Physicality of Place | North Belfast

NORTH Physicality

of

Place

BELFAST

Spatial Analysis + Design Strategy J. Bronte

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A. Connolly

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W. Hanson

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A. Liddy

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L. McGuinness

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Physicality of Place d Cavehill R

Designing

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Sustainable Communities

EVP8030

Queen’s University Belfast, Northern Ireland

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25 May, 2012

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John Bronte Anthony Connolly Woody Hanson Aodhan Liddy Leah McGuinness

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1.0 | Introduction

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1.0 | Introduction

1.1 | Table of Contents 1.0 | Introduction 1.1 | Table of Contents 1.2 | Project Brief 1.3 | Executive Summary 2.0 | Context 2.1 | Historical Context 2.2 | Policy Framework 2.3 | Census Data Analysis 2.4 | Natural Surroundings 2.5 | Urban Surroundings 2.6 | Impact of Troubles 2.7 | Fragmentation 3.0 | Analysis 3.1 | Analysis of Built Form 3.3 | Identifying Reasons for Changes 3.3 | General Patterns 3.4 | Moving Forward 4.0 | Design Strategy 4.1 | Vision Statement 4.2 | Three Pillars of Sustainability 4.3 | Principles of Design + Planning 4.4 | Trail Network 4.5 | Priorty Projects 4.6 | Conclusion 5.0 | Appendix 5.1 | Maps 5.2 | Bibliography

in

Contested Space

1.2 | Project Brief The Physicality

of

Place

Over the last 50 years the structure, layout, form and density of North Belfast has changed considerably. How has this affected: • People’s access to each other?

• People’s access to services?

• The viability of local services?

How can planning, design and regeneration respond to this?

Study Area

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Provincial Context

1.3 | Executive Summary This project examines the changing physicality of place within North Belfast over the past 40 years. Specifically it looks at peoples changing patterns of access to each other and their access to wider services and amenities. It then examines how planning, regeneration and urban design can respond to these changes and plan for the future.

• Belfast has changed dramatically from its early 17th century beginnings as a market town. It has been restructured from an industrial past to a contemporary post-conflict setting.

• Planning the future of North Belfast will require an interdisciplinary approach between the disciplines of urban design, planning, regeneration operating across a wide stakeholder platform.

• Census data has identified North Belfast as an area suffering from high levels of deprivation. The Multiple Deprivation Measure data established at ward level the deficiencies in relation to education, employment, access to facilities etc. The physical impacts deprivation has can be seen in the fragmented landscape which in turn has social impacts on residents.

• North Belfast is sited around impressive natural surroundings such as Belfast Lough, Cavehill and the River Lagan. However, the link between these surroundings and North Belfast is physically poor, with restricted access disconnecting the population.

• Numerous developments are underway in the ‘Post-Conflict’ Belfast including Clarendon Docks, Cathedral Quarter and Laganside. Proposed developments also include, inter alia, future phases of Titanic Quarter, York Street Interchange and City Quays. However these developments are spatially and socially disconnected from North Belfast.

• These developments have added new patterns of division and exclusion in North Belfast, which already has a physical legacy shaped by ‘The Troubles’.

• Vision Statement: Changes in the built environment over the past 50 years have resulted in less dense, isolated and insular communities while reducing permeability within North Belfast and connectivity to the impressive natural and built environment that surrounds it.

2.0 | Context

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2.0 | Context

2.1 | Historical Context From the seventeenth century through to the early 1800s Belfast was a market town. This trading was supplemented by emerging linen and cotton industries from the 1700s. By 1850 technological advancements (predominantly in the linen production through the increasing use of power looms) had led to the city’s first industrial boom. This in turn led to Belfast’s first housing boom between 1770 and 1825, where a total of 8,526 houses were present by 1831. A second major building boom in Belfast coincided with the period of the city’s greatest 17th - 18th linen

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century

market town

growth from 1850 to 1919 when some 51,000 houses were built (Wiener 1976). During this time a series of bye laws were introduced to provide minimum building standards. Many of the houses in current redevelopment areas were built according to such regulations. An example of this was the passing of bye laws in 1878, which compelled builders to allow for a passage between the backs of yards. This layout remains in places, such as Ardoyne, to this day.

1850

1900

industrial boom

cotton industries

1886

The second plank around which Belfast’s industrial progress was built was the shipbuilding industry. By the second half of the nineteenth century Belfast shared in the ‘success’ of the British revolution, becoming the fastest growing city of any in the British Isles. By 1912, seventy thousand people were employed in industries of shipbuilding, linen and engineering alone; accounting for more than half of all manufacturing employment.

1919 2nd

industrial boom

1969

1998 Good Friday Agreement

start of troubles

shipbuilding

1911 population:

385,000

largest irish city

1974 population:

~350,000

manufacturing decline

2012 city population:

metro area population:

~267,500 ~641,638

primarily service economy

2.2 | Policy Framework In producing our vision for North Belfast it is important to identify and define the planning and built environment parameters within which it can operate. There are numerous policy documents, development plans, advice notices, and local community plans which were consulted to allow new proposals and concepts to be in conformity with existing planning policy.

The various local community plans and strategies were also useful in identifying the needs and concerns raised by the residents. Since the regeneration of North Belfast will advance alongside the wider strategic and long-term perspectives on the future of Belfast and wider Northern Ireland policies must be appreciated. The following policy framework is therefore not exhaustive.

Main physical drivers influencing development: • The Regional Development Strategy • The Regional Transportation Strategy • The Belfast Urban Area Plan • The Belfast Metropolitan Area Plan • The Belfast Metropolitan Transport Plan • Planning Policy Statements 3, 8 and 13 • Development Control Advice Notices • Creating Places

Regional Development Strategy for Northern Ireland Shaping Our Future is the Regional Development Strategy for Northern Ireland which sets out the overall vision for the development of the province until 2025. One of the guiding principles of the RDS is to achieve ‘a more cohesive society’. Strategic Planning Guideline SRC 3 aims to “foster development which contributes to better community relations, recognises cultural diversity and reduces socio-economic differentials” (DRD 2001, p.34). The RDS demonstrates a commitment to understanding the development of a pluralist society and the need to address segregated and interface areas specifically.

The RDS also argues for a fresh approach which integrates enhanced accessibility with land use. This includes priorities to encourage sustainable transportation modes such as walking and cycling.

Belfast Metropolitan Area Plan (2015) BMAP provides the planning framework which is in ‘general conformity’ with the RDS in facilitating sustainable growth and a high quality of development in the Belfast Metropolitan Area. As a result it provides guidance on regeneration issues and design guides for suitable and appropriate development. For North Belfast BMAP therefore gives guidance on land-use issues such as housing, employment, retailing, offices, open space, outdoor recreation, community and cultural facilities. BMAP’s guiding principles are to: promote equality of opportunity and social progress for the benefit of the whole community; ensure effective protection of the environment; promote an integrated approach between transportation and land use; and to promote effective participation.

Planning Policy Statement 3 Planning policy Statement 3 ‘Access, Movement and Parking’ sets out the Department’s planning policies for vehicular and pedestrian access, transport assessment and the protection of transport routes and parking. The statement forms an important element in the integration of transportation and land use planning. It embodies the commitment to the provision of a modern, safe, sustainable transport system and the improvement of mobility for those who are socially excluded or whose mobility is impaired and aims to promote healthier living and improved road safety. Some of the main objectives of the statement are to: promote road safety; make efficient use of space to accommodate the shift to sustainable modes of transportation; ensure that new development offers a realistic choice of access by walking, cycling and public transport; and promoting policies to reduce car dependence. Policies AMP 1 and AMP 8 are based on ‘creating an accessible environment’ and ‘cycle provision’ respectively.

Belfast Metropolitan Transport Plan (2015) The BMTP is the sister document to BMAP 2015. This document visions the transport planning for the metropolitan area in detail, identifying transport schemes and measures expected to be implemented by 2015. Three major themes are applicable to the Belfast urban area and have the potential to influence North Belfast, including walking and cycling, public transport and parking. With specific regard to walking and cycling, the document aims to: establish a quality walking network focused on each of the main centres and main transport corridors, linking public transport nodes, local trip generators and attractors in and around each urban centre and; establish a comprehensive cycle network, complementing existing cycle provision with networks focused on the main transport corridors, linking public transport nodes, local trip generators and attractors in and around urban centres.

Planning Policy Statement 8 Planning Policy Statement 8 refers to open space, sport and outdoor recreation. It details the planning policies for the protection of open space, the provision of new areas of open space in association with new development and the use of land for sport and recreation. The statement embodies the Government’s commitment to sustainable development, to the promotion of a more healthy and active lifestyle and to the conservation of biodiversity. Some of the main objectives are to: ensure that areas of open space are provided as an integral part of new residential development and that appropriate arrangements are made for their management and maintenance; ensure that new open space areas and sporting facilities are convenient and accessible for all sections of society; and to achieve high standards of siting, landscape and design.

Planning Policy Statement 13 Planning Policy Statement 13 refers to ‘Transportation and Land Use’.

The statement assists the implementation of the RDS and the integration of transportation and land Use policies. Again it recognises the need to integrate land use planning with more sustainable and inclusive modes of travel by: promoting sustainable transport choices; promoting accessibility for all; and reducing the need to travel by private car.

Main Social drivers influencing development: • NI Sustainable Development Strategy • Anti-Poverty and Social Inclusion Strategy • People and Place: Neighbourhood Renewal Strategy • Shared Future – Policy and Strategic Framework for Good Relations • Walking Northern Ireland: An Action Plan • Northern Ireland Cycling Strategy

Northern Ireland Sustainable Development Strategy First Steps to Sustainability, Northern Ireland’s sustainable development strategy represents the steps in establishing the focus for tackling the challenges ahead, working towards the long term objective of securing a better future for the present generation and protecting the future for the generations to come. A healthy living environment, a thriving economy, prosperity and quality of life are all inextricably linked, and these principles underpin the strategy. Among others, objectives include ensuring sustainable production and consumption; natural resource protection and environmental enhancement and fostering sustainable communities.

Neighbourhood Renewal Strategy: People and Place The Neighbourhood Renewal Strategy aims to: develop confident communities to improve quality of life; develop economic activities in the most deprived neighbourhoods and connect them to the wider economy; improve social conditions for those living in deprived neighbourhoods; and create attractive, safe, sustainable environments. Targeting 36 areas across Northern Ireland, the document aims to close the gap between those living in these neighbourhoods compared to the quality of life enjoyed by people living in the rest of the province. People and Place realises that despite progress over the past thirty years deprivation is still a problem that needs to be addressed.

Shared Future: Policy and Strategic Framework for Good Relations in Northern Ireland This document recognises that division and the resultant tensions and conflict it causes, has damaged the effectiveness of public service provision and led to duplication. A Shared Future accepts that many isolated and insular communities, such as those in North Belfast, require a community development approach that focuses on internal relationships and recognition of segregation as a problem. However it argues that whether a project is cross-community or single identity, the test is not the structure itself, but the quality of outcomes and whether they promote good relationship building.

Walking Northern Ireland: An Action Plan “Walking: Northern Ireland: An Action Plan” was published in December 2003 and sets out an integrated list of actions which will assist in the delivery of improved conditions for both pedestrians and recreational walkers. The planned actions have been developed by the Northern Ireland Walking Forum (comprising DRD, District Councils and a number of special interest groups) and complement the substantial commitment to measures aimed at “Making it Easier to Walk” given in the RTS. The Plan identifies NI-wide targets for increasing the level of walking from a 2002 base, as follows: to increase the number of short walking journeys (less than 2 miles) by 20% by 2012; and to increase the average distance walked per person per year by 10% by 2012.

Northern Ireland Cycling Strategy The Northern Ireland Cycle Strategy, published by DRD in 2000, aims to promote increased cycle use by improving conditions for cyclists. Developed by the Northern Ireland Cycling Forum (comprising DRD, District Councils and a number of special interest groups) it establishes a framework that public, private and voluntary sector organisations can follow in order to promote cycling in Northern Ireland. It also identifies NI-wide targets, including to quadruple the number of trips by cycle (on 2000 figures) by the end of 2015.

Institutional Stakeholders • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Department of the Environment - Planning Service NI Department for Regional Development Department for Social Development Department for Employment and Learning Department for Culture, Arts and Leisure Roads Service Belfast City Council Northern Ireland Housing Executive Belfast City Partnership Board North Belfast Partnership Board.

North Belfast Community Action Unit Sustrans Northern Ireland Cycling Forum Northern Ireland Walking Forum

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2.3 | Data Analysis 2.3.1 | Multiple Deprivation Measure The Multiple deprivation measure uses criteria to establish which wards in Northern Ireland are the most deprived.

The census data used to calculate levels of deprivation includes Employment, Health Deprivation and Disability, Education, Skills and Training, Proximity to Services, Living Environment, Crime and Disorder figures. This information is displayed on the map with the darker coloured wards representing the most deprived wards in North Belfast, and the lighter colours showing less deprived areas. The Deprivation map is an indication of significant problems in the affected areas with regards employment, education and the proximity to necessary services. As can be seen from the map the south east ward of New Lodge is regarded to be the most deprived, with its surrounding wards also conveying high levels of deprivation. The more affluent wards tend to be located further north of the city moving into the outskirts of Belfast.

200+ MDM

100 - 200 MDM

25 - 100 MDM

5 - 25 MDM

1 - 5 MDM

The wards within North Belfast are physically fragmented, divided by the key arterial routes running through the city along with peace walls separating residential areas. Some of the issues which arise from living in deprivation are displayed in a number of diagrams/figures on the followign pages, produced using data from the 2001 census.

3400 - 4000

4000 - 4800

4800 - 5300

5300 - 5800

5800 - 6300

400

people

2.3.2 | Population Density What we can see from the population density map are the wards that have the highest level of people per hectare in each ward.

The population density is overlaid on top of a map showing the overall population of each ward. The darker coloured wards represent the most and densest populated, the highly populated being the Waterworks, Ardoyne and Ballysillan. The density of each ward shown provides a clearer, more representative picture of the residential situation. Ardoyne, which is a relatively small ward in size, has a high population which is extremely dense.

2% - 10%

-2% - 2%

-10% - -2%

-131% - -10%

2.3.3 | Population Change 1971-1991 The decades which followed the beginning of the ‘Troubles’ in Northern Ireland saw a dramatic level of outward migration from Belfast. This was experienced intensely in North Belfast and can be seen represented in the figure above. Decline in population was experienced in all the wards displayed but the highest levels of decline appeared in the central wards of Belfast, consequently where intercommunal violence was also highest. This population decline evidently had a significant impact on the built environment and the physicality of North Belfast, for example, high levels of residential dereliction.

< 34%

34% - 42%

42% - 45%

45% - 49%

49% - 56%

56% - 63%

2.3.4 | Economically Activity Population (ages 16-74) Deprivation levels are high in this area of Belfast. Levels of longterm unemployment and economically inactive residents in North Belfast are amongst the highest in Northern Ireland. The southern wards of this specifically outlined area tend to be the more deprived, with the unemployment levels generally lowering the further north they are located. Unemployment figures rose in this area due to the major decline in the manufacturing industries, notably shipbuilding.

High unemployment levels have detrimental social effects on the area which can be affected and influenced by the built environment; this is addressed in some of the recommendations outlined for the area later in the report.

< 10%

10% - 20%

20% - 35%

35% - 45%

45% - 75%

2.3.5 | Housing Executive Housing The established trend of wards located in the south of North Belfast being the more deprived is further expressed in the previous figures depicting the levels of homes owned by the housing executive and the level of owner occupied houses. As can be seen, the wards Crumlin, Shankill, New Lodge and Duncairn, which have the highest number of housing executive owned houses also have the lowest levels of owner occupied households. This high level of dependency on social housing in the southern wards is an overall indication of the levels of deprivation in the area.

25% - 36%

36% - 46%

46% - 60%

60% - 68%

68% - 89%

2.3.6 | Access to Car/Van Adhering to the trend, the southern wards which have been identified as the most deprived, having the lowest access to a car or van. These wards are geographically located close to the city centre and so this factor may contribute to the lack of car ownership/dependency.

Travelling north into the more affluent wards further away from the city centre, the number of people who have ownership and access to a car/van significantly increases. The public realm of north Belfast has been developed to facilitate the car, specifically in the south eastern region boarding the city centre. This pedestrian unfriendly landscape provides a problem for commuters not using a car and is an issue which must be addressed.

100 - 300

300 - 500

500 - 800

800 - 3800

2.3.7 | Total Crimes Crime and deprivation are often two factors which go hand in hand. This interlinked nature can be seen by comparing the figures showing the multiple deprivations of each ward with the total number of crimes in each ward. Many of the wards in north Belfast displaying high levels of crime and deprivation contain violently contested interfaces. This division and segregation often exacerbates community tensions which can in turn encourage criminal activity.

2.4 | Natural Context Belfast Lough ill

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There are many natural and built environs surrounding North Belfast. These areas are attractive, inviting and are hotspots for tourists and people visiting Belfast. However the link between these surroundings and North Belfast is physically poor. A lot of these areas such as Cavehill, Titanic Quarter, and Cathedral Quarter are visible from North Belfast but are not very easy to access for the people in North Belfast. Physical barriers such as interfaces, peace walls and large amounts of transport infrastructure are present throughout North Belfast, physically blocking peoplesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; access to these surroundings along with mental barriers such as political and religious divisions and segregation in different areas throughout North Belfast. One of the aims of this project is to reconnect these areas and make North Belfast more permeable to its surroundings whilst allowing people easier access to the surrounding attractions and movement through and around North Belfast. A number of the surrounding areas and attractions will now be looked at in more detail.

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2.4.1 - Cavehill Sharing its name with an electoral ward in Belfast, Cavehill (sometimes known as Ben Madigan) is a basaltic hill located on the edge of Belfast City. The whole of Belfast is visible from Cavehill along with parts of Scotland and the Isle of Man on clear days. Such attractions on Cavehill include Belfast Zoo, Cavehill Country Park and Belfast Castle. Cavehill is very visible from North Belfast and dominates a portion of the Skyline. There are buses available to bring people to Cavehill however there is no dedicated pedestrian or cycle route which could really benefit both North Belfast and Cavehill. This is North Belfastâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s greatest natural asset and access to it should be made easy for everyone within North Belfast and the rest of the city. The proposal of a green route (discussed further in detail later in this report) could connect North Belfast to this unique natural environment.

2.4.2 - Laganside and the Lough Area At the end of the 1980’s, Belfast was suffering from severe underdevelopment of areas and a lack of inward funding in the city. The Laganside area of Belfast suffered years of decline and neglect due to being a post war city. The Laganside designation area was characterised as under used or unutilised land. The banks along the river were no more than areas containing rubbish, dirt and mud and were a bad reflection on the image of the city. In response to this issue, the 1989 Laganside Development Order established Laganside Corporation and developed the following vision for Laganside; “Contributing to the revitalisation of Belfast and Northern Ireland by transforming Laganside to be attractive, accessible and sustainable, recognised as a place of opportunity for all.”

All of the proposed works and projects for the Laganside are either complete, underway or committed to for the future. Within the area at the time there was no planning, public housing, building control or public health powers. The area itself was approximately 140 hectares in size and stretched nearly 5km along the river Lagan. It provided a perfect opportunity for riverside development and to bring the river back to Belfast City.

The Laganside redevelopment has truly transformed Belfast’s waterfront and also the city. The first issue was to address the current state of the waterfront regarding the environment and society. By cleaning up the waterfront, this allowed the creation of residential, commercial and civic properties along the riverbanks and also made it a more attractive area. Theses spaces have enhanced greatly the economic and social prosperity of the city. The strategy of constructing the Lagan Weir first was a deliberate and important sequence because any waterfront development relies heavily upon a water scheme which is clean, non-pollutant and navigable. By creating the walkway along the river, it became more accessible to the public and the city. By addressing this issue, residential and commercial properties were seen as potentially more attractive to buyers and investors. Laganside does provide adequate riverside walking however it is not continuous along the riverbanks nor does it connect into North Belfast easily. A pedestrian ad cycle friendly link needs to be made from North Belfast to the Laganside and also to the Lough. Currently the area is divided from North Belfast by road and transport infrastructure that is tampering people’s access to it from North Belfast.

2.5 | Urban Context

7 1 9 3

8

2

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EXISTING 1. Clarendon Docks 2. Titanic Quarter (Phase I) 3. Cathedral Quarter 4. City Centre 5. Laganside 6. Queen’s University

PROPOSED 7. Titanic Quarter (Future Phases) 8. City Quays 9. York Street Interchange 10. Sailor Town 11. Sirocco Works

The developments (mapped on the left) have very little linking them to North Belfast. Although a lot of the projects such as Titanic Belfast, Laganside, etc., are visible from North Belfast it is very difficult for people in North Belfast to access these areas. The main division between these areas and North Belfast is road infrastructure. The “grey doughnut” and the M1 motorway run alongside the east and south east of North Belfast and create a barrier which hugely disables the connection between North Belfast and the surrounding areas and attractions listed above. Large amounts of money and funding has gone into the above projects whilst little was provided for any major projects within North Belfast. It is felt that North Belfast needs a project or attraction developed in order to bring people from outside North Belfast into the City.

Belfast City, outside of North Belfast, is receiving a vast amount of funding and development and is moving ahead of North Belfast in terms of infrastructure, development and business.

A balance needs to be developed in the city in order to connect North Belfast to the rest of the city physically, economically and socially.

North Belfast vs. New Belfast An established problem within North Belfast is the relationship between territoriality and the political organisation of space. Space is constantly portioned through a combination of the physical and the symbolic (Shirlow 2006), shown through the presentation and attachment to interface barriers and wall murals. Hughes and Donnelly (2004) also note how expressions of cultural tradition such as language, sport and music have become highly politicised and employed to mark territories, reinforcing separate identities and perpetuating division. This ‘cultural production’ (Sibley 1995) has provided notions of ‘self’ and the ‘other’, ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’, the ‘chosen’ and the ‘rejected’.

Today however, Belfast is branded as the ‘post conflict city’. This has taken place in a globalised world with heighted rhetoric of neoliberalism, economic competitiveness and the ‘cultural turn’.

Cities around the world are now fully aware that they must develop the specific economies and cultures in a way to attract investment and professional classes. This has seemingly been recognised in Belfast’s Integrated Cultural Strategy which notes that: “Creativity and innovation are vital to the resurgence of Belfast and the competitiveness of the Belfast economy” (Belfast City Council 2007, p.16).

The use of cultural planning has therefore been used to foster an apparent urban renaissance, where extensive regeneration and retail developments such as Victoria Square and the iconic Titanic Belfast serve to project an image of Belfast as a ‘normal’ city. These developments are developments which would not have happened twenty/thirty years ago and mark the transition towards a post conflict city and society. Shirlow commentates that:

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“It is an understatement to note that Belfast over the past 40 years has witnessed profound and sometimes traumatic social and spatial restructuring. Traditional industry has been hollowed-out during a time when divisions and enmity between residents echoed disunity and the lack of an inclusive vision. Yet the fate of the city lies somewhere between the uniformity of corporate globalisation and the continual balkanising of social and cultural life (Shirlow 2006, p.100).”

However, in the rush to cultivate an image of neutrality and a post conflict brand, Belfast has become a tale of two cities. New sites of renewal have also become signifiers of social unevenness and exclusion (Shirlow 2006). The commodification of the city centre through new retail and residential developments, and expanding regeneration eastwards of the city is representative of a new identity, with working class alienation visually illustrated in gated communities and roaming security guards.

It could subsequently be argued that something of a dual identity runs through city. One Belfast is modern, outward-looking and progressive, with new consumption sites and high value developments reflecting selective growth in a service economy; the other Belfast, specifically North Belfast, is stratified by segregation, deprivation and fear. All of this has image making has placed a veneer upon the reality and extended the gap which exists between how Belfast has come to be packaged and the lived reality of a majority of the city’s inhabitants (Murtagh and Keaveney 2006). Indeed Murtagh and Keaveney (2006, p.188), in the assessment of present day Belfast, refer to “an increasingly bifurcated place, where new layers of disadvantage are placed over old patterns of sectarian enmity and political fatalism”.

2.6 | Impact of Troubles The Troubles and their physical legacy in North Belfast Territoriality is central to the construction of collective identities in Northern Ireland. In North Belfast, representative of the city as a whole, these identities are fragmented along segregated fault lines of Protestant and Catholic communities. This is manifest starkly in residential segregation. Hill (2008, p.3) commentates that “urban residential segregation is an enduring feature of the Troubles and is central to conflicting identities, based upon ethnicity”. Indeed Murtagh (1995) argues that ethnic segregated space is a fundamental spatial feature of the city. This has created spaces conducive to notions of ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’.

In Belfast the concept of ‘the other’ is inherent in the contestation of Unionist and Nationalist communities. This is translated into the physical environment through territorial markers or boundaries.

Peace Walls, often accompanied by wall murals, are designed to keep interface communities apart, reinforcing division by keeping the ‘insiders’ in and the ‘outsiders’ out. These walls are still present fourteen years after the signing of the ‘Good Friday Agreement’ and continued talk of Belfast being the ‘post conflict city’. Hall (2008, p.5) commentates that: “Along with the sustained presence of political murals, the walls provide for a more nuanced view of the peace process and collective identity. The both provide markers of past and present conflict and are also fluid, contestable, and highly contentious sites of memory which shape the way in which Belfast’s recent past is understood.”

Location

of

‘Peace Wall’

‘Grey Doughnut’ Motorway

of

Vacancy

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Segregation in North Belfast however is nothing new and can be traced to the historical processes of settlement pre-Troubles.

Wiener (1976) notes that even before 1840 Peterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Hill at the foot of the Shankill was predominantly Protestant; while Hill (2008) address how Ardoyne originally grew as a mill village which housed religiously homogenous communities of migrants from the countryside. Nevertheless areas such as Ardoyne, Woodvale and the Bone have had their boundaries eroded by settlement pressures and new development. So much so Buckley and Kenney (2003) describe North Belfast as â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;patchwork geography of working class Catholic/Nationalist and Protestant/Unionist areasâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. North Belfast now consists of a plethora of small, single identity estates and is the most fragmented part of the city.

2.7 | Fragmentation

North Belfast’s fragmentation and ‘patchwork geography of division’ (Buckley and Kenny 2003) has established a number of interface communities. Interface communities are sites of contested memories and collective identities (Hill 2008). This is evident through the volume of sectarian violence in such areas. In North Belfast the high volume of interfaces over a relatively small geographical area has produced a high concentration of sectarian enmity over the years. The physical landscapes of North Belfast now construct and maintain collective memories and identities. Hill (2008, p.11) therefore makes an important point when she comments that:

“If memory is shaped by uses of space at a fundamental level, then North Belfast’s interface barriers, parades and murals must be studied as a part of this process. They should be considered as more than merely a static backdrop on which the Troubles played out” (Hill 2008, p.11).

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Interface walls, more commonly known as ‘peace walls’, form a key element of North Belfast’s cultural landscape. Erected in response to the outbreak of the Troubles, peace walls have moved from being part of a RUC/ British Army strategy to control hostilities [often constructed from corrugated iron or barbed wire] to become superseded by more permanent structures (e.g. brick) in response to local concerns. Hill (2008, p.10) notes how “perhaps most fascinating about interface barriers, parades and murals in Belfast is their assimilation into a feature of ordinary life”. However while the interface barriers may now be incorporated into features of present day North Belfast, they have a profound impact on residents access to each other and access to services. This siege mentality has meant that when services and resources are located on one side of the interface this has resulted in individuals being typically reluctant to travel over to the ‘other side’ to make use of them.

Permanent Peace Wall Structures

Hidden Barriers

Gated Interfaces

Buffer Zones

Murals The display of murals, particularly in working class areas of Belfast, has become a legacy of the Troubles.

Their use has increased considerably since the paramilitary ceasefires of 1994 and they provide a means to which history is remembered and interpreted to shape collective identities. The preservation of murals is now seen as a functioning form of political culture as well as part of a growing heritage and tourism industry. Indeed Hill (2008, p.36) argues that “murals must be confronted first and foremost as objects rather than simply visual images”. There are several key murals in North Belfast which reaffirm collective identities and act as bold markers of territory, reaffirming categorisations of ‘us’ and ‘them’, ‘insider’ and ‘outsider’. The UVF mural at Mount Vernon is an example of how murals have been used as memorials to locate the legacy of the conflict. Originally painted in 1998, it was repainted in 2005 to maintain commemoration with the past.

The relocation of certain murals also stresses the attempt to conserve past memories. An example of this was the relocation of a republican mural from New Lodge Road (image on right).

3.0 | Analysis

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3.0 | Analysis

3.1 | Analysis of Maps A map of the built form from 1960 (below) shows an extremely dense urban fabric throughout the southeast corner of North Belfast. This area is closest to the city centre and historic core of Belfast and the harbour, which made it an important location where many industrial businesses and working class families established themselves.

Factories that covered entire blocks can be seen throughout the area and continuous rows of Victorian terraced housing filled in what remained. A clear block structure can be seen throughout this area and the street pattern is grid-like within the arterial routes.

The figure-ground map also clearly shows the primary open spaces that have continued to this day including numerous parks and the Girdwood site which was connected to the Crumlin Gaol at this time.

The density of North Belfast decreases from southeast to northwest where the city had only recently expanded in the decades prior.

The below figure-ground map reflecting the landscape of North Belfast today demonstrates a distinctly less dense urban condition than was seen half a century earlier. Many of the sizeable and full block structures have from the previous map have disappeared in favour of a fine-grain, detached â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;suburbanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; landscape. In many areas where the street patterns were once clearly visible, a new series of houses now show confusing layouts with many turns. In addition, a clear strip along the east side of the map is now missing due to the construction of the motorway system that now isolates the community on this side of the motorway from the city, lough, and industrial jobs on the other side. Meanwhile, along the north and west sides of the map, there are few changes that have occurred due to the limited density in which the area was built. The form of parks and housing in this area remains almost untouched.

At 1:15,000 scale, the figure ground of the southern half of North Belfast highlights the vast change that has occurred in the area during the study period. Ghosted in grey are the buildings that did not survive the 50 years between 1960 and 2012. Although many were replaced with less dense structures, others sites have remained vacant for decades. The old terraced housing has been replaced with cul-de-sac developments and high rise tower blocks,

substantially decreasing the footprint of housing in the area yet not necessarily increasing the amount of green space. In addition, the decreased permeability through these areas has restricted movement and increased insularity. Finally, the flight of industry in Belfast led to substantial unemployment and urban blight in the form of vacant and contaminated sites.

3.2 | Reasons for Change 3.2.1 | Loss of Industry In 1925 unemployment in Belfast had reached 25% and it was to remain at this level until after the Second World War. The economic bubble had burst, and with it had the viability of Belfast as an industrial centre based on local ownership of wealth. To illustrate this, in 1924 there 20,000 shipyard workers; by 1933 there were 2,000 (Wiener 1976). Consequently from the 1930s onwards the city, in order to survive economically, had to attract new, emergent industries. This, in turn, meant changes to the co-ordination of services, the centralisation of control and increasing government intervention.

Therefore in the space of a quarter of a century, Belfast changed from being one of Britainâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s preeminent industrial cities to a city with a quarter of its population unemployed and a city in desperate need of new industry and wealth. In order for this to happen economic and physical plans were drawn up to make Belfast, and Northern Ireland, attractive to investors. This need for planning led to establishment of the Planning Commission at the end of the Second World War, and the later invitation to Sir Robert Matthew to prepare the Belfast Regional Plan.

A second decline in the industrial economy of Belfast by the late 1960â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s and this time it would be permanent. Although the cranes continue to loom large over the harbour, manufacturing jobs decreased by over 80% by the turn of the century and Belfast indelibly moved to a service economy (see Fig. 8).

3.2.2 | Movement to surrounding towns Communities now had to be altered to fit with the new economic needs to the city. The role of planning however was often criticised on part of the communities. Commentators such as Wiener (1976, p.27) refer to a “lack of concern for the needs of working class people and a general failure in planning nearly everywhere at that time to take into account social needs”. He continues: “The basic problems were not to do with individual difficulties of adjustment (though these did exist), but with social and economic ‘solutions’ that whole communities were having inflicted upon them in the name of progress.

Redevelopment schemes and an urban motorway were planned to ‘blitzkrieg’ through working class Belfast uprooting a quarter of its population along the way.

After the ‘troubles’ these were the biggest issues that confronted local communities in Belfast (Wiener 1976, p.7).”

As a result communities in North Belfast, and the city as a whole, began to be broken up as younger people moved into the new estates and hinterland. Redevelopment also served to wipe out small traders, ensuring larger retail stores the markets they needed if they were to set up shop in the city.

Increased fares and the deterioration of public transport services coincided with the onset of redevelopment and this dispersal of population and centralisation of shopping, leisure and community services. People now had to travel further to get to work or the local community centre and car ownership rose steadily as a result.

3.2.3 | Planning Movements Effective planning control began in 1942 with the establishment of the Planning Commission and the Planning Advisory Boards. Planning and development at this time faced many challenges. For example the 1944 Interim Housing Report argued that 87% of houses in Belfast were in need of repair, while at the same time advocating that there should be large scale slum clearance. Recommendation for slum clearance legislation was enacted in 1956, with the first redevelopment scheme implemented in 1960. Another 1944 report on the location of industry also acknowledged the uneven distribution of industry and need for better transport facilities. Belfastâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s legacy by 1960 was consequently of a city with a decayed and congested centre. The factors pushing for the redevelopment of the city were subsequently tied up with attracting Foreign Direct Investment, improving the outward appearance of the city, and providing the necessary infrastructures. These challenges, combined with continued decline in employment, thrust focused greater attention upon the role of planning.

3.3 | General Patterns A number of general patterns of change in the built environment of North Belfast have been highlighted in the following pages. Slum clearances, rebuilding efforts and the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Troublesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; all had devastating effects on the urban landscape of the area and have transformed the continuous and dense network of streets into fragmented pockets of insular social housing estates.

3.3.1 | Vacancy and Peace Walls By mapping the buildings that have been lost since 1960 below with those that have replaced them, the lower density replacement over the past half century is clearly visible. In many places a complete and repetitive traditional block form has been replaced by meandering cul-desacs and detached housing units.

Furthermore, the vacant space of today clearly demonstrates that many pockets in the densest parts of North Belfast that were cleared remain vacant to this day.

Many of these spaces surround the motorway network as well as the peace walls in interface areas between Protestant and Catholic communities.

3.3.2 | Fragmentation + Insularity The area of Ardoyne / Glenbryn provides an example of how the landscape throughout North Belfast has been altered to reduce permeability. In recent decades many of the streets in the northwest corner of the estate were cut off to create dead ends at core of the blocks. In addition, prior to the Troubles, the street pattern in Ardoyne was a near perfect grid system that connected the neighbouring housing estates. However, the permeability in this area has been decimated by a peace wall that cuts off accessibility between Ardoyne and Glenbryn along an interface between religious communities. Both alterations have fragmented the community and reduced the ease of movement from one place to another from within the area. Both developments have been turned in upon themselves which has encouraged insularity and polarisation.

1960

2012

Space Syntax Diagram The above diagram visually represents the fragmentation imposed upon Glenbryn / Ardoyne.

Peacewalls and disconnected streets substantially increase the number of intersections one must pass through to maneauver a once continuous street pattern. The line weight diminishes in size with each intersection.

A C B

1960

2012

3.3.3 | Housing Typologies The drastic changes that have occurred in the social housing estates of North Belfast are clear in the areas of New Lodge and Tigers Bay. This has caused a huge decrease in density in the area. With

addition of the peace walls, movement through the area has been restricted. Each of the following housing phases was a reaction to the issues of the one prior:

B

C A

Terraced Housing: mid-1800’s The majority of the built environment in North Belfast was once made up of block upon block of terraced housing. The somewhat-gridded street pattern lined relatively narrow streets between arterial routes with small footpaths along the front and very small back gardens in the rear.

The back to back layout resulted in extreme density in population and built form providing very little green space beyond the few main parks in the area.

Tower Blocks: 1950 - 1970 Following a period of heavy slum clearance, which began in 1956, the tower block was introduced as a modernist response to overcrowding in cities. Through this method the population density in the affected areas was retained or increased by building vertically, which maximised the amount of open space around each structure. However, the environment around the tower blocks was often poorly maintained and the car again became dominant, limiting the amount of safe play area for children growing up in the flats.

Housing Executive Estates: 1970 - present After its establishment in 1971, the Northern Ireland Housing Executive (NIHE) began to replace many of the densest and oldest areas of social housing units in North Belfast. In many instances the continuous street pattern was forgotten in favour of a more intimate network of cul-de-sacs. A limited number of housing types were made available and were built in mass to face the street, with limited concern for the orientation of structures based on passive solar principles. These ‘cookie-cutter’ homes allocated personal front and rear gardens along sizeable walkways and very wide streets. In addition, the single family units lowered the population density of the area substantially. Each estate was turned in upon itself to encourage ‘defensible space’ with a high number of eyes on the street, while limiting access to the insular network of winding streets.

1960

2012

3.3.4 | Continuity The areas that have undergone minimal change throughout the same era within the North Belfast are located primarily to the north and west of the study area along the outer edges of the city. The Cliftonville Road is an example of an area where the built form has been preserved over time. This is primarily due to the high quality

of construction and limited density with which these buildings were first established by their wealthier land owners. The area was never slated for slum clearance and is considered today to be a heritage area to be consciously preserved moving forward.

3.4 | Moving Forward 3.4 - Conclusion Over the past 50 years, the changes in the physical and cultural landscape of North Belfast have brought insularity and enclosure to an area that was once vibrant and permeable.

However, the insularity and vacancy that exists today provides opportunities for the future of the area. Although slum clearance, exit of industry and infrastructural â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;improvementsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; have interrupted the continuous urban fabric of the area, these vacant sites have provided open space that was once extremely limited amidst the Victorian terraced housing. In addition, the insular and isolated tower blocks and cul-de-sac housing estates have resulted in calmer and safer streets and also provide the opportunity for active street life with front gardens and play areas.

Unfortunately, the changes in the area also reflect serious, negative demographic shifts in the area. While North Belfast continues to stand out as the most deprived and quickly deteriorating wards in all of Northern Ireland, the new city continues to grow. As a result of the landscape, the residents of North Belfast often have limited access to services and neighbouring residents. The remainder of the report will highlight how designers and planners can reverse these issues in favour of a more continuous and connected landscape to allow for better mobility and accessibility within, to and from North Belfast.

4.0 | Design Strategy

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4.1 | Vision Statement

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The initiatives and priority projects proposed in this report are aimed at fostering sustainable communities within NORTH BELFAST through increased permeability in the area and improved connectivity to the surrounding natural environment and metropolitan area.

4.2 | Sustainability In order for something to be considered sustainable it must meet three aspects â&#x20AC;&#x201C; environmental, economic, social. It is important not to compromise any of these aspects in favour of another; they must be given equal consideration as without one aspect, sustainability and sustainable development cannot be achieved. Sustainability is not only about making changes to meet the needs of the present day, we must also consider how our actions today will affect the lives of those in the future. For generations in North Belfast there have been divisions among communities due to conflicts of interests, religion, politics, etc.

If this is to change in the future, action needs to be taken now.

The aim of these proposals and potential solutions is to help remove the divisions in North Belfast and create an area that is one community, as opposed to separate, divided communities.

4.2.1 | Economic Encourage movement throughout the community (especially from outsiders). This can be achieved by creating pedestrian/cycle friendly routes that bring people through North Belfast as opposed to around the edges. This will encourage more people from outside of North Belfast to travel through the city and also allow people within North Belfast to easily and safely commute around the city.

By bringing more people through the city it is hoped that this will increase the activity in the area and have a positive effect on the economy within the area, creating more business and more vibrant shopping areas. Another aspect of the economic element will be the use of existing derelict, empty and unused sites across North Belfast. These spaces can be transformed into usable public spaces to attract visitors to these areas. Existing derelict and empty sites are seen as an eye sore, unattractive and potentially unsafe for nearby residents and users.

for

Fair Everyone

Active, Inclusive + Safe

Well Served

Connected to Environment

Sustainable Community Objectives

Environmentally Sensitive

Well Designed + Built

Thriving

Well Run

Well Connected

4.2.2 | Social The ideal would be to create a space accessible by all communities linking to common interest throughout the city. It is also hoped that the proposals in this report can increase the standard of living within North Belfast whilst creating more neutral areas within the city. It is hoped that by creating common green spaces and routes throughout the city, that they will be used by all within the city and be seen as neutral, safe, attractive areas by which to commute around the city. It is hoped to try and create equality throughout the city by joining and linking different communities and areas.

Creating more neutral areas will make North Belfast more usable by everyone, safer and in the long run, reduce crime rates, anti-social behaviour and community divisions.

4.2.3 | Environmental North Belfast is surrounded by unique natural environments such as Cavehill and the Lough. It is the aim to try and reconnect and link North Belfast to its natural surroundings. This can be achieved by making North Belfast more pedestrian and cycle friendly by creating â&#x20AC;&#x153;green routesâ&#x20AC;? through the area by connecting existing green spaces (parks, leisure areas, public spaces) and to make attractive, safe routes for pedestrians and cyclists wishing to travel around and through North Belfast. Not only will this make the area more attractive and safe, it will hopefully decrease the use and need of cars, taxis and buses around the area. This will help to reduce pollution in the area, reduce natural resource use and through creating the green routes, help connect and link North Belfast with its natural environmental surroundings.

4.3 | Design Principles

4.3.1 | Demos Article – Equally Spaced This article provides a study into how public space can contribute to building positive relationships and bridges between different communities. It finds first and foremost that public spaces should be planned so that different groups can use it differently, building on the potential for adaptation to shifting patterns of need.

The creation of neutral spaces (coffee shops, bookstores, car boot sales, supermarkets) are essential spaces as this is where people feel most at ease and relaxed, maintaining a civil society and promoting democratic engagement. This is a consideration that should be taken into account when developing open/shared spaces connecting some of the fractured neighbourhoods in North Belfast.

Public spaces proposed must be recommended to be open to multiuse, with different activities allowed throughout the day, they must be easily accessible without any symbolic barriers to a specific group.

The best spaces are ‘on tap’ meaning they are available all the time or have long opening hours, they are either free or very low costs

in terms of the activities or services on offer. Routes and pathways through the space must be clearly distinguished and legible. Overall the spaces must be safe and welcoming to all potential users.

This can be achieved, for example, through the use of appropriate lighting.

It is important to engage with the mainstream, trusted individuals who lead communities for example, when proposing any form of development within a community. These people can act as hubs for transmitting ideas from different groups during the plan making process.

It’s important to look beyond traditional centres of cities when seeking to develop spaces for new interactions. It’s recommended that policy makers look towards ‘spaces of uncertainty’ focusing on bridging communities such as those found in North Belfast. These places should be where many different identities can come together in positive ways.

4.3.2 | Urban Renaissance Urban Renaissance advocates a return to viewing parks, squares and public buildings as the hallmark of our cities. All new developments must strive for greater mix of building types and housing tenures and seek to optimise development density in proximity to public transport hubs. People chose to walk from one destination to another on a favoured route, it is important to provide these for resident and commuters in north Belfast. A clear articulation of public space that connects different quarters, neighbourhoods, and communities to each other is essential. There needs to be a good connection between different elements of the city with the local community, the neighbourhood and district. For public space there should be a clear hierarchy between the through-routes and the more subtle structure of local streets and alley-ways. It is important to think of open space as a vital part of the urban landscape with its own specific set of functions. Streets need continuous street frontages and to be overlooked from upper storeys as a form of natural security.

The use of higher density housing is encouraged as higher densities allow a greater number of public amenities and transport facilities to be located within distance thus reducing the need for the car and contributing to urban sustainability. The streets can be reclaimed to meet many different community needs as opposed to simply providing a conduit for motor vehicles. The amount of land given to the car must be reduced; this can be achieved specifically by reducing the amount of space within our towns that is designated to surface level car parking.

4.3.3 | Good Practice in Local Area Planning in the Context of Promoting Good Relations Broad guidance has been taken from a Swedish initiative, the ‘Metropolitan Development Initiative’ which aimed to promote economic growth while at the same time breaking socio-economic, ethnic and discriminatory segregation. At a city-wide scale, it recommends that there needs to be a link created between environmental planning, regeneration and good relations. This is done by having: • Planning that takes into account the needs of numerous different people; • Planning that takes a rights based approach and incorporates a duty to promote equality of opportunity; • Planning that engages people in a participatory way as equals rather than as passive target groups simply to be consulted; and • Planning that takes the social dimension of sustainable development as seriously as the environmental and economic dimensions.

When producing open space as a means of regenerating a place, Bradley and Murtagh (2007) recommend that it: • Be flexible in the use of space, understand the grain of people’s everyday lives and reflect it in the design of public space; • Aims to create the setting for ‘trusted’ spaces, where people feel secure to take part in unfamiliar interactions; • Fosters positive interactions but don’t promote them: take an indirect approach to changing behaviour; and • Embraces creativity and innovation in finding new and imaginative uses for spaces that will transform interactions between people.

4.4 | Trail Network Belfast Lough ill

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Currently, the off-road pedestrian and cycle network throughout Belfast is limited and fragmented. Although footpaths and cycle lanes are provided throughout the city, the footpaths are often narrow and in poor condition while the cycle lanes are primarily allocated along busy arterial routes which are hazardous for cyclists during peak traffic hours.

REGIONAL TRAIL NETWORKS Belfast Hills Cycle Route (14 Lagan

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Lough Cycle Way (21 Ballyshannon (281

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Meanwhile, the open space throughout North Belfast remains underused by the populations that surround them based on sectarian territoriality over the parks and sport facilities.

In addition, the vacant space mentioned earlier that was primarily raised for slum clearance goes underused or is inaccessible to local populations due to peace walls. When considered together, the combination of vacant space and open space creates a thick patchwork quilt over the entirety of North Belfast which could provide easily accessible sport and leisure opportunities for all residents in the area.

Precedent: Bloomberg Public Space Scheme In New York City, Mayor Bloomberg in 2007 introduced PlaNYC 2030 in an attempt to create a greener, greater New York City.

Some of the key aspects put forward in the plan include: • Each resident of New York city to live within a 10 minute walk from green space scheme.

• The expansion of usable hours at existing fields and green spaces by installing additional lights and turf fields, hoping to encourage the further use of green space.

• The improvement of New York city’s streets and sidewalks by the addition of new greenstreets and public plazas in every community as part of an overarching strategy to create a more inviting public realm.

• The facilitation of urban agriculture and community gardening, this is seen as an important tool in building communities, supporting local cultural heritage and a good way to bring individuals together around shared interests.

• To incentivise developers to partner with local communities so neighbourhoods gain a stronger voice in shaping the direction of their neighbourhoods, leading to a more inclusive, community based approach to development.

A key aspect applicable to North Belfast from the PlaNYC is the creation of a ‘green corridor.’ This is developed from multi-use pathways for non-motorised transportation along linear spaces such as rail and highway rights-of-way, river corridors, waterfront spaces, parklands and, where necessary, city streets.

New York City have taken the action of addressing streets as not just for vehicular access but as vital public spaces, promoters of mobility by a variety of modes, and as ecological assets.

Based on Mayor Bloomberg’s proposal to establish a green space within 10 minutes of every New Yorker the current allocation of green space in North Belfast fail to serve certain areas and residents. In some instances, entire neighbourhoods are restricted from access to their nearest open space due to physical barriers such as peace walls and busy arterial routes. However, when including the vacant space, every resident in North Belfast has access to at least one open space within a ten minute walk of their home. By establishing a network of connections between these green spaces a trail system can be established away from arterial routes to provide safe and enjoyable mobility throughout North Belfast.

The proposed pedestrian and cycle trail network connects open spaces as well as the existing lanes along arterial routes in all

directions through North Belfast to link the area into regional trail networks as well as nearby natural surroundings and ‘New’ Belfast.

With the proposed trail system, residents will have access to trails and green space within a 10 minute walk of their residence and other residents and visitors will be able to easily navigate North Belfast to access Cave Hill, West Belfast, City Centre and Belfast Lough. A clearly marked, well lit trail with a quality paving and planting system will be a truly ‘public’ space that is owned and maintained for the general well-being of North Belfast, not for a specific community. In order to achieve this, the area must be free from territorial claim such as flags and emblems being displayed. In early years of the implementation of this project there will undoubtedly be gates that restrict movement through certain areas at certain times such as night-time.

This overall scheme provides permeability throughout the whole of North Belfast through a system of new and existing open spaces and trails that are easily accessible and navigable by local residents and visitors to the area. North Belfast will benefit directly from this proposal through the benefits that safe mobility and leisure opportunity brings and also through economic gain from the residents and tourists who will be attracted to enter the area and use the trail system to visit nearby landmarks.

It is hoped that by inviting people into and through North Belfast, a more vibrant and shared atmosphere will be established.

This map demonstrates that the proposed pedestrian and cyclist trail will be directly accessible from anywhere in North Belfast within a 10 minute walk. The accessibility reach of the trail is extended further by the strong network of open space throughout the area. The existing schools throughout North Belfast have been mapped on top of the trail system to demonstrate that children in the area will finally have access to areas of safe mobility in their community

97%

Precedent | Dublin Bike Scheme Dublinbikes was founded in September 2009 and to date is recognised as one of the most successful bike schemes of its kind in the world.

In recent years it has been compared to a similar scheme in Australia however is now recognised as more of a success. Up to and including April of this year, there have been over 3.5 million journeys taken on a Dublin bike with over 44,000 long term members.

of subscribers aged

57%

Located in Dublin City centre, there are a total of 44 stations throughout the city with a minimum of 15 stands at each station. This gives the scheme a huge 660 bikes in total across the city.

of rentals are free

Dublinbikes recently won the award for Best Green Contribution to Dublin Life at the inaugural Dublin Living Awards 2011. This award is even more special to dublinbikes as it was voted for by members of the public, and comes hot on the heels of the results of Dublin City Councilâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Your Dublin Your Voice survey, in which 95% of respondents felt that Dublinbikes has had a positive impact on the city.

Chambers Ireland announced Dublinbikes as the winner in the Sustainable Development category at the Excellence in Local Government Awards. This award recognizes the valuable role that Dublinbikes plays in city life, and the contribution the scheme has made towards the sustainable development of Dublin City.

Dublin City and Belfast city are both 115sq km in size so implementing a bike scheme in the whole of Belfast would be very similar to that in Dublin city, which has been a huge success. With the proposal of introducing green routes through north Belfast, the bike scheme would fit in perfectly with this idea with possible locations of bike rental stations being around the green/public spaces in the area as well as being on the outskirts of the area to allow people entering the city to travel into the city on bikes on green cycle friendly routes.

Dublin Bikes has proven, with comments from the public and people using the service, that it has had a positive effect on the area. A scheme like this in Belfast City could really enhance the social aspect of the area by creating friendlier, safer, neutral areas across North Belfast.

18-35

66,000+ 3,170,000+ 119/bike total subscribers

total rentals

subscribers

13 min avg. ride time

53

Precedent | Copenhagen Pedestrian-Centred Public Realm Copenhagen subtle streets are a model for public realm design. This was achieved by slowly pedestrianizing the city, beginning with the main street Stroget in 1962. Over the next 40 years more streets and spaces became pedestrianized and recreational centre activities developed.

Initially people opposed the idea fearing it would be detrimental for business.

However fewer cars meant more people, so profit actually increased. Public transport improved and bicycle networks were expanded. This created a new city culture with a buzzing public life which was extraordinary by Scandinavian standards. Large space became public forum and a lively city centre had been created.

Parking spaces increased in price to encourage people to use public transport instead. The City Bike system allowed people to rent bikes for free and 110 bicycle racks were placed throughout the city.

Jan Gehl stated ‘We shape cities, and they shape us’. Well-designed neighbourhoods therefore inspire the people who live in them, whilst poorly designed cities brutalize their citizens. Since 1968 – 1995 people who stopped and relaxed in the city centre had increased 3.5 times.

4.5 | Priority Projects

Short-Term | Open Space around Tower Blocks Despite many of the tower blocks being situated in areas which have the lowest access to cars and vans, much of the open space around the tower blocks is paved for vehicular use. The tower blocks of New Lodge provide an extreme example of this, where the towers sit on small islands of poorly maintained open space entirely surrounded by car parking and looped streets.

Although the tower blocks were seen as a relief to the densely built terraced housing rows, the space around the towers is largely unused, not defensible and overrun by parked cars.

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Simple improvements to the area surrounding the New Lodge tower blocks could deliver a sustainable and safe open space for the residents to be proud of. By limiting vehicular traffic to the existing continuous roads along the edge of the development and consolidating car parking, the central area surrounding the towers will be free for walking and playing. A footpath network between buildings and through the open space along with a quality lighting and planting scheme would provide an immediate improvement to the neighbourhood.

Existing

Proposed

Medium-Term | Interface to Park The interface between Glenbryn and Ardoyne has been an flashpoint for violence since the Τroubles began. As a result, both communities have retained a peace wall that divides them even though it limits their access to amenities. The following proposal considers the near-term concerns in the demolition of the peace wall and provides a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;plantingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; strategy to overcome it.

In the near-term, a continuous line of deciduous trees could be planted along the peace wall to allow the vegetation to grow as a natural boundary. Over time the trees will mature as the fears of the residents subside. Along areas where open space exists on both sides of the peace wall, trees with high foliage will be planted so that the derelict land can be reused as a park in the future. In addition, a youth centre will be established at the west end of the peace line along the Ardoyne Road to draw in students from both communities without forcing them to cross community lines.

Upon calls for the removal of the peace wall, the privacy line of trees will replace it and a network of green spaces will be available for both communities and the youth centre. On the vacant land within Glenbryn, a new park and playing field will be established. To the east, the triangular shaped lot between houses will be fenced in and fitted with play equipment for children in the area to use. An example of good practice is Mauerpark in Berlin which emerged after the fall of the Berlin wall. Over time, the street network will be altered to encourage connectivity and easier access to goods and services

Precedent | Berlin Mauerpark was a former part of the Berlin Wall and was designated as a public place and a green space after the fall of the Berlin Wall.

It is a symbol of east-west reunification. With funding from Allianz Environment Group, the park was built on the eastern half of the train station. Attempts to attach the west area to the green space have so far failed.

The park today attracts a lot of young Berliners and is a very popular place for people to gather and socialise. It attracts many visitors and street entertainers including jugglers, musicians and basketball players filling the courts. It is used for festivals, organised nightlife and the Bearpit karaoke which takes place on Sunday afternoons.

Existing

A 30m strip of the wall remains in the park today as a monument and reminder of the freedom people now have. Graffiti is permitted and many artists display their work here. Next to the park is a flea market which opens every Sunday and again attracts many local residents.

The park also has a playground, climbing wall and a green garden.

It provides for all ages and is a huge success providing a unique harmony of differences.

It is a very successful project and an example of how a barrier can be changed into an attractive, lively place where people can gather together and feel safe.

Proposed

Long-Term | Permeable Cul-de-sacs Through a phased, long-term development plan, the cul-de-sac street pattern of today will dissolve into the continuous street pattern of the past to encourage more permeable and connected neighbourhoods. As the quality the current housing in the area deteriorates an on-going initiative to re-orient the housing in the area will commence. The demolition of housing will only occur as is deemed necessary and the density of the area will remain the same or increase depending on the needs of the community.

4pm

8am

Noon

As an example of how phased re-orientation of cul-de-sacs could take place, an example along the south side of the Crumlin Road has been chosen as a demonstration project. In the first phase of development, the many dead-end streets that infiltrate the block structure will be closed off for pedestrian use only and car parking will be forced on street or in nearby car parks. In addition, any potential connections through the block without demolition will take place to increase the amount of street parking available and also providing easier access to the housing estate. At this stage, any derelict land will be repurposed for recreational use by the community until a suitable development opportunity becomes available.

Throughout the following decades the housing stock will be allowed to deteriorate in a managed way so as to allow the east and west facing properties to fall into disrepair first. New housing facing south will replace the former dwellings to reinstate the historic street pattern and also take advantage of solar heating and lighting.

Attached single-family homes or apartment buildings will be built to replace the existing low-density dwellings to meet the housing needs of the area.

Existing

Phase I

Phase II

4.6 | Conclusion After analysing the structure, layout, form and density of North Belfast it was established that the changes in the built environment over the past 50 years have resulted in less dense, isolated and insular communities while reducing permeability within North Belfast and connectivity to the impressive natural and built environment that surrounds it. The initiatives and priority projects proposed in this report aim to help renew the area and allow it to reach the same standard of living as the rest of Belfast City. It was established that the stark reduction in street connections was a result of the replacing of linear terraced housing designs with inclusive, closed off cul-de-sac housing. This subsequently divided the inner city, creating numerous smaller communities in the area and increasing the fragmentation of North Belfast.

The proposals in this report aim to open these areas up and increase the access to services or local residents thus avoiding duplication of services which is economically unsustainable.

The interface to the park attempts to integrate the area by using the vast amount of surrounding vacant land to create a shared space and increase public realm. It also aims to create a more attractive and permeable area in order to bring more people to the area and to create a neutral, safe zone.

North Belfast itself lies only 300 meters from the city centre yet is often considered to be suburban in density and also nearly completely a car dominated area. This use of space is unsustainable hence it was proposed in this project to use the existing green sites and also the derelict and vacant sites throughout North Belfast as open green paces. This aims to promote public realm, make the area more attractive and welcoming whilst bringing communities together to new shared

spaces. With the Westlink completely cutting North Belfast off from the city centre the introduction of a bike scheme is an effort to connect the area with the wider city. In making the area more pedestrian and bicycle friendly it is hoped this will make the area more sustainable as well as transforming it into a shared space. By creating a green route through the area there is the potential to bring more people from outside the area through North Belfast, whilst also allowing the residents of North Belfast the chance to commute through the area along attractive, safe car free pedestrian and cycle friendly routes.

The proposals in this project, through proper and considered planning, design and regeneration, will hopefully achieve the goals of enhancing and improving peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s access to each other, peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s access to services, the viability of services and generally increase and improve the living environment in North Belfast whilst connecting it to its natural surroundings and the rest of the city.

5.0 | Appendix

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5.0 | Appendix

5.1 | Appendix Page

Maps

A1

Map of North Belfast. 1960. Ordinance Survey of Northern Ireland (OSNI). 1:15,000.

A2

Aerial Photograph of North Belfast. 1984. Ordinance Survey of Northern Ireland (OSNI). 1:15,000.

A3

Map of North Belfast. 2012. Ordinance Survey of Northern Ireland (OSNI). 1:15,000. Edited by W. Hanson.

A4

Aerial Photograph of North Belfast. 2012. Google Maps. 1:15,000. Edited

by B. Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Doherty.

A5

Figure-Ground Map of North Belfast. 1960. Ordinance Survey of Northern Ireland (OSNI). 1:15,000. Edited by W. Hanson

A6

Figure-Ground Map of North Belfast. 1984. Ordinance Survey of Northern Ireland (OSNI). 1:15,000. Edited by W. Hanson

A7

Figure-Ground Map of North Belfast. 2012. Ordinance Survey of Northern Ireland (OSNI). 1:15,000. Edited by W. Hanson

A8

Figure-Ground Map Highlighting Areas Lost between 1960-2012. 2012.

W. Hanson. 1:15,000.

A1

Map of North Belfast. 1960. Ordinance Survey of Northern Ireland (OSNI). 1:15,000.

A2

Aerial Photograph of North Belfast. 1984. Ordinance Survey of Northern Ireland (OSNI). 1:15,000.

A3

Map of North Belfast. 2012. Ordinance Survey of Northern Ireland (OSNI). 1:15,000. Edited by W. Hanson.

A4

Aerial Photograph of North Belfast. 2012. Google Maps. 1:15,000. Edited by B. Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Doherty.

A5

Figure-Ground Map of North Belfast. 1960. Ordinance Survey of Northern Ireland (OSNI). 1:15,000. Edited by W. Hanson

A6

Figure-Ground Map of North Belfast. 1984. Ordinance Survey of Northern Ireland (OSNI). 1:15,000. Edited by W. Hanson

A7

Figure-Ground Map of North Belfast. 2012. Ordinance Survey of Northern Ireland (OSNI). 1:15,000. Edited by W. Hanson

A8

Figure-Ground Map Highlighting Areas Lost between 1960-2012. 2012. W. Hanson. 1:15,000.

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NORTH Physicality

of

Place

BELFAST

Spatial Analysis + Design Strategy J. Bronte

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A. Connolly

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W. Hanson

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A. Liddy

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L. McGuinness