WhoseCityIsIt ? by githa only

WHOSE CITY IS IT? DESIGN STRATEGIES FOR MARGINALIZED COMMUNITIES San Martin, Buenos Aires - Argentina

PATIO FAMILIES

BARRIO GROUPS

CIUDAD COMMUNITIES

Â© Berlage Institute

Public spaces are the places in which marginalized societies may build the urban values that define their particularity of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;beingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; in the city. Dr. Flavio Janches, 2011, Rotterdam

ÂŠ Berlage Institute

The villas de emergencia or villas miseria are one of the strongest ways that social segregation reveals itself in the city of Buenos Aires. Maria Cristina Cravino defines the villa de emergencia as an ‘erratic occupation of vacant urban land [...] characterized by the production of irregular urban lots organized in intricate passageways where vehicles cannot usually drive, and by the building of its houses always in a precarious way, with high density of population and low quality and informality of work among its inhabitants’. 1

INTRODUCTION BY DR. FLAVIO JANCHES

The appearance of the villas de emergencia in Buenos Aires is related to the industrialization and urbanization processes at the beginning the‘30s, when the concentration of industry jobs in the cities drew large migratory currents both internally and from neighbouring countries. The incapacity for cities to provide work and good salaries for new populations produced a process of socio-territorial precariousness. The existence of villas de emergencia is not only an expression of polarization andeconomicmarginalitybutalsodemonstrates strong socio-cultural components of segregation and rejection. The villa, as a precarious and illegal settlement as well as on account of its high rates of violence and crime, represents for the city’s formal inhabitant a strange and scary urban space. The people living there are subject to stigmatization due in part to their economic distance 1 Cravino, María Cristina, “Las organizaciones villeras en la Capital Federal entre 1989 – 1996. Entre la autonomía y el clientelismo”, Text prepared for the 1st virtual conference of Anthropology and Archealogy (www.naya.org.ar/ congreso), October1998.

from the rest of society, but mainly to theirbelongingandidentificationasvilleros [villa dwellers]. The concept of villa is then not only associated to economic, social, and cultural deficiencies but also to the stigmatization from the ‘outside’ on its space and population.‘The poor are thosewholiveincertainneighborhoods in the city, and, on account of their moral values, they deserve to be helped. But the villero are the poor with a bad reputation, who live in marginal conditions, unlawfully, without working, and on welfare [...] villero is someone who is suspected, discriminated, and segregated from society’.2 The condition of villero, seen from the outside as denigrate, is nevertheless re-signified inside the villa, and adopted as a community identity. According to sociologist Mario Margulis, the socio-cultural code, the organizationalcapacity,andthegroupidentity in these populations enable them‘to adapt, to live in precarious conditions, to build and preserve their bonds with neighbors, relatives, and friends, to take advantage of the resources provided by assistanceorganizations(governmental or not), as well as to benefit from the politic patronage system [...] They are based on reciprocity, on favor exchange or material resources exchange’. 3 2 Giménez, Mabel y Ginóbili, María, “Las villas de emergencia como espacios urbanos estigmatizados”, Bahía Blanca, Universidad Nacional del Sur, 2003, HAOL 1 (Spring 2003) p. 77. 3 Margulis, Mario, “Las villas: aspectos sociales”, n Borthagaray, Juan Manuel, Igarzábal de Nistal, María Adela y Wainstein-Krasuk, Olga, Hacia la gestión de un hábitat sostenible, Instituto superior de urbanismo, territorio y ambiente”, FADU-UBA, 2006 p.45

The survival strategies adopted by the villa inhabitants range from the symbolic and cultural appropriation of the identity called villera [of the villa] to the embodiment of this identity in cultural productsandcommunityinstitutions.‘In order to survive under these conditions of unemployment and poverty, the socalled‘structural poor’[the poor for a number of generations] have produced social and symbolic resources to make their survival easier. These resources, which are part of these sectors’culture and could be considered as cultural, are highly useful to preserve the continuity of family life [...] are part of these survival strategies adopted by the home units, and they are also expressed in the use of space and the housing realization’.4 Along with the cultural vindication of their own condition, the villa inhabitants fight social marginalization by means of community institutions and associations that consolidate the internal organization and solidarity of the different groups, in response to their needs.The football club is a significant example. The practice of football in a villa institution shows how an everyday event may turn into a tool to affirm communitybelonging.Inaclubcontext, footballhelpsneighborstomeetandinteract around a common activity, facilitating this way more complex forms of organization and the reinforcement of group identity. Besides the football club, other key institutions –like mothers committees, 4 Alicia Ziccardi, 1977, quoted by Cuenya B. In Programa de radicación e integración de villas y barrios carenciados de Capital Federal,

