Nongqai Vol 12 No 6

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Publisher | Uitgewer The editor-in-chief and producer of Nongqai is retired Brigadier Hennie Heymans (“HBH”) of the S.A. Police, assisted by associate editors Frans Bedford-Visser (“FBV”), former Warrant Officer in the S.A. Railways Police, recently retired from Police Scotland, and Dr. Willem Steenkamp (“WPS”), a political scientist as well as retired attorney / ambassador who is a former member of the N.I.S. and D.F.A.

Die hoofredakteur en uitgewer van Nongqai is afgetrede Brigadier Hennie Heymans (“HBH”) van die S.A.Polisie, bygestaan deur mederedakteurs Frans Bedford-Visser (“FBV”), voormalige adjudant-offisier in die S.A. Spoorwegpolisie en onlangs afgetrede lid van die Skotse Polisie plus Dr. Willem Steenkamp (“WPS”), politieke wetenskaplike, afgetrede prokureur /ambassadeur en voormalige lid van N.I. en die D.B.S.

Hennie is passionate about our police, military, intelligence and national security history. He holds a M.A. degree in National Security Studies.

Hennie is passievol oor ons polisie, militêre, intelligensie and nasionale veiligheidsgeskiedenis. Hy het ‘n M.A.-graad in Nasionale Strategiese Studies. Frans woon in Skotland, VK, en het 'n ywerige belangstelling in die behoud van die geskiedenis van ons voormalige veiligheidsmagte, veral die Spoorwegpolisie. Hy besit ‘n Diploma in Polisiedienste, Leierskap en Bestuur.

Frans resides in Scotland, UK, and has a keen interest in preserving the history of our former security forces, especially the Railways Police. He holds a Diploma in Police Services, Leadership and Management. In addition to his law degrees, Willem obtained a D. Litt.et Phil. with a thesis focused on the intelligence function of the political system. As intelligence analyst he i.a. headed the SWA/N desk at the N.I.S., whilst as diplomat he headed the diplomatic academy and served as the New South Africa’s first ambassador to Black Africa. Willem is from a police family, being the oldest son of the late Maj. Genl. Frans Steenkamp, former C.O. of the S.A.P. Security Branch. Opinions expressed by Hennie, Frans or Willem (or by any other contributor), are entirely their own responsibility, and should be attributed to them, and not to the magazine.

Benewens sy regsgrade het Willem die graad D. Litt. et Phil. verwerf met ‘n proefskrif gefokus op die intelligensiefunksie van die politieke stelsel. As evalueerder was hy hoof van die SWA/N-lessenaar van N.I., en as diplomaat het hy o.a. die diplomatieke akademie gelei en het ook gedien as die Nuwe Suid-Afrika se eerste ambassadeur na Swart Afrika. Willem kom uit ‘n polisie-familie; sy vader was genl. maj. Frans Steenkamp, in lewe B.O. van die SAP-VT. Menings uitgespreek deur óf Hennie, Frans of Willem (of deur enige ander bydraer), is hulle eie verantwoordelikheid en moet hulle persoonlik toegereken word, nie die tydskrif nie.

Aim & Policy | Doel & Beleid Our goal is to collect and record our national security history for publication

Ons doel is om die nasionale veiligheidsgeskiedenis in Nongqai aan te

in Nongqai for future generations. We publish the articles and stories as

teken en so vir die nageslagte bewaar.

received; we only correct spelling mistakes. It's important to publish the

Ons publiseer die artikels en stories soos ontvang; ons korrigeer net

stories in the form and context as they are received. Police and defence

spelfoute. Dit is belangrik om die stories in die vorm en konteks te

personnel have their own language and sub-culture. We are not a scien-

publiseer soos dit ontvang word. Die polisie en verdedigingspersoneel het

tific or literary journal. We only work with historical building blocks.

hul eie taal en subkultuur. Ons is nie 'n wetenskaplike of literêre joernaal nie. Ons werk net met historiese boustene.

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READ ABOUT CONST UMDISA — THE HUMAN BLOODHOUND

A little about myself and my Colourise art....... My passion for history and particularly the Anglo Boer War probably stemmed from a visit to the Johannesburg Cenotaph on Remembrance Day with my father when an 80-year-old gentleman stooped down to shake my hand. I was mesmerised that he was ten times older than me. Years later I did the maths and it turned out that the medals I saw on his heart must have dated back to and beyond the Boer War. On a junior school trip to one of the blockhouses and forts, my dad told me to keep an eye open for spent ‘doppies’ on the ground which I didn’t find but always wished I had. These were the indelible impressions I carried with me to adulthood. My digital art background: I am a selftaught digital artist. I later applied to Corel Company in Ireland and eventually became the first Authorised Training Centre in KwaZulu Natal where I actually taught digital art and also colourising of black and white photos. Colourising of images is strictly not just art but involves a load of research in order to achieve correct and true results so it is a history lesson (unlike those taught at school) it becomes personal. I would like to think that I have reproduced the colour of that time although it is a challenge. I would say the bulk of my work is based on or is as true to correct colours as possible but I readily accept correction. This is my way of honouring those that left footprints for me and my children – Salute!

Contributors to NONGQAI Get to know contributors to Nongqai whose insightful articles will delight you!

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7 - Voorwoord: Brigadier Fanie Bouwer 9 - Ladysmith Native Police: Dennis Morton and Jennifer Bosch 10 - e-Bediening: Pastoor Koot Swanepoel SAP HISTORY | SAP GESKIEDENIS 11 - Dr Leon Wessels 13 – Genl Johan van der Merwe 15 - Die hare waai in die tapkantien: Kol Schoeman 17 - 1976: The Attack on the Managa Road: Mpumalanga Erfnis 20 - 1988: Woodstock Polisiestasie: My kantoor met limpetmyn vernietig: Brig Fanie Bouer 21 - SAP: Grensdiens: "Bos Toe Gaan": Brig Fanie Bouwer 23 - Historical Photo: Col Logan Govender (Pietermaritzburg) 23 - Die Groenpen Conrad Thalwitzer 24 - 1962: SAP Glencoe (in kaki en blou): Serine Adendorff Halforty 25 - 1977: Konstabel Jimmy: SAP Nauchas: SAP Tydskrif—Julie 1977 25 - Pietermaritzburg: Gemeentepolitie | Borough Police: Carlos Vieira 26 - Umdisa Decoration for Detectives, Investigators and Intelligence Officers????: HBH 26 - The remarkable story of Constable Umdisa: The Human Bloodhound: Col HF Trew 34 - 1956: My Pa as jong Berede Polisieman: Stompie du Pont: Marcia du Pont 35 – SAP Generaals: Foto genl Stevens en genl Steenkamp 36 - Luit-genl John Manuel van die SuidAfrikaanse Polisiediens 37 - 1913: SAP Cradock: Naomi Keyter

Brig Fanie Bouwer

Johnathan Pittaway

Logan Govender

‘n Deurwinterde en skerpsinnige polisieoffisier van die ‘ou’ Kaapprovinsie — ’n man vlot in isiXhosa is en voormalige SB, DK en ABSbevelvoerder in die WP.

Author and Charted Accounted shares with our readers some of his historical police photos,

Retried Colonel of the Police living in Pietermaritzburg is continuously finding old photos and author of articles

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39 - ZARP: Kommissaris van Polisie: Mnr Van Niekerk 41 – Nuus van die Nongqai Trust 46 - 1990/1: SAP Museum: Ventersburg 46 – SAP uit vergange se dae 47 - Veiligheidstak: Afdeling Port Natal: Rob Welman 50 - Kinderpartytjie sonder vreugde: Komatipoort herdenk twintig se arseendood: Piet Greyvenstein 52 - Ramaphosa has turned his back on South Africa’s citizens: SA Institute Of Race Relations 54 - Southern African Police History: Jonathan Pittaway 59 - Medals: Colonel Carl Richter: Johnathan Pittaway 59 - Col C Richter: HBH 62 - Brixton Murder & Robbery Squad: Captain Frik La Grange, KPM, SOO: Jonathan Pittaway 65 - Dishonourable dismissal of k-word liars welcomed: Renate Barnard 65 - Privaatvervolgingseenheid gryp in by saak van Polisie-magsmisbruik by WierdabrugPolisiestasie: Afriforum 66 - IRR: Justice without fear or favour prevails 67 - 24 Farm attacks, 7 farm murders in South Africa, April 2021: The Rome Research Institute of South Africa 67 - Farm Murders on the Increase Again: Afriforum 68 - Police central firearms registry in chaos: Pieter Groenewald 70 - 29 police stations in Gauteng robbed or burgled since 2016: Michael Shackleton 70 - KZN is a haven for criminals; not its people: DA 71 - SAPS' own stats demonstrate fight against crime has been lost: Pieter Groenewald 72 - SAPS guilty of unfair labour practice; Solidarity member receives promotion: Ronel Stander 73 - 1952: SAP Rugby Voetbal Klub, Durban: Pierre Roux 74 - 1918: Uniform: Inspector (Captain) George Russell, SAP 75 - c1910: Barberton-Gevangenis | Barberton Gaol Staff: Nico Moolman 76 - W/Off Moopanar: Col Logan Govender + Some colouring by Jennifer Bosch 90 - Polisie-Sielkunde: Mommsen

Die

Taser:

Coert

94 - RSA Private Security as depicted in UK: A Hero? Mail on Line 97 - SAPS Air Wing Unit only has one helicopter in service: Michael Shackleton 98 - Agtergrond: Die publiek en misdadigers bepaal die aard en wese van die polisie: Die polisie pas gedurig aan: “KOEVOET: The Men Speak” 2nd edition: Dr WP Steenkamp SA SPOORWEGPOLISIE | SA RAILWAYS POLICE Frans Bedford-Visser: Away on Duty 100 - Vrystaat: Diefstal op spoorlyne duur voort: J & J Wepener (Welkom) 101 - Vrystaat: Virginia: Diefstal op spoorlyne duur voort: J & J Wepener (Welkom) 102 – 1941: Ladysmith Railways Police 103 - 1948: Ladysmith Railways Police SA KRYGSGESKIEDENIS | SA MILITARY HISTORY 106 - Afrikaans: Taalgenote, Burger-Krygsmanne, Kompatriotte… Dr Willem Steenkamp 110 - 1991: SAW: Goedgevonden buite Ventersdorp: Tiaan Boshoff 114 - Anglo Boer War: Horses | Anglo-Boereoorlog: Perde: Jennifer Bosch 121 - Anglo Boer War: Horse Memorial: East London: HBH 121 - Filler: Natal Mounted Police | Natal Police | SA Mounted Rifles | SA Police | SA Police Service 122 - Anglo-Boere-oorlog: Pa en Seun 124 – SAAF: 17 Squadron, Oryx helicopter: Christo Crous 124 - SA Air Force: Capt Nico Frylinck (SAP— SAPS)

SA INLIGTING | SA INTELLIGENCE 129 - The Future of Internal Security Operations: Dr WP Steenkamp 133 - Advert: Nongqai Vol 12 No 6A – History of National Intelligence Service 162 - Sonder die veiligheids/intelligensiegemeenskap was daar geen “Nuwe S.A.” nie: Dr WP Steenkamp

POLICE INTERNATIONAL

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134 - Police UK: Mail on Line 135 - Nicking burglars? Not in the line of duty, Guv! It's long been an open secret that the police don't bother investigating break-ins: Richard Littlejohn for The Daily Mail DEFENCE INTERNATIONAL 137 - China: Mail on Line 137 – China: China's African take-over: Beijing has built infrastructure, lent billions and located its first overseas military base there - now top US general warns they want to build an Atlantic naval base 140 – Vuller: 1916: SAP by begrafnis van pres MT Steyn: Nico Moolman WE WILL REMEMBER THEM 141 - South Africans Commonwealth War Casualties Buried Across the World: Part Forty: By Captain (SAN) Charles Ross (SA Navy Retired) 144 - No Grave, But the Sea: How the Commonwealth War Graves Commission Commemorate Those That Have No Grave, But the Sea – Part Two By Captain (San) Charles Ross (Sa Navy Retired) NONGQAI HELDESAAL | HALL OF FAME 127 - Genl-maj LG Snyman, MBE BRIEWE | LETTERS 151 HELP 152 - Betrekking gesoek | Vacancy requested VAN DIE REDAKSIE... 155 - My trots – My eerste Alma Mater (Die SAP-kollege 1964, Troep 7 Berede). HBH 157 - Kommentaar deur my kollegas op bostaande 162 - Sonder die veiligheids/intelligensiegemeenskap was daar geen “Nuwe S.A.” nie: Dr WP Steenkamp

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VANDAG 60-JAAR GELEDE: DIE REPUBLIEK VAN SUID-AFRIKA!

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Brigadier Fanie Bouwer Sommige kommentators weer pleit dat ons die pre -1994 geskiedenis agter ons sit en aangaan met ons lewe. Dít is ongelukkig nie so maklik nie. Volgens die historikus Walter Mignolo is diegene wat in die verlede ander gekategoriseer het, geneig om te wil vergeet, terwyl diegene wat in die verlede geklassifiseer is, selde kan vergeet. Daarom moet dit die volledige en gebalanseerde geskiedenis wees waarmee elke Suid-Afrikaner kan identifiseer. Dít weer maak sin. Om te onthou of nie onthou nie. Dit alles dan gesê, vra ek die vraag: "Is daar ’n plig om te onthou?". Dit was die karakter Eve Ashby in Black Earth Rising wat gesê het: “We have a duty to memory". Die idee van ’n verpligting om te onthou word gereeld geopper. Maar hierdie beroep op ’n plig laat meer vrae as wat dit beantwoord. Dit kan tog seer sekerlik nie net wees dat daar onthou moet word nie. Wat onthou word; hoe dit onthou word; en met watter einddoel dit onthou word, behoort ewe belangrik te wees.

Ter inleiding In hierdie voorwoord gaan ek nie soos 'n vorige keer Nongqai se maandelikse aanbieding van ons veiligheidsmagte se geskiedenis voorhou of bespreek nie, maar eerder fokus en klem lê op die onderwerp "geskiedenis" self. Hierdie onderwerp het vele interessante fasette.

En as daar ’n plig is om te onthou, beteken dit dat daar dan ook ’n reg is om te vergeet?

Agtergrond: Ander se opinies oor geskiedenis

Geskiedenis is dáárom 'n interpretasie van die verlede, waarin 'n ernstige poging aangewend word om mites en fabels uit te filtreer.

Karl Marx het gesê dat mense hul eie geskiedenis skryf, elkeen vanuit sy eie lewensbeskouing en dikwels vanuit die perspektief van die heerser van die tyd. Ander sê weer dat dit nie ontken word nie dat die geskiedenis wat voor 1994 in SA in skole gepredik is, problematies was omdat dit geskryf was vanuit ʼn Christelik Nasionalistiese perspektief. Ek wil vra: Regtig?

Ons in Suid-Afrika kan nie die fout maak om te vergeet nie. Ons het geen reg om te vergeet nie.

In SA gaan dit vorentoe 'n al hoe belangriker taak raak. Ek dink aan die stelling: "Die veroweraar is geneig om die geskiedenis te herskryf". Effens meer daaroor ondertoe. Kan geskiedenis objektief wees? Het ons ’n plig om te onthou? Vir seker ja, maar dit kan nooit net ’n klakkelose napraat wees sonder konteks nie. (Continued on page 8)

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(Vervolg van bladsy 7)

'Verheerliking' van dinge uit die verlede, wat vir jou miskien belangrik mag wees, het weliswaar ook nié plek in geskiedenisskrywing nie. Om te onthou het ’n funksie. Dit kan nooit wees om vervolgingswaan te regverdig nie. Eerder die waarheid. Selfs die nare waarheid. Op sy heel beste het 'onthou' ook dalk ten doel om ons as samelewing aan te spoor om te verbeter, om empatie te hê en om te leer uit die foute van die verlede.

Wanneer mense vandag praat van die bedoelinge en aksies van mense in die verlede, reik hulle terug na hulle eie ervaring. Ek ook. Mense is dikwels besorgd oor gebeure, want die oorblyfsels en bronne van die verlede is partykeer onvolledig. Wat ons weet van die verlede, of dink ons daarvan weet, word partykeer 'gekleur' deur wat historici daaroor geskryf het. Historici sal dit wat vir hulle interessant, belangrik of betekenisvol is, uit die bronne kies, of hulle bewus is daarvan, of nie.

Méér as dit: 'onthou' kan ons ook miskien help om te genees van die trauma van die verlede, met natuurlik die nodige konteks, bygesê.

Die andersheid van die verlede is ’n belangrike begrip. Jy bestudeer dalk 'apartheid' (sekere botsende narratiewe geld vandag oor dié woord, afhangende van jou eie verwysingsraamwerk en politieke agtergrond) en wonder wat het mense besiel om dit in te stel, maar mense het in die verlede met ander waardestelsels geleef. Ek verstout my om te sê nog steeds. Ek weet nie of dit deurkom wanneer kinders deesdae oor geskiedenis leer nie.

Hoe moet na geskiedenis gekyk word?

Terug na die hede en om af te sluit.

Geskiedenis is bemoeid met hoe dinge inderdaad was.

Geskiedenis, as vak en optekening van die verlede, is nog altyd ’n wapen in die hand van politici. Dit gebeur reeds in SA.

Soos ons nie kan bekostig om te vergeet nie, kan ons nog minder bekostig om die lesse van die verlede te verwring.

Geskiedenis is meer as die voor-geskiedenis van die hede. Daar moet bepaal word wat die verlede presies is. Die verlede is 'wat eintlik gebeur het'. Die groot struikelblok met die verlede is dat, alhoewel die meeste van ons geen probleem het om te glo in 'n verlede wat werklik gebeur het nie, dit per definisie nie nou meer bestaan nie. Dit is in die verlede en is vir ewig verby. Daar is al gesê elke historikus is 'n indiwidu, wat deur sy karakter gevorm word en behoort aan 'n sekere tydperk. Hy kan dus nie heeltemal objektief wees nie. Ek en jy ook nie. 'n Bekende Duitse historikus het eendag gesê hy wou bloot wys wat werklik gebeur het ("wie es eigentlich gewesen war"). Hy wou sy eie persoon elimineer en toelaat dat dinge vir hulself spreek. Hy het dit objektiewe geskiedenis genoem. Ek dink dit ook wat hierdie Nongqai (LW: daar is verskeie kategorieë van geskiedenis) oor die jare vir ons probeer doen het, gegewe die redakteur se eie verwysingsraamwerk en sy spesifieke situasie.

Ek het al deur etlike voorgeskrewe geskiedenisboeke vir skoolleerders deurgeblaai waar sekere feite taamlik verwronge aangeteken is. En ander verswyg word. Ek sal weet - jy ook - want ek het immers die geskiedenis in die laaste paar dekades self deurleef. Daar is 'n verband tussen die hede en die verlede. Dáárom móét mens weet van jou verlede. Ook die andersheid van die verlede moet mens dus verstaan. Ons moet veral ook leer van jou eie mense se waardestelsels en prestasies van destyds. En ook die ander groepe sin in 'n poging om hulle beter te kan verstaan. Quo vadis? My groot bekommernis vandag, is ons skoolleerlinge en jongmense. Hulle is nie so ingelig as wat dit behoort te wees nie. Dit is fataal. In die lig daarvan sou ek selfs sovêr gaan om te sê dat ouers verplig sal raak om ook geloofwaardige geskiedenisboeke vir hulle kinders as geskenke aan te koop.

(Vervolg op bladsy 9)

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(Vervolg van bladsy 8)

Ten laaste dan: ek hoop jy geniet hierdie uitgawe van Nongqai, met inagneming van die gedagtes wat hierbo uiteengesit is.

LADYSMITH NATIVE POLICE Photo received from Dennis Morton and colouring done by Jennifer Bosch

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Pastoor Koot Swanepoel “Moenie moed opgee nie” 1 Korintiërs 9:24 Die Boodskap: “Julle weet dat al hardloop ‘n klomp mense in ‘n resies daar net een wenner kan wees. Moenie die spel van die lewe speel met die doel om tweede te kom nie. Leef jou lewe so dat jy wen.” Hierdie bly een van die grootste waarhede wat daar is. Moet nooit moed opgee en dink jy sal nie jou doel in die lewe bereik nie. Daar is genoeg stories wat ‘n paar boeke kan volmaak van mense wat aan gehou het totdat hulle bo uit gekom het. Een van hierdie mooi stories het verlede Saterdag in Skotland plaasgevind. (16 Mei 2021) Dit was toe ‘n gholfspeler, by name Richard Bland, sy eerste groot gholf toernooi gewen het, naamlik “The Betfred British Master” in Skotland. Op 48 was hy die oudste wenner nog ooit, nadat hy al 20 jaar ‘n beroepspeler is en al 478 toernooie gespeel het. Dink daaraan: Hierdie man het ‘n paar honderd keer probeer en nie moed opgegee nie. Richard en sy gesin was in trane van dankbaarheid. Selfs die televisie mense was ook in trane. Ons Skrifgedeelte stel dit so treffend: “Moenie die spel van die lewe speel met die doel om tweede te kom nie. Leef jou lewe so dat jy wen.” Laat die “wen” hier in jou weer sterk na vore kom, en moenie moed verloor nie. Jy is tot alles in staat deur Christus wat jou krag gee. Sy krag sal altyd in jou swakheid volbring word. Hou jou oog gedurig op die wenpaal – en bly gefokus.

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Die gesprekke met Mulder en De Klerk was deurslaggewend en ek het besluit om my in die politiek te begewe. My eerste liefde was egter steeds die regte. Ek het gemeen ek kan altyd daarheen terug- keer as die politiek nie aan my verwagtings voldoen nie. Dit sou egter jare duur voordat ek die greep van my verleidelike nuwe minnares kon afskud en terugkeer na my eerste liefde. XXX PW Botha se persoonlike sekretaris, Ters Ehlers, netjiese vlootoffisier, bel my eendag en sê die staatspresident wil my sien. Hy verskaf geen rede vir die vergadering nie, en ek vra nie vrae nie. Toe ek die kantoor binnekom, is PW baie vriendelik: “Ek wil jou aanstel as adjunk-minister van wet en orde. Praat asseblief met Adriaan Vlok en Roelf Meyer; hulle sal jou inlig oor jou pligte.” Ek het onbeholpe ’n paar woorde gestamel. “Baie dankie, president. Ek sal my bes doen.” “Ek weet, jy doen altyd jou bes.” Hmm . . . Dit was interessant. Ek het nog nie vergeet dat hy my gedurende 1986 oor die hoof gesien het nie. Maar nou was my kop reeds besig met die nuwe opdrag en ek kon nie toelaat dat emosies die oorhand kry nie. Max du Preez – voormalige redakteur van die Vrye Weekblad en destyds ’n groot pyn in die nek van die Nasionale Party – het in 2007 ’n onderhoud met my gevoer. Sy laaste vraag was ’n voltreffer: “Het jy ooit voorsien, toe PW Botha, as

Kortbroekminister met seremoniële hoed (1988)

’n

“belangrike”

staatspresident, jou aangestel het as adjunkminister van wet en orde, dat Nelson

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(Vervolg op bladsy 12)

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(Vervolg van bladsy 11)

Mandela, as staatspresident, jou tien jaar later sou aanstel as ’n menseregtekommissaris” Al wat ek kon uitkry, was ’n besliste “Nee”. As ek daardie dag in PW se kantoor gesê het: “Baie dankie, president, ek sal my bes doen, want dit sal goeie voorbereiding wees vir ’n latere aanstelling deur Nelson Mandela, president van Suid-Afrika,” sou Botha ontplof het en my uit sy kantoor en uit die Nasionale Party gedryf het. Gelukkig kon ek so iets in my wildste drome nie voorsien nie. Mandela was immers in die tronk vir sabotasie, sy organisasie was in ’n gewapende stryd teen die owerheid gewikkel, en sy stutorganisasies was met ’n veldtog besig om die land onregeerbaar te maak. Die gesprek tussen my en PW Botha oor my nuwe aanstelling moes ’n dag of twee vertroulik gehou word voordat Botha sy nuwe aanstellings wêreldkundig sou maak. FW loop my in dié tyd raak en vra belangstellend en met ’n ondeunde glimlag: “Het hy beweeg?” Ek antwoord: “Ja.” “Veels geluk! Jy moet jou nie laat militariseer nie. Sterkte!” Sy goeie wense was opreg, en met daardie paar woorde het hy sy hele filosofie blootgelê. Hy was inderdaad die leier van die burgerlike staatsdepartemente en met daardie paar woorde het hy hulle gevoel verklank – hulle was vies om so gemilitariseer te word. Hy was in hart en niere ’n burgerlike. Toe hy staatspresident geword het, het hy met spoed beweeg om die weermagbeheerde veiligheidsbestuurstelsel af te takel. Dawie de Villiers, soos altyd ondersteunend, het vroeg-vroeg by my uitgekom en ’n stukkie raad aangebied: “Jy sal nie die stelsel kan verander nie, maar vra altyd vrae. ’n Vragie hier en ’n vragie daar. Hou die mense op hulle tone sodat hulle kan bly dink en ook voortdurend na ander oplossings bly soek.” Roelf Meyer – wat na staatkundige ontwikkeling geskuif is – het ook vinnig kom gesels: “Kom slaap môre by my huis in Pretoria. Ons moet gesels. Ek wil jou ook voorstel aan die manne van die Nasionale Gesamentlike Bestuurstelsel [NGBS] met wie jy sal moet saamwerk.” Tydens dié ontmoeting herken ek twee ou vriende, generaal Bert Wandrag, instrukteur uit my dae in die polisiekollege, en professor Joh van Tonder, