included Amasa Stone Jr, who went on to become President of the Cleveland, Painesville and Ashtabula RR and Worthy S. Streator. The latter was an early contractor on the AGWRR and later he became one of the directors of the railroad. He was also heavily involved in construction of the Oil Creek RR, an important carrier of crude oil out of (Maybee 1940). While the public prominence of these contractors was enough to bring them to the attention of newspaper editors, like their more modest business counterparts, surviving archives contain virtually no record of the large numbers of construction workers they would have employed.

Richard Healey • Michael Johns

CONSTRUCTION VERSUS MAINTENANCE It is well-known that many US railroads were initially poorly (sometimes danwhile the track was sometimes laid with 3rd grade exported English iron rails. managers could still make the all-important claims that their lines were open for business. Such shoddy practices were already well established by the 1860s, a railroad across the continent’ but with the proviso that: ‘a full force of workmen [be] maintained behind the track-layers, cutting down to true grade, completing the tunnels, and substituting stone masonry and earth embankments for this temporary trestle-work’ It was further argued that experienced railroad managers were well aware of the large further expenditures, properly attributable to the original construction account, that would be still be chargeable for some years after the railroad

replace all the high trestle bridges on the western division of the road, and it had three steam shovels engaged on the work. This had added considerably to the operating expenses of the railroad, so it would appear that the construction account had not been kept open to include these additional costs, despite the earlier The result of this approach to railroad development was therefore that a (re-) construction phase often commenced almost as soon as the railroad went into nel entrances, such work would also have included proper ballasting of track, possible replacement of temporary wooden bridges with iron girder structures and the building of additional depot facilities and repair shops, if these latter had not been completed at an earlier stage. Example of the scale of some of the required construction work can be seen in the following two photographs (Fig. 1 and Fig. 2) Later developments might include roadbed widening, alignment improve-

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Figure 1 – Ballasting and embanking at Horse Shoe Bend on the Pennsylvania Railroad

438 •

Photographer: Gutekunst, 1870s. Author’s collection.

Figure 2 – Tunnel Entrance at Allegheny Summit, Pennsylvania Railroad

Photographer: Gutekunst, 1870s. Author’s collection.

Richard Healey â&#x20AC;˘ Michael Johns

ments and double tracking, since most early railroads were originally built as the roadbed was sometimes constructed ab initio wide enough for multiple tracks, even though at the outset only a single track was laid. Both from the accounting and the employment perspectives, such work raised the question of whether it should be treated as construction or operating activity. The answer to this question might depend on how soon the work was undertaken following the main construction phase, the scale of the work involved and company accounting practice, which could itself vary considerably over time. Hence no standardisation of reporting practice can be expected or assumed. While it might be thought that too much attention is being given here to minor issues, the available evidence suggests otherwise. In particular, a recent detailed study of surviving printed payrolls of the Baltimore and Ohio RR (Healey et al., 2013) indicates that several years after the railroad commenced service, 20% of its more than 6,000 person workforce was still engaged in construction related activity. However, unlike in the preceding main construction phase when construction workers did not appear on the railroad payroll because they were employed by small contractors, by the time in question (1857), the construction workers do now appear on the surviving printed version of the payroll. Such â&#x20AC;˘ 439

of assessing the likely levels of construction employment across the industry in any given year.

LACK OF ARCHIVAL RESOURCES was a wealth of archival material available for processing and analysis. Unfortunately, this is not the case. As noted above, the combination of large and small contractors spread across the continent means that, in the East at least, hardly any payrolls relating to their railroad construction activities survive. The same applies to payrolls of the railroad companies themselves to a very large degree. This is perhaps surprising, given the volume of archival materials of other kinds that survive for major railroads (e.g. the Pennsylvania RR) and it is a source of major frustration for genealogists and railroad historians alike. Apart from the Baltimore and Ohio, there are a few exceptions, where limited amounts of construction related employment data can be found. These include the US Military RR, the Blue Ridge RR (see Thomas, 2011) and the Illinois Cen-

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

cient to provide anecdotal insights, rather than any systematic picture applicable across the thousands of companies chartered in the USA during the 19th century. Although archival payroll sources are of very limited value in the present context, a further possibility is that other types of historical sources may provide some relevant information. In particular, printed sources, which can be scanned and indexed may be easier to search than combing through manuscript of summary information. These printed sources include company annual reports and newspapers. Again, it is perhaps surprising how little information on employment of any kind, never mind construction employment, is contained in most 19th century railroad annual reports, especially in comparison to the stock. Nevertheless, important data on the overall magnitudes of construction workforces can sometimes be gleaned from these sources. For example, some 3,500 men were said to be at work grading, and a further 450 men were ‘laying side, a much larger force of 10,000 men and 1,300 teams was battling its way 440 •

5). In terms of newspaper resources, Lightner provides good examples of how disparate individual reports can be used to build up a general picture of demand for construction labour on the Illinois Central during the 1850s. The workforce on this road also peaked at about 10,000 men during this period (Lightner, 1977, 285-6). As newspaper digitisation programmes, such as those undertaken by the Library of Congress, progressively improve the accessibility and search-ability of historical newspapers, it is to be hoped that it will become less time consumand assemble them into more systematic coverage of developments over larger geographical areas. This more systematic coverage would be of great value in more accurate the main construction phase of the Illinois Central commenced on Christmas Day, 1851 and the last of the 705.5 miles of track was completed in September, 1856. However, the 300-mile stretch of ‘main line’ from Cairo to LaSalle was completed at the beginning of 1855, and the 147-mile Galena branch in June of the same year (Railroad Historical Company, 1900, 31-33). Whether 10,000 men continued to be employed during all this time or whether large numbers moved

Richard Healey • Michael Johns

SHORTCOMINGS OF SECONDARY DATA SOURCES Similar uncertainty affects the use of summary data on new rail miles added to as the basis for making estimates of construction labour, a point developed further below. The classic rail miles added series derive from either the 1880 census (‘miles completed’) or Poor’s Manual of Railroads (‘miles operated’) and a careful critique of the shortcomings of these series has been provided by Wicker, in an important, but rarely cited study (Wicker, 1960, 503-9). Aside from simple errors or omissions in reporting/collation of statistics on miles added by different companies, there are also questions about the consistency of data that were reported. For example, it was sometimes the case that track was laid in discontinuous sections over parts of a railroad division, or it was laid from both eastern and western termini, but a long delay then ensued before the central section was completed. If the railroad only reported new mileage when the entire line was completed, the bulk of the construction activity could mistakenly have been assumed to have taken place at a much later date than was actually the case. Other sources miles of main line track, while small branch lines, sidings and double-tracking were neglected. Also, if railroads that crossed state lines did not break down new mileage based on the state where it was located, the possibility for over-reporting apparent new mileage in any given state could arise. At the level of the individual company, such issues may appear as little more than statistical niceties, but when to impute construction employment from data on network expansion. state reports in Pennsylvania (up to 1870, thereafter from Poor’s Manual) and Ohio respectively. Several points can be noted from these graphs. Firstly, the manner in which the data were compiled is not explained in any detail in the original by Poor’s Manual, differ by 371 miles in 1871 and 180 miles in 1872, the lower by the Atlantic and Great Western Railway, a major road that crossed the state from NE to SW, and which was largely completed in the 1860s, though a good deal of the preliminary grading was undertaken in the 1850s. Finally, it should be

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-200

1878

1877

1876

1875

1874

1873

1872

1871

1870

1869

1868

1867

1866

1865

1864

1863

1862

1861

1860

1859

1858

1857

1856

1855

1854

1853

1852

1851

Rail Miles 1842 1843 1844 1845 1846 1847 1848 1849 1850 1851 1852 1853 1854 1855 1856 1857 1858 1859 1860 1861 1862 1863 1864 1865 1866 1867 1868 1869 1870 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880

Rail Miles

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

400

Figure 3 – Pennsylvania: Rail miles added 1842 - 1880

300

200

100

442 •

Figure 4 – Ohio: Mail line rail miles added 1851 - 1878

1000

800

600

400

200

Richard Healey • Michael Johns

noted that in much later years, some of the reporting problems had clearly been recognised and addressed by state authorities (though not retrospectively). For instance, by the start of the 20th century, Ohio was reporting main line mileage separately from branch lines, which in turn were distinguished from ‘second and third tracks’ and ‘yard and side tracks’ (Ohio Commissioner of Railroads, 1904, 8). miles added, because of their potential use in conjunction with estimates of the average number of construction workers employed per mile, to calculate the total construction workforce. Fishlow examined both British and US data to suggest that a reasonable average number would be 30 workers per mile of construction, although this was based on very few data points, one of which was the Illinois Central (Fishlow 1965, 411). This railroad clearly traversed ground that, on average, was much less challenging than other railroads which traversed mountain ranges, such as the Appalachians or the Rockies, so there is a question about the range of possible average values per mile, and whether the value of 30 is really representative. In a further attempt to derive reasonable construction employment estimates, Fishlow also looked at construction expenditure averexpenditure attributable to labour. Using an estimate of average annual wages of construction labour, it was then possible to derive total construction labour force values. The resulting calculations are shown in column 4 of Table 1. Table 1 – US Railroads – Employment in Operation and Construction 1830-1880 Average Construction Outlay (Millions of current dollars)

Average Construction Employment (‘000s)

1830

2.1

1835

9.3

12.8

11.2

38.9

126

75.3

224

49.9

142

Year

1840

RR Employment (‘000s)

1845 1850

1855 1859/60

1870

160

1880

416

(Sources: Employment – Lebergott Estimates (see Licht (1983, 33); Construction – Fishlow Estimates (Fishlow 1965, 410).

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An example of the use of such estimates to extrapolate to later construction employment can be given by looking at 1880, when 6,711 miles of railtimate, this would imply that more than 200,000 construction workers would have been employed in that year. Taking an alternative approach, a simplistic comparison can be made between the miles added in the years 1859/60 which were about 1,800 in each case and the miles added in 1880. Using the ratio of the mileage at these two time points and using it to multiply up Fishlow’s emin the table are based on a seasonal employment period of only 8 months in a year.

FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS

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different means, suggests that more work needs to be undertaken in the quest for more accurate estimates that are as consistent as possible between time periods.

• •

Use of the individual level records of the 1880 census from the North Atlantic Population Project (NAPP) from the University of Minnesota (Minnesota Population Center 2008). A GIS-based approach that tries to identify the distribution of railroad construction projects and map their changing locations over time

of the 1880 census would seem to be a very promising avenue for identifying railroad construction workers at that date, since occupations are given in nearly all cases and there are no major gaps in the geographical coverage of states where railroad construction was taking place. To test this approach more Road, Railway and Related Construction Workers’ (OCC variable code 97490) were downloaded and analysed to provide a breakdown of their ethnicity, if foreign-born, and their state of birth, if born in the USA. The results are shown in Table 2.

Richard Healey â&#x20AC;˘ Michael Johns

Table 2 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; US 1880 Census: Other Road, Railway and Related Construction Workers. Top ten source countries and states (total n (all birthplaces) = 5,704)

Birthplace

Birth State

Ireland

928

16.27

Virginia

463

8.12

Great Britain

286

5.01

Ohio

361

6.33

German Emp

221

3.87

New York

355

6.22

China

128

2.24

N. Carolina

317

5.56

Canada

1.6

Georgia

297

5.21

Sweden

0.86

Pennsylvania

281

4.93

Norway

0.47

Indiana

223

3.91

Denmark

0.4

Maryland

154

2.7

France

0.3

Alabama

135

2.37

Netherlands

0.28

Tennessee

132

2.31

1777

31.15

Total

2718

47.65

Total

One major problem is immediately apparent, despite the interesting nature of 1-2% of railroad construction workers, despite the NAPP code including more than just railroad men, which is hardly a good basis for detailed analysis. The problem is that very few individuals in generic occupations, such as carpenters, enumerators that they were using their skills/labour power on railroad construction projects. Thus, it is apparent that while this dataset is very valuable for many purposes, it is of minimal use for identifying railroad construction workers. The second possibility is much more demanding in terms of research resources, because there is no systematic source of the required information, scattered as it is among an immense number of printed reports, newspapers and manuscript archival materials or company records. That said, GIS technology that includes well-designed database capabilities has the potential to bring structure to the twin problems of mapping the location of lines under construction and tagging these lines, or indeed short segments of these lines between planned depots, with infordate when operational use commenced. When large sets of lines, e.g. in multiple adjacent states, are analysed in this way, it becomes possible to begin creating map products that convey this information in a convenient form, while also permitting calculations to be made about the extent and timing of construction work. An ex-

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ample of a schematic map that shows construction projects underway in Ohio and Virginia in 1854 is shown in Figure 5. To achieve maximum value, however, work of this kind has to be comprehensive, both in terms of geographical and temporal coverage for areas of interest. This still represents a considerable challenge, because of the sheer scale of the research input required to achieve it, even in limited areas, such as smaller states, over the full extent of the 19th century. Figure 5 Railroads under construction in Ohio and Virginia 1854

446 •

CONCLUDING REMARKS

• • • • •

Until the 1880s it would appear that the importance of RR construction in employment terms has been seriously under-emphasised in the literature (compared to operating labour) It could provide employment for lengthy periods on major projects and some workers could then move into continuing (re-)construction/maintenance employment Much needs to be done to improve estimates of where and when construction employment was a major contributor to local and regional economies Detailed research/archival work is needed to resolve many timing issues about when construction started on line sections/tunnels etc. GIS will be of increasing value in collating, analyzing and mapping such data as it becomes available

Richard Healey â&#x20AC;˘ Michael Johns

REFERENCES Baltimore and Ohio Railroad (1851) Annual Report of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad for 1851. Baltimore: Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Work, its Progress, Resources, Earnings, and Future Prospects. New York: Hosford and Sons. Fishlow, A. (1965) American Railroads and the Transformation of the Ante-Bellum Economy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Healey R. G., Thomas W., Lahman K. (2013) Railroads and Regional Labor Markets in the mid-nineteenth-century United States: a Case Study of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Journal of Historical Geography 41: 13-32. Licht, W. (1983). Century. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Lightner, D.L. (1977)

â&#x20AC;˘ 447

. New York: Arno Press.

Maybee, R. (1940) Railroad Competition and the Oil Trade, 1855-1873. Mount Pleasant, MI: The Extension Press. Minnesota Population Center (2008). Microdata. Version 2.0 [Machine-readable database]. Minneapolis: Minnesota Population Center. (http://www.nappdata.org). Newberry Library (2014) 1831-1984, bulk 1851-1970. Online edition: http://mms.newberry.org/html/ICRR.html [accessed July 14 , 2014]. Ohio Commissioner of Railroads (1904) Thirty-sixth Annual Report of the Ohio Year 1903 Railroad Historical Company (1900) History of the Illinois Central Railroad Company and . Chicago: Railroad Historical Company. Taylor, G.R. and Neu, I.D. (1956). Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.

. Cambridge,

Thomas, W. G. (2011) Railroads and the Making of Modern America. Digital Resource. http://railroads.unl.edu [last accessed July 17, 2014].

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Washington: GPO.

GPO.

Washington: GPO.

. Washington:

the Year 1873 Vance, J.E. Jr. (1995). Baltimore : Johns Hopkins University Press. 448 â&#x20AC;˘

Wicker, E.R. (1960) Railroad Investment Before the Civil War. In Conference on Research in Income and Wealth, . Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Marta Felis-Rota

THE DEBATE ON THE RESTRUCTURING OF BRITISH RAILWAYS IN 1967 A POLÉMICA SOBRE A RESTRUTURAÇÃO DA BRITISH RAILWAYS EM 1967 Marta Felis-Rota (U. Autónoma de Madrid, Spain Espanha) Marta Felis-Rota is Ph.D. in Economic History by the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). She was formerly trained as a B.Sc. and M.Sc. economist at Pompeu Fabra University in Barcelona and École des Hautes Études Commerciales (HEC) in Lausanne, Switzerland. She has taught international economic history at the London School of Economics, Pompeu Fabra University, University Pablo de Olavide and Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. Currently, she holds an Assistant Professorship in Economic History Social Research Council (ESRC), the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation, and the Regional Government of Madrid. Her research is on social capital, economic history, institutions and international trade, and transportation. Her research on social capital earned the Graduate Student Prize from the Society for the Advancement of Socio-economics. She has published at the Revista de Historia Económica: Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History, Cambridge University Press. Marta Felis-Rota é doutorada em história económica pela LSE (London School of Economics and Political Science). Professora Assistente da Universiade Autonoma de Madrid (Espanha). Ensinou história económica internacional na London School of Economics, Universidade Pompeu Fabra, Universidade Pablo de Olavide e agora na Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. Acknowledgments the Spanish Ministry of Economics and Competitiveness (Ref. ECO2010-21643 and CSO2010-16389). I thank research assistance from Álvaro Barbado.

Abstract Resumo After the massive railway line closures of the 1950s and 1960s, especially following even equilibrium by 1968. However, in 1966, it was clear that this objective was and feeling of stability were lost. Still, a stabilized railway network was declared a social need. This paper explains the restructuration of British Railways following the White Paper on Railway Policy of 1967. I explain the decision processes involved, the procedure of application, and detail the reforms with a special emphasis on clear after having studied the reforms in detail, it is that the British railway network had been oversized at the time of construction in the 19th

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decades of the 20th century. Depois dos mútiplos encerramentos de linhas nos anos de 1950 e 1960, especialmente depois do Transport Act de 1962, esperava-se que a British Railways

450 •

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The debate on the restructuring of British Railways in 1967 Marta Felis-Rota

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND â&#x20AC;˘ 451

In 1967, British Railways was a very large business employing over 340,000 people (MT 1967, Cmnd. 3439:13). However, there was a growing feeling that it could no longer be sustained without a deep reform. After the Transport Act of 1962, stations had been reduced by the drastic amount of 44 percent, locomotives by 45 percent and wagons by 36 percent. Personnel had been reduced by 138,000 people, amounting to 29 percent of personnel (MT 1967, Cmnd. 3439:4). Still, by 1967 the would disappear. It was now clear that the company needed a deep restructuration. The British Governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s focus of its transport policy during the 1960s was revolving around a deep reform of the railways. The White Paper on Transport Policy of 1966 established the social need to have a stabilized railway network,

the Transport Act of 1962, had become clearly unrealistic. The dilemma was the of the railway budget.

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At some point, it became clear that several lines brought economic losses. Yet, it was a politically costly decision to decree closure of those lines since there would be an associated social cost. Many commuters would be deprived of their congestion. Yet, there was a need to downsize the railway network, especially in

THE PROCEDURE The 1962 Transport Act listed drastic reductions. However, these were downsized considerably in subsequent reports up to 1967 in order to de-dramatize the situation. That year, the plans to reduce the railway network would cut it from 13,200 in the negotiations were the Economic Planning Councils, the British Railways Board and the Government. The criterion used to designate which lines should 452 â&#x20AC;˘

ered socially necessary by the Government. The socially necessary although ecoernment and the British Railways Board. After listing the loss-making lines, they proceeded to give a series of recommendations on how to reduce railway costs. Then, the Government, in accordance with the British Railways Board, accepted undertake the reforms as agreed with the Government were to be included in the following Transportation Bill. issues. The objective was to provide a good service at the lowest possible cost. Moreover, they advised the creation of a National Freight Corporation that would tackle freight issues, with the objective of making it more economical; and of a Passenger Transport Authority, which would deal with passenger transportation issues. the rest of the paying services. This is, there should be a grant subsidising those

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services, and it was just a matter of which ones were worth subsidising according making services, but they declined the responsibility of choosing which ones to maintain. This responsibility was left to the Minister of Transport. The procedure for closing a line was the following. Whenever the Minister was not willing to pay the corresponding grant to a line, there would be a careful ing closure. Once the Minister decided on the non-willingness to pay the necessary grant, then the British Railways Board would submit an application for the withdrawal of the service. Then, the issue had to be dealt under the Transport Act of 1962, which implied passing through several consultation bodies. Therefore, a line closure involved a cumbersome procedure. Despite this fact, thousands of miles of railway line ended up discontinuing service after the system’s reform. The 1960s was the largest wave of railway line closures ever in the history of the railways. Figure 1 – Transport Act 1962 Source: The National Archives, www.legislation.gov.uk, accessed 10/09/2013

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THE REPORT TO THE MINISTER OF TRANSPORT Formally, Her Majesty the Queen ordered the Minister of Transport to elaborate the above-mentioned report with recommendations to follow. This report was presented to the Minister in September 1967, and presented to Parliament by the Minister of Transport by command of Her Majesty in November 1967. The main were as follows:

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then be progressively reduced to zero until 1974 (MT 1967, Cmnd. 3439:35). The well above the initial estimation by the British Railway Board. es and was eliminated progressively in the course of the system’s reform from 1969 to 1974. For this purpose, the Group decided to pay a grant to the British Railways Board that would fully cover this reform. The grant was of the order of being completed. But this is not the only grant the Board would receive. The Group also deter-

of the British Transport Police in recognition of the latter’s service to the public generally” (MT 1967; Cmnd. 3439:4). 454 •

were conferred to the Board and the Government would pay for it in order to lion per annum, which would not be transferred directly from the Government for this purpose but taken from the total foreseen capitalisation sum. Moreover, the Board was relieved from the maintenance costs of crossings and over-line So far I have reviewed the losses arising from both infrastructure maintenance and loss-making passenger services, together with their agreed solutions. But freight services were also producing losses. In 1966, the loss was calculated to be solution was to pass the losses to the above mentioned National Freight Corporation. This was clearly a second best solution since it was not dealing with the as far as the British Railways Board was concerned, the problem would be solved. seums and historical records to the Department of Education and Science, who would be responsible for them from then on. The British Railways Board was urged to sell their museum related properties and use the money to provide a building at York that would serve as the sole museum run by the abovementioned Department.

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Figure 2 – Cover Page of the White Paper: Railway Policy

• 455

THE RECAPITALISATION not be enough. After the payment of all grants to the Board, they would still be necessary. could have issued bonds in order to raise money. These bonds could have been bought either by the owners or shareholders or open to public. Another alternative would be nationalisation. The latter would make sense because there was some risk of bankruptcy in the medium-term. Given that it is a strategic sector, it was of the nation’s interest that the railway system not collapse. tion was concerning valuation of assets. They recommended decreasing valuation of the British Railway Board assets in order to make them meet their new

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the changing value of their assets and liabilities could have turned out to be a the corresponding revenues to cover for it in the years to come. Also along the same lines, accounting for depreciation should have been done under a cost-ofreplacing basis instead of on a historical cost basis. This would have made accounting much more realistic if facilities had to be maintained up to date. So, the Another measure to encourage recapitalization was reviving the Railways Savings Banks. The Group urged the Board to incentivize employees to deposit their savings in the Railways Savings Banks by means of encouraging their membership and offering payroll deductions as a regular way of saving. The objective was as simple as increasing deposits and, thus, capital. on superannuation. The provisions on superannuation were no longer represented no cash representation at this point (MT 1967; Cmnd. 3439:52). In 1967, the total 456 •

Cmnd. 3439:53). This was a serious problem, since they were part of the liability to accept the previous Board’s responsibilities. However, this shortcut solution would create a precedent. On the other hand, the Group had serious doubts about whether the Board would be able to meet these obligations. Finally, they decided that the Board should accept the previously acquired superannuation obligations, and these should go under the general account of debt presented to the Minister. continued to be reaching the break-even point in the following years so that the Minister of Transport would no longer face the need of issuing a grant to cover this measure, the Government pretended to make the Board responsible for their -

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Paper for nationalized industries, bringing commercial standards of viability to nationalized industries (MT 1967; Cmnd. 3437).

THE CHANGE IN ORGANIZATION AND MANAGEMENT nancial restructuration would not work unless the management of the Board was released from operative responsibilities and was dedicated to medium and long term decisions, especially the Chairman. This implied completely changing the ure to implement, but the Group left precise instructions. In their report to the •

The size of the management board should be smaller (between 6 to 9 full-

• • •

One single board member should take care of operative responsibilities. One single board member should take care of labour relations. The rest of the members of the management board should concentrate on

•

The Chairman would bear the ultimate responsibility for long-term policy and for the communication with the Minister of Transport and the Parliament. The other members of the Board must report to the Board. There should be some senior member/s responsible for long-term planning. This member would have the support of a corporate planning department, and be responsible for management organization, commercial studies and market research, and technical research and development.

•

• supplies and estates. These two senior positions we left open to be appointed directly by the Minister of Transport in agreement with the Chairman of the Board. These measures had the objective of releasingthe Board members from mainly focusing on operative decisions and short term results. Following these recommendations, the Board members had to submit a proposal for the new formation of the management board that the Minister of Transport would approve, follow•

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ing the procedure established in the Iron and Steel Act of 1967, which created a precedent. Furthermore, the Group discarded the idea of having representations of other related bodies such as the National Coal Board, the British Steel Corporation or the National Freight Organisation within the Board. The Board had to Having released the Board members from day-to-day operative responsicharge of co-ordinating and controlling these operative decisions. They gave the new post the title of Chief General Manager. The person undertaking this newly nating the several aspects including commercial, operative and technical issues. Given the high degree of responsibility falling upon this person, they must have a supporting team upon which he/she could delegate some duties, and must be a member of the Board. aging Board being overwhelmed with both operative and tactic responsibilities. Now, each operative department within the company had to report to the Board as a whole through the General Chief Manager, not directly to a designated member 458 •

sible for every functional department and the members of the Board should be and members of the Board without interfering each other’s work. Another aspect to deal with within the organisation of the British Railway Board was the centralization-decentralization scope. The Group was clearly in favour of centralization and proposed the abolition of the Regional Railway Boards in views of reducing administration costs, but not only that. The Group also took into account the fact that having a regional board in charge of every region’s railways at the same time as having a central board at the national level would origiThe railway system would continue to be articulated in regional units, but these would not have a separate board other than the central British Railway Board. described above: Firstly, the new composition and size of the Board implied an amendment to Section 1 of the Transport Act of 1962. Secondly, it implied repealing Section 2 of the Transport Act of 1962, which referred to the creation of provision in Section 4 of the Iron and Steel Act of 1967.

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LABOUR RELATIONS structure, but also in continuing with the reduction of the labour force that had started after 1962. They admitted though, that this was not an easy task. But again, they gave precise instructions on how to deal with the new situation: They second, introducing the use of computers for sophisticated planning and control (MT 1967; Cmnd. 3439:29). The Group also advocated for centralized control mended improving the level of remuneration and pension scheme for the members of the managing Board. That is to say, the general switch in labour policy was a move from many workers to a more technical, professional and well-remunerated labour force. ture, but the Group did not make any recommendations following those views. The interaction included separate meetings with representatives from each one â&#x20AC;˘ 459

Railway Policy of 1967: â&#x20AC;˘ line closures; some put more stress on the social image of the railways and others on costs. But this was the main worry. The Group responded that line cutting principles were sound (MT 1967; Cmnd. 3439:41). Moreover, there

â&#x20AC;˘

closures. It is to be said, though, that closures following the white paper of 1967 were not as drastic in quantity as they had been in the preceding years. The Group was in favour of replacing closed branches with buses, which that the cost of the replacement buses should also be considered, and they referred to the white paper on Transport Policy of the previous year making reference to the partial involvement of local communities in the continuation of the rail services (MT 1966, Cmnd. 3057: paragraph 27). The idea was that access to railway transportation in the area would enhance the value of housing in the local area, and therefore the local interests should be consid-

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replacement buses. The Group acknowledged that the issue of the bus serto what was left of the railway network instead. To be fair, that alone was already a lot to deal with. • control of the Minister. But the Group did not see a need for this transfer of responsibilities to the Minister. Accordingly, they did not write any recommendation in this respect. They advocated for concentrated freight traffreight transportation policy did not necessarily mean that there were to be fewer loads being transported. What it did mean was changing the structure • board of the company. They thought that although it would be favourable sions. Nevertheless, TSSA thought the board should have more communica-

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•

sentation within the managing board, the Group did not pronounce. They said that the Minister could address this issue if deemed adequate. pression of concern given the relevance of the task the Transport Police was accomplishing. quired such a considerable amount of capital investment that it should be addressed in the future, and always forward planning the corresponding returns of the investment. Furthermore, TSSA addressed the issue of recruitment and promotion. They were generally in favour of internal promotion. The Group did not contradict these principles, but admitted that a punctual need for recruitment from outside the company could arise, especially for training purposes and top management. TSSA also stressed the importance of recruiting highly prepared staff in order to improve productivity. Once more, the Group replied that they considered it was not their task to make recommendations on the issue. senger services such as punctual trains, comfortable facilities, and affordable

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prices. In this respect, the Group considered that it should be the Board who should decide on those issues.

organization), but openly relegated other decisions to the corresponding agents (either to the Board or directly to the Minister) when considered appropriate. We sponsibilities and directly addressing the decisions they were appointed for. They

FINAL THOUGHTS After the serious decimation of the British railway network in the early 1960s, al restructuration. The White Paper of 1967 “Railway Policy” details all those changes, which came only after a professional and detailed study of both the sector and the state of accounts of the company. Changes affected many areas within the company, from transport police to pension funds. But the most relevant were important. If one thing is clear after having studied the reforms in detail, it is that the British railway network had been oversized at the time of construction in the 19th hind this paper would be, what made the railroad builders and investors oversize factors, but especially in terms of supply. On one hand, we need to keep in mind century, there was the idea that the railways would transform the economic landscape as they did. But the later developments of the 20th to predict. The consequence was that the scope of the reach and use of trains was th

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overshot in the long run. On the other hand, the economic prosperity that brought to be invested in the new and prosperous developments. The railways were one of the most important destinations for this money in Britain and abroad. Simultane—also thanks to the improvements in communications— that made the capital The deep structural reform of the whole system in the 1960s was essential perspectives in the mid-20th century were no longer the same as those in the mid19th century, and the railway system had to adapt to the new times. A wager for trains gave rise to the system that we have today.

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PRIMARY SOURCES Iron and Steel Act, 1967. Ministry of Transport (MT), 1966, White Paper: Transport Policy, Cmnd. 3057, H. M. Ministry of Trasnport (MT) and related bodies, 1967, White Paper: Nationalised Industries. A Review of Economic and Financial Objectives Ministry of Transport (MT), 1967, White Paper: Railway Policy, Cmnd. 3439, H. M. Transport Act, 1962. â&#x20AC;˘ 463

Michel Cotte

THE BEGINNING OF SAINT-ÉTIENNE TO LYON RAILWAY LINE AND THE EVENTS OF 1830 A ABERTURA DA LINHA DE SAINT-ETIÉNNE A LYON E OS ACONTECIMENTOS DE 1830 Michel Cotte (U. Nantes, France França) Michel Cotte is emeritus professor of History of Technology at the École polytechnique of the University of Nantes (France), where he was director of the Institut de l’Homme et de la Technologie. His historical researches initially focused upon the introduction of the Industrial Revolution in France early 19th C, especially for civil engineering and transportation equipments and industries. He studied the concept of technology transfer and adaptation to new contexts that based sometime innovations. His PhD studied the (line of mountain railways, tubular boiler). He studied the social context of rising for new professional categories like civil engineers and private contractors in French regional context, which based a critic of the classical model of the “state managed development” of industry in France. He pursued his researches by studying the circulation of technical ideas at large scale during 19th C as base of technical and industrial initiatives. His teaching works for education of young engineers led him to have great interest in links between past and present technologies, especially for applying modern tools of engineering as design assisted by digital graphics to re-conception of machines of the past-times. It is now an important subject of joint-researches between mechanics, history of technology and digital sciences. In parallel to his academic activities, he worked for the ICOMOS (International Council for Monuments and Sites) from the 1990s as expert for civil engineering heritage and hydraulic works in context of the World Heritage UNESCO Convention. He is currently advisor for the evaluation of applicant sites for the World Heritage List. Michel Cotte é professor emérito de História da Tecnologia na Escola Politécnica da Universidade de Nantes, onde foi diretor do Institut de l’Homme et de la Technologie. O seu trabalho de investigação tem-se focado nas questões do advento da revolução industrial, especialmente nos domínios da engenharia civil, dos equipamentos industriais e de transporte, onde estudou as principais inovações de Marc Seguin nos anos de 1820 em pontes suspensas (com cabos de pequena espessura) e caminhos de ferro (linhas de engenheiros civis e empreiteiros no contexto regional francês (o que fundamentou uma crítica ao modelo clássico de desenvolvimento liderado pelo Estado em França). Estudou a circulação em grande escala de ideias técnicas, durante o século XIX, como fundamento de iniciativas técnicas e industriais. Na educação de novos engenheiros interessou-se pelas ligações entre as novas e antigas tecnologias, especialmente na aplicação de modernas ferramentas digitais na reconcepção de máquinas antigas, tema que é atualmente objeto de investigação multidisciplinar entre a mecânica, a história da tecnologia e as ciências digitais. Colaborador da ICOMOS, desde os anos 1990, como especialista em património de engenharia civil e obras de hidráulica na convenção do património mundial da UNESCO. Consultor para a avaliação de pedidos de

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Abstract Resumo By itself, the Saint-Etienne – Lyon mountain railway (1826-1833, France) remains almost unknown in the academic railway history, but it was an extraordinary line built at the same period that the very famous Liverpool – Manchester, by the French civil engineer Marc Seguin. It is an immediate transfer of technology and a very mountains with climb-up of the “Terrenoire Pass” (530 m) using railway tunnels, large curve radius, regular slope gradient, steam engines with tubular boiler, etc. Indeed it was a large workplace, probably the second one after canal du Midi for civil engineering in France and in Europe at that time. General order ruling works and line uses was “productivity and machinery”. So some social tensions rose, especially

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coal basin of Rive-de Gier – La Grand-Croix. June 1830 was dedicated for steam engine traction trainings all along the section within medium regular incline, and it did great sensation for every line workers and station at Givors Port, including special platform with mechanical device to empty automatically coal wagons into the Rhone river barges. Fear from the power of machines met corporative interests of the specialized corps of “Rhone’s packers”,

employment. Furthermore, social tension affected more globally the French society at that time, both for economic reasons and political crisis of the King Charles X government. End of July was time of national revolution of “Trois Glorieuses”, mainly in Paris, who changed the Absolute Regime for the Constitutional Monarchy of Louis-Philippe. Social drama occurred also in Lyon on 30 July, with some deaths and change of along the line section till La Grand-Croix Mine and second becoming violent. It also Entrepreneurs remained not inactive facing the global strike and violence: they tried to obtain authorization from the revolutionary committee to get weapons for lock-up rolling-stock in the Rive-de-Gier tunnel, with solid doors and armed keepers. Many events occurred, among them a kind of “intifada” of packers’ wives and girls

Michel Cotte

in Givors against the line employers. Agitation and slow functioning of the line lasted around three months, but the subtle negotiation by Seguin’ bothers, especially Paul Seguin changed completely the situation at autumn. He offered secured employments on the line for packer’s families, especially to conduct machineries at the coal platforms, with substantial bonus for productivity, and more largely to have priority for all the basic jobs on the line for future. Social agreement in French railways have certainly their roots there, and this 1830’s advantages for workers, and reciprocally for companies managers to give some limited but effective “privileges” to rails’ workers. This event could be also read as strictly prohibited from the French Revolution, and turn of ancient privilege claims into modern ones! A história da linha de montanha entre Saint-Etienne a Lyon (em França, de 1828 a 1833) continua desconhecida nos trabalhos académicos da história ferroviária, mas foi uma construção extraordinária do engenheiro civil Marc Seguin, no mesmo período da famosa linha de Manchester a Liverpool. Trata-se de uma transferência imediata de tecnologia e de uma linha altamente inovadora. Foi a primeira linha no mundo a adaptar-se ao meio montanhoso com a subida de “Terrenoire Pass” (530 m) com recurso a túneis ferroviários, curvas de grande raio, subidas de gradiente regular, máquinas a vapor com caleiras tubulares, etc. Tratou-se de um grande estaleiro, provavelmente o segundo maior para construções de engenharia civil na França e na Europa desse tempo, depois do canal do Midi. A ideia principal era “maquinaria e produtividade”. Em consequência apareceram tensões sociais, especialmente na abertura da primeira secção, entre Givors, no rio Reno, e Grand Crox, na bacia carbonífera se Rive de Gier. Em Junho de 1830 fez-se o treino com as máquinas a vapor ao longo da secção com declives médios, tendo feito sensação junto dos trabalhadores e dos habitantes as estação terminal no porto de Givors, incluindo uma plataforma especial com mecanismos para descarregar automaticamente as carruagens com carvão para as barcaças do rio Reno. O medo das máquinas e os interesses corporativos do corpo especializados dos “carregadores do Reno” juntaram-se com os interesses do subgrupo dos “marinheiros do Reno”. Não era a primeira vez que Seguin enfrentava com interrupção do tráfego e uma greve na estação terminal do porto de Givors, logo apenas uma semana depois da abertura. Os carregadores exigiam uma descarga

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manual dos wagons e um enchimento manual dos barcos para manter o emprego. A tensão social alastrou á sociedade francesa desse tempo, quer por razões económicas como por razões políticas associadas à crise do governo do rei Carlos Paris, e que transformou o regime absoluto na monarquia constitucional de Luís Filipe. O drama social ocorreu também em Lyon, a 30 de junho, com algumas mortes e mudanças nos responsáveis municipais. A greve ferroviária mudou de natureza, alastrando primeiro ao longo da secção até à mina de Grand Croix e tornando-se depois violenta. Pela primeira vez isso afetou também a construção da linha na cidade de Lyon.

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tentaram obter autorização do comité revolucionário para armar os seus guardas da linha, e até mesmo duas armas de artilharia para equipar os comboios! Mas guardaram o material ferroviário no túnel de Rive de Ger, defendido por sólidas portas e por guardas armados. Ocorreram muitos incidentes, entre os quais uma espécie de “intinfada” das mulheres dos carregadores em Givors contra os trabalhadores da linha. Durante três meses permaneceu a agitação e o funcionamento irregular da linha, mas uma negociação súbtil dos irmãos Seguin alterou radicalmente a situação, por alturas do outono. Ofereceu trabalho certo na linha ás famílias dos carregadores, em especial para condução das máquinas e plataformas de carvão, com incentivos substanciais à produtividade, e acima de tudo com prioridade para ofertas futuras de emprego na linha. Os acordos sociais nos caminhos de ferro franceses terão certamente aí as suas raízes. Este primeiro movimento social criou a tradição grevista em França como meio para obter vantagens para os trabalhadores, e reciprocamente para os gestores das companhias oferecerem alguns privilégios reais, mas limitados, aos trabalhadores ferroviários. Pode-se também entender isto como um paradoxo da sobrevivência empresarial numa sociedade francesa que a proibia estritamente pela revolução francesa e a transformação de privilégios antigos em modernos.

Michel Cotte

The beginning of Saint-Étienne to Lyon railway line and the events of 1830 Michel Cotte

A WONDERFUL, BUT DIFFICULT, PROJECT • 469

In March of 1826, the Séguin brothers of Annonay1 were awarded the railway line that connected the mining area of Saint-Étienne to the Rhône Valley. In this railway business, which was recent at the time in France2, the brothers associated with Édouard Biot, son of the physicist Jean-Baptiste Biot and Barnabé Brisson’s nephew, the main technical collaborator of the general manager of the roads (Ponts et Chaussées)3. The track was truly innovative, allowing the use of locomotives throughout the entire line, which was about 60 kilometers long.4 It was necessary that some important work be executed through the application of some railway principles: long slopes and large radii of curvature. Several tunnels, important earthworks and excavations, artworks and support structures for the line were necessary. The plan was ambitious; it had to cross an important difference in level, which was impossible to solve with a canal breaking through the mining basin of Saint-Étienne5. The economic and industrial plan relied on the hope of the massive and somewhat inexpensive transportation of coal, which gave way to a regional industrial movement, similar to the English. The land’s coal, already familiar 1 We refer to Marc, Camille, Paul and Charles; Jules was removed from the railway. 2 This was the second line constructed in France after the Beaunier, which connected Saint-Étienne and Andézieux along the Loire river (18km). The two projects were complementary, but of very different 3 Bécquey during the Restauration. 4 We can compare it to the famous Liverpool-Manchester line which was built around the same time. 5 The coal basin of Saint-Étienne was the most important one in France at the time.

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470 •

in the region, came from the Rive-de-Gier mines, already connected to Rhône At the same time, the effort to adapt English techniques and to innovate was very developed in this plan, particularly through the opening of a locomotive workshop on the almost island of Perrache, from 1828-18296. The Séguin brothers, especially Marc, the older brother, were ahead of the project as talented 6 The objective was to produce an original machine specialized in heavy transportation over regular Étienne).

Michel Cotte

entrepreneurs. Only they had made iron cable suspension bridges (1821-1825); used high pressure steam engines for navigation (1825-1828); and developed the multi-tube boiler (1827-1829). Although they had a social capital of ten million francs, which shocked sensibilities, the importance of civil engineering and real estate speculation worsened the public limited company’s accounting from 1829 on. The possibility of partial completion of the line was then decided upon, aiming to compete directly with the Givors canal. The advancement of work allowed the opening of a section that was little more than 20 km in the summer of 1830, from the Grand-Croix mine to Givors. In the city of Rhône, the line continued until the river where a temporary “water station” allowed the harboring of a dozen boats. 1) with the start of the line in early July 1830, forming a movement that heralded revolutionary times. Around this time, the railway became the stage of important social events that anticipated and went beyond political aspects inherent to the change of regime. A great sensibility emerged among the workers, marked by corporatism, by hostility towards mechanization, but allied to a great sense of negotiation and professional adaptation as well. In face of this, the Séguin entrepreneurs demonstrated good perception of social situations, engaging in numerous employer initiatives, covered by various facets...

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Saint-Etienne

INITIAL SERVICE ON THE FINISHED SECTION (JUNE-JULY 1830) 472 •

locomotives that had just left the workshop. These tests initially unfolded at a branch line in Perrache and allowed a short replica of the slopes. After the trans7 , Marc and Paul continued the tests on the “Yesterday we tested the locomotive that operated quite well until Saint-Lazare. Paul had a small accident on his left leg, caused by the locomotive. The water and coal carriage, which we were descending, violently came off the rails and fell sideways. While jumping to the ground, Paul hurt his leg”.8 “Marc and Camille successfully managed to bring two full trains down the slopes. Despite everything, there are two rails that must be replaced”.9 Technically, things improved: “Everyday, our railway transportation increases. The carriages do 7 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from S.A. from June 16, 1830 8 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from S.A. from June 20, 1830 9 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Paul in Lyon from July 1, 1830.

Michel Cotte

Figure 4 – The early Loire railroad network and the Saint-Etienne line

not go out of the tracks. However, we still have not put the engine in motion”.10 Paul was in charge of rolling stock; Marc loaded the wagons in Perrache and continued with the construction of the locomotives; Camille remained in Rivecompany’s Board of Directors at the time of the opening.11 tests, the passage of the locomotive traction revealed itself relatively problematic and horses were provisionally used to take the empty carriages up the slopes. a regular slope used over the whole route. motion”.12 The price tables were set by hectoliters (an 80 to 85 kg trolley, the trafrom Rive-de-Gier and at 21.25 cents from Grand-Croix.13 This is equivalent to 10 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Paul 11 A.d.A. 41J/200, S.A. “Organization Plan by the managers”, 29 June 1830. 12 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Camille from July 1, 1830. 13 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Paul from July 14, 1830.

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@ Musée Gadagne, city of Lyon

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a small increase in distance, particularly in the second case, in relation to a rate of 9.8 tons per kilometer. From the company’s point of view, which could immediately demand scrutiny over the brothers’ exploitation, things went quite smoothly thanks to the understanding Humblot-Conté. Tasked by the Board of Directors to examine ize the operation as they pleased.14 When the mayor heard the news of the opening of the line, he requested to this occasion, the large Crouzon tunnel was specially illuminated, and an exat the descent to Givors.15

14 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from July 22, 1830. 15 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from July 12, 14 and 15, 1830, the mayor’s trip occurred on July 15.

Michel Cotte

Figure 6 – An early mountain railway line from Rhone River to Terrenoire Pass

THE CROCHETEURS MOVEMENT, THE EVENTS OF JULY 1830 Camille quickly noted the progress in the organization of the trains and the regularity of movement, but also observed the beginning of a social reaction in from the crocheteurs (freighters), due to the automated loading of coal foreseen for the water station of Givors. The opening of a hatch located at the bottom of the wagon would load it into the boat without the freighters having to do anything manually. “Our service is becoming more consistent; so today 80 wagons will depart. But we are always facing obstacles and oppositions of all kinds. Yesterday, the Givors freighters protested: they were opposed to the direct loading of wagons in Rhône, done by the estacades (stockades)16. A few days afterwards, the mayor warned the brothers of a threat: “M. Desbrosses wrote to us telling us he had been informed of the formation of an alliance of voituriers (carriers) with the objective of ruining our carriages and interrupting the railway service.”17 16 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Camille to Rive-de-Gier from July 8, 1830. 17 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Paul from July 23, 1830.

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Figure 7 – Two drawings of the Stephenson locomotives for the St-Etienne & Lyon Railway… © Archives départementales de l’Ardèche- Privas

476 •

Marc was also victim of threats, but he minimized the consequences in his recollections: “Some carriers threatened to kill me a few times, but there was never an attempt to carry out the threats; everything was limited to obstructing the carriages with rocks, beams, etc., which damaged some material, but never harmed the passengers.”18 18 Private fund [Marc Seguin], “History of the St-Étienne to Lyon railway” May 12, 1836, f° 48.

Michel Cotte

Figure 8 – La locomotive à chaudière tubulaire « Stephenson – Seguin », type 1830-31 © From Bulletin de la Société industrielle de Mulhouse, 1832

The operation of the railway began laboriously, in the framework of a socially agitated period which lead to the revolutionary days of July 1830. The brothers gave us some indication of the events in the region of Lyon; events that worried them since they were forced to face corporative opposition to the railway throughout several days. day on July 3019; it continued the next day, without any violence. The organization of the National Guard reassured the entrepreneurs20, the same way that on August 1, the Saint-Joseph prisoners at Perrache tried to escape and attack the soldiers that guarded them. They reacted violently: 21

The effervescence seized the workers of Lyon, particularly the ones who worked at the Perrache shipyards. “(...) Here all heads are in fermentation. Workers all over are abandoning workshops. Our workers at the Mulatière bridge refuse to work or leave the shipyards.”22 19 The July Revolution occurred on July 27-29, 1830 in Paris. 20 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from S.A. from July 31, 1830. 21 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from S.A. in Lyon from August 1, 1830. 22 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from S.A. from August 2, 1830.

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Figure 9 – La locomotive à chaudière tubulaire « Stephenson – Seguin », type 1830-31 © From Bulletin de la Société industrielle de Mulhouse 1832

478 •

want to take any risks, fearing the virulence of the freighters and common carriers. They intended to protect the rolling stock above all. “Under certain circumstances they may, during the night, send the wagons to the large opening (Couzon tunnel) and close the entrances with good barricades.”23 In Lyon, the rumor of the existence of an Ultra royaliste movement in the Midi region surfaced, as well as one on the radicalization of the Parisian events... The movement opposing the railway extended along the line; it reached the freighters, and then the Givors carriers refused to pull the wagons, using their horses instead.”24 “Our insurrectionary movement in Grand-Choix came to nothing, and the freighters returned without going through with their demolition plan. But, in Givors, we are always under these crooks.”25 better to make others believe their business did not work out than making it a center of revolutionary violence. 23 ibid. 24 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Paul in Givors from August 5, 1830. 25 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Camille in Rive-de-Gier from August 5, 1830.

Michel Cotte

A TENSE SITUATION ARISES

• 479

However, in Paul’s perspective, the Séguins quickly began negotiations in Givors, the neuralgic point of protest. The two points on the agenda of the day were the abandonment of the automatic stockades and salaries. es. We will resolve this once order is reestablished.”26 On the weekend, the freighters seemed to have calmed down. Meanwhile, the brothers waited for the National Guard to calm the spirits, particularly in Givors. It was at this moment, that Camille dreamed of putting in practice an idea that was as simple as brilliant, in order to popularize the railway: “Nothing new here, we continue to work little, which lead us to the decision of announcing that we will gratuitously take party-goers of the vogue, Givors’ popular celebration.”27 An unexpected passenger service began there, apparently free, due to the had notable success, contributing the social development of the freighters’ and 26 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Paul in Givors from August 8, 1830. 27 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Camille in Rive-de-Gier from August 8, 1830; a vogue is a large popular

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

carriers’ movement. This transportation of people seemed to have created a more or less tolerated habit, naturally ludic: young people hung themselves on necessity of transportation of people, which was later organized and became

through part of autumn. Completely involved in the mechanization movement for many years, the Séguins drew attention to popular hostility directed towards them: “Today’s newspapers announce that the population of Paris has revolted once more, asking for the abolition of the mechanical and the removal of a portion of the taxes.”28 Our workers from the paper manufacturers wanted to organize a small movement against machines, similar to those of the freighters against the barriers, but our National Guard, who do not think like those in Givors, brought their weapons and order was reestablished.”29 480 •

The tone rose and a cycle of reciprocal threats came late August. However, the Séguins tried to resume transportation and their tests with the locomotives. The appeal made to the new authorities of Lyon demonstrated the ambiguity of the situation. The brothers were very poorly received. The older Séguin brother was regarded as a supporter of a defunct regime; however, they were able to obtain the police’s help. “(They) advised us all to go slow, however, the mayor promised to double police posts.”30 If Marc was considered close to the Restoration and a devout Catholic, the general situation of the Séguins was a lot more nebulous. The father and brothers frequented the liberal circles of Annonay for a long time. The family read the opposition’s newspapers and in addition, made a certain impertinence towards the clergy public. In turn, Charles appeared close to the Duke of Orleans and a friend of his aide de camp from Rumigny, one of the Séguins’ partners in the Perrache water station. At the time of the July events, Charles directed the con28 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Paul in Givors from August 18, 1830. 29 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Camille in Annonay from August 24, 1830. 30 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Paul from August 20, 1830.

Michel Cotte

struction of a narrow suspension bridge on the property of the new sovereign in Neuilly and came across him almost every day. Marc evokes the complexity of the turnaround, with some humor: “I don’t know if our more than questionable reputation of liberals had preceded me (...). I am already not used (to popular manners) having made much more use of the polite manners that please me more”.31 cult social situation. Paul tried, for example, to form a team of loaders dedicated to the railway to oppose the ones from the Givors canal, at the base of the movements against the company. If on one hand, the brothers knew how to immediately negotiate, they did not hesitate in turning to the forces of law and justice to stop violent actions against the railways and its workers. They considered ever, they were able to obtain police help for a fortnight at the end of August.32 “Having decided to help us, the police squad arrested six freighters, who were readily calmed by the prison regime.”33 • 481

For his part, Paul foresaw a dissuasive vigilance of the line: “I am of the opinion that we should not lose time organizing and arming our guards. I am going to Lyon, I will bring sabers and the committee (permission)”.34

Midway through August,

emotions were running high: “I am going act so as to obtain the two pieces of cannon that you desire; Rumigny is in a good position to obtain that through General Gérard, the Minister of War.”36 This extreme action, faced in the more vivid moments of the events, did not result in much, but the company was able to permanently have armed guards 31 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from S.A. from August 9, 1830. 32 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from August 26 and 27, 1827. 33 S.A., Historic... cited, f° 49. 34 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Paul from August 18, 1830. 35 ibid. August 29, 1830; request for authorization. 36 A.d.A. 41J/195, C.Int. from Charles in Paris from August 15, 1830.

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

along the whole line. Once social peace was restored, he actively defended his material interests, swaying when a dramatic event unfolded: “(We received a letter from the Séguins) relative to the guard, Noel, sentenced to a year of prison following an involuntary act of murder on an individual who had surprised him when stealing hides from a Givors Company train.”37 One may think that the bitterness caused by the misfortune of some freighters favored a slip into individual acts of vandalism or looting.

REGULATION OF FREIGHTERS’ CONFLICTS AND PROFESSIONAL CHANGES

482 •

The events of the summer of 1830 strongly marked the history of the initial operation of the Saint-Étienne to Lyon line. In relation to the freighters’ movement, Paul worked to create a company of maintenance workers devoted solely to the railway: more or less 60 very well-paid men under the base rate of the with him in Givors, the prime location of social protest towards the railway.38 exclusive.39 Putting such an organization into practice was not easy: negotiation work for them was what was at stake. Then, he transformed a direct objection of the railway into a discussion about the profession, with the result of inevitable rupture among those connected to the canal and the river and those now connected with the Séguins. But is it possible that the problem was not simply pushed in time by the urence of the freighters on the railway line was momentarily recognized, which lead to new rights. “Following the disturbances of July, the freighters (...) took over the railway during three more months; they unloaded the wagons in arms to 37 A.d.A. 41J/147, Board of Directors meeting from Feburary 7, 1832. 38 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Paul from November 29, 1830. 39 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from the second half of August 1830; A.N. F14 9031, petition from the railway freighters against those of the canal who wanted exclusivity in Rive-de-Gier and Givors, December 9, 1831.

Michel Cotte

the boats (...); this maneuver was very time consuming.”40 Initially, this impeded a true departure of coal transportation. When, at the end of September, the brother tried to resume the use of the automatic stockades in Givors, the people’s reaction was immediate: “As soon as we moved forward with the wagon, the women arrived furiously, with rocks in their aprons and they were followed by men. There were many insults thrown, etc., … but there was no violence.”41 Finally, the agreements between the Séguins and the freighters were stretched, and took into account new mechanical processes of unloading for the “They currently pay them (35) cents for each unloaded wagon in the corridor; (50) cents, in the bascule and a franc, manually.”42 Thanks to their social struggle and their demanding spirit, the freighters were able to in addition, obtain a contract for all the maintenance operations throughout the line. These provisions made them into company workers at the unloading points, awarding them a good premium if they used new mechanized ways, particularly changing the nature of work and transforming an old-fashioned corporation into a privileged group of railway company workers. A new hierarchy was formed among those the well-paid workers who worked with mechanized devices and those that continued to load and unload manually. at length and were an embarrassment to the railway company. They were able to 43

the number of freighters threatened by unemployment. The general framework of the business allowed the Séguins to include a work contract, which according to them, was essential to the intensive exploitation that would come: 44

Lastly, the fact that a right to supplementary maintenance to the strict adjudi40 S.A., Historic…. cited, f° 48. 41 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Paul, [September 25 - 28, 1830]. 42 S.A., Historic... cited, f° 49; a “bascule” is another automated device. 43 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. until October 1830. 44 A.d.A. 41J/194, C.Int. from Paul from October 3, 1830.

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cation rate appeared created an interesting precedent for the company. It allowed it to introduce additional expenses. Other expenses were added onto that until it lead into a new social protest after the general opening of the line in 1833, this

NOTES ABBREVIATIONS: A.d.A.: Departmental archives of Ardèche; C.Int.: Internal correspondence from the Séguin companies S.A.: Elder Séguin (Marc)

484 •

PART 4 The future of historical railroads O futuro das linhas hist贸ricas

Dominic Fontana

LIFE, DEATH AND RESURRECTION FURTHER EXAMPLES FROM THE BRITISH EXPERIENCE OF PRESERVING RAILWAY AND INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE VIDA, MORTE E RESSURREIÇÃO - MAIS CASOS DA EXPERIÊNCIA BRITÂNICA DE PRESERVAÇÃO DO PATRIMÓNIO FERROVIÁRIO E INDUSTRIAL Dominic Fontana (U. Portsmouth, United Kingdom Reino Unido) Dominic Fontana is Senior Lecturer in Geography at the University of Portsmouth and is a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society. As a mature student he read for a BA in Geography at Portsmouth Polytechnic and then continued his studies, taking his PhD at University of Portsmouth, during which time he also became a lecturer in Geography. working as archaeological photographer on the Mary Rose project. This major maritime archaeological project excavated and recovered Henry VIII’s warship from the Solent seabed in October 1982. Mary Rose and one exploring the events of the Battle of Hastings in 1066. He has worked on projects and exhibitions at The Tower of London and Hampton Court Historic Royal Palace. In conjunction with the Mary Rose Trust, he is currently researching the July 1545 “Battle of the Solent” in which the Mary Rose was lost. He is also working on a project with The Royal Collection to better understand two of Henry VIII’s major historical paintings. Dominic Fontana e é membro da Royal Geographic Society. Doutorado pela Universidade de Portsmouth. Trabalhou na British Railways no inicio da sua carreira, tendo depois participado no projecto de recuperação do navio Mary Rose. Participou na produção de diversos documentários sobre arqueologia. Atualmente está a investigar a batalha de Solent (Julho de 1545), em que o navio Mary Rose se afundou, assim como um projeto da The Royal Collection sobre as pinturas históricas de Henrique VIII.

Abstract Resumo end of their lives rather than at their inception. In many cases people have opposed the closure of lines, often without success in the retention of the commercial line but frequently they have succeeded in retaining a section of the line, which has

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then been developed as a preserved or heritage railway. Britain has over 150 preserved railways along with many other museums and organisations involved in the preservation of various aspects of Britain’s industrial heritage. Consequently, industrial and railway heritage has become an important component of Britain’s tourism industry, supporting many jobs in areas away from the main conurbations. Consideration is given to further examples of what were once commercial railways, which have been resurrected as heritage railways by groups of dedicated enthusiasts. Suggestions are offered for the adoption of such approaches in the development of railway heritage-based tourism in the Tua Valley, Portugal.

488 •

sucesso quanto á continuação da sua exploração comercial, mas frequentemente tiveram sucesso em reter uma secção da linha, que foi desenvolvida e preservada como uma linha de património ferroviário. O Reino Unido tem mais de 150 linhas património ferroviário e industrial tem assegurado muitos postos e trabalho em áreas afastadas das linhas principais. Neste ensaio tratam-se mais casos de património industrial que em tempos foram linhas comerciais, mas que agora ressuscitaram como linhas de património ferroviário pela mão de entusiastas da ferrovia. Adiantam-se algumas sugestões para a adopção dessa abordagem no desenvolvimento de turismo baseado no património ferroviário no vale do Tua, em Portugal.

Dominic Fontana

Life, Death and Resurrection - Further Examples from the British Experience of Preserving Railway and Industrial Heritage Dominic Fontana

â&#x20AC;˘ 489

their

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Railway Modeller

THE SWANAGE RAILWAY

Dominic Fontana

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

THE MID HANTS RAILWAY

Dominic Fontana

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

THE BLUEBELL LINE

494 •

Dominic Fontana

EAST ANGLIAN RAILWAY MUSEUM

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

per se

Dominic Fontana

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AMBERLEY MUSEUM & HERITAGE CENTRE, WEST SUSSEX

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498 •

RAILWAY HERITAGE-BASED TOURISM IN THE TUA VALLEY, PORTUGAL.

Dominic Fontana

â&#x20AC;˘ 499

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences â&#x20AC;˘ VOL III - 2013

Dominic Fontana

REFERENCES 60163 Tornado New Steam for the Mainline,

History of the East Anglian Railway Museum,

Heritage Railway, Still Steaming: A Guide to Britain’s Standard Gauge Steam Railways 2010-2011 The roots of the Swanage Railway, Mid Hants Railway ‘Watercress Line’

Stefan Brauckmann

EXPLORING CULTURAL LANDSCAPE ON OLD RAILWAY TRACKS EXPLORAR PAISAGENS CULTURAIS EM LINHAS FERROVIÁRIAS ANTIGAS Stefan Brauckmann (U. Hamburg, Germany Alemanha) Stefan Brauckmann (*1980) is Head of Research of an associate company of Moses Mendelssohn Rural Development, Cultural Landscape, Tourism and History of German Youth Movement. Stefan Brauckmann desenvolvimento rural e urbano, turismo e história dos movimentos da juventude alemã.

Abstract Resumo The embankment dam currently under construction will change the landscape of the the line will therefore probably remain cut off from the Portuguese railway network for ever. Though these facts have to be accepted, they must also serve as the basis for developing plans as to how to preserve the remaining sections and civil engineering structures for the future and make them accessible to a wider public. The following report will explore the ways in which draisines and other vehicles could be used to create a networked offering for the increasing number of individual tourists. The aim should be to generate added value for the local population and economy through the targeted preservation of the cultural lanscape.

Embora aceitando esses factos, eles devem também servir como incentivo para o desenvolvimento de planos sobre como preservar para o futuro as restantes secções e obras de arte de engenharia civil, tornando-as acessíveis ao grande público. Este trabalho explora a forma como “draisines” e outros veiculos podem ser usados para criar uma oferta em rede para turistas individuais. O objetivo é gerar um valor acrescentado para a população e economia locais através da preservação da paisagem cultural.

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Stefan Brauckmann

Exploring cultural landscape on old railway tracks Stefan Brauckmann

INTRODUCTION • 505

Old railway lines have a particular charm. Routes and structures are dependent on their earlier military or economic importance, as well as on the technical possibilities available at the time of their construction. The construction of a railway line initially has a considerable impact on the landscape. Today, however, branch lines in rural areas in particular are described as ‘beautiful’ by many people on account of their routing and structures. The railway has not only become a part of the landscape, but in many instances was also responsible for Many of these branch lines have now ceased to operate, either fully or at least for passenger transport. They no longer provide an economic impetus. The question therefore arises as to whether such railway lines can be put to a different use, and if so, how. Here, the focus is not just on the railway line itself, but also on its (former) function as a regional network. The tourism sector in particular promises economically interesting possibilities as far as reactivation or alternative utilisation is concerned. A German tourism business, the “Erlebnisbahn Ratzeburg” (“Ratzeburg Adventure Railway”), will be presented here as an example of successful network creation. The presentation will then be followed by an exploration of ideas on how to increase the tourism potential of the Tua railway. At this point, the report will also process a series of impressions generated during the most recent conferences of the Foz Tua Project.1 1

See Anne McCants et al. (eds.), Railroads in Historical Context, 2011 and Anne McCants et al. (eds.),

Railroads in historical context: construction, costs and consequences • VOL III - 2013

DECOMMISSIONED RAILWAYS AND THE CULTURAL LANDSCAPE Railway lines can be distinguished by their morphological characteristics. Main lines are characterised by their routing, which is as direct as possible. This requires larger-scale interventions in the landscape, which remain visible in the form of dams, cuttings, bridges and tunnels even after the tracks have been taken up. Local railway lines were constructed much less elaborately. Yet due to the typical morphological characteristics, nearly half of the line can still clearly be made out even after dismantling (Table 1). In upland or mountainous regions, it can be expected that such lines have even more pronounced morphological characteristics.2 Table 1 – Morphologic Characteristic of Abandoned Railways in Northern Germany3

506 •

Light Railways

Branch Lines

Enbankment

26,1 %

39,4 %

41,3 %

Cutting

16,4 %

20,2 %

21,8 %

Half Cutting

3,8 %

7,8 %

7,9 %

Edge

3,1 %

2,0 %

6,8 %

Bridges

0,4 %

0,5 %

1,2 %

49,7 %

69,9 %

79,1 %

Total

Main Lines

The possibilities for alternative use of the lines are considerably restricted by presented in Volume 2 of this series, it is often the case that only a few sections can be put to economically interesting use, while the majority remain little-used or unused.4 For this reason, we had argued that a decommissioned railway line should be used cohesively where possible. Here, the presentation focused on tourist routes such as walking and cycling trails5, heritage railways and draisine Railroads in Historical Context, 2012 2

Lurdes Martins et al, The Engineering Design of the Tua Rail Track, 2012

3 After Stefan Brauckmann, Eisenbahnkulturlandschaft, 2010, p. 186 4

Stefan Brauckmann, Draisine Tourism in Germany, 2012 see also Stefan Brauckmann, Utilising Tourist Draisines, Madrid, 2012

For example the „Via Verdes“ in Spain: www.viasverdes.com/en/principal.asp

Stefan Brauckmann

lines. The aim of such tourism-focused utilisation should include the targeted preservation of local relicts of industrial history and the generation of added value for the local economy and population. Furthermore, the preservation of the infrastructure, or at least the rights of way, can make for easier eventual reactivation of the railway line. Lines which can be utilised by draisines here offer the 6 Positive effects for the accommodation sector, transport sector and local food businesses have also been recorded.7 In order to enhance tourists’ experience of the landscape, individual elements of the landscape should be preserved and foregrounded in a targeted fashion. Additional information should also be provided to increase the ‘readability of the landscape’(“Lesbarkeit der Landschaft”)8. The diagram below (Fig. 1) serves to clarify the interactions involved in the entation and accessibility. “Erlebbarkeit” - Tangibility means the ability to engage with the landscape. This also includes the emotional evaluation of the landscape and its culturally determined ascribed uses. “Inszenierung” - Presentation means the targeted highlighting of individual elements. This can also be achieved through the restoration of landmarks or through creative landscape art. Alongside such large-scale ‘presentations’, smaller measures, such as the creation of viewpoints onto smaller landscape elements, could already serve to shift the focus and thus make possible a new, more intensive view of the landscape. For its part, accessibility - “Zugänglichkeit” encompasses two areas: abilities and removing as many barriers as possible; and secondly, intellectual accessibility, i.e. the ability/desire to intellectually engage with the place. These three key words can considerably enhance tourists’ experience of the landscape, and thereby also its popularity. This is why the alternative utilisation of a former railway line for tourism purposes requires an appropriate degree of planning.

Compare Michel Cotte, An Example of Renovation, 2012

Julia Bingeser et al., Projektdokumentation Fahrraddraisine Glantal, Kaiserslautern 2002

Karl Schlögel, Im Raume lesen wir die Zeit, Frankfurt 2006

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Figure 1 – Schematic view of increasing the experience of cultural landscape9

508 •

ERLEBNISBAHN RATZEBURG („RATZEBURG AVENTURE RAILWAYS“) The Erlebnisbahn Ratzeburg provides a good example of a tourist railway line that enjoys high customer popularity (with around 50,000 visitors each year), strengthens the local economy, and preserves the cultural landscape.10 Since its foundation in 1996, the business has developed into one of the largest tourism providers in the region of the Duchy of Lauenburg. Due to its proximity to Hamburg (population 1.8 million) and its varied landscape shaped by the ice ages, this region is an important local recreation area. A particular feature of the Erlebnisbahn Ratzeburg, even in comparison to many other draisine line operators, is the fact that draisine rides account for only a portion of the value chain. A complementary range of services has been established around the draisines, such as catering, accommodation and entertainment. In addition, other means of transport are used, such as bicycles and canoes. The aim is to provide a networked and varied offering for an entire day’s outing. The “Zwei-Gleise-Reise” (“Two-Rail Tour”), which is offered at a cost of 9 After Stefan Brauckmann, Eisenbahnkulturlandschaft, 2010, p. 7 10 BBR, Best Practices, Bonn 2003

Stefan Brauckmann

€9.50 per person, is here presented as an example of the commercially successful offerings provided by the Erlebnisbahn Ratzeburg, via which tourists can experience the cultural landscape together with the local history and the history of the railway.11 This begins at Ratzeburg railway station, which is located around two kilometres from the historic city centre and served hourly by regional trains. The railway station is also within the tariff zone of the Hamburg Transport Association (HVV), so that it can be reached directly from Hamburg at little cost. The listed station building, which dates from 1852 and features a late neo-classical plaster façade12 lebnisbahn Ratzeburg’s seasonal staff. Draisines are operated on the single-track two hours. So when draisines are due to arrive from the direction of Schmilau, the Zwei-Gleise-Reise begins with the allocation of bicycles. The bicycles are stored in an old freight wagon standing at the old platform of the “Kaiserbahn” (“Imperial Railway”), whose passenger transport service was decommissioned in 1962. The bikes allow visitors to explore the branch line once operated by Ratzeburger Kleinbahn AG, a company which operated an 18.3-kilometre-long, standard-gauge connection service from 1903 to 1934. In terms of relicts, the ride to the Küchensee lake provides views of a deep cutting, the listed “Ratzeburg Stadt” station building built in the art nouveau style, an elaborate embankment which divided off the Küchensee, and a listed yet redundant footbridge made of early steel-reinforced concrete. 13 However, because most customers have not come to see railway relicts, they are invited to leave the former railway line in order to visit such sites as the baroque market square, Ratzeburg Cathedral (built in the brick Romanesque style) or the Ernst Barlach Museum. As they continue their journey towards Schmilau, the tourists reach the Schaalsee (see = lake) canal.14 This canal was built in the electric power plant in Schleswig Holstein and to make it easier to transport agricultural goods, in particular sugar beet, in this region lacking in infrastructure. In the mid-1920s, the canal was also a popular destination with day-trippers. Ratzeburger Kleinbahn AG catered to their needs by operating the “Schaalseekanal Hafen” (Hafen = harbour) railway station at weekends and on public holidays. From here, visitors had a direct connection to either an excursion steamer or to the trains to Lübeck and Hamburg travelling in the opposite direction. The remains of the harbour can still be viewed on the site today. The mill at Farchau is in the vicinity, and represents another popular destination. The old water mill by the Küchensee, which is used as a hotel and restaurant, is also the mooring place 11 www.erlebnisbahn-ratzeburg.de 12 Klaus Zeiger, Die Hochbauten der Personenbahnhöfe, Berlin 1983 13 Stefan Brauckmann: Eisenbahnkulturlandschaft, 2010, p. 224 14 Götz Goldammer, Der Schaale-Kanal, Stuttgart, 2003

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for the Erlebnisbahn’s canoes and dragon boats. From this point, the distance to the village of Schmilau (550 inhabitants) is around two kilometres. The village’s name indicates that it was founded by Slavs, as is typical of many villages east of the Elbe. The station building is located on the western edge of the village, and is today a private residence, whereas the rail yard of the former freight terminal serves as the headquarters of the Erlebnisbahn Ratzeburg. This is the starting point not only for the small, lever-operated draisines (for a maximum of six people) in the direction of Ratzeburg, but also for the large, lever-operated draisines (for a maximum of 14 people) and pedal-operated draisines (for two people) heading towards Hollenbek, close to the former border between East and West Germany. The tracks also have a number of wagons on them, which serve as ofshop, storage area and party room. The outdoor areas offer the chance to try out artistic bicycles, to barbecue on a narrow-gauge locomotive once used on an ag-

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note that the company is clearly different to a heritage railway operation, which seeks to conserve and present individual vehicles as authentically as possible. In this regard, the Erlebnisbahn is the direct opposite: steel sleepers have been turned into benches, and railway workers’ wagons transformed into colourful holiday homes. In a very special and unexpected way, this makes the individual relicts stand out for laypeople too. This is particularly important for people who do not see themselves as railway enthusiasts. From the station at Schmilau, the journey then continues on a small, lever-operated draisine, travelling on a 4.5-kilometre-long section of the former “Kaiserthe main line provided a direct connection between the capital city of Berlin and the naval harbour in Kiel. Due to the East-West divide within Germany, the importance of this line was diminished, and it was gradually decommissioned. It features the morphological characteristics to be expected of a former main line. In terms of civil engineering structures, the listed bridge made of steel-reinforced Shortly before reaching their destination in Ratzeburg, visitors will see the former approach signals together with their signal box. This was still in operation until recently, and could be viewed by the public. Options for preserving the technology for visitors are currently being explored. The former roundhouse is in a considerably worse state of repair. It has been in use as a stable for many years now, and together with its adjacent accommoroundhouse can barely be made out from the tracks. In terms of alternative uses

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for the roundhouse, plans have been considered for installing a gym, as well as using the the decommissioned freight yard for sporting draisine races. The draisine ride terminates at Ratzeburg railway station. Here, before they head home, guests have the opportunity to barbecue under tall lime trees on the former platform for long-distance trains. Even though the economic success of the Erlebnisbahn Ratzeburg is dependent on many factors which rarely come together so fortuitously – these include the creativity displayed by the company’s management; the location of the line within the immediate vicinity of a city with over a million inhabitants and a landscape which is attractive to tourists, and the condition and characteristics of the infrastructure – the Erlebnisbahn can serve as a model for less elaborate concepts which are adapted to the local conditions. What seems particularly important is that the experience or story of the ‘historical railway line which can be explored with unusual vehicles’ is complemented with additional offerings. Thus the aim should be not only to attract visitors to the railway line, but also to highlight ‘ways’ to show which places and sites can be discovered ‘off-route’. This reinforces the positive economic effects and the local population’s approval of this special form of alternative use. • 511

TUA RAILWAY Bearing in mind the example of the Erlebnisbahn Ratzeburg, this paper will now examine the potential ways in which the Tua Railway could be similarly utilised. basis of a tour of the area in October 2012 and some lectures given at past conferences15. An exact concept would require considerably more work, particularly one which provided precise economic details. First of all, the line would need to be accurately mapped.16 What are the morphological characteristics? What sort of structures are there, and what is the state of preservation of each of these? At what points are small relicts such as kilometre stones or signals to be found? In addition, subjective impressions would need to be recorded. Where can interesting viewpoints and special landscape features be found? It would also be necessary to evaluate what kind of tie-in points exist in the vicinity of the line. What is the tourism potential offered by the places that were once connected to the railway? What industry branches and historic events have shaped the surrounding cultural landscape, and what opportunities exist for viewing these? The answers 15 Anne McCants et al. (eds.), Railroads in Historical Context, 2012 and Anne McCants et al. (eds.), Railroads in Historical Context, 2012 16 Paulo B. Lourenco: Dismantling an Old Railtrack, 2011; Maria Manuel Oliveira, Narratives on the Construction of the Landscape, 2011; Antonio Vieveira, Marta Correia and Enrico Loureiro, GIS for Tua Valley, 2012

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to these questions can only be established through an exact analysis of the local conditions. The spatial information gained in this way should then be linked with GPS coordinates and evaluated using a geographic information system (GIS).17 Such an analysis exceeds the scope of this paper. In what follows, initial considerations for the 17.8-kilometre-long section between Tua and Tralhao will be outlined. This stretch includes the area particularly affected by the embankment dam project. staff and vehicles. This is why the Erlebnisbahn Ratzeburg works with two staffed main railway stations and offers a variety of tours tailored to individual customers’ requirements. These include tours from A to B and back to A using the same modes of transport, as well as round tours using a variety of transThis results in the vehicles returning to their starting point without any additional

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In the case of the Tua Railway, it must be considered whether a round tour using only muscle power, as offered in Ratzeburg, is a good idea in view of the gradient, or whether this would deter too many potential customers. This problem could be solved by using two independent starting points at the respective ends of the line. Tours from A to B and back the same way would then be the rule. As a special offer, it would then also be possible to provide the opportunity to discover the entire line, if this option were to be organised in such a way that an equal number of tourists book this tour at either end. Foz Tua railway station is without a doubt the ideal starting point. A railway museum is to be opened here. 18 This museum could show how passenger trans19 , and which goods were transported on the railway and produced or conveyed in the surrounding area.20 The museum building could also serve as the headquarters for a tourism company similar to that of the Erlebnisbahn Ratzeburg. People can reach Foz Tua in their own car as well as by taking the train from Porto or Pocinho, or via a ride on an excursion boat on the Douro. The railway station is already surrounded by restaurants and hostelries, which should be incorporated into the offerings. The vineyards and fruit juice producers are also of interest, and could form the basis of combined sightseeing tours. Here, it is particularly the combination of physical activity, intellectual engagement with local history, and culinary pleasures that is worth highlighting. Some of the historical wagons on the grounds of the railway station could be converted into restaurants or accommodation. In addition, an access route should 17 Dominic Fontana, Railways, 2012 18 Teresa Novais and Jorge Carvalho, Designing NMFT, 2012 19 Eduardo Beira, Tua Valley, 2013; Conceicao Salgado, The Tua Line, 2012 20

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be created running directly from the museum to the soon-to-be-created reservoir via the old railway line. Moorings for boats would be constructed at the reservoir. For this access route, either the tracks would be removed and a cycle path created, or the tracks would be retained and used for a large, lever-operated draisine, that customers can reach the reservoir by themselves and in small groups. The second option would be more costly, but certainly also more attractive to many customers. The staff employed for this option could also oversee passenger safety at the bridge (Viaduto das Prezas) and the tunnel (Tunel das Prezas), and help with the boats. An interim stop could be planned along the three-kilometre-long section21 so that customers can take photographs of the embankment dam as well as of the line with the viaduct and tunnel. At this point, the customers could also be provided with additional information about the engineering work of the railway pioneers Antonio Xavier de Almeida Pinheros and Dimis Morera da Mota22, as well about the modern-day construction of the embankment dam. This section would end by the embankment dam, where a difference in altitude down to the level of the reservoir would have to be overcome.23 A landing stage should be built by the reservoir which should either be large enough for excursion steamers or offer the possibility to store and launch smaller boats, such as canoes or kayaks. This option would be of particular interest to smaller user groups seeking the north, which would be reached by travelling across the reservoir. A crossover point to the former railway line would have to be created here. This section analysed for its suitability from a transport aspect. A connection to the Metropolitano Ligeiro de Mirandela network would be ideal, e.g through the reactivation of the railway line to Abreiro or even Brunheda. At this point, guests could then hire pedal-operated draisines. If the starting point cannot be reached by rail, it would again be necessary to analyse whether the section from the last railway station to the starting point of the draisine tour should be turned into a cycle trail, and if rail-riders should then be used.24 Otherwise, conventional draisine models designed for tourists would seem more practicable.25 Here, the models would easily be lifted off the rails so that customers do not block the line when taking a break, and so that customers can independently turn the draisine round to 21 Joao Sena Esteves et al., Gaining insight Tua Railway Line, 2012, p. 354-365 22 Jose Manuel Lopes Codeiro: The Man behind Tua Railway, 2011 23 Compare the Touristic Transportation Scheme in Bruno Concalves and Paulo B. Lourenco, Lifecycle Analysis, 2012, p. 344 24 Carlos Barbosa, Redesigning the Classical Railrider, 2012 25 For a good overview of especially for tourists purposes constructed draisines see Daniela Bauer, Neues Leben auf alten Gleisen, 2005

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this would allow different groups to choose how much of the stretch to explore. This approach is the one pursued by Naturparkdraisine Dargun (Dargun Natural Park Draisine).26 way changes at 2 p.m., so that draisines returning to the starting point no longer have to be lifted off the tracks. A general observation that has been made by German draisine operators is that most customers using pedal-operated draisines only want to complete an overall journey of 20 to 25 kilometres, or around two to

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after 10 to 15 kilometres. Along with the weight of the draisines, good transmission of power is also an important consideration, so that they can be moved with the least possible amount of effort. However, it is also important to ensure that, depending on braking power, maximum speeds of 8 to 15 km/h are not exceeded during unaccompanied tours. Otherwise, there is considerable danger of derailment and collision as many customers like to test out maximum speeds, yet underestimate the rails’ low adhesive forces. Special sport draisines with speeds of up to 30 km/h could then be used for sporting events with experienced participants. The conventional models should be designed for a variety of group sizes. The most suitable standard model is a railbike which requires two people to pedal it and provides space for two passengers. A model with four drivers and six passengers could be reserved for larger groups. In general, adequate storage space and sun protection should be provided by both models. The Erlebnisbahn Ratzeburg additionally equips all its The line should feature clear signage for orientation purposes and to signpost the vantage points. The historical kilometre stones and railway signals, which are partially preserved along the line, are suitable for this purpose. Information boards or GPS-supported information systems for smartphones could provide additional references to sights along the line. The line should also feature areas where the draisines can be parked alongside the main line so that the tourists ties, a fresh water supply, toilets and refuse bins. Barbecue areas or cooking facilities with the necessary utensils would also need to be provided. The station buildings would also need to advertise their function for the respective location. In order to increase the networking function between the draisine line and the surrounding places, a type of treasure hunt could be offered which provides repeated incentives to go ‘off-route’. Targeted investment in local attractions, such as the springs at Sao Lourenco27, could generate positive feedback effects for 26 Stefan Brauckmann, Eisenbahnkulturlandschaft, 2010 27 Fatima Santos and Jose Manuel Lopes Codeiro, One Day Sao Lourenco Spa would be the Riviera of Tua Valley, 2012

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the success of the draisine line. In general, public funding is also available for such measures, e.g. from the EU’s Leader Programme (links between actions for the development of the rural economy). Public funding would certainly also be required for restoring the line for the operation of draisines, carrying out safety ment. Thereafter, however, it should be possible to operate the draisine tours in a way that covers the running costs and achieves positive effects for the local tourist and agricultural businesses. The more the individual stakeholders cooperate with one another and allow themselves to be ‘networked’ by the former railway line, the better the prospects of economic success are for each individual business. Against the backdrop of the pioneering spirit that created the railway line in Tras o Mont, a region with a historical lack of infrastructure, fresh courage seems to be required in order to revitalise the historic railway line.

CONCLUSION The landscape of the Tua Valley offers a host of attractions. These include the rural social and economic infrastructure. The region offers as yet untapped potential particularly with regard to the burgeoning individual tourism sector. Instead of large-scale resorts of the kind found by the coast and in ski areas, smaller facilities in particular should be promoted here. This supports not only small businesses, but also the existing local economy and tourism infrastructure. The embankment dam currently being constructed will change the landscape. The railway line from Foz Tua to Mirandela has been inoperative since 2008, represent a disadvantage, however, but can instead be used as the impetus for planning new potential uses of the cultural landscape and attracting a new mix of visitors. The former railway line nestling in the heart of the Tua Valley should be made more accessible to tourists and locals alike by means of various modes of transport (heritage railway, boat, draisine, bicycle) so that they can use these historic rails to explore this unique cultural landscape.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Barbosa, Carlos et al. (2011): Redesigning the classical Railride: A transportable Prototype for Modern Age, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 2, p. 455-470, Inovatec, Gaia Bauer, Daniela (2005): Neues Leben auf alten Gleisen. Draisinenbahnen als Teil des touristischen Angebots in Deutschland, Leibniz University, Hannover BBR - Bundesamt für Bauwesen und Raumordnung (eds.) (2003): Best Practices „Neue Beira, Eduardo (2011): Tua Valley: How Different is it now? An Introduction to Population Dynamics (1864-2011), in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 1, p. 119-131, Inovatec, Gaia 516 •

Bingeser, Julia et al. (2002): Projektdokumentation Fahraddraisine im Glantal, Technical University Kaiserslautern, Kaiserslautern Brauckmann, Stefan (2010): Eisenbahnkulturlandschaft: Erlebbarkeit und Potentiale, Steiner, Stuttgart Brauckmann, Stefan (2012): Utilising Tourist Draisines as a Method to Conserve Railway Heritage, in: La Fundacion de los Ferrocarriles Espanoles (eds.): VI Congreso de Historia Ferroviaria, Museo del Ferrocarril Madrid, Madrid Brauckmann, Stefan (2012): Draisine Tourism in Germany - Ideas for the Tua Line?, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 2, p. 441-453, Inovatec, Gaia Codeiro, Jose Manuel Lopes. (2011): The Man behind Tua Railway: Chief Engineer Dinis Moreira da Mota, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 1, p. 279-300, Inovatec, Gaia Concalves, Bruno and Paulo B. Lourenco (2012): Lifecycle Analysis of Infrastructures Application to Tua Rail Track, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 2, p. 337-354, Inovatec, Gaia Cotte, Michel (2012): An Example of Renovation – Adaption for an old Railway Mountain Line: The Chemin de Fer du Vivarais: South-Eastern France, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 2, p. 419-437, Inovatec, Gaia Esteves, Joao Sena et al. (2012): Gaining insight Tua Railway Line through interactive Experiments, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 2, p. 357-376, Inovatec, Gaia Fontana, Dominic (2011): Railways: Industrial and Maritime Archaeology, Geographic

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Information Systems, History and Culture, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 1, p. 373-381, Inovatec, Gaia Goldammer, Götz (1997): Der Schaale-Kanal: Relikterforschung historischer Binnenkanäle zwischen Elbe und Ostsee, Steiner, Stuttgart Portuguese Wolfram Boom, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 1, p. 19-42, Inovatec, Gaia Lourenco, Paulo B. (2011): Dismantling an Old Railtrack: Opportunities in Tua Valley, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 1, p. 383-397, Inovatec, Gaia Martins, Lurdes et al. (2012): The Engineering Design of the Tua Rail Track: Evidence from the Archives, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 2, p. 271-289, Inovatec, Gaia McCants, Anne et al. (eds.) (2011): Railroads in Historical Context: construction, costs and consequences, Vol. 1, Inovatec, Gaia McCants, Anne et al. (eds.) (2012): Railroads in Historical Context: construction, costs and consequences, Vol. 2, Inovatec, Gaia Novais, Teresa and Jorge Carvalho (2012): Designing NMFT: An Essay on Memory and Contemporaneity through architectural Design, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 2, p. 377-389, Inovatec, Gaia Oliveira, Maria Manuel (2011): Narrative(s) on the construction of the landscape: the Tua Valley Memory Center, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 1, p. 141-147, Inovatec, Gaia Salgado, Conceicao (2012): The Tua Line - A Route for Emigration in the District of Braganca, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 2, p. 3347, Inovatec, Gaia Santos, Fatima and Jose Manuel Lopes Codeiro (2012): One Day, Sao Lourenco would be the Riviera of Tua Valley, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 2, p. 101-111, Inovatec, Gaia Schlögel, Karl (2006): Im Raume lesen wir die Zeit. Über Zivilisationsgeschichte und Geopolitik, Fischer, Frankfurt/Main Viveira, Antonio, Marta Correia and Enrico Loureiro (2012): GIS for Tua Valley, in: McCants, Anne et al. (eds.): Railroads in Historical Context, Vol. 2, p. 13-31, Inovatec, Gaia Zeiger, Klaus (1983): Die Hochbauten der Personenbahnhöfe der ehemaligen LübeckBüchener-Eisenbahn-Gesellschaft von 1850-1937, Technical University Berlin, Berlin

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MAIN & SECONDARY LINES. RAILWAYS IN MOUNTAINOUS AND PERIPHERAL REGIONS LINHAS PRINCIPAIS E SECUNDÁRIAS. FERROVIAS EM REGIÕES MONTANHOSAS E PERIFÉRICAS Günter Dinhobl (TICCIH Austria, Austria Áustria) Guenter Dinholb and Mobility (T2M) and International Railway History Association (IRHA). He published several books about issues. He works in the department of R&D of the infrastructure company of Austrian Federal Railways. Gunther Dinholb Membro do ICOMOS, TICCIH, T2M (International Association for the History of Transport,

Federal Railways.

Abstract Resumo the second half of the 19th century for trade, but some solely for tourism. It is

run many of these lines were economically not a success. On the other hand, they the world economy. Some of them have been closed in the early 20th century, several of them in the second half of the 20th

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Austria, Switzerland, France and India.

520 â&#x20AC;˘

Este trabalho passa em revista as linhas ramais do passado e da atualidade, a

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Main & Secondary lines. Railways in mountainous and peripheral regions Günter Dinhobl

RAILWAYS IN MOUNTAINOUS AND PERIPHERAL REGIONS • 521

Railways in peripheral and mountainous are – in many cases – branch lines which opened up the regions to the main railway network. They have been built in the second half of the 19th century for trade, but some solely for tourism. And it is remarkable that innovations often took place at these lines1: adopted regulations which enabled to build and operate a railway easier and cheaper; or new technologies were introduced to decrease cost. But even when building costs were cheaper, many of these lines have not been a success in a simple economical way. On the other hand, they have been very important for the regions in a more general sense, for opening up and linking the whole region to the national and/or world economy. Some of these lines have been closed in the early 20th century, several of them in the second half of the 20th some branch lines have survived – either, because of becoming a railway to a touristic destination or because of railway enthusiasts who took over whole knowledge necessary to operate this. 1

Günter Dinhobl: “... die Cultur wird gehoben und verbreitet”. Eisenbahnbau und Geopolitik in Tübingen, Basel 2006, p. 79-96.

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MAIN LINE BUILDING: THE SEMMERING CASE been main line buildings: Semmering pass line in Austria, St. Gotthard in Switacross mountains areas. In all cases these lines are sections of longer lines which connect bigger cities and/or harbours – in short: linking distant economic centres. Heritage site2, there have been several aspects which came together: the engineer of the route design, Carl Ghega, was born in Venice and his early works have been mountain road building in the southern Alps. After a study tour to England of the line for a suitable route for exclusively locomotive operation: while the di-

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The context of the decision to build such a locomotive operated line took place at a time, where at other places in Europe and North-America cable inclines were built to overcome mountainous regions. That was the reason why the Austrian Engineer- and Architect Association argued heavily for cable inclines 3

hand, the Semmering line was so successful that it is still in operation as main line from Vienna to Italy and Slovenia and carries around 170 trains a day and more than 10 million tons of freight a year.

design was re-worked to reduce the building cost. Before a decision of the route took place, the state also observed and evaluated the best railway technology for had been without a job in Vienna. The state administration looked for construcriver control of the Danube river in Vienna and the Semmering Railway project were in discussion. The decision was done by state administration to build the

http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/785

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Dinhobl

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The controlling of the works at the Semmering line was done by the state railway administration with a group of one chief engineer and 27 engineers. Probably the most impressive section of the Semmering line is the section ‚Spießone of them represents the highest one of the whole line – it is the Kalte-Rinnecurve of only 180 m radius. The building contractor for this section was the pine road construction and also – since 1838 – in early railway building in the who initiated a visualisation which was really outstanding at that time: a portEmerich Benkert and show in a very exactly way the construction works of the section built by Tallachini.5 published a novel of impressions of the daily life of the navvies of the Semmer-

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THE COMING OF BRANCH LINES To get a better understanding of the coming of branch lines, one has to keep in mind the railway periods: in the case of Austria, usually railway history is World War. However, when the competence of the decision for railway building up to 1838 which was replaced by the state railway period – because all railway 6 mands of state policies. But when the opening of regions is taken in the focus of attention, the periods become a little bit different: the foundations of the mainline network, also called wards, in Europe, the extension of the corridor-network was implemented. Since and secondary lines.7 In comparison to the corridor network main line railways, branch lines are more simple: the route design and the railway technology was allowed to be as cheap as possible: in Austria in 1880 a special law was dedi-

Within the World Heritage region Semmering Railway there are also such examples of branch lines described above: for example, from Payerbach – a station at the Semmering line – to Hirschwang a narrow-gauge line with a length of around six kilometres was built in 1918 to enable an easy way of transport tric operation since the beginning: the rolling stock of this line was a re-use of ing of a completely new cable railway in 1923 to the top of Rax Mountain was ihren Eisenbahnen; Wien 2002. 7

Robinson, Ronald E.: Introduction. Railway Imperialism. In: Davis, Clarence B. / Wilburn, Pohl, Hans: Aufbruch der Weltwirtschaft. Geschichte der Weltwirtschaft von der Mitte des 19.

Günter Dinhobl: “... die Cultur wird gehoben und verbreitet”. Eisenbahnbau und Geopolitik in Tübingen, Basel 2006, p. 79-96

Günter Dinhobl

>1880

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attractive to extend the length of the line, in combination with the introduction

Another example of the wider Semmering region is the Schneebergbahn, a rack railway up to Schneeberg Mountain. It starts at a level of 577 metres above sea level and reaches 1795 metres above sea level with a route length of around 10 kilometres. This exclusively touristic rack railway was opened in 1897 and in exclusively steam operation for 100 years. One remarkable aspect of this line is that because of the limestone there were problems of water supply for the steam engines; special 10

Other examples

, the second one is closed a few years ago except a short section as a museum railway13. 12

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The decline of branch lines becomes a fact for the time after the Second World

paper mill took place by narrow gauge railway up to 1982. Even in 1979, the on this narrow gauge line in the summer season. Nowadays, all freight transport to the paper mill is completely shifted to road and is done by lorry, while busses carry out all the local passenger transport. The Schneebergbahn was in daily operation between 1925 up to 1980, although in winter times the higher section could not be operated because of heavy snowfall and/or snowdrift. Six steam engines and each train with two coaches were in use, in addition some water tank wagons to bring water for the steam engines uphill. Hirschwang; Hirschwang 1986. 10 Alfred Niel: Der Schneeberg und seine Bahn; Wien 1967. 11 Schmalspurig durch Österreich: Aktuelles und Nostalgisches; Wien 2008. 12 13

Günter Dinhobl

http://www.lokalbahnen.at/hoellentalbahn

RE-COMING OF BRANCH LINES way operation took place on weekends from spring via summer until autumn. The volunteer interest group re-built one electric powercar on the basis of the original frame and bogies. The whole infrastructure system – in particular the The other example, the Schneeberg rack railway line is nowadays only in operation from April to October. Additionally, since 1996 new diesel trains were set into service and replaced the long exclusively steam train period. Only one steam train is left which is set in operation on special days.15 Also outside Austria there can be found numerous railways in peripheral and mountainous regions which attract attention in the recent years: tian Railway is because of touristic reasons and famous express trains like the http://www.lokalbahnen.at/hoellentalbahn and http://www.lokalbahnen.at/hoellentalbahn/ summary_e.htm 15

http://www.schneebergbahn.at/

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aration for re-opening of the line in springtime; photo: Dinhobl

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since the beginning. The hydro-power plant which provides the railway with electricity is still in operation and some years ago there had been also discussions to apply for a World Heritage site. branch lines faces an uncertain future: while closures of branch lines are still done, on the other hand some of the most important lines are nowadays listed as 18

16 2008; Robert Bösch: Glacier Express. Die Welt des Glacier Express – The World of the Glacier

17 18

http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1037

Günter Dinhobl

photo: collection Dinhobl

South America with the mountain range of the Andes is another example, where railways in peripheral and mountainous regions serve as tool for regional development – but, similar to the other regions of the world mentioned 19

an impressive example of railway building in South America. The route was opened in 1908 with metric gauge and enabled the rise of Ecuador by connecheight in a short distance.20 In the 1990s the competition with road transport leads to a decline of rail transport. But since 2008 a renaissance of the line arises when President Rafael Correa21 touristic trains shall go on the whole line at different sections.

19 20 21 html

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the future; photo: Dinhobl

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CHALLENGES AND CHANCES OF BRANCH LINES TODAY The future of branch lines faces both challenges and chances. One chance for branch lines is that authentic railway technology might survive the pressure of railway operation of proven technologies which are no more state-of-the-art in new and innovative technologies – like it was also done a hundred years ago, It has to be taken also into consideration, which kind of railway operation lenge in this case is to enable an outstanding perception and experience – which

challenge of technology, in particular for mainline standard gauge railways. This implies the chance to keep historical knowledge of technology in mind – both its use and maintenance. To be honest, it is not decided yet if the demand for

Günter Dinhobl

state-of-the-art technology will be for branch lines a chance or a tool to hinder. – with a wide range of skills. While the challenge is the awareness building in to be proud of. chances: to safeguard the railway line completely and so to guarantee a real like the wagon of a narrow-gauge forest railway at the southern section of the Semmering line near the village Steinhaus – a memento for the shift to less en-

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PART 5 Closing session Sess達o de encerramento

Paulo Ferrão

CLOSING COMMENTS NOTAS DE ENCERRAMENTO Paulo Ferrão (Instituto Superior Técnico MIT, Lisbon, Portugal) Paulo Ferrão full Professor, Department of Mechanical Engineering, Instituto Superior Técnico, Lisboa. Leader of MIT Portugal Program. Paulo Ferrão professor catedrático, Departamento de Engenharia Mecanica, Instituto Superior Técnico, Lisboa. Lider do programa MIT Portugal.

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Paulo Ferrão

Closing Comments Paulo Ferrão

These days I had the opportunity to discover what you have been doing in this project during the last years. I would like to say that in this event we are celebrating opportunities – opportunities to add value based on history and projecting it to the future, based on a multitude of experiences across the world, and we thank you for that, it is very interesting and rewarding for Portugal. It seems very interesting to me, I didn’t know a lot about trains (but I was raised in the environment of trains - my grandfather was a supervisor for train maintenance in Portugal, so when I visited him I always stayed close to a train station – and I still remember this with great enthusiasm). Not surprisingly, here I learned that trains offer a lot of articulations –articulations between people and their passions, feelings and hopes. But it was also and we have here today architects, engineers, and I would say poets that translate those elements into the human dimension. Of course nothing will make sense without a sense of the history. I fully appreciate how history helps to understand this articulation between different elements and different disciplines, and how far we can go with this approach. But of course there is also a very special articulation, which created the opportunity for this project. This is a great articulation between a company, EDP, between universities, and of course with the passion of Eduardo Beira, some-

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thing I think you would all agree with me – so please accompany me in a huge clapping. I certainly knew Eduardo was a passionate person, but I could not appreciate it fully before having been here and seeing his joy with you, his friends, this community that he has recently developed based on the Foz Tua railway history. Let me recall my keyword, which is opportunity. I strongly believe that this opportunity is created by knowledge - and what you are doing here is, as well, providing the knowledge that we need to promote new business models for the region based on its railways history. It was eloquently demonstrated today that this opportunity is not regional, not national, but it needs to be international. I want to thank Anne McCants from MIT, and all the colleagues who came from all over the world with their different experiences and brought different sciences together. This brings me to the MIT-Portugal program. The MIT-Portugal program is about bringing people together - to Portugal, to bring together academic communities, companies and the local people, to bring the Portuguese together and to bring them upwards. To create opportunities for us, and to have a great impact in the world, in which we certainly do have a place. And we want to have a place in the world, but this place needs to be shared with others. I have learned a great a word this community has been using – “technological landscapes”, so lets develop the ‘technological landscapes’ that we need for the future. Again, thank you very much Eduardo for having the MIT-Portugal program helping to move this project forward and for the design of the new “technology landscapes” that will enable knowledge based opportunities for socio-economic development in the region of Foz Tua.

Paulo Ferrão

CLOSING REMARKS NOTAS DE ENCERRAMENTO Anne McCants (MIT, USA EUA) Anne McCants is Margaret Mac Vicar Faculty Fellow and professor of History and director of the Concourse Program, MIT Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston (U.S.A.). She has published extensively in the areas of economics of Gothic church building, wealth and income inequality, global trade networks and European consumerism, women’s work and access to credit, history of nutrition and social welfare, migration and labor market participation, historical demography. Anne McCants é Margaret Mac Vicar Faculty Fellow, professora de História e diretora do Concourse Program do MIT Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston (E.U.A.). Tem publicados trabalhos nas áreas da economia da construção das catedrais e igrejas góticas, desigualdades de riqueza e de rendimentos, redes comerciais globais e consumismo europeu, trabalho feminino e acesso ao crédito, histórica.

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Paulo Ferrão

Closing remarks Anne McCants

After spending the afternoon watching the clock to keep us on schedule, I feel compelled to not say very much, but I too would like to thank Eduardo for myself personally, but also on behalf of all of us. Quite a few years ago I was here in Portugal as part of the MIT-Portugal program and one of my MIT colleagues pulled me aside and said – There’s somebody who teaches in the program, you might know him, his name is Eduardo and he’s got some idea - it has something to do with railroads. He is looking for a historian - preferably an economic historian, do you know one of those? So I said, well I am pretty much the economic historian at MIT so I will talk to him. There was all this stuff about a historical railroad and it was closing and there was a dam and I was completely lost. My husband is sitting here and also a graduate student of mine so they both know that I’m absolutely incapable of saying no to virtually any completely crazy idea that people propose to me. So I said, well sure, that sounds interesting and great, and in fact it has been more than interesting and more than great. So I personally wanted to thank you Eduardo for getting me out of the classroom in Portugal and into this research project. But I also want to say something more, and this follows up on what Paulo Ferrão has said previously. At least at my university, and I suspect at most universities, everybody talks

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about interdisciplinary projects; everybody talks about it, but almost no one does it - because it is hard, and sometimes it is tedious. You have to learn things that you hadn’t planned to think about, otherwise you would have studied them guages, and I don’t just mean foreign languages, but the language of another discipline and you have to be patient with people who see the world perhaps very differently than you do - and that is why most of our colleagues don’t actually do this. I have to say in my many years that I have now been in the academy that this sustained, multi-year, truly interdisciplinary research project is, I think, completely unique in my experience. So stay tuned, I know that this is the third conference of three, but presumably you may have heard of some meetings ahead, so keep your ears low to the ground, check your email and hopefully we will have some schemes ahead for the future so we can continue this kind of thing. And with that I will thank our host again, and hopefully that will bring us to dinner.

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