neighborhood committees, as well as religious, political, sectoral, or charity associations, and others– enhance the bonds and fabric of social relations. The villa institutions spring from initiatives either of the villa inhabitants or from external agents or state organs. Sometimes it is difficult to distinguish between both types of organization in the same villa,‘since it is common the coexistence of a wide range of organizations playing diverse roles: neighbors committees or boards; cooperatives; benefit societies; civil associations; Catholic parishes and other churches; schoolorcommunitylunch-rooms;nursery schools or day-care centers; political parties premises; social, cultural, and sports centers administrated by the local council, health centers; micro-undertakings’.5 These informal systems of mutual help and reciprocity are a key aspect of the ‘survival strategies’, since it is through this ‘social capital’ (in words of Pierre Bourdieu) that the belonging to a group is structured on a lasting network of (more or less) institutionalized relations of material and symbolic exchanges. 6

5 Lighessolo, Luis, 1992, quoted by Cuenya B. In Programa de radicación e integración de villas y barrios carenciados de Capital Federal 6 See Bialakowsky, Alberto y Reynals, Cristina, 2001 “Hábitat, conflicto social y nuevos padecimientos”, Seminario Internacional “Producción social del hábitat y neoliberalismo. El capital de la gente versus la miseria del capital”, Montevideo,

Neighborhood Mapping - The Physical Realm Villa 31 Villa Tranquila Independencia

Villas are the largely self-built neighborhoods, covering about 300 hectares in Buenos Aires proper, where the majority of informal workers reside.These neighborhoodshaveundergoneexplosive growth since 2001: the overall Buenos Aires population rose only about

six percent, whereas the villas grew by nearly sixty percent. The total population of the 1000-plus villas within the Buenos Aires metropolita area is conservatively estimated at two million (La NaciĂłn).The physical conditions of the neighborhoods is largely inadequate.

There is generally little if any access for cars or emergency vehicles. Infrastructures such as potable water, electricity, sewage and waste collection are largely absent. Many streets are unpaved and have no deficient drainage, so villas are often subject to flooding.

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San Martin is located in the suburban belt of the Metropolitan area of Buenos Aires city. Its borders limits to Northeast with San Isidro, Vicente Lopez and Tigre municipalities, to the east and separated by the General Paz Av. with the Buenos Aires city, to the southeast with Tres de Febrero and to the northeast with General Sarmiento. Its territory is almost full urbanized, with the characteristic that a big area of the district is for industrial activities. â&#x20AC;˘ Surface: 56 km2 â&#x20AC;˘ Population: 427.933 inhabitants â&#x20AC;˘ Density: 7.264 inhab./km2 The General San Martin district has 5.963 industries, 13.480 shops and 4.025 companies for services; this represents 2% of the all industry behavior of the Country, generating the 5% of the National IBP and 12% of the State IBP. But the district also is identifying with the high level of its urban marginality. There are approximately 44 slums and an informal population of 15.470 families. The study area is one of these informal settlements known as Independencia neighborhood, places next to the Jose Leon Suarez train station (that connect the place with the Buenos Aires City Center) and to the Industrial neighborhoodSuarez.TheIndependenciaNeighborhood has a population of 1750 families living in the area.

Gran Buenos Aires Metropolitan scale 13.000.000 million inhabitants 2750 km2

San Martin Municipality City scale 428.000 inhabitants 56 km2

Barrio Independencia Neighborhood scale 3.000 inhabitants 0.10 km2

INTEGRATING THE URBAN MARGINALITIES BY HAYLEY HENDERSON

Argentina suffered, like the majority of cities in the global South from overurbanisation, reflecting what Davis calls “capital-intensive countrysides and labor-intensive deindustrialized cities” where growth continues to be“driven by the reproduction of poverty, not by the supply of jobs”(Davis, 2006). In the Metropolitan Region of Buenos Aires (MRBA)rural-urbanmigration,andmore recent inter-city migration, continued despiteworseninglivingconditionsand dwindling job opportunities in cities. During the first post-war decades, migrants flocked to the MRBA for employmentopportunities,wheretheyresided in what was believed to be transitional ‘emergency’ housing. These precarious dwellings have now become the permanent living place of the seemingly endless waves of new urban poor, many of whom are today unemployed and unskilled. Barrio Independencia is essentially the product of this informal urbanisation processes. Today Barrio Independencia is a mixedtenure settlement located on marginal low-value urban land. It is located on a flood-pronesite,hemmedinbyadecommissioned refuse facility, railway infrastructure,suburbandevelopmentanda principalroadway.BarrioIndependencia is home to second-generation families, internal migrants from other provinces as well as immigrants from Paraguay. It represents a patchwork of different urban fabrics, including newer and more precarious dwellings and some older more consolidated tracts which have been subdivided in a way that reproduces the traditional, formal urban grid

and offers saleable ‘lots’ (in the informal economy). Most residents of Barrio Independencia are land‘owners’, but a rental market also exists. Houses are made out of brick, blocks, cardboard, and scrap wood and metal. Outside of land with private secure tenure, recognised and serviced by the government, infrastructure and urban services are informally obtained by tapping into formal grids or by self-built arrangements. Levels of service are very basic and communities experience frequent deficits (i.e. lack of potable water and waste collection) as well as high levels of contamination from waste and poor water management. Unemployment is high, school attendance is low andopportunitiesforrecreationandsocial interaction are limited due to an extreme shortage of public space. Essentially, Barrio Independencia was once an urban “no space,” a left-over place attracting little if any development interest. Today with ceaseless sprawl in the MRBA, Barrio Independencia too is beginning to feel the pressure of land speculation and regional reindustrialisation. The most notable force seeking to redressurbanpovertyinBarrioIndependencia is lead by grassroots women’s groups. Since formal employment declined for men, women have emerged as replacement wage-earners (as domestic cleaners, hairdressers, street vendors, etc.), even as they continue to bear child-rearing responsibilities.Todaywomen’sgroupsrepresentthemost formidablesocialmovementinthecommunity.Womenareactivelyopeningup

protest space in community and institutional settings in order to articulate neighbourhood needs and aspirations. They organise community meetings, andhaveopenedcommunitycentresfor families, mothers, after-school education and training (start-up businesses, sewing and hairdressing for example) as well as care facilities and a library for children. They generate spaces for different kinds of action, such as critical reflection of social issues (e.g. dealing with drug use through participatory theatre), as well as organised action orientedaroundtherealandimmediate needs of the community.This includes holdingmeetingswithgovernmentrepresentatives to advance plans of neighbourhood improvement. Community-led action has turned the spotlight on the living conditions in the slums of the MRBA. A tidal change has also swept Argentine politics, where the State is seeking to re-establish its role as a land-use planner, reactivate infrastructure and housing programs and take on a more interventionist role in development. Given this framework, social movements have at times been positively received and found a voice in formal institutional settings with which toadvanceneighbourhoodimprovement strategies. In the case of Barrio Independencia, the slow re-emergence of government can be witnessed through various programmes, including for example open space and playground improvementsexecutedthroughprovincial plans, street paving of main access ways by the Municipality of San Martin, expansion of health care programs and

waste collection services as well as afterschoolactivitiesandadulteducation classes through the project Envion, also run by the provincial government. TheIndependenciacommunityexpose thehistoricalframeworkbehindcurrent conditions of urban blight and poverty, as well as the reality of life in slums today. Its studies highlight then some of the many tasks that remain, for example, broadening institutional space forcommunityparticipationinstrategic planningactivities,reversingtop-down development approaches, revamping current social housing strategies to a city-buildingmodelandovercomingthe difficulties of socially heterogeneous andmixedtenurearrangementsinslum communities,whichtodatehaveundermined the capacity for collective neighbourhood action. Over and above the difficulties of slum improvement, however, it is untrammelled market forces, leading to socially fragmented spaces and the relegation of the urban poor to aninsecureandmarginalisedexistence, that continue to present the greatest challenge to equitable city building.

ÂŠ Berlage Institute

PATIO, BARRIO, CIUDAD Where people meet GITHA HARTAKO ONG, GABRIEL CUELLAR AND RIZKI MAULID SUPRATMAN

Our proposal is based on the premise that the physical space of the city, its organizationandquality,canbeamechanism of integration. The open, public spaces of the city both reinforceandpromoteexistingandnew social agreements: where meetings between different people take place, where identities emerge, where a sense of belonging is fostered. Based on our investigation in city and domestic scales, this kind of interaction happens in three urban types: the patio, the street, and the plaza. These spaces combined link the families, groups and communities which constitute the city as a whole.

The aim is bring Independencia into a connectivity of public spaces and social agreements in three scales. The urban and social structures of the neighborhood of Independencia have several shortfalls, contributing to isolation from the surrounding city. Located at the fringe of Buenos Aires, Independencia is a fragmented neighborhood. Its inhabitants face stigmatization for living there. The blocks are informally subdivided and many streets are interrupted. Diverse actors groups in the neighborhood have conflicting interests. At the domestic scale, parcels are quickly built up and patios are lost. Large extended families are crowded in housesandsingleworkingparentsmust leave their children at home.

Each of the three scales presents its own conflicts, as well as opportunities. We articulate those as the starting points for our design strategy. The PATIO is the open semi-public space of the parcel. It is where FAMILIES relax, do household chores, spend time with friends, keep pets and plant gardens. The BARRIO is the area where one resides and to which one feels a sense of belonging. Interactions between the GROUPS that inhabit the barrio define its identity. The CIUDAD is the collection of COMMUNITIES and networks that unite many spaces, activities and identities.

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Diagram Map Strategy 10 Three scale of intervention from domestic scale- public scale

100m

PATIO

+ FAMILY

PAR CE L ARR ANGEME N T

BLOCK

= FAMILY

GROUPS

BLOCK

BARRIO

+ GROUP

BLOCK STRUC TURE

BARRIO

= COMMUNITIES

GROUP

BARRIO

+ COMMUNITY

BLOCK

PATIO

CIT Y N E T WORK

CIUDAD

= COMMUNITY

COLLECTIVE

Formula Stretegy between physical & social factors parameter in three different scale

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THE ACTORS

PATIO FAMILIES Working parent At-home parent Children Young adults Grandparents Diagram of relation between the family members

Relatives

BARRIO GROUPS Single mothers Children Young adults Shopkeepers The actors compete to impose their logic onto the city and establish new limits of urban planning. The actors is social movements,non-governmentalorganizations, investors, developers, professional agencies, corporations, .... (Ciccolella, Pablo y Mignaqui, 2008).

Temp. inhabitants

The Actors strategy basicaly create as tools to recognize the conflict that happeninthecommunity.Whichmakeeasy to understand each actors role in their community and who have power in the city development. (Githa Hartako Ong, 2010)

Culture groups

Unemployed Delinquents Students Churches Friends Sports clubs

Good relations Good relations

Diagram of relation between the Barrio Actors

Bad relations Bad relations

Suppor Supporting relat

Single mothers are the main actors of Independencia and they hope to make the neighborhood good for their families. They have advantageous relation with all the community, even they only have closed relation with few actors.

The criminal have advantageous relation with youngsters and the inactive, which creates gangs that use in drugs, alcohol and guns.

ment, etc. The relation between the shopkeeperswiththebarriocommunity is as supporting relation. The criminals cause fear in the community. Lack of infrastructure, especially unpaved streets, makes the it difficult for police patrols to go around.

The shopkeepers have own business. They sell food, service house equip-

State Action Space of Participation and negotiation H Household Economy

Social Network Public Space

CIUDAD COMMUNITIES Independencia

Financial Resource

Appropriate Information

Commercial Program

Exhibiton Program

Intergration to the city

Defensible Life Space

House Program

Surplus time over subsistence requirements Transportation Program

Adjacent neighborhoods Adjacent commercial district Parque SuĂĄrez Municipal government

Knowledge and skills Education Program

Provincial government

Social Organization

Universities

Social Program

Instruments of work and livelihood Industrial Program

Other private companies

Diagram of relation between the Barrio Actors and The Stakeholder Actors

ÂŠ Berlage Institute

The community who do criminal to support their living cost.

Children

Youngster

The future of the barrio community.

The next generation of the barrio community.

Worker

Mother

The community who work outside the barrio neighborhood.

The community who want to have a good neighborhood.

Temporary Inhabitat

Shopkeeper

The community who move to a good neighborhood.

The community who have bussiness in the barrio neighborhood.

Criminal

The community who do criminal to support their living cost.

The Community who have a good access infrastructure.

Private Company

The Community who have a good access infrastructure. Private Company

The community who need people to work for them. Goverment

The community who have power in the city.

Unemployed

The community who looking for a job.

The Barrio Independencia Actors Formal Residents

Formal Residents

The Stakeholder Actors Merchant

The community who selling the items. Donor

The community who looking for a job.

Merchant

The community who selling the items. Donor

The community who give donation for public facilities.

Police

The community who secure the neighborhood.

PATIO FAMILIES

PATIO

+ FAMILY

BLOCK

PATIO

PA R C E L A R R A NG E M E NT

= FAMILY

GROUPS

The patio is a culturally significant space that serves as the interface between domestic life and the public street. It is an urban type that is often built upon in order to densify the parcel. The proposal elaborates the parcel arrangement into both private and shared patios, to be agreed upon between adjacent households. The Patio

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Single unemployed mother, five teenagers, six children, one dog

Single unemployed parent, grandparent, brother, aunt, cousin, two teenagers, four children, three dogs

Two working parents, grandparents, brother, sister, cousin, one teenager, five children, two dogs

Diagram of The Actors in The Families

Domestic situation The family types in the neighborhood are varied and are generally composed of ten or more people. Many families consist of single, unemployed mothers with several children. Extended families are common, including grandparents,grandchildren,cousins,hometown friends, etc.The composition fluctuates and there are also families which move away from the neighborhood. Overall,

the houses are crowded and as the parcels become built up, there is little open space. Patios serve many uses, depending on thehouseholdcomposition.Cartoneros, informal workers who collect and sort trash, generally use the patio for storing materials, therefore serving the livelihood of the household. Many house-

holds also have animals, dogs, horses, chickens, etc. and the patio serves as pen for them. Parents can use the patio for drying clothes, storing construction materials, washing, growing plants, etc. The patio is also very important for children, as it provides a safe open space to play. Patios are generally considered a private or semi-public space and all parcels are surrounded by a fence.

Satellite photos showing growth of 13 de Julio community, located to the northeast, across the creek, from Independencia. It has densified rapidly since 2005. Newcomers first build a room and construct a fence around their claimed parcel.

ÂŠ Berlage Institute

Densification A mother and her seven children first constructed and move into a single room house. The parcel at that time was 10x20 meters in size. As they saved moneyandcollectedbuildingmaterials they were able to add some additional rooms and a bathroom. Eventually, the back half of the lot was informally sold to another family who also began building up the parcel.The parcels are informally claimed, subdivided and sold.The houses themselves are built slowly over time, as materials are gathered. This results in incremental construction of rooms and floors over the years. Since there are no formal guidelines or agreementsabouthowoneconstructsnextto adjacent house, the patio loses its quality.

Densification of One Parcel

Patio mapping Formally subdivided blocks provide street frontage to each parcel, such that there are no parcels located in the interior of the block. In Independencia, the parcels are much smaller and many are isolated in the interior of the blocks. The open space of the parcel, the patio, is arranged differently in these two neighborhoods. In the formal neighborhood, the patios are almost always in the back of the house, making them strictly private. In Independencia, the patios are often in the front of the house, facing the street, or on the sides. Since a great deal of activity happens in the patios, Independencia is characterized by a much livelier street life.

Patio Mapping in Barrio Independencia

Opportunities All houses have a patio, most are still one-story The patio is a culturally significant space that serves as the interface between domestic life and the public street. Compared to formal neighborhoods where the patio is hidden, the semi-public quality of the patios in Independencia could provide a way to share increasingly densified space and resources. There is about 50% open space The oldest blocks in the neighborhood have about 40% open space, while the newest around 60%. Overall, the area is only half built upon, the rest is patio space within the parcel. This 50/50 relationship expresses the significance of the patio as an essential aspect of the urban structure. If the space is built up,inthefutureIndependenciamaybecome like other, highly consolidated informal neighborhoods in Buenos Aires, like Villa 31. There few patios exist and many houses are only a few meters wide and three to four storeys high. Related families often live adjacent to each other In Independencia, extended families often reside next to each other in the block.This provides the opportunity to consider their combined parcels as an articulated single unit. It also means that a working parent could arrange an at-home relative to watch their children during the day.

Aunt

Uncle Grandmother

Children Cousin Parents

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Strategy: re-densify By negotiating the open and built space of their respective parcels, families with different compositions could benefit from the sharing of a common patio. Family-related programs could take place. The common patio could be an internal courtyard, in the back of the parcel, or face the street. The negotiation of patios also allows private patios apart from the shared ones. In this way, each household still maintains its own familial patio. 1.Respect50/50built/unbuiltcondition Conserve about 50% open space overall,therebyemphasizingthepatiospace as a setting for making connections between different households 2. Elaborate existing domestic centralities Arrange the patios to create both private and shared patios within each and across many parcels 3. Strengthen existing family adjacencies Use the shared patios for diverse public functions, with each family benefiting from them

Three storeys max.

50% open space

one family

several families

private patio

shared patio

SHARED PATIO Daycare Pets yard Kitchen garden Material storage

4. Accommodate growth of family size Build up to three storeys

Working yard

5. Anticipate surface densification in the future. Reduce overall parcel size where possible, reacting to the projected 10-20% increase in population.

Recreation

Dining room Parking

Catalogue Possibilities of patio configuration by merging 2 - 3 parcels

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Agreements and re-densification The example below shows how an existing block can transform according to agreements between adjacent households. Referring to the catalogue of possibilities on the previous page, people can determine the best arrangement according to the size and orientation of the parcel, as well as the family composition. Shared patios which result from the new arrangement are more clearly defined and make efficient use of the parcel, improving the chances of preserving the patio and serving many functions for the families there.

b a

d c e

g f

h j

i l m

Arrangement type i Arrangement type f Arrangement type k Arrangement type o

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BARRIO GROUPS

BLOCK

+ GROUP

B LO C K S T R U C T UR E

BARRIO

= GROUP

COMMUNITIES

The barrio, “neighborhood,” is the place where one resides and interacts on the basis of groups. In Independencia, conflicts of interest, as well as a dense and informal urban structure make resolutions between groups difficult. Our proposal creates opportunities for connections within and across blocks and of people. The Playground in Barrio Independencia

Single mother

Students

Children

Churches

Young adults

Disagreements between groups Informalneighborhoodsareoftencharacterized by conflicting internal interests. In Independencia, single working mothers collaborate together to bring about change and improvement.There are also people who take advantage of theneighborhoodâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;scondition,however. Criminals can take refuge there, burn cars and steal, knowing that the place presents problems for city authorities.

Shopkeeper

Temporary inhabitant

Culture groups

Unemployed

Sports clubs

Delinquent

Friends

Diagram of The Actors in The Groups

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Disconnected blocks Independenciaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;surbanstructuregenerally follows the Buenos Aires city grid. However, a number of the streets dead end. Since the neighborhood is located at the fringe of the city, the urban grid also terminates at this point. Informal subdivision and internalized lots The land of Independencia neighborhood is informally claimed, and as a result the parcelization is irregular and problematic for several reasons. The first parcels were claimed on the perimeter of the block and over time these aresubdivided,resultingininternalized lots, accessible only by alleyway. The alleyways carry a stigma, as their navigation is difficult for those not familiar with any given block. The parcels inside of the block do not have access to the street, the recognized public space of the city. Those parcels are also the most frequently subdivided and sold, resulting in very small houses with little open space. Interruptedblocks

Data block

Open area

42%

Open area

61%

Block area Built area

7200 m2 4000 m2

Block area Built area

5800 m2 2350 m2

Parcels 58 Largest parcel 240 m2 Median parcel 90 m2 Smallest parcel 40 m2

Parcels 27 Largest parcel Median parcel Smallest parcel

305 m2 180 m2 80 m2

Population est.

220

470

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Opportunities 1. Decree 3.1.1.2. (min. open space) Urban ordinances of San Martin Municipality require that any newly legalized land should cede a minimum of 10% area for public use. As the households of Independencia gain land titles, this 10%spacecouldbeimplementedinthe block structure.

2. Outdoor activity is common Compared to the neighboring formal communities, the outdoor space, streets, patios, etc. are populated and lively. Apart from the poor infrastructural condition of some sidewalks and streets, the neighborhood takes advantage of the street as a public space for everyone.

3. Install infrastructure in the block In Villa 31, the government installed water fountains in the street to provide fresh water to the inhabitants, as an alternative to domestic water piping.This could be implemented in Independencia, located in the 10% open space in the block discussed above.

min. 10% open space

Strategy By transforming the organization of the block and the parcels that compose it, the aim is to generate an urban structure that allows connection between and across blocks, and groups. 1. Use municipal urban ordinance to benefit Use about 10% block area to create a “patio de la manzana” which forms a space from the street into the interior of the block

Apportioning of 10% open space in the block

2. Democratize public space Give direct access to public space for parcels in the interior of the block 3. Create a neighborhood public space network Place the“patio de la manzanas”opposite each other where possible, establishing interactions across the street to oppositeblocksandothernearbygroups 4. Activate this new space Provide a basic need in this new space, such as a communal fresh water fountain

Linking of the “patio de la manzana” across blocks

Block structure plan The 10% minimum open space requirement from the municipality is manifested in courts that extend from the street into the block.There could be up to four of these â&#x20AC;&#x153;patios de la manzanaâ&#x20AC;? for each block, depending on the location.

Social

Activities in the “patio de la manzana” Each court could have a primary activity associated with it.This activity is determinedbytheexistingneighborhoodprogram and distribution of actors. Nearby the school, for example, the space could be used to teaching or host a library.

Exhibition

Education Recycle center

Community course center

Exhibition hall

Home health care

Library center

Meeting hall

Children care center

Workshop training center

Theater stage

Youth house

Art workshop center

Ballrooms

Transportation

Commercial

Public

Bus center

Playground

Market

Remis center

Football field

Service repair center

Bike center

Amplitheater

Potential Site Activities

Actors Daily Activity = (based on the majority activity of the Actors)

= Chit - Chat Partying Studying Exercise

Public Space Program (location near to the Plaza)

Playing Walking Running Cycling

Chit - Chat Playing Partying Walking Nursering Cycling

Studying Playing

Education Program (location near to the School)

Studying Playing

Chit - Chat Partying

Parenting Studying Production

Library Center

Art Workshop Center

Meeting Hall

Ballrooms

Playground

Social Program (location near to the Centro of Madras)

