WhoseCityIsIt? by githa only

WHOSE CITY IS IT? DESIGN STRATEGIES FOR MARGINALIZED COMMUNITIES BUENOS AIRES

2010/2011 Berlage Institute Research Report 043

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

WHOSE CITY IS IT? DESIGN STRATEGIES FOR MARGINALIZED COMMUNITIES

2010/2011 BERLAGE INSTITUTE RESEARCH REPORT NO.43

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

WHOSE CITY IS IT? has been made possible with the financial support of

The Berlage Institute is an international postgraduate laboratory for education, research and development in the fields of architecture, urban planning and landscape design.

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

WHOSE CITY IS IT? Design strategies for marginalized comunities, Buenos Aires 2010-2011

Unit Professor: Flavio Janches with Lada HrĹĄak and Hayley Henderson Participants: Gabriel CuĂŠllar, Han Hu, Githa Hartako Ong, Sai Shu Rizki Maulid Supratman, Ariel Vazquez, Cheng-Hsuan Wu Jury: Alfredo Brillemburg, Diego Sepulveda, Daan Bakker Susanne Pietsch, Playspace Foundation represented by Mieke Bello and the Berlage Institute represented by Vedran Mimica and Salomon Fraustro

Postal address: PO Box 21592 3001 AN Rotterdam The Netherlands

Visiting address: Botersloot 25 3011 HE Rotterdam The Netherlands

t f e i

+ 31 10 403 03 99 + 31 10 403 03 90 info@berlage-institute.nl www.berlage-institute. nl

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

PREFACE TO THE RESEARCH STUDIO

Domestic and international socio-economic phenomena have accentuated social fragmentation in Buenos Aires over the last decades. By losing the capacity for integration and social mobility, markets have deprived the poor urban population of any chance to access opportunities such as fair employment and social development. This new reality is consolidated in urban space frontiers that exacerbate socio-economic differences and segregation. Today, this condition of urban poverty is getting worse. The problem now involves not only access to income, but social stigmas that separate those who cannot integrate into the formal system of urbanization and modernization. Nevertheless, despite being spaces self-defined under informality and the absence of the state, the villas show a socio-territorial structure that supports, just like the formal city, the community relations system. Public spaces are the places in which marginalized societies may build the urban values that define their particularity of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;beingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; in the city. The objective of urban project is therefore to challenge this tendency of segregation by promoting through the sociophysical integration of relegated areas. Based on this statement ,our starting question WHOSE CITY IS IT? reflects the necesity of the design studio to develop not only the improvement of the existing physical conflicts, but also the inhabitants sense of belongings, both with their own neighborhood and as part of Buenos Aires city. Dr. Flavio Janches Unit Professor at the Berlage Institute February 2011, Rotterdam

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Research Report Credits This Berlage Institute Research Report was created through the collective effort of studio participants, tutors, and staff. It is intended for use by the Berlage Institute. It was printed and bound at the Berlage Institute. The Research Report Series have been initiated and developed by Jennifer Sigler and Noortje Hoppe. ÂŠ 2006, Berlage Institute, Rotterdam

Berlage Institute Staff Director: Rob Docter, Assistant Dean: Vedran Mimica, Head of Projective Theory: Roemer van Toorn, First-Year Studio Coordinator, Second-Year Tutor: Peter Trummer, Second-Year Studio Coordinator, SecondYear Tutor: Pier Vittorio Aureli, Editor of Publications and Broadcasting: Marc Ryan, Program Manager: Marja van der Burgh, Project Coordination and PR: Francoise Vos, Finance and Organization: Angeline Hoogenhout, Graphic Design: Mick Morssink, Documentalist and Technical Support: Danny Bosten, Reception and Office Assistance: Lenny Westerdijk Board of Governors The Berlage Institute is a foundation under Netherlands law. JĂźrgen Rosemann (Chairman), Ton Meijer, Kees Rijnboutt, Siward Kolthek, Jan Jessurun (Special Advisor)

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

CONTENTS

19 24

29 34 36 39 42 48

INTRODUCTION Towards An Urban Strategy For Socio-Physical Integration by Dr. Flavio Janches Whose city is? SUMMARY OF THE FIELD WORK Face And Address by Lada HrÅ¡ak Upgrading the Buenos Aires Villas de Emergencia by Hanne van den Berg Neighborhood Mapping - The Physical Realm Integrating Barrio Independencia by Hayley Henderson Photograph Tour Neighborhood Mapping - The Social Realm

57 105 147

STUDIO PROJECTS Some Reflection From The Periphery Of Buenos Aires Metropolitan Area by Dr. Diego Sepulveda PATIO - BARRIO - CIUDAD FLOOD REVOLUTION FOR THE GOOD LIFE

191 195

AFTERWARD Points For Recomendation by Dr. Flavio Janches Contributors

Draft version

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

INTRODUCTION

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

TOWARDS AN URBAN STRATEGY FOR SOCIO-PHYSICAL INTEGRATION

DR. FLAVIO JANCHES

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

INTRODUCTION AND STUDIO BRIEF BY DR. FLAVIO JANCHES

The villas de emergencia or villas miseria are one of the strongest ways that social segregation reveals itself in the city of Buenos Aires. Maria Cristina Cravino defines the villa de emergencia as an ‘erratic occupation of vacant urban land [...] characterized by the production of irregular urban lots organized in intricate passageways where vehicles cannot usually drive, and by the building of its houses always in a precarious way, with high density of population and low quality and informality of work among its inhabitants’. 1 The appearance of the villas de emergencia in Buenos Aires is related to the industrialization and urbanization processes at the beginning the ‘30s, when the concentration of industry jobs in the cities drew large migratory currents both internally and from neighbouring countries. The incapacity for cities to provide work and good salaries for new populations produced a process of socio-territorial precariousness. The existence of villas de emergencia is not only an expression of polarization and economic marginality but also demonstrates strong socio-cultural components of segregation and rejection. The villa, as a precarious and illegal settlement as well as on account of its high rates of violence and crime, represents for the city’s formal inhabitant a strange and scary urban space. The people living there are subject to stigmatization due in part to their economic distance from the rest of society, but mainly to their belonging and identification as villeros [villa dwellers]. The concept of villa is then not only associated to economic, social, and cultural deficiencies but also to the stigmatization 1 Cravino, María Cristina, “Las organizaciones villeras en la Capital Federal entre 1989 – 1996. Entre la autonomía y el clientelismo”, Text prepared for the 1st virtual conference of Anthropology and Archealogy (www.naya.org.ar/congreso), October1998.

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

from the ‘outside’ on its space and population. ‘The poor are those who live in certain neighborhoods in the city, and, on account of their moral values, they deserve to be helped. But the villero are the poor with a bad reputation, who live in marginal conditions, unlawfully, without working, and on welfare [...] villero is someone who is suspected, discriminated, and segregated from society’.2 The condition of villero, seen from the outside as denigrate, is nevertheless re-signified inside the villa, and adopted as a community identity. According to sociologist Mario Margulis, the socio-cultural code, the organizational capacity, and the group identity in these populations enable them ‘to adapt, to live in precarious conditions, to build and preserve their bonds with neighbors, relatives, and friends, to take advantage of the resources provided by assistance organizations (governmental or not), as well as to benefit from the politic patronage system [...] They are based on reciprocity, on favor exchange or material resources exchange’. 3 The survival strategies adopted by the villa inhabitants range from the symbolic and cultural appropriation of the identity called villera [of the villa] to the embodiment of this identity in cultural products and community institutions. ‘In order to survive under these conditions of unemployment and poverty, the so-called ‘structural poor’ [the poor for a number of generations] have produced social and symbolic resources to make their survival easier. These resources, which are part of these sectors’ culture and could be considered as cultural, are highly useful to preserve the continuity of family life [...] are part of these survival strategies adopted by the home units, and they are also expressed in the use of space and the housing realization’.4 2 Giménez, Mabel y Ginóbili, María, “Las villas de emergencia como espacios urbanos estigmatizados”, Bahía Blanca, Universidad Nacional del Sur, 2003, HAOL 1 (Spring 2003) p. 77. 3 Margulis, Mario, “Las villas: aspectos sociales”, n Borthagaray, Juan Manuel, Igarzábal de Nistal, María Adela y Wainstein-Krasuk, Olga, Hacia la gestión de un hábitat sostenible, Instituto superior de urbanismo, territorio y ambiente”, FADU-UBA, 2006 p.45 4 Alicia Ziccardi, 1977, quoted by Cuenya B. In Programa de radicación e integración de villas y barrios carenciados de Capital Federal,

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Along with the cultural vindication of their own condition, the villa inhabitants fight social marginalization by means of community institutions and associations that consolidate the internal organization and solidarity of the different groups, in response to their needs. The football club is a significant example. The practice of football in a villa institution shows how an everyday event may turn into a tool to affirm community belonging. In a club context, football helps neighbors to meet and interact around a common activity, facilitating this way more complex forms of organization and the reinforcement of group identity. Besides the football club, other key institutions –like mothers committees, neighborhood committees, as well as religious, political, sectoral, or charity associations, and others– enhance the bonds and fabric of social relations. The villa institutions spring from initiatives either of the villa inhabitants or from external agents or state organs. Sometimes it is difficult to distinguish between both types of organization in the same villa, ‘since it is common the coexistence of a wide range of organizations playing diverse roles: neighbors committees or boards; cooperatives; benefit societies; civil associations; Catholic parishes and other churches; school or community lunch-rooms; nursery schools or day-care centers; political parties premises; social, cultural, and sports centers administrated by the local council, health centers; micro-undertakings’.5 These informal systems of mutual help and reciprocity are a key aspect of the ‘survival strategies’, since it is through this ‘social capital’ (in words of Pierre Bourdieu) that the belonging to a group is structured on a lasting network of (more or less) institutionalized relations of material and symbolic exchanges. 6 The WHOSE CITY IS IT? Design Studio offers an experiential learning exercise to students through real project scenarios oriented towards the transformation and integration, both 5 Lighessolo, Luis, 1992, quoted by Cuenya B. In Programa de radicación e integración de villas y barrios carenciados de Capital Federal 6 See Bialakowsky, Alberto y Reynals, Cristina, 2001 “Hábitat, conflicto social y nuevos padecimientos”, Seminario Internacional “Producción social del hábitat y neoliberalismo. El capital de la gente versus la miseria del capital”, Montevideo,

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

physically and socially, of marginalized urban areas (slums). The project made a deep analysis of slum issues that are rooted in deficiencies from compromised social and economic structural conditions, but also in the consideration of the creative strategies for everyday life that constitute, even if in a precarious way, physical structures of positive social relationships within these communities. As a general project approach, the identification of existing habits and routines, both ordinary and extraordinary, enables us to determine the general system of associations, tensions, contradictions, and balances in the settlement to be surveyed, as a result of which a possible process of urban evolution and transformation can be proposed. In this way, the urban project takes part of the natural evolution of the preexisting urban processes, from its own programmatic and physical system, stimulating inertias and the existing or potential evolution forces, in order to reinforce the socio-spatial articulation capacity. Based on these concepts, the aim of the studio is to imagine and design alternative forms of public urban domain in order to influence the social, urban and environmental values that characterize the studied urban context. The premises that will guide this intervention entail the identification of the preexisting urban and social conditions of the community and its surroundings. The socialization networks, the systems of daily life, and the cultural meanings of community in the area are therefore key parameters, which offer a starting point for the project (by being the guides for it), and also as a finishing line, as ultimately the project will be conceived to solidify socio-cultural networks. The design studio has the support of the Dutch Foundation Playspace. Its aims is to build, in slums, public space and facilities oriented to improve the urban condition of the youngest population. The aim of the studio is then to search through its design proposals, opportunities to address, by real interventions, some of the issues that define its marginalized condition. Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

WHOSE CITY IS IT? BY GABRIEL CUELLAR Buenos Aires is a notorious example of what Latin American geographer Prévôt-Schapira calls the “divided metropolis.” two factors, urbanization and poverty, contribute to a contentious territorial model that has undergone great changes in the past forty years. 57

The urban form of Buenos Aires can be structured into four periods: colonial (1550 to 1820), post-colonial (1820 to 1920), “polarized” (1920 to 1970), and “fragmented” (1970 to present).

Informal economy worth

World GDP

The organization of the archetype of Spanish colonial settlements -central area for the aristocracy and church, the next ring by the craftspeople, and the outer areas by the poor (Borsdorf)-, demonstrates that the kind of segregation seen today has been part of Latin American cities for centuries. After gaining independence from Spain, the citiy restructured in light of immigration from Europe and the urban forms associated with that population, namely those of “linear” growth (Haussmannian boulevards, paseos, etc.). Buenos Aires began to develop along such lines using relatively strict zoning principles (industrial, commercial, residential, etc.). The mid-century of the 1900s is termed by Borsdorf as the “polarized city,” because the division of upper and lower classes was sharpened, spatially and socially. In the 1930s, the traditional

units:trillion Gross domestic product and global worth of the informal economic sector (in USD trillions)

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

frontier of the city, the Avenida del General Paz, was crossed, representing a rupture of spatial and political dimensions. In this period, Buenos Aires received waves of rural immigration like other Latin American metropolis, partly due to the imbalance in development in different regions of a country (UN Habitat). The “informal” population increased to almost 180,000 by the 1970s. The 70s, was fundamental for what would very soon become the growth of informal settlements all over the city (La Nación). Worsening the situation was the fact that centers of manufacturing in the then-periphery of the city, crumbled into “veritable ‘industrial cemeteries’” during the 1980s (Avellenada via PrevotSchapira). 1990s gave rise to the service economy, privatization of utilities (water, electricity, gas and some public transportation), a new real estate logic according to consumption, and increases in poverty and inequality (Prevot-Schapira). During this period, corporate and private interests began to exploit the overall lack and fragility of territorial management (Ciccolella 2008). Enclosed developments, regarded as the primary factor for growth in the city, exacerbate marginalization in Argentinean society and the growth of villas (Dammert, Janoschka).

78 %

European

12 - 15 %

American Indian

7-9%

Mestizo

2-5%

African

Proportion of population according to ancestry in Buenos Aires city Source: Sergio A. Avena

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

SUMMARY OF FIELD WORK

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Face And Address by Lada HrĹĄak Upgrading the Buenos Aires Villas de Emergencia by Hanne van den Berg Neighborhood Mapping - The Physical Realm Integrating Barrio Independencia by Hayley Henderson Neighborhood Mapping - The Social Realm Photograph Tour

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

FACE AND ADDRESS BY LADA HRŠAK

This photograph shows a cartonero towing a large garbage bag, that he probably is taking to the recycling unit for selling. Every day thousands of people come from the suburbs to the centre of the city to separate, classify and sell the garbage. One evening, we crossed one of the large avenues in the centre and saw an amazing, almost pastoral scene: a family with grandmother, parents, and two little and two bigger children were very systematically classifying the garbage: thin paper, plastic, cardboard.... All items were beautifully arranged on the street, waiting to be put in large sacks like the one on the photo. I did not dare to take the photograph, although there was beauty and serenity like on a family picnic. Night picnic.

Wim Wenders “Wings of Desire” Film still.

For people who do not do this job cartoneros are invisible or we acts as if. There is silent agreement about it. That is why cartoneros could make me think of the angel’s from Wim Wenders film ‘Wings of Desire’ invisible presence. They exist in a parallel universe. What is the interaction point of these parallel words? This is symbiosis where one is living off the waist of the other. Is garbage bag the only bridge possible? However, the garbage is not of the same type everywhere, the richer the neighborhood, and the better the garbage. In the marginalized areas garbage is much less lucrative. Garbage garbage. So it remains scattered around or gets thrown away, which is polluting the local creek. We encounter the discrepancy of an area. Where people get up at dawn to go and earn the living working as cartoneros, there is garbage everywhere causing pollution around and making their own children ill. Entire families live off this trade. At the same time, mothers hope that their children will not end up as cartoneros. Will they ever face the street?

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

During the fieldwork we visited several marginal areas where we encountered a similar invisibility or total blankness on the faces of people. We were intruders and somehow witnesses: to the garbage, to shoes hanging in the air (potentially specifying a drugs dealing place), to dirty children playing in stolen car wrecks in polluted creek. One woman asked me why do we come to see this misery? On the other hand, sun was shining children were playing, lots of people were out on the street and it was all working. Is this what they call the equation of happiness? Invisibility is partly due to self-respect and partly due to police registers. Faces of the people who get up after noon to deal drugs or steal, shall not be seen, their face remains unknown. As a penalty for taking pictures, our camera got stolen at gunpoint. We did not respect the local rules. Maybe we also lost our faces at that moment.

Sai Su Collage.

The face of a house to the street is an address. What happens when the face is hidden and the address is unknown? Or unacceptable. People in the Barrio Independencia neighborhood, which is the case study site of our project research, must lie about their address when they are looking for a job. Otherwise there is no chance for them to get employment. On the other hand the urban texture of the neighborhood has pretty regular block grid. This condition is a prerequisite that one day; their address will get legalized, which is not the case with the people for the ‘other’ side of the creek. Due to densification processes of marginal areas that witness an explosive growth, within five years an entire new community grew on the other side of the polluted creek of the Indenpendencia. The new inhabitants are not well accepted from the ‘old’ ones. The multiple face issue and the possibility of appearing in the public realm with the own address becomes a tool for the transformation of the community. Increasing the layers of visibility in social and purely physical level, acceptance of the symbiotic systems, and development of the new systems is what we went to look after. It is only due to personal engagement of few mothers from the area that this study came into existence.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

INTRODUCTION TO THE CONFLICT OF MARGINALITY IN THE BUENOS AIRES METROPOLITAN CONTEXT BY HANNE VAN DEN BERG

Greater Buenos Aires, the metropolitan region of the city of Buenos Aires, is considered a typical example of a metropolis suffering from social inequality, increased polarization and fragmentation1 . This becomes apparent in its strong dichotomy between the (predominantly) prosperous city centre and northern coastal axis and the poorer, socially excluded outskirts in which the majority of the informal settlements or villas miserias is located. These informal settlements (currently housing an estimated 10 to 15% of the total population of 13 million)2 are predominantly located on marginal lands in the periphery of the city, such as on riverbanks, in inundation areas in floodplains and near landfill sites. As a result of this marginality of their location, spatial problems affecting the majority of these settlements are for instance flooding, pollution and a lack of (goodquality) public space. All of these factors contribute to the already substantial vulnerability of the villa residents. It is clear that any initiative undertaken to improve the living conditions of these villas miserias should therefore include spatial interventions aimed at reducing the environmental risks associated with the marginality of the land occupied informally. In addition, in their isolation from the formal city residents of these informal settlements lack connections (both spatially and functionally) to improve their socio-economic situation3. Any upgrading initiative should therefore also address the integration of the informal settlement into the formal city, both 1 Pirez, P., 2002. Buenos Aires: fragmentation and privatization of the metropolitan city. Environment and Urbanization, 14(1), pp.145-158 2 INDEC 2001.Available at: http://www.indec.mecon.ar/webcenso/provincias_2/provincias.asp 3 Soldano, D., 2008. Vivir en territorios desmembrados. Un estudio sobre la fragmentación socio-espacial y las políticas sociales en el Área Metropolitana de Buenos Aires (1990-2005). In: Ziccardi, A. Procesos de urbanización de la pobreza y nuevas formas de exclusión social. Bogotá: Siglo del Hombre Editores

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

in terms of spatial integration and functional integration. This need for integration of the informal settlement into its larger urban context has been clearly described by Abbott4: ‘the need is to turn the community outwards, spatially, socially and economically, in order to link it with the surrounding areas. A settlement is not an island; it is an integral part of the city of which it constitutes a physical part. To isolate it is to cut off a part of the city, to the detriment of all who live there.’ This need for the integration of the informal into the formal is furthermore highlighted in the Recife Declaration by UN-Habitat5, which states that integration should form one of the major goals in the reduction of urban poverty. After all, […] a poverty of connections limits a person or group’s ability to extend their influence in time and space, often condemning them to local, place-based ties and relationships. […] It adds major transactional and logistical burdens to the basic tasks of daily life like washing, cooking, securing food to eat, moving around the city, communicating and securing a decent place to live. And it works against people sustaining relations with the people and institutions that may help them to access services, markets, knowledge, skills, resources and employment opportunities.6 The approaches developed by the Berlage students move beyond purely physical improvement strategies to include the environmental interventions and socio-spatial integration that are so necessary to reduce the vulnerability of villa residents on a more structural level. Combined with the attention to detail, cultural sensitivity and close relation between design and research that they have demonstrated, their projects become interesting illustrations of innovative approaches to informal settlement upgrading that help contribute towards one of the major challenges of the 21st century. 4 Abbott J., 2002 (p.323). A method-based planning framework for informal settlement upgrading. Habitat International, 26(3), pp.317-333 5 UN-Habitat, 1996. Urban poverty: a world challenge – the Recife declaration, Habitat II, Recife International Meeting on Urban Poverty. (17–21 March 1996, Recife, Brazil) [online] Available at: <http://ww2. unhabitat.org/programmes/ifup/rde.asp> 6 Speak and Graham, 1999, in Graham, S. and Marvin, S. 2001, (p288) Splintering urbanism - networked infrastructures, technological mobilities and the urban condition. New York: Routledge

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Neighborhood Mapping - The Physical Realm

Independencia Villas are the largely self-built neighborhoods, covering about 300 hectares in Buenos Aires proper, where the majority of informal workers reside. These neighborhoods have undergone explosive growth since 2001: the overall Buenos Aires population rose only about six percent, whereas the villas grew by nearly sixty percent. The total population of the 1000-plus villas within the Buenos Aires metropolita area is conservatively estimated at two million (La Naciรณn). The physical conditions of the neighborhoods is largely inadequate. There is generally little if any access for cars or emergency vehicles. Infrastructures such as potable water, electricity, sewage and waste collection are largely absent. Many streets are unpaved and have no deficient drainage, so villas are often subject to flooding.

Slums in the Buenos Aires Metropolitan area

Villa 31 Villa Tranquila

San Martin is located in the suburban belt of the Metropolitan area of Buenos Aires city. Its borders limits to Northeast with San Isidro, Vicente Lopez and Tigre municipalities, to the east and separated by the General Paz Av. with the Buenos Aires city, to the southeast with Tres de Febrero and to the northeast with General Sarmiento. Its territory is almost full urbanized, with the characteristic that a big area of the district is for industrial activities. t 4VSGBDF LN t 1PQVMBUJPO JOIBCJUBOUT t %FOTJUZ JOIBC LN The General San Martin district has 5.963 industries, 13.480 shops and 4.025 companies for services; this represents 2% of the all industry behavior of the Country, generating the 5% of the National IBP and 12% of the State IBP. But the district also is identifying with the high level of its urban marginality. There are approximately 44 slums and an informal population of 15.470 families. The study area is one of these informal settlements known as Independencia neighborhood, places next to the Jose Leon Suarez train station (that connect the place with the Buenos Aires City Center) and to the Industrial neighborhood Suarez. The Independencia Neighborhood has a population of 1750 families living in the area.

Gran Buenos Aires Metropolitan scale 13.000.000 million inhabitants 2750 km2

San Martin Municipality City scale 428.000 inhabitants 56 km2

Barrio Independencia Neighborhood scale 3.000 inhabitants 0.10 km2

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

INTEGRATING THE URBAN MARGINALITIES STUDIO FRAMEWORK BY HAYLEY HENDERSON

Argentina suffered, like the majority of cities in the global South from overurbanisation, reflecting what Davis calls “capital-intensive countrysides and labor-intensive deindustrialized cities” where growth continues to be “driven by the reproduction of poverty, not by the supply of jobs” (Davis, 2006). In the Metropolitan Region of Buenos Aires (MRBA) rural-urban migration, and more recent inter-city migration, continued despite worsening living conditions and dwindling job opportunities in cities. During the first post-war decades, migrants flocked to the MRBA for employment opportunities, where they resided in what was believed to be transitional ‘emergency’ housing. These precarious dwellings have now become the permanent living place of the seemingly endless waves of new urban poor, many of whom are today unemployed and unskilled. Barrio Independencia is essentially the product of this informal urbanisation processes. Today Barrio Independencia is a mixed-tenure settlement located on marginal low-value urban land. It is located on a flood-prone site, hemmed in by a decommissioned refuse facility, railway infrastructure, suburban development and a principal roadway. Barrio Independencia is home to second-generation families, internal migrants from other provinces as well as immigrants from Paraguay. It represents a patchwork of different urban fabrics, including newer and more precarious dwellings and some older more consolidated tracts which have been subdivided in a way that reproduces the traditional, formal urban grid and offers saleable ‘lots’ (in the informal economy). Most residents of Barrio Independencia are land ‘owners’, but a rental market also exists. Houses are made out of brick, blocks, cardboard, and scrap wood and metal.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Outside of land with private secure tenure, recognised and serviced by the government, infrastructure and urban services are informally obtained by tapping into formal grids or by self-built arrangements. Levels of service are very basic and communities experience frequent deficits (i.e. lack of potable water and waste collection) as well as high levels of contamination from waste and poor water management. Unemployment is high, school attendance is low and opportunities for recreation and social interaction are limited due to an extreme shortage of public space. Essentially, Barrio Independencia was once an urban “no space,” a left-over place attracting little if any development interest. Today with ceaseless sprawl in the MRBA, Barrio Independencia too is beginning to feel the pressure of land speculation and regional reindustrialisation. The most notable force seeking to redress urban poverty in Barrio Independencia is lead by grassroots women’s groups. Since formal employment declined for men, women have emerged as replacement wage-earners (as domestic cleaners, hairdressers, street vendors, etc.), even as they continue to bear child-rearing responsibilities. Today women’s groups represent the most formidable social movement in the community. Women are actively opening up protest space in community and institutional settings in order to articulate neighbourhood needs and aspirations. They organise community meetings, and have opened community centres for families, mothers, after-school education and training (start-up businesses, sewing and hairdressing for example) as well as care facilities and a library for children. They generate spaces for different kinds of action, such as critical reflection of social issues (e.g. dealing with drug use through participatory theatre), as well as organised action oriented around the real and immediate needs of the community. This includes holding meetings with government representatives to advance plans of neighbourhood improvement. Community-led action has turned the spotlight on the living

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

conditions in the slums of the MRBA. A tidal change has also swept Argentine politics, where the State is seeking to re-establish its role as a land-use planner, reactivate infrastructure and housing programs and take on a more interventionist role in development. Given this framework, social movements have at times been positively received and found a voice in formal institutional settings with which to advance neighbourhood improvement strategies. In the case of Barrio Independencia, the slow re-emergence of government can be witnessed through various programmes, including for example open space and playground improvements executed through provincial plans, street paving of main access ways by the Municipality of San Martin, expansion of health care programs and waste collection services as well as after school activities and adult education classes through the project Envion, also run by the provincial government. The Independencia community expose the historical framework behind current conditions of urban blight and poverty, as well as the reality of life in slums today. Its studies highlight then some of the many tasks that remain, for example, broadening institutional space for community participation in strategic planning activities, reversing topdown development approaches, revamping current social housing strategies to a city-building model and overcoming the difficulties of socially heterogeneous and mixed tenure arrangements in slum communities, which to date have undermined the capacity for collective neighbourhood action. Over and above the difficulties of slum improvement, however, it is untrammelled market forces, leading to socially fragmented spaces and the relegation of the urban poor to an insecure and marginalised existence, that continue to present the greatest challenge to equitable city building. Bibliography: UNDESA (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs), 2010. The millennium development goals report 2010. New York: United Nations Davis, Mike, 2006. Planet of Slums. New York: Verso Instituto Nacional de EstadĂstica y Censos, 2001. Republic de Argentina www.indec.mecon.ar/ Neuwirth, Robert, 2005. Shadow Cities: TED Global http://www.ted.com/talks/robert_neuwirth_on_ our_shadow_cities.html

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

BIMA NEIGHBORHOOD BY GITHA HARTAKO ONG

The actors compete to impose their logic onto the city and establish new limits of urban planning. The actors is social movements, non-governmental organizations, investors, developers, professional agencies, corporations, .... (Ciccolella, Pablo y Mignaqui, 2008).

The Actors strategy basicaly create as tools to recognize the conďŹ&#x201A;ict that happen in the community. Which make easy to understand each actors role in their community and who have power in the city development.

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

In Bima neighborhood, the wealthy peoples and the poor peoples lives together, but the community gathering between them are never happen. The wealthy people make their own boundaries based on the interpretation of the poor. The high and solid fence of the wealthy people’s house typology become one kind of their reaction and interaction to the poor peoples.

The daily activity in the Bima neighborhood create unique relation between the wealth the poor. The mutual advantageous make them care for each other. The Bima Actors is recognize from their house typology, which the fence is their main language. The “iron mesh” fence is to closed the poor people access to their private space. The “fragrant” is the place for social activity, as their don’t have any fence wall.

“Coin”, one of the most expensive The “Iron Mesh”, the Hilton hotel and the house with high fence. private schools in Bandung city.

“Cotton”, the people who involved The “Foam”, the people who try to be open with the poor people. in the social activity in certain time.

“Mirror”, the people who never stay The “Fragrant”, the community center. in the Bima neighborhood.

“Transparent”, the ordinary people.

The “Needle”, the poor people.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

STUDIO PROJECTS

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Some Reflection From The Periphery Of Buenos Aires Metropolitan Area by Dr. Diego Sepulveda PATIO - BARRIO - CIUDAD FLOOD REVOLUTION FOR THE GOOD LIFE

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

SOME REFLECTION FROM THE PERIPHERY OF BUENOS AIRES METROPOLITAN AREA BY DR. DIEGO SEPULVEDA

The search for the Global city model has been expressed worldwide in a broad series of strategies, and its potential depends directly on the location of each of the metropolitan region components (major cities and settlements) in the global financial decision making (Friedman 1988- Sassen 1991). The process is mainly articulated on the search to activate regional network (linking functionally and spatially mix developed areas) so as to expand development opportunities through a broader territories. This trend has determined in countries or regions under developing economies a double effect. On one hand this search for urban competitiveness at the global arena has brought to some extend foreign direct investment to some concrete areas of the city or region and has effectively connected some particular groups towards a more global oriented development (mainly high services related jobs and companies) however it has also brought enormous fragmentation to the local level mainly observed by a non collaboration between the advanced economies and services and the majority of the population of these type of regions, being excluded from the new challenge, given their lack of education or low skill performance. The velocity of the transformation (required as competitive advantages to belong to the Alpha cities-driving forces on the global level) has simply caused the planning framework to exclude as a main goal the search for equilibrium between the different stakeholders (Albrechts 2004) of the city, resulting in a winner-loser dichotomy. Creating pocket of globalized areas, showing a homogeneous worldwide lifestyle and global participation, embedded a sea of poverty and low skill population, resulting in social fragmentation which is directly expressed in a spatial one. The spatial contradiction is yet not only as a center-periphery one but

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

is observed at the local scale as well, meaning that proximity to an active global node is not anymore a potential factor for development (Rodriguez at al 2000). The case analyzed here, the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires, is introduced as a paradigmatic case to illustrate the above-mentioned fragmentation process. It shows concrete data on how much the gap between poor and rich has intensified, how school attendance and job creation have diminished etc. But as we have said also showing some fragments that are effectively integrated in global competitiveness (as the ICT sector or financial support system etc) large developments. The result is a seriously socio-spatially fragmented metropolis, which has led today to the acupuncture slum upgrading processes led by different municipalities in their own capacities and visions, which do not allow higher decision making spheres(because of an inexistence of metropolitan institutions) to potentiate synergetic developing forces. However, the global city model and its correlated infrastructure developing investments (mainly express in Buenos Aires as new toll roads) reinforcing a metropolitan centralities network, has also determined that the old dichotomy center periphery is blurring, opening a concrete possibility for the old peripheral areas to renew themselves within a different connectivity level. It is this fact that activates a different approach towards slum upgrading, the evaluation of the old slum (as close and stagnated fragments) into a new potential developing network, the regional one. Another factor which is also changing the approaches for slum upgrading integration consists of the recognition of the main threats of the informal development, the inclusion of natural risk hazard management, this historically being the first reason for relocation (as well the base for the non qualification of certain informal areas to be upgraded-given that they are located in highly vulnerable areas). But as the Global perspective has shown the natural related risks have been exacerbated by the global warming effects and its externalities (raising sea waters, climate change and

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

critically improvement in rainwater level in some areas and in other locations longer periods of dryness), however this fact has also been globally recognized and today the mitigation as well as the control is a significant reason for urban changes, presenting another opportunity for the slum upgrading processes, given the urgency of the risks and the imminent problem of its effects. This current context requires a more integral view in order to cope with the whole new complexity, that is to say, the new infrastructure development, led by high economic potential of the polycentric development and regional activation, and also the required transformation lead by the natural changes at the global level (global warming, water level rises and the recognized worldwide externalities of the local pollution given the interchange of the natural processes) determine that an integrality of stakeholders is required to counteract the externalities but as well to be able to activate the opportunities. Considering these two main new criteria the current acupuncture approach on slum upgrading processes, as is the urban renewal process supported in many slums in Buenos Aires can significantly improve. Buenos Aires has developed over the last 10 years, a new metropolitan network and is currently studying the completion and expansion of its third metropolitan ring (Garay 2010). This together with a serious federal government action(Argentina is a federal republic, with the city of Buenos Aires being one of the political regions) towards the control of their polluted rivers and water causes as well as consideration of the coastal development, embedded into integral processes of change through construction of coastal defenses determines the main potentialities to be explored. A new process towards more integral strategies at facing slum upgrading processes considering metropolitan potentialities and natural cycles dynamics. Concluding Nevertheless the concrete problems and potentialities of each informal settlement are mainly defined in relation to

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

each concrete location, history and social character, so it is compulsory to consider the slum characterization as a particularity, determining that the proposed approach should be a multi-scalar one where each scale determines its constrains and developing possibilities. The fact that the current spatial fragmentation is not just center periphery but mainly much contrasted localities, also defines that any process that searches for counteracting the stagnated development and informality also requires a careful analysis at the very local level to be able to develop a new integrative condition. The main hypothesis is that a concrete development of the functional links at the local level is required to be able to activate local related transformation process. This approach, embedded into the required evaluation of the new connectivity level at the metropolitan scale could determine a positive context for more integral development, opening opportunities searching to link relating advanced areas and stagnated ones. The potentialities of this approach require some post evaluation, also require a refined development of concrete instruments for this collaboration and also define some challenges towards a more decision overall inclusive decision making process. But using the logic of the Large urban project, the strategic planning approaches as the current main characteristic of the current global related urban transformation, seem to have a better ground if the local actors empower their assets, and the search for collaboratory identities (understood as correlated functional links) as well as to design more flexible grounds to be able to accommodate different developing levels, can be seen as a potential activator to link the local diversity with metropolitan diversified development. Bibliography: Albrechts, L. (2004). Strategic (spatial) planning reexamined. Environment and planning b-planning & design, 31 (5), 743-758. Friedmann, J. (1988) Life space and economic space : essays in Third World planning, New Brunswick, N.J. : Transaction Books Sassen, S. (1991)The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo.Princeton University Press. RodrĂguez, A. . et al. (2000). Santiago de Chile: metropolization, globalization and inequity. Sur Editores. Santiago de Chile. F. Garay (2010). â&#x20AC;&#x153;The new challenges for Buenos Aires metropolitan areaâ&#x20AC;?. Join Studio Delft University of Technology and Universidad de Buenos Aires. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires, 24 May 2010.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

PATIO, BARRIO, CIUDAD Where people meet 1. Goals 2. Conflicts / opportunities / strategy / design a. Patio, families b. Barrio, groups c. Ciudad, communities 3. Conclusion

GABRIEL CUELLAR, GITHA HARTAKO ONG AND RIZKI MAULID SUPRATMAN

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

PATIO

BARRIO

CIUDAD

FAMILIES

GROUPS

COMMUNITIES

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Our proposal is based on the premise that the physical space of the city, its organization and quality, can be a mechanism of integration. The open, public spaces of the city both reinforce and promote existing and new social agreements: where meetings between different people take place, where identities emerge, where a sense of belonging is fostered. Based on our investigation in city and domestic scales, this kind of interaction happens in three urban types: the patio, the street, and the plaza. These spaces combined link the families, groups and communities which constitute the city as a whole. The aim is bring Independencia into a connectivity of public spaces and social agreements in three scales.

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

The urban and social structures of the neighborhood of Independencia have several shortfalls, contributing to isolation from the surrounding city. Located at the fringe of Buenos Aires, Independencia is a fragmented neighborhood. Its inhabitants face stigmatization for living there. The blocks are informally subdivided and many streets are interrupted. Diverse actors groups in the neighborhood have conflicting interests. At the domestic scale, parcels are quickly built up and patios are lost. Large extended families are crowded in houses and single working parents must leave their children at home. Each of the three scales presents its own conflicts, as well as opportunities. We articulate those as the starting points for our design strategy.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

The PATIO is the open semi-public space of the parcel. It is where FAMILIES relax, do household chores, spend time with friends, keep pets and plant gardens.

The BARRIO is the area where one resides and to which one feels a sense of belonging. Interactions between the GROUPS that inhabit the barrio define its identity.

The CIUDAD is the collection of COMMUNITIES and networks that unite many spaces, activities and identities.

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

PATIO

PATIO +

FAMILY

BLOCK =

FAMILY

GROUPS

BLOCK

BARRIO

PAR C E L AR R ANGE M E NT

BLOCK +

= GROUP

GROUP

COMMUNITIES

BL OC K S T R UC T UR E

BARRIO

BARRIO +

COMMUNITY

CIUDAD =

COMMUNITY

COLLECTIVE

C IT Y NE T W OR K

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

PATIO FAMILIES Working parent At-home parent Children Young adults Grandparents Relatives Pets

BARRIO GROUPS Single mothers Children Young adults Shopkeepers Temp. inhabitants Unemployed Delinquents Students Churches Friends Culture groups Sports clubs

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Single mothers are the main actors of Independencia and they hope to make the neighborhood good for their families. They have advantageous relation with all the community, even they only have closed relation with few actors.

CIUDAD COMMUNITIES

The criminal have advantageous relation with youngsters and the inactive, which creates gangs that use in drugs, alcohol and guns.

Independencia Adjacent neighborhoods Adjacent commercial district

The shopkeepers have own business. They sell food, service house equipment, etc. The relation between the shopkeepers with the barrio community is as supporting relation.

Parque Suรกrez Municipal government Provincial government Universities

The criminals cause fear in the community. Lack of infrastructure, especially unpaved streets, makes the it difficult for police patrols to go around.

Other private companies

State Action Space of Participation and negotiation H Household Economy

Social Network Public Space Financial Resource

Appropriate Information

Commercial Program

Exhibiton Program

Intergration to the city

Defensible Life Space

House Program

Knowledge and skills Education Program

Surplus time over subsistence requirements Transportation Program

Instruments of work and livelihood Industrial Program Social Organization Social Program

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Children

The future of the barrio community.

The next generation of the barrio community.

Worker

Mother

The community who work outside the barrio neighborhood.

The community who want to have a good neighborhood.

Temporary Inhabitat

Shopkeeper

The community who move to a good neighborhood.

The community who have bussiness in the barrio neighborhood.

Criminal

The community who do criminal to support their living cost.

Formal Residents

The Community who have a good access infrastructure.

Private Company

The community who need people to work for them.

Goverment

The community who have power in the city.

Youngster

Unemployed

The community who looking for a job.

Merchant

The community who selling the items.

Donor

The community who give donation for public facilities.

Police

The community who secure the neighborhood.

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

PATIO / FAMILY The patio is a culturally significant space that serves as the interface between domestic life and the public street. It is an urban type that is often built upon in order to densify the parcel. The proposal elaborates the parcel arrangement into both private and shared patios, to be agreed upon between adjacent households. PATIO

PATIO +

FAMILY

BLOCK =

FAMILY

GROUPS

PAR C E L AR R ANGE M E N T

Above: The patios of Independencia seen from the street. Compared to the patios of typical formal neighborhoods in the suburbs of Buenos Aires, the patios here are open and welcoming to passersby. Many feature lush gardens.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Domestic situation The family types in the neighborhood are varied and are generally composed of ten or more people. Many families consist of single, unemployed mothers with several children. Extended families are common, including grandparents, grandchildren, cousins, hometown friends, etc. The composition fluctuates and there are also families which move away from the neighborhood. Overall, the houses are crowded and as the parcels become built up, there is little open space.

for storing materials, therefore serving the livelihood of the household. Many households also have animals, dogs, horses, chickens, etc. and the patio serves as pen for them. Parents can use the patio for drying clothes, storing construction materials, washing, growing plants, etc. The patio is also very important for children, as it provides a safe open space to play. Patios are generally considered a private or semi-public space and all parcels are surrounded by a fence.

Patios serve many uses, depending on the household composition. Cartoneros, informal workers who collect and sort trash, generally use the patio

Single unemployed mother, five teenagers, six children, one dog

Single unemployed parent, grandparent, brother, aunt, cousin, two teenagers, four children, three dogs

Two working parents, grandparents, brother, sister, cousin, one teenager, five children, two dogs

Right page: Satellite photos showing growth of 13 de Julio community, located to the northeast, across the creek, from Independencia. It has densified rapidly since 2005. Newcomers first build a room and construct a fence around their claimed parcel.

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

2000

2005

2006

2008

2010

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Densification A mother and her seven children first constructed and move into a single room house. The parcel at that time was 10x20 meters in size. As they saved money and collected building materials they were able to add some additional rooms and a bathroom. Eventually, the back half of the lot was informally sold to another family who also began building up the parcel. The parcels are informally claimed, subdivided and sold. The houses themselves are built slowly over time, as materials are gathered. This results in incremental construction of rooms and floors over the years. Since there are no formal guidelines or agreements about how one constructs next to adjacent house, the patio loses its quality.

Patio mapping Formally subdivided blocks provide street frontage to each parcel, such that there are no parcels located in the interior of the block. In Independencia, the parcels are much smaller and many are isolated in the interior of the blocks. The open space of the parcel, the patio, is arranged differently in these two neighborhoods. In the formal neighborhood, the patios are almost always in the back of the house, making them strictly private. In Independencia, the patios are often in the front of the house, facing the street, or on the sides. Since a great deal of activity happens in the patios, Independencia is characterized by a much livelier street life.

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Opportunities All houses have a patio, most are still one-story The patio is a culturally significant space that serves as the interface between domestic life and the public street. Compared to formal neighborhoods where the patio is hidden, the semi-public quality of the patios in Independencia could provide a way to share increasingly densified space and resources.

There is about 50% open space The oldest blocks in the neighborhood have about 40% open space, while the newest around 60%. Overall, the area is only half built upon, the rest is patio space within the parcel. This 50/50 relationship expresses the significance of the patio as an essential aspect of the urban structure. If the space is built up, in the future Independencia may become like other, highly consolidated informal neighborhoods in Buenos Aires, like Villa 31. There few patios exist and many houses are only a few meters wide and three to four storeys high.

Related families often live adjacent to each other In Independencia, extended families often reside next to each other in the block. This provides the opportunity to consider their combined parcels as an articulated single unit. It also means that a working parent could arrange an at-home relative to watch their children during the day.

Aunt

Uncle Grandmother

Children

Cousin Parents

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Strategy: re-densify By negotiating the open and built space of their respective parcels, families with different compositions could benefit from the sharing of a common patio. Family-related programs could take place. The common patio could be an internal courtyard, in the back of the parcel, or face the street. The negotiation of patios also allows private patios apart from the shared ones. In this way, each household still maintains its own familial patio. 1. Respect 50/50 built/unbuilt condition Conserve about 50% open space overall, thereby emphasizing the patio space as a setting for making connections between different households

2. Elaborate existing domestic centralities Arrange the patios to create both private and shared patios within each and across many parcels 3. Strengthen existing family adjacencies Use the shared patios for diverse public functions, with each family benefiting from them 4. Accommodate growth of family size Build up to three storeys 5. Anticipate surface densification in the future Reduce overall parcel size where possible, reacting to the projected 10-20% increase in population.

SHARED PATIO Daycare Pets yard Kitchen garden

Three storeys max.

Material storage

one family

several families

private patio

shared patio

Working yard Dining room Recreation

50% open space

Parking

Next page: This catalog of parcel combinations and agreements illustrates the flexibility and potential of coordinating households and their spatial needs in the patio.

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Two parcels: 33% patio

Two parcels: 50% patio

Two parcels: 33% patio

Two parcels: 50% patio

Three parcels: 33% patio

Three parcels: 50% patio

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Three parcels: 33% patio

Three parcels: 50% patio

Four parcels: 33% patio

Four parcels: 50% patio

Four parcels: 33% patio

Four parcels: 50% patio

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Agreements and re-densification The example below shows how an existing block can transform according to agreements between adjacent households. Referring to the catalog of possibilities on the previous page, people can determine the best arrangement according to the size and orientation of the parcel, as well

as the family composition. Shared patios which result from the new arrangement are more clearly defined and make efficient use of the parcel, improving the chances of preserving the patio and serving many functions for the families there.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

d, h

i, j

k, o

l, n

b a

d c e

g f

h j

i l m

Arrangement i Arrangement type f Arrangement type k Arrangement type o

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

BARRIO / GROUPS The barrio, “neighborhood,” is the place where one resides and interacts on the basis of groups. In Independencia, conflicts of interest, as well as a dense and informal urban structure make resolutions between groups difficult. Our proposal creates opportunities for connections within and across blocks and of people.

BLOCK

BLOCK +

= GROUP

GROUP

BARRIO COMMUNITIES

BL OC K S T R UC T UR E

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Disagreements between groups Informal neighborhoods are often characterized by conflicting internal interests. In Independencia, single working mothers collaborate together to bring about change and improvement. There are also people who take advantage of the neighborhoodâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s condition, however. Criminals can take refuge there, burn cars and steal, knowing that the place presents problems for city authorities.

Single mother

Students

Children

Churches

Young adults

Shopkeeper

Temporary inhabitant

Culture groups

Unemployed

Sports clubs

Delinquent

Friends

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Disconnected blocks Independenciaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s urban structure generally follows the Buenos Aires city grid. However, a number of the streets dead end. Since the neighborhood is located at the fringe of the city, the urban grid also terminates at this point.

Interrupted blocks

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Informal subdivision and internalized lots The land of Independencia neighborhood is informally claimed, and as a result the parcelization is irregular and problematic for several reasons. The first parcels were claimed on the perimeter of the block and over time these are subdivided, resulting in internalized lots, accessible only by alleyway. The alleyways carry a stigma, as their navigation is difficult for those not familiar with any given block.

The parcels inside of the block do not have access to the street, the recognized public space of the city. Those parcels are also the most frequently subdivided and sold, resulting in very small houses with little open space.

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Data block opposite

Data block below Open area

42%

Open area

61%

Block area Built area

7200 m2 4000 m2

Block area Built area

5800 m2 2350 m2

Parcels Largest parcel Median parcel Smallest parcel

58 240 m2 90 m2 40 m2

Parcels Largest parcel Median parcel Smallest parcel

27 305 m2 180 m2 80 m2

Population est.

470

Population est.

220

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Opportunities Decree 3.1.1.2. (min. open space) Urban ordinances of San Martin Municipality require that any newly legalized land should cede a minimum of 10% area for public use. As the households of Independencia gain land titles, this 10% space could be implemented in the block structure.

min. 10% open space

Outdoor activity is common Compared to the neighboring formal communities, the outdoor space, streets, patios, etc. are populated and lively. Apart from the poor infrastructural condition of some sidewalks and streets, the neighborhood takes advantage of the street as a public space for everyone.

Install infrastructure in the block In Villa 31, the government installed water fountains in the street to provide fresh water to the inhabitants, as an alternative to domestic water piping. This could be implemented in Independencia, located in the 10% open space in the block discussed above.

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Strategy By transforming the organization of the block and the parcels that compose it, the aim is to generate an urban structure that allows connection between and across blocks, and groups. 1. Use municipal urban ordinance to benefit Use about 10% block area to create a “patio de la manzana” which forms a space from the street into the interior of the block

3. Create a neighborhood public space network Place the “patio de la manzanas” opposite each other where possible, establishing interactions across the street to opposite blocks and other nearby groups 4. Activate this new space Provide a basic need in this new space, such as a communal fresh water fountain

2. Democratize public space Give direct access to public space for parcels in the interior of the block

Apportioning of 10% open space in the block

Linking of the “patio de la manzana” across blocks

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Block structure plan The 10% minimum open space requirement from the municipality is manifested in courts that extend from the street into the block. There could be up to four of these â&#x20AC;&#x153;patios de la manzanaâ&#x20AC;? for each block, depending on the location.

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Activities in the â&#x20AC;&#x153;patio de la manzanaâ&#x20AC;? Each court could have a primary activity associated with it. This activity is determined by the existing neighborhood program and distribution of actors. Nearby the school, for example, the space could be used to teaching or host a library.

Social

Education

Exhibition

Recycle center

Community course center

Exhibition hall

Home health care

Library center

Meeting hall

Children care center

Workshop training center

Theater stage

Youth house

Art workshop center

Ballrooms

Transportation

Commercial

Public

Bus center

Playground

Market

Remis center

Football field

Service repair center

Bike center

Amplitheater

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Potential Site Activities

Actors Daily Activity = (based on the majority activity of the Actors)

= Chit - Chat Partying Studying Exercise

Public Space Program (location near to the Plaza)

Playing Walking Running Cycling

Chit - Chat Playing Partying Walking Nursering Cycling

Studying Playing

Education Program (location near to the School)

Studying Playing

Chit - Chat Partying

Parenting Studying Production

Studying Playing

Art Workshop Center

Meeting Hall

Studying Playing

Ballrooms

Children Youth House Home Health Care Care Center

Library Center

Commercial Program (location near to the Ciudad Project)

Playground

Social Program (location near to the Centro of Madras)

Football Field

Exhibition Program (location opposite the Formal Residents)

New Actors (possibilities of the New Actors)

Shopping Repairing

Selling Shopping Shopping Shopping Repairing Repairing

Market

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Service Repair Center

Exhibiton Space Program (based on the site potensial)

+ Actors Daily Activity Community Fruit Festival

Community Children Painting Exhibition

Community Exhibition

Chit - Chat Playing Partying Parenting Walking

Chit - Chat Partying Parenting

Chit - Chat Partying Eating Parenting Walking

Chit - Chat Partying Playing Nursering Repairing

= Community Meeting

New Actors Exhibition Hall

Community Party

Meeting Hall

Theater Stage

Ballrooms

Community Gathering

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Event Activity

Public Space Program (based on the site potensial)

Children Drama

Daily Activity

Actors Daily Activity

Chit Chat

Chit - Chat Partying Studying Exercise Playing Walking Running Cycling

Playing Football Chit Chat Football Field and Playground Playing

Chit - Chat Partying Nursering Playing Walking Cycling

Chit - Chat Playing Partying Parenting Walking

= New Actors

Football Field

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Playground

CIUDAD / COMMUNITIES Independencia is physically fragmented and socially marginalized from the surrounding city. By rearranging the urban structure, opportunities are created that allow the city actors to meet. Their combined interactions can bring about a change in the image of Independencia.

BARRIO

BARRIO + COMMUNITY

COMMUNITY

CIUDAD = COLLECTIVE

C IT Y NE T W OR K

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

City: Social situation Stigmatization, invisible fragmentation Criminality, unemployment, low education and poorness are the image of people from slums, which create a border of interaction with other citizens because of the feeling of insecurity, hygiene, and difference of economic status. The communities are not recognized as a ‘normal’ citizen and unequal opportunities and access for public facilities are the consequence. Quotes from inhabitants: Actors

“Sometimes they have to lie about they address when they apply to regular school!” “People’s get hard to have work, because they always think this people are bad like a criminals!” This kind of condition, creates a larger and larger gap between people from “villas” and normal citizen. It also drives this community to isolation from the city and subjects them continued conditions of marginalization without little assistance to improve for better future. Potentions

Storng community connection Human resource

Independencia

Needs

Recognition of identity Better education facilities Job opportunities Empowerment Economic income Public space

Power Improvement programs

Improve the city

Plan to recover the river Plan to create park’s along the river as public space

Clean the river & soving the flood Reorginaze garbage disposal

Job opportunities Income for people Networks

Skilled employments Security

Municipal Government

Provincial Government

Parque Suarez & Others Industrial Park

Education Program Education facilities Universities

City networks Space for people to interact Train Station

Space ( classroom, libraries) Students Publicity

Costumer Destination for costumer

Have better access to the city Feel secure, public facilities

Adjacent Neghborhoods

Providing people’s daily needs Space to interact Adjacent Commercial

Consumer Place to sell their goods

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

City: Physical situation The neighborhood is located at the fringe of Buenos Aires and San Martín, withdrawn as a sort of dead-end. There, the continuity of the city and public space literally ends. Three of the neighborhoods’ edges are problematic: the polluted creek to the northwest, the empty, garbage dump/field to the north and the hidden backside of the Suarez Industrial Park. The Industrial Park Suarez is a large block that faces the main commercial road. Since Independencia is located behind this block, it is effectively hidden from the city on one side. On the other side, the railroad track makes a wide gap in the urban structure, further fragmenting the neighborhood.

1. Located at fringe, without any attractions nearby 2. Urban structure ends there 3. The rhythm of bridges across the railroad stops, limiting access connecting northwest to southwest areas of San Martin municipality 4. Block of industrial park Suarez conceals the neighborhood from surrounding city 5. Railroads separate the area from adjacent areas

Bridges Private green spaces Informal neighborhoods City plazas

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Blocks and plazas in Buenos Aires Daniel Kosak, Argentine researcher and writer, has discussed fragmentation in the city in terms of block structure. He has shown that the Abasto mall, shown below, contributes to fragmentation because it is two blocks combined with no subdivisions, a “super block.”

The second example, which we found to have potential, is a plaza near Independencia in San Martin municipality. It is a plaza that is along the border between an informal neighborhood and a formal one.

The counterpart to such a block is the plaza, which conforms to the city grid. Our investigation led us to two plaza examples. In Buenos Aires city, the 11 de Septiembre station forms a similar large, impermeable block. In that case, however, there is a large plaza to compensate.

Clockwise from top left: Daniel Kosak’s study about fragmentation in Buenos Aires; 11 de Septiembre station and plaza in Buenos Aires city; a block plaza situated between a formal neighborhood and a villa in San Martin municipality

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Opportunity 1

to Boulogne train station

Train station and commercial road The site located nearby to Jose Leon Suarez train station which can give direct connection to other place in San Martin and central station in Buenos Aires city. It also located nearby Av.Brig. Gral. Juan Manuel de Rosas as a city main street which have a lot of industrial area and give connection to adjacent Munipacility. This two infrastructure allowing circulation of people & goods between Independencia and other places.

J.L. Suarez train station

to Buenos Aires city to industrial area

Opportunity 2 Neighborhood has basic city grid Even thought the area is a slum, Independencia blocks arrangement maintain the city grids, which connect to the formal neighborhoods like the 5th Noviembre.

Opportunity 3 Nearby market, commercial district Nearby Independencia there are market and commercial arcade which became place that attract people from neighborhood and city scale pass by or to come around Independencia area. This potentiality of program, generate interaction between peoples from different background.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Strategy 1. Favor connectivity in the urban structure Make new connection, allowing people to circulate from northwest to southwest. Stimulate new movement across neigborhoods.

4. Understanding interaction of the actors The people who activate the space and can generate opportunities for improvement. 5. Possibility of new network By guaranteeing the accessibility we can stimulate new connection and networks for communities and neighborhoods.

2. Give potential to new and existing centralities By understanding and integrating with local activity generators to extend the public realm from the existing train station. 3. Providing public space with flexibility of activity Understanding public space as combination of indoor, outdoor and open space

Plaza 182 de Arca Street

500 m radius

to commercial area

formal neighborhood

Market

Train station J.L Suarez

new wetland park

Independencia

Plaza 5 de Noviembre

Street network Commercial areas Existing plazas to industrial area

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

New promenade

Plaza components Education program : Classroom, Library, Auditorium, Meeting room, Workshop and new market

‘Platform’ as new plaza Indoor, Outdoor & Open space

Commercial Retail & Public Library on groun floor, as attractor

‘Strips’, as new plaza for neighborhoods

Promanade, connecting with local centrality; train station & adjacent commercial

Street level connection, allowing and stimulate new connection from North-South

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Plaza block plan

7 8

1 5 2 3 8 4

Legend 1. Public Library & Education Center 2. Market 3. Platform 4. Plaza 5. Pedestrian Bridge 6. Parking lot 7. Future development for New Park or Playground 8. Pool, controling the flood 9. Barrio Independencia 10. Parque Suarez 11. Local market 12. Formal Neighborhood

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

2 1

Ground Floor Plan 1. Public Library 2. Market 3. Commercial Retail

First Floor Plan

4.Pedestrian Bridge 5. Public Library & Education Centre 6. Market 7. Platform

2nd Floor Plan 8. Public Library & Education Centre

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

New city network The new plaza that continues the city grid guarantees new accessibility to and through Independencia. This plaza becomes a centrality in the neighborhood, stimulating new interactions in and surrounding Independencia.

Train stations Proposed new bus line Existing bus lines Existing plazas Proposed new plaza

Estación Boulogne and industrial area

Estación J.L. Suárez

Estación Villa Adelina

Estación Villa Ballester

Center Buenos Aires Estación General San Martín

Center San Martín

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Present

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Phase 1

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Phase 2

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Phase 3

100

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Phase 4

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

101

The city belongs to those who participate in the agreements for space and the establishment of identities. By working alongside local processes, the three-scale strategy democratizes the physical and social structure of the city through public space.

102

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

FLOOD REVOLUTION The Ark 1. Goals 2. Problem Opportunities Concept Strategy Design

SAI SHU CHIH-HAN HU

This is a manifesto to the equality of human rights and nature disastrous. Nature is always equal to every creature in the earth. If we are more smart and careful, we can change flood disastour to oasis. The main social conflict in every slum is social isolation, but we are always the same from the first day we born to the day we die, no matter you are rich or pool. Our goal is to propose a flood control system to enhance the environment conditon, to improve the public space and finally activate social integration.

The whole human civilization is suffered with ﬂood.

104

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Slum Ecology People who live in slums have door numbers written on pieces of furniture because the,house, along with the doors, are washed away by ﬂoods every year. Squatters face physical safety and public health, they are the pioneer residents of ﬂoodplains, chemical dumps, garbage mountains, swamps, and desert border. Dhaka, Jeremy Seabrook says, a Faustian bargain has been found in a dangerous ledge of land between a toxic factory and a poisoned lake. It offers protection from increasing land price in the city. Such site are poverty’s state in the ecology of the city, and very poor people have little option but to live with disaster.

Mike Davis

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

105

Mother center of Barrio Independencia 08.02.2008

Local market near Barrio Independencia 28.01.2009

106

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Problems 1.Flood

Riv

er R

ECO

UIS

WHY?

Delta Buenos Aires

Large amount of ďŹ&#x201A;oods will come along River Reconquista from Jan. to Mar. per year.

In Argentina, The heaviest rainfall comes from January to March. The peak of rainfall will rich to 200mm in Metropolis of Buenos Aires.

Ocean currents will push sea water from Delta into the mainland along the big river of Buenos Aires in every Fall. Our site is one of the lowest part along the river RECONQUISTA.

Global Warming makes the ocean level higher year by year which threaten every city near the ocean.

Floods become a physical barrier between formal city and slums

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

107

Metropolis of Buenos Aires 3

, 2

(

/ $

River Reconquista

Most of slums are inside the flood zones where are low land value. Developers and government are not interest about those lands.

oo d

on m en t

13 De Julio

Barrio Independencia Gr ee

San Martin

River Flood (Jan to Mar per year) Slum Our site

108

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Highway Barrio Independencia

WHY?

Less amount of ďŹ&#x201A;oods will come into our site after every big storm in any season.

There are some informal gutters inside slum and most places even don't have any method to deal with stormwater, so the dirty water are always left on the ground.

Dumps are located along the creek, which not only aggravete the health condition but also obstruct the river and stop stormwater into the creek.

Our site is at the bottom of the topography, and the highway on the west which act as a dam to stop the water go further, so all the stormwater comes from periphery will be trapped inside our site.

Barrio Barr rio Indep Independencia penden

Highway Dump Formal Stormwater System Highway

Highway

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

109

2.Lack of Public Space

WHY?

Space competetion makes the alleys even narrower day by day, where are lack activities

Streets are the most important public space in slums, but they are most fragile when the big storm is coming because the locations are in the lowest part of the region where would contain all the rainwater from the slums

110

The only green space in the region is lagoon area which is actually belong to a private landowner and that place is in danger to be destroied by the landowner

The most active public space in our site is the central street, where have lots of jobs and many public buildings

Central Street of Barrio Independencia

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Metropolis of Buenos Aires D E

L A

\ HQ HU

3O D

* UH

R I O

central street

lagoon

San Martin

Green Public space Green Private space Social public space (shops, church, club, daycare, healthcare, mother center, school, market)

Barrio Independencia Green public spaces are essential to the city life, but if we zoom in the map we can see most green spaces are private spaces. The central street in local region map is one of the key point in our strategy.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

111

Opportunities 1.Landownership Barrio Independencia is owned by an unknown private land holder, this means that any big public project or intervention is a lot more difﬁcult inside our site. But the slum 13 De Julio is belong to government, so we can have some big scale project there. This complex situation tell us our project have to produce some beneﬁt for government, landowner and local people together.

13 De Julio

Lagoon area

Barrio Independencia

Belong to private Belong to government

2.Official Planing 1.Government have a new social housing program at slum 13 De Julio, but they also have flood problem. It gives us an opportunity to use the government funding to have a large scale project at 13 De Julio to solve the flood problem for the whole region. 2. There will build a large green area at the west site where is actually isolated to local people because of the highway. So we can also use this funding to design a better green public space at the other site.

From The Infrastructure Ministry of Urban and Housing, Buenos Aires

112

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Concept

Flood Revolution

Change ďŹ&#x201A;ood region to oasis for activating social integration

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

113

Stakeholder:

Informal city

Streets, Alleys of slum

Formal city

Children of slum

Children of outside

Recycle place near Lagoon

Outside market Cartoneros

Merchant

Shantyhouse Informal residents

Formal residents

Central street of slum Government ofďŹ cer

Market in central street

Barrio Independencial Unemployed

Landowner

Train station

Bus stop Worker of slum

Key places

114

Formal neighbourhood

13 De Julio Shopkeeper

Public buildings of slum

Streets of formal residence

Community of slum

Worker of outside

Organization of outside

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Public buildings of formal residence

Key places

Whose key places are destoried by ﬂood: 1.After big storm:

2.Jan to Mar per year:

The wall of Double City always exist no matter the scale of ﬂood

During the Flood Revolution project we can change the wall of Double City into ﬂood control system

1.After big storm: People are around ﬂood control public space Shufﬂe the social network of stakeholders

2.Jan to Mar per year: More ﬂood control public spaces are generated More stakeholders are attracted here

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

115

Government enhance land value better fame

Local residence healthy environment clean water new income public space

Land owner enhance land value

Flood

Citizens in San Martin solving ďŹ&#x201A;ood problem accessible green public space

household daily -use Clean Water Launder Garden Flush

Bath

Farm

Sports

Clean Water Supply

Employee Playground

Public greenery

i n c om

$ Rental

116

ne w

ivities and act y r e en gre c i bl pu

Refresh

Fishery

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

The ARK When the ďŹ&#x201A;oods destroy all the city, this will be an ark to contain all the people. Now we take off all the clothes and become brothers again.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

117

Strategy

Large scale: Wetland Park Use different scale of “Activators” to activate the neighbourhood

Medium scale: Water Street Small scale: Water Plaza

When duplicate this program to some slums near river, the ﬂood area will shrink

118

New ﬂood zone Previous ﬂood zone

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Before

Low Basin

conquista River Reconquista

High Basin

After

Low Basin

River Reconquistaa

High Basin

River Flood Area Flood Revolution

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

119

Large scale: Wetland Park Flood control system Function: Flood reservoir + Bio-ﬁlter Location: 13 De Julio

Clean Water Farmland Activity Island Fishery

Bio-filter floods from River floods from Slum Stormwater

Local ﬂooding amount per 10 years Area: 180000m2 Average hight: 1.0m Capacity: 180000m3

Flood reservoir Area: 40000m2 Average depth: 5m Capacity: 200000m3

Water quality C- useless

180000m3

200000m3

Water quality B+ irrigable

Water quality A+ potable

Filter process section

River Water Water Terraces for Intake Settling Aeration & & & Screening Precipitation BioPuriﬁcation

120

Subsurface Filtration

Heavy Metal Pathogen Removal Removal & & Bio-Puriﬁcation Bio-Puriﬁcation

Nutrient Removal

Aeration & Biological Puriﬁcation

River Water Clean Sand Filter Quality Water for Stablization Final Impoundment & Control

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Social integration system Activator: Large Scale green public space Target: Citizen of Buenos Aires

Slope

Steps

Bridge

Sand

Stage

Dock

OverďŹ&#x201A;ow

Pond

Diverse activities are activated by the interaction between water and land in wetland park

Activate formal neighbourhood

Activate metropolis

Activate slum

Rainway connect wetland park to other green public spaces which make a new green network of Metropolis

Wetland park

ilw

Metropolis of Buenos Aires

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

121

Medium scale: Water Street Flood control system Function: Link formal stormwater system and wetland park become a new water drain and clean system for slum Location: Along main streets in Barrio Independencia

Stormwater drain into street

Stormwater drain into street Water Preliminary Filter

Water Street

Wetland We tla park

122

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Existing street section: no gutter

Existing street section: self-build gutter

Proposed street typical section: Formal stormwater system Water supply system Greenery Paving Public facilities

Water Preliminary Filter (under the wetland bank)

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

123

Social integration system Activator: Clean and dynamic street Target: Link two most activated location (park and central street) together, and activate street facade of blocks

Activate boundary of street

Wetland park

lagoon

Activate boundary of street

Original street: fragmentary, mud street

central street

Proposed new street: intact boundary, well oganized paving street

Diverse activities are activated by the interaction between water and land in water street

Slope

Wetland

Stone Playground

Small Fountain

Big Fountain

Seat

Creek

Slits

124

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Small scale: Water Plaza Flood control system Function: 1.A buffer for the stormwater system in street 2.Collect organic garbage Location: End points of alleys

Stormwater overďŹ&#x201A;ow from street into plaza

Collect organic garbage to protect the river bank

Water Plaza

Water supply terminal Water street

Water plaza

Organic garbage degradation

Housing

Public building

When the street water level go high, the water could temporary reserve in the water plaza to keep the average water level

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

125

Social integration system Activate alleys Activator: 1.Water supply terminal 2. public space, public building Target: Activate alleys (cause alleys are the short cut to go to the water plaza) and strengthen the streets Typy 1 There is no open space around the alley end point (Demolish two shantyhouses)

Strengthen the streets

Proposed

Typy 2 Only small open spaces (Demolish one shantyhouse)

Public spaces Ground ďŹ&#x201A;oor public buildings

126

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Typy 3 There are enough open spaces

Proposed

Typy 4 There is no open space beside it but near it have (Demolish one shantyhouse)

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

127

Existing condition: Alley as a short cut to connect two water plazas, so people will glad to go into alley instead of choose further way. We use this opportunity to acquire fund to pave the alleyway and give some infrastructure inside alleys. Then, we use this infrastructure to negotiate with the local residents to change some private coutyard become semi-public spaces for passengers . On the other hand, peolpe who donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t have courtyard they can make green roof. How to inďŹ&#x201A;unce the alley ways: Existing plan:

Proposed plan: Semi-public courtyard Removed shantyhouses

128

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Diverse activities are activated by the interaction between water and land in water plaza

Fountain

Stream

Slop

Island

Garden

Swimming pool

Wetland

Playground

Corrent

Roof

Courtyard

Propose

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

129

Average Day

130

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

131

Storm

132

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

0 10 20

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

100m

133

Flood

134

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

0 10 20

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

100m

135

Average day

136

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

137

Flood

138

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

139

Street Street

140

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

10m

141

Street

Average day

142

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

10m

After Storm

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

143

Average Day

After Storm

144

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

FOR THE GOOD LIFE Reprogramming Marginalized areas 1. Goals 2. Mapping Programming Network Research Implementation 3. Conclusion

ARIEL VAZQUEZ CHENG-HSUAN WU

Introduction Basic needs and commodities are essential for all city residents, formal and informal. Our goal is to introduce basic infrastructure for the improvement in the quality of life for impoverished neighborhoods. Using strategic planning and providing infrastructure that is flexible and adaptable; this will enable the unslumming process in marginalized communities. The planning needs to be adaptable for the continuous densifications in these marginalized areas. One issue is densification, since these precarious areas are growing at alarming rate, how can infrastructure be added in order to empower the marginalized community? Formal planning does not comply with the irregularities of precarious settlements. Therefore, creating new alternatives for introduction of programs in a fixed plan did not seem to make sense. The solution is to implement programs that are versatile and expandable. Distributing the plan inside the marginalize neighborhoods will allow for a cohesive integration. The polycentric infrastructure requires the employment of guidelines and rules in order work; these hierarchies allows for a relationship of the facilities or infrastructure to the existing network of the neighborhood. In this case, the hierarchy is implemented with the use of the existing street pattern and the urban fabric.

146

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Mapping In the process of mapping, the apparent conclusion is that there is a problem with the distribution of different facilities and infrastructure. In the scale of San Martin to Barrio Independencia there is a deďŹ ciency of public infrastructure proportioned to its density. In the case of San Martin, the average number of facilities is related to the density of the population. One example is that in San Martin Scale there are 6 schools in less than 10 km radius. But in the case of Barrio Independencia, there are only two schools, one of them being private, for a population of +3000. Therefore, mapping is the tool for understanding the necessities of a marginalized community. Using mapping as an investigation tool, not only allows the understanding of deďŹ cits of infrastructures or facilities. It also allows for the exploration of new possibilities by utilizing the existing fabric for implementation of rules and programs for the unslumming process. The result was the understanding of the different conditions of the existing network, which enabled the introduction of ďŹ&#x201A;exible programming.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

147

BUENOS AIRES SCALE Infrastructure analysis

International Airport Goverment Use & Club Military Use

Metro station

Bus Station

Railway Train Station

Gas Station

148

Electrical station Electrical sub-station

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Water station Water source Lake

Military

Water treatment

Market

Church

School

Hospital

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

149

SAN MARTIN SCALE Infrastructure analysis

School

Hospital

Church

Police ofďŹ ce Prison

150

Commercial center Industrial factory Shopping center

Train station Mainroad Railway Highway

Military

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

BARRIO INDEPENDENCIA SCALE Infrastructure analysis

Station facility Train station Industrial factory

Hospital Church School

Social facility

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

151

PROGRAMMING After understanding the physical conditions of the site, using the mapping as a tool, it appears that flexible and adaptable strategy is the panacea for all the insufficient facilities. Due to the existing urban fabric of Barrio Independencia; it appears to be impossible to implement formal facilities, attributable to the short supply of open space that is required for large-scale infrastructure. Therefore, the strategic way to implement the program is to disperse it. Dispersing the program guaranties connection and integration between the different ‘actors’ of this community. For the new program to work in Barrio Independencia it is essential to integrate the neighborhood, not only in the barrio scale, but also, in the block scale. Using a systematic approach and the existing network, along with the implementation of program that can be connected with the existing arteries, seems more to be a more feasible approach. Furthermore, the program creates integration or linking internally to the block as well to the street. There are two existing deficits in infrastructure that needs attention. The first is education. It appears that Barrio Independencia lacks of a proper educational facility enabled to accommodate the entire community. The second is health care. The centro de primeros auxilios (first aid) facility seems insufficient. The program is very limited, only on size but also in function qualities. Therefore, implementing a program that can be added to the existing facilities in order to improve the quality of life will enhance the activity and productivity of the community. Connecting the proposed infrastructure to the existing, and linking it with the existing network will allow for future expansion. The program requires that rules and hierarchies for this connection must be define.

152

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

EXISTING FACILITIES Playground Area: 1200.00sqm

Centro de Maderes Mother Center Area: 174.33sqm

Miguitas de Amor Soup Kitchen & Daycare Area: 53.65sqm

Daycare Center Area: 27.27sqm

688m2

School

934m2

Area: 2226sqm 134m2 470m2

Healthcare Area: 288sqm

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

153

STRATEGY Education Exsisting condition Area: 2226sqm Type: Primary and secondary school Capacity: 270 Barrio Independencia Inhabitants: approximately 3000 Average of infabitants attending school: 1000 Average of inhabitants attending elementary school:250 Average of inhabitants attending secondary school:250 Expectation primary school Each student area: 8sqm Needed area: 8*250=2000sqm

Strategy Reprogramming the existing school facility to accommodate high school students, and implement a new program for the elementary school students within the barrio. The location chosen follows the already existing network of the barrio, in this case, streets and alleyways for the program implementation. Each program implemented need to follow a connection rules that allows a stronger relation between its different amenities.

154

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Healthcare Exsisting condition Area: 288m2 Type: First aid hospital Capacity: 1500 Barrio Independencia+Surrounding Inhabitants: approximately 30,000 Expectation Hospital Needed area: 5000sqm Healthcare center the Barrio Independencia Needed area: 600sqm

Strategy The idea is to implement new facilities or hubs of health care within the community in order to support the existing ďŹ rst aid facility. Using existing network of the barrio, for the allowance of connectivity with community and interaction between the new facilities and the existing. Consequently, introducing a main hospital, that will provide all of the more specialize care and emergencies. This facility or facilities cannot be inside the barrio, because it is meant to alleviate the ďŹ&#x201A;ow of transit and also create interaction from the actors in San Martin to the actors of Barrio Independencia.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

155

NETWORK RESEARCH Street as Network Streets are public roads in a city or town, typically with houses and buildings on one or both sides. They serve as transit flow, amenities, pedestrian movement and public space. The streets played an important part in ancient cities as generators of activities, movements and social interaction. However, modernity ignored this, breaking the interaction by assigning different roles. Nevertheless, In Barrio Independencia, the streets renders an integrated role within Barrio Independencia. The role is complex between the ‘actors’ and the relationship to infrastructure. Hence the precarious condition of the barrio, the streets no longer follows the formal patterns. They have become a hybrid between movement infrastructures to land parcels. Street analysis method To comprehend the street and how it works, there are two important parameters that need mentioning: First, typology, the classification according to general type, which help us understand what type of characteristics in street pattern are best for the emergent introduction of programs through the use of connections. Furthermore, typology catalogues all the physicality of the streets in order to be classified for the next parameter. Second, hierarchy allows rank the streets according to their importance and connection to the existing infrastructure. The hierarchical classification requires two other sub-parameters in order to be fully understood. The two sub-parameters are accessibility and connectivity. Accessibility, as defined, is a general term used to describe the degree to which a product, device, service, or environment is available to as many people as possible. In transportation, refers to the ease of reaching destinations. People who are in places that are highly accessible can reach many other activities or destinations quickly. This last definition was an integral for our study and distribution of programming. Connection, the relationship in which a person, thing, or idea is linked or associated with something else. This parameter, helps revised the rules to define the street type in order to implement programming, a very essential aspect of our approach to us the streets as flux of movement and distribution of infrastructure. The connections allow understanding of how existing programs can be connected to the new network of new facilities.

156

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Block A

Main Road (I) Streets (II) Alleyways (III)

Total area: 1430.55 sqm Houses facing the streets: 36 houses

Built total area: 2,218.5 sqm Unbuilt total area: 2,704.58 sqm Built

Total area: 984.01 sqm Houses facing the alleyways: 37 houses

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

157

Block B

Main Road (I) Alleyways (III)

Total area: 482.35 sqm Houses facing the streets: 12 houses

158

Built total area: 2,443.8 sqm Unbuilt total area: 2,388.4 sqm Built

Total area: 1,961.45 sqm Houses facing the alleyways: 62 houses

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Block C

Main Road (I) Streets (II) Alleyways (III)

Total area: 1,970.96 sqm Houses facing the streets: 52 houses

Built total area: 5,192.8 sqm Unbuilt total area: 3,744.0 sqm Built

Total area: 3,291.84 sqm Houses facing the alleywaya: 98 houses

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

159

(I) Hierarchy - Main Street The main street needs to have accessibility to public transportation. It must be paved, two-way and width should not be less than 5 meters.

(II) Hierarchy - Street The street should belong to the ‘formal’ grid pattern, with a width no less than 3 meters.

Accessibility, noun, as defined, is a general term used to describe the degree to which a product, device, service, or environment is available to as many people as possible. In transportation, refers to the ease of reaching destinations. People who are in places that are highly accessible can reach many other activities or destinations quickly. This last definition was an integral for our study and distribution of programming. Connection, noun, the relationship in which a person, thing, or idea is linked or associated with something else. This parameter, helps revised the rules to define the street type in order to implement programming, a very essential

160

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

(III) Hierarchy - Alleyway The alleyway should have access to the secondary and ﬁrst hierarchy and allow for motorbike or bicycle accessibility. The width should not be less than 2 meters.

(IV) Hierarchy - Others The fourth hierarchy needs to be accessible for pedestrians.

aspect of our approach to us the streets as ﬂux of movement and distribution of infrastructure. The connections allow understanding how existing programs can be connected to the new network of new facilities. Typology, noun, a classiﬁcation according to general type, which help us understand what type of characteristics in street pattern are best for the emergent introduction of programs through the use of connections.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

161

HIERARCHY

Different types of streets provide different types hierarchies of accessibility (Street Hierarchy Diagram), the different hierarchy deďŹ nes the spaces; the different gradients of colours showed in the diagram (Location Hierarchy Diagram) represent how the street affects the hierarchy of the space.

(I) (II) (IV)

(III) (II)

Ă?

(Street Hierarchy Diagram)

(I) Hirerachy (II) Hirerachy (III) Hirerachy (IV) Hirerachy

162

(Location Hierarchy Diagram)

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

CONNECTION

The strength of the connection is deﬁned by time. A 10 minutes of walk is the desired comfort walking distance to move from one place to another. (Walking Speed Diagram) The diagram (Connectivity Diagram) represents the location of the new program when ‘connected’ to the existing one (blue colour). There are three kind of connection strength, the darker colour means stronger connection by street or alleyway.

3min 5min 10min human walk speed = 100m/min

15min

(Walking Speed Diagram) 10minute walk distance

Walking Speed + Location Hierarchy = Connectivity

5minute walk distance 3minute walk distance

(Connectivity Diagram)

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

Strong connection Normal connection Weak connection

163

Hirerachy and connection of program (I)

(II) Spesiﬁc Classroom

(III) Classroom

(IV)

60sqm

80sqm Lobby

Classroom

Ofﬁce

150sqm

60sqm

Theatre

Library

Classroom

Storage

80sqm

60sqm

30sqm

Venue

Sportﬁeld

Classroom

90sqm

Existing

60sqm

Adult Education

Daycare

Classroom

60sqm

Existing 30sqm

60sqm

Mental Health

Counseling

100sqm

80sqm

Mother Center Existing 30sqm

Strong connection Normal connection Weak connection

(I) Hirerachy (II) Hirerachy (III) Hirerachy (IV) Hirerachy Elementary program Mixture program Healthcare program

Health Education

Pediatrician

60sqm

30sqm

Lobby Reception

Medical Examination

Service Area

Staff Zone

90sqm

60sqm

30sqm

60sqm

Waiting Area

Medical Examination

Service Area

Storage

50sqm

60sqm

30sqm

Rehabilitation

First Aid

Pharmacy

60sqm

Existing

60sqm

164

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Implementation In order to implement new infrastructures, after applying the deďŹ ned hierarchy rule, empty lots in the block need to be claimed for development of the proposed infrastructures. The new facilities should connect existing facilities and have accessibility to the network. Once the locations for the proposed facilities are determined, the process of implementation starts. Modular standardized buildings are placed in the open lots. The reason for using modular buildings is their capability of arrangement and their dimensionality, which is needed for the spatial context. Furthermore, they allow for the integration of basic infrastructure, i.e. gas, water and electricity already builtin in the unit. The new infrastructure will work within the block to create interactive and strategic process of unslumming. The new facilities will allow for future expansion, therefore new improvement around the existing houses and facilities. With these strategies we want to create new attractors that will spark interactivity not only in the barrio, but also to the entire scale of San Martin, and the rest of Buenos Aires.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

165

MODULAR

166

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Three space prototype

540cm

Component

1200cm

Platform

Bridge

Staircase

780cm

540cm

Structure

31~65m2

0~30m2

65m2

60m2

30m2

66~95m2

1200cm

90m2

95m2

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

167

96~130m2

120m2

125m2

130m2

131~160m2 150m2

168

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

155m2

160m2

>161m2 570m2

730m2

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

169

Step1 Calculating the required space need for programming using ‘tipical plan’ to implement the program.

Step2 The program can be divided according to rules depending on its different requirements.

Step3 Locating each ‘modular structure’ by following the network and hierarchy rule.

Step4 Full integration of the program with the existing fabric of the neighborhood.

170

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

TYPICAL PLAN

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

171

172

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

173

Phase 1

Phase 2

178

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Phase 3

Phase 4

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

179

Phase 1

Phase 2

182

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Phase 3

Phase 4

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

183

Conclusion Through the process of implementation small-scale infrastructure and activating the ‘actors’ of the community we can create a ‘good life’ for the community. Using small intervention with a logical strategy seems to work for basically all conditions. Mapping demonstrates the deﬁcits of a community, nonetheless, it allows for the discovery of the advantages. These advantages can be exploited in for the future development of these types of communities. In the case of Barrio Independencia, the main advantage is the existing network of streets and alleyways that interactive throughout the whole community. This platform was essential for the implementation of the disperse programs. The implementation of these infrastructures will act as catalyst for future development of more complex programs that will unify the structure of the neighborhood and diminish the stigma. The goal is to bring the community closer to the standard of a formal city by small interventions without taking the identity of the community.

São Paulo, Brazil

Alemão Favela, Brazil

Mumbai, India

Barrio Oxigeno, DR

AFTERWARD

190

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Points For Recomendation by Dr. Flavio Janches

Forces emerging from the margins of society have the capacity to transform urban peripheries into settings for urban opportunities. Despite the serious deterioration that characterizes these peripheries in social and ecological terms, their self-generating capacity creates the potential for their re-insertion into the formal context of the city. This is what the studio â&#x20AC;&#x153;Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized areas in Buenos Aires Cityâ&#x20AC;?, shows in each of its sustainable architecture and urban design proposals. Although each of the projects employs different strategies and tactics, the central point of each project is the search for sustainable design solutions that preserve the values of the community and improve upon and the existing urban fabric. By creating new centers and connections for urban, economic, social, politic and environmental development, with micro- and macro-scale developments and mono- and multi-use spaces, these proposals allow us to understand a project for a marginal area as an alternative way of intervening in the city. The strategies were not merely a morphological re-shaping of spaces, but an attempt to introduce a new approach to intervening between people and their environment through the generation of new symbolic centers and networks. In this way the slum could become a neighbor, re-engaging the dynamics of integration and differentiation between peripheral and central spaces and reestablishing a dialog of identity. The studio divided itself along two axes of work. On the one hand, there are projects which aim to intervene in specific

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

191

and pre-existing conditions and to transform concrete physical elements; these focus on morphological aspects related to an architectural resolution of physical space. On the other hand, there are projects that encourage networks of integration and communication between different communities, as a way of stabilizing the areas in which intervention occurs and integrating them into the formal city. These projects stem from a holistic conception of the urban whole as a site for intervention, based on the articulation of social, economic, and cultural potentialities existing in the neighborhood. As a result, the new places created could become places of centrality that would articulate integration processes, both internally and within the immediate and mediate context. The results developed acording to each specific aim the following concepts: The results developed according to each specific aim the public space as a catalyst for transformations. This is because public space has the potential to resolve infrastructural and environmental conflicts as well as meet the social and cultural needs of the villa. It is in this way that work in the public realm can achieve multiple goals, by affecting associations and relationships within the villa on many levels. The projects are also conceived as a process of evolution, the transformative urban development considers then time and socio-cultural modifications as relevant factors in the definition of the project that must be flexible enough to accommodate them. Instead of projects proposing concrete and final formal solutions, the concept of strategy allows us to design an intervention with an initial set of guidelines, derived from specific or projected circumstances and knowledge about the place and the people, which can later suffer modifications, transformations, adaptation, reinforcing or ignoring. The Patio-Barrio-Ciudad project developed, in a very

192

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

bottom-up approach, the urban communitarian condition of the neighborhood. By a network of private-semiprivate and public places; the proposal define a new urban fabric structure. The aim is then to organize in a combination of multidimensional social agreements alternative ways of community cohesion. These results are therefore the way that a marginalized (family-block –neighborhood) community can recover their (lost) identification with their own (familyblock –neighborhood) area, as part of the city context. “the project develop a housing program organized on a negotiate process. It is in this process where the project can define the urban spaces that will organize each of the new communitarian places. The project could also be developed, according to pre-existence social agreements and budget.” In the case of the flood revolution proposal, the aim is similar but with a different approach. From a top-down strategy, the revolution consist in identify the solution for flood control through a new system of public spaces. This urban scheme is organized according to a water drainage structure in four scales of water collectors. Each one is strategically placed in the neighborhood according to the scales of the flood conflict. But the results are not only looked for the solution of this environmental conflict but also to produce, in a virtuoso interpedently process, an improvement in the social-economy system of the neighborhood. Through a new multi-scalar and multi-actor urban interacted structure, a Good Life project proposed also a transformation process but in this case based on a ‘programming action’. It is well known that the place is lacking of public facilities like school, health, security, recreation, sports, etc. The proposal improves then this necessity but not in a traditional construction way, but through an open design structure that mix private environment with public activities. Each program is then divided in multiple fragments that are distributed along the existing urban structure.

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

193

Each fragment as a unit works then in two dimension, in a very local way improving the social relationship in the place where it is located and in a neighbourhood scale organizing, in the superposition of functional links, the opportunities for new centralities. Although these three-presented projects have been defined by the particularity of its own framework, the interrelation between them can open, in a new strategy dimension, the opportunity to organize an integral and long-term transformation process. They defined methodologies with different starting points from where the process of transformation could be developed, but it is in the combination of approaches where the design studio organized a new and integral model for slum upgrading paradigm. The transformation has then many opportunities to been successfully developed because its works in the pre-existenceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s of socio-physical agreements, through a participatory process, on an adaptable design structure and on a flexible budget. This open condition is what allows the project method process to be replicated in places not only with similar marginalized situation but also in areas that are, because of their lack of interaction, in a socio-physical perypherical condition. The original question of WOSE CITY IS IT? that guide our design studio has been answer from these top-down to a bottom-up approaches. The results show the opportunities of the architecture and urban design fields to consolidate through open design strategies, the existing and potential values of a community. In this way the interaction between proposals is a vehicle to consolidate an integration process of a community that until now, hasnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t been recognized as citizen. This process that has started from community reorganizations and re-appropriations with their own urban space, is the way then in which this studio recognized the opportunities to recover in marginalized and stigmatized areas, the sense of belongings to the city opportunities. 194

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Contributors

Dr. Flavio Janches (Unit Professor) has a degree in architecture, with a specialization in urban design at the University of Buenos Aires. Since 2001, Flavio has worked as much from his A:BJ&C ofﬁce, as PhD researcher (TUDelft The Netherlands), as architectural and urban design professor, (Harvard University, TUDelft, University of Buenos Aires, and Pontiﬁcia Universidad Catolica de Quito), and as visiting scholar (David Rockefeller Centre for Latin American Studies at Harvard University) in projects oriented to transform and to integrate, physical and socially, marginalized urban areas (slums). www. bjc.com.ar Lada Hršak is CroatianDutch architect based in Amsterdam. After graduating at TU Zagreb and the Berlage Institute she works both as practising architect and educator. Together with Dutch architect Daniëlle Huls she cofounded DHL architecture.

In their practice they deal with issues of contemporary identity, place, scale and materiality. Teaching in various schools in the Netherlands and abroad brings them into contact with many places and their issues around the world (Academie voor Bouwkunst, TU Delft, The Berlage Institute, TU Zagreb, KU Leuven and the University of Auckland). www.dhlarchitecture.nl Hayley Henderson (studio tutor, Universidad de Buenos Aires) is an urban planner, originally from Australia and currently based in Buenos Aires. She has worked in Argentina for two years, including as a tutor of the Urban Planning course at the University of Buenos Aires, guest tutor or the DELFT studio in Buenos Aires, assistant editor of the publication Café de las Ciudades and as a consultant on various urban planning and development projects. Previously, she worked as a Senior Planner with the Brisbane City Council, Australia and as

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

an urban and social planning consultant at Urbis. Max Rohm (guest lecture) educator, architect and landscape architect. Architecture University of Buenos Aires, Master in Landscape Architecture and Master of Architecture Harvard Graduate School of Design (GSD), Charles Elliot Traveling Fellowship. Dr. Daniel Kozak holds a degree in Architecture from the University of Buenos Aires. Upon graduation he received the CPAU Medal to Best Grade Average and the Diploma of Honor. In 2008 he ﬁnished his doctoral thesis ‘Urban Fragmentation in Buenos Aires: the case of Abasto’ and was awarded a PhD degree at the School of the Built Environment, Oxford Brookes University. Amalia Holub (guest lecture) graduated from Barnard College, Columbia University in New York City with a degree in Sociology. Project Manager for the international non-proﬁt, Institution for Transporta-

195

tion & Development Policy, she consults and collaborates with the Buenos Aires city government and other local organizations working to promote more sustainable and equitable transportation. Hanne van den Berg (researcher) is a graduate student at Delft University of Technology. For her MSc Urbanism graduation project she is exploring integrative strategies for informal settlement upgrading, focusing on Buenos Aires. Her strong interest in the role of urbanists and architects in international development already led her to conduct ﬁeld research in Thailand and India during her Bachelor of Architecture honours degree at the University of Cambridge. Laura Wainer Architect University of Buenos Aires, Argentina. At this moment is studying the masters of Local Development in Urban Regions at the General Sarmiento National University. Since 2008 she has been working in urban issues at the Met-

196

ropolitan Region of Buenos Aires in both public and private spheres. She works also as a professortutor in the urban planning course of the Faculty of Architecture. Samuel Frommer earned his degree in chemical engineering from the University of Rochester, United States and worked as a green building consultant in New York City for three years. He now works as a project coordinator for the Institute for Transportation and Development Policy’s ofﬁce in Buenos Aires, Argentina.

Urban, Architectonic and General Morphology, Urban and Architecture Project Design of the Faculty of Architecture, Design and Urbanism in the University of Buenos Aires. His professional work is oriented towards urban projects in the Metropolitan Region of Buenos Aires, Presently, he coordinates the technical teams responsible for the urbanization of Barrio 31 Carlos Mugica, which is the oldest informal settlement in Buenos Aires.

Markus Vogl architecture at TU Munich (GER), TU Delft (NL) and UBA Buenos Aires Andrés Ferrari educator and architect. He received (ARG) and worked as a researcher in the research his Diploma of Architecstudio GUG ture from the University in TU Delft. From of Buenos Aires in 1995. 2006 till 2009 he was fellow Since 1996 teaches at FADU-UBA. Nowadays he in the graduate school is Adjunct Professor at the initiative “Cultures of Difsame school and has been ference Practices Professor at the - Transformation Processes in the Central Roger Williams School European Region” at of Architecture in Bs.As. the university of Vienna and Guest Professor at where he started his PhTU.Delft in Bs. As. Dresearch on “urbanity Javier Fernandez Castro throughout density? t is is the head professor of

The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

teaching at the institute for art and architecture at the academy of ﬁne arts Vienna Jolai van der Vegt studied architecture at the Delft University of Technology. She graduated in 1997 and was granted the Archiprix 1998. In 2001 she became partner in Bureau Bergzicht. In 2004 she founded her own ofﬁce Jolai.nl and cooperates with different professionals in design, research and educational projects. She works on architectural and urban assignments and does research on consequences of changing society in public space, both in The Netherlands and abroad. Since 2007 she has joined the staff at the Urban Area Development Department of TU Delft, working on strategic design en process management projects. Susanne Pietsch studied interior architecture in Germany and architecture at the TU Delft. After a period as a junior researcher at the University of Buenos Aires she founded

an ofﬁce together with Andreas Mueller. Besides working on architecture and research projects in Germany and the Netherlands she is teacher and coordinator of the BSc6 course at the Faculty of Architecture, TU Delft. Isabel Basombrio Architect. Her academic and professional work is aimed at planning, participated in several local and international workshops relating to urban planning, work as co-author of the Urban Master Plan for the City of Monte Caseros, Corrientes, she is responsible as one of the urban projects linked to territorial parts. Daan J.J. Bakker (Herpen, NL 1968) Studied architecture at the TU of Eindhoven and Delft, where he graduated in 1994. He worked some years at the NAi (Dutch architecture institute) and at the ofﬁce of Christian Rapp, with whom he publised the book “het Kant en Klaar Huis” (about catalogue houses) In 1996 he started as an independent archi-

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

tect in Rotterdam and in the same year he was co-founder of DaF-architects. Daan Bakker is memeber of the monuments and planning Committee of Rotterdam and he was a member of the editorial staff of the Yearbook Architecture in the Netherlands and of the advisecommittee of The Netherlands Architecture Fund. He frequently gives workshops and assessments at, among others, TU Delft and Eindhoven and the Academies of Architecture in Amsterdam and Groningen. Cecilia Larivera Cecilia Larivera architect UBA Post-graduate Land Management and Informal Settlement Regularisation from the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy & IHS and the Institute for Housing and Urban Development Studies (Erasmus University). She worked in the development of the Infrastructure Program for the Univeristy of General Sarmiento and with the

197

Planning Department of the Pilar Municipality. She is part of the Cabinet of the Urbanism Subsecretary of the Ministry of Infrastrcuture of the Provincial Government of Buenos Aires and is also a professor of Urban Planning at the UBA. Diego Sepulveda(PhD) studied Design and Urban Planing.He has been involved into infractural related regional development projects. Now He in researching planing frameworks in relation to socio spatial development strategies. He is currently Assistant Professor in the department of Urbanism at The Faculty of Architecture, Delft University of Technology.

198

Special Thanks to Silvia Hermosi, Sonia Sanchez, Gloria y Yamila of Centro de Madres Barrio Independencia, Luis Lombardi y Andrea Werthein of Parque Industrial Suarez, Lic. Lidia Naim Secretary of Social Development San Martin Municipality Arch. Andres Petrillo Secretary of Public Services San Martin Municipality, Arq. Norberto Dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Andrea Secretary of Public Works San Martin Municipality, Police Department 4th. San Martin, Public Relations OfďŹ ce and Sociedad Central de Arquitectos de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires for all the support and help to the development of our studio. The Berlage Institute Research Report No.43 2010/2011

Whose city is it? Design strategies for marginalized communities

199