Football Field

Exhibition Program (location opposite the Formal Residents)

New Actors (possibilities of the New Actors)

Studying Playing

Children Youth House Home Health Care Care Center

Exhibiton Space Program (based on the site potensial)

+ Actors Daily Activity Community Fruit Festival

Community Children Painting Exhibition

Community Exhibition

Chit - Chat Playing Partying Parenting Walking

Chit - Chat Partying Parenting

Chit - Chat Partying Eating Parenting Walking

Chit - Chat Partying Playing Nursering Repairing

= Community Meeting

New Actors Exhibition Hall

Community Party

Meeting Hall

Theater Stage

Ballrooms

Community Gathering

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CIUDAD COMMUNITIES

BARRIO

+ COMMUNITY

C I T Y NE T W O R K

CIUDAD

= COMMUNITY

COLLECTIVE

Independencia is physically fragmented and socially marginalized from the surrounding city. By rearranging the urban structure, opportunities are created that allow the city actors to meet. Their combined interactions can bring about a change in the image of Independencia. The Train Station of Barrio Independencia

Actors Actors

Storng Storng community community connection connection Human Human resource resource

City: Social situation Stigmatization,invisiblefragmentation Criminality,unemployment,loweducation and poorness are the image of people from slums, which create a border of interaction with other citizens because of the feeling of insecurity, hygiene, and difference of economic status.The communities are not recognized as a‘normal’citizen and unequal opportunities and access for public facilities are the consequence.Quotesfrominhabitants: “Sometimes they have to lie about they address when they apply to regular school!” “People’s get hard to have work, because they always think this people are bad like a criminals!” This kind of condition, creates a larger and larger gap between people from “villas”and normal citizen. It also drives thiscommunitytoisolationfromthecity andsubjectsthemcontinuedconditions of marginalization without little assistance to improve for better future.

Potentions Potentions

Independencia Independencia

Needs Needs Recognition Recognition of of identity identity Better Better education education facilities facilities Job Job opportunities opportunities Empowerment Empowerment Economic Economic income income Public Public space space

Power Power Improvement Improvement programs programs

Improve Improve thethe citycity

Plan Plan to to recover recover thethe river river Plan Plan to to create create park’s park’s along along thethe river river asas public public space space

Clean Clean thethe river river & soving & soving thethe flood flood Reorginaze Reorginaze garbage garbage disposal disposal

Job Job opportunities opportunities Income Income forfor people people Networks Networks

Skilled Skilled employments employments Security Security

Municipal Municipal Government Government

Provincial Provincial Government Government

Parque Parque Suarez Suarez && Others Others Industrial Industrial Park Park

Education Education Program Program Education Education facilities facilities Universities Universities

City City networks networks Space Space forfor people people to to interact interact Train Train Station Station

Have Have better better access access to to thethe citycity Adjacent Adjacent Neghborhoods Neghborhoods

Adjacent Adjacent Commercial Commercial

Providing Providing people’s people’s daily daily needs needs Space Space to to interact interact

Space Space ( classroom, ( classroom, libraries) libraries) Students Students Publicity Publicity

Costumer Costumer Destination Destination forfor costumer costumer

Feel Feel secure, secure, public public facilities facilities

Consumer Consumer Place Place to to sellsell their their goods goods

Bridges Private green spaces Informal neighborhoods City plazas

City: Physical situation The neighborhood is located at the fringe of Buenos Aires and San Martín, withdrawn as a sort of dead-end. There, the continuity of the city and public space literally ends.Three of the neighborhoods’edgesareproblematic: the polluted creek to the northwest, the empty,garbagedump/fieldtothenorth and the hidden backside of the Suarez Industrial Park.

block that faces the main commercial road. Since Independencia is located behind this block, it is effectively hidden from the city on one side. On the other side, the railroad track makes a wide gap in the urban structure, further 500 m fragmenting the neighborhood.

The Industrial Park Suarez is a large

2. Urban structure ends there

1. Located at fringe, without any attractions nearby

3.The rhythm of bridges across the railroad stops, limiting access connecting northwest to southwest areas of San Martin municipality 4. Block of industrial park Suarez con2000 m cealstheneighborhoodfromsurrounding city 5. Railroads separate the area from adjacent areas

Blocks and plazas in Buenos Aires Daniel Kosak, Argentine researcher and writer, has discussed fragmentation in the city in terms of block structure. He has shown that the Abasto mall, shown below,contributestofragmentationbecause it is two blocks combined with no subdivisions, a “super block.”

The counterpart to such a block is the plaza, which conforms to the city grid. Our investigation led us to two plaza examples. In Buenos Aires city, the 11 de Septiembre station forms a similar large, impermeable block. In that case, however, there is a large plaza to compensate.

The second example, which we found to have potential, is a plaza near Independencia in San Martin municipality. It is a plaza that is along the border between an informal neighborhood and a formal one.

Clockwise from top left: Daniel Kosak’s study about fragmentation in Buenos Aires; 11 de Septiembre station and plaza in Buenos Aires city; a block plaza situated between a formal neighborhood and a villa in San Martin municipality

Opportunity 1. Train station and commercial road The site located nearby to Jose Leon Suarez train station which can give direct connection to other place in San Martin and central station in Buenos Aires city. It also located nearby Av.Brig. Gral. Juan Manuel de Rosas as a city main street which have a lot of industrial area and give connection to adjacent Munipacility. This two infrastructure allowing circulation of people & goods between Independencia and other places.

2. Neighborhood has basic city grid Even thought the area is a slum, Independenciablocksarrangementmaintain the city grids, which connect to the formalneighborhoodslikethe5thNoviembre.

3. Nearby market, commercial district NearbyIndependenciatherearemarket and commercial arcade which became place that attract people from neighborhood and city scale pass by or to come around Independencia area.This potentiality of program, generate interaction between peoples from different background.

to Boulogne train station

J.L. Suarez train station

toBuenosAirescity to industrial area

Strategy

Plaza 182 de Arca Street to commercial area

500 m radius

1. Favor connectivity in the urban structure Make new connection, allowing people to circulate from northwest to southwest. Stimulate new movement across neigborhoods. 2. Give potential to new and existing centralities By understanding and integrating with local activity generators to extend the public realm from the existing train station. 3. Providing public space with flexibility of activity Understandingpublicspaceascombination of indoor, outdoor and open space

formal neighborhood

Market

Train station J.L Suarez

new wetland park

4. Understanding interaction of the actors The people who activate the space and cangenerateopportunitiesforimprovement.

Independencia

5. Possibility of new network By guaranteeing the accessibility we can stimulate new connection and networks for communities and neighborhoods.

Plaza 5 de Noviembre

Street network

to industrial area

Commercial areas Existing plazas New promenade

ÂŠ Berlage Institute

Education program : Classroom, Library, Auditorium, Meeting room, Workshop and new market

Plaza components ‘Platform’ as new plaza Indoor, Outdoor & Open space

Commercial Retail & Public Library on groun floor, as attractor

‘Strips’, as new plaza for neighborhoods

Promanade, connecting with local centrality; train station & adjacent commercial

Street level connection, allowing and stimulate new connection from North-South

Plaza block plan 12

7 8

2 3 8 4

Legend 1. Public Library & Education Center 2. Market 3. Platform 4. Plaza 5. Pedestrian Bridge 6. Parking lot 7. Future development for New Park or Playground 8. Pool, controling the flood 9. Barrio Independencia 10. Parque Suarez 11. Local market 12. Formal Neighborhood

ÂŠ Berlage Institute

2 1 Ground Floor Plan 1. Public Library 2. Market 3. Commercial Retail

First Floor Plan

4.Pedestrian Bridge 5. Public Library & Education Centre 6. Market 7. Platform

2nd Floor Plan 8. Public Library & Education Centre

8 48

Train stations

New city network Proposed new bus line Existing bus lines

The new plaza that continues the city Existing plazas grid guarantees new accessibility to and through Independencia. Proposed newThis plazaplaza becomes a centrality in the neighborhood, stimulating new interactions in and surrounding Independencia. Estación Boulogne and industrial area

Estación J.L. Suárez

Estación Villa Adelina

Estación Villa Ballester

Center Buenos Aires Estación General San Martín

Center San Martín

Train stations Proposed new bus line Existing bus lines Existing plazas Proposed new plaza

Present

Phase 1

ÂŠ Berlage Institute

Phase 2

Phase 3

ÂŠ Berlage Institute

Phase 4

The city belongs to those who participate in the agreements for space and the establishment of identities. By working alongside local processes, the three-scale strategy democratizes the physical and social structure of the city through public space.

ÂŠ Berlage Institute

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Contributors

Unit Professor. Flavio Janches with Lada HrĹĄak and Hayley Henderson Participants.

Githa Hartako Ong, Gabriel CuĂŠllar, Rizki Maulid Supratman.

Jury.

Alfredo Brillemburg, Diego Sepulveda, Daan Bakker Susanne Pietsch,

Playspace Foundation represented by Mieke Bello and

the Berlage Institute represented by Vedran Mimica and Salomon Fraustro

Publication.

1. The Berlage Institute Research Report

2. Holcim Award 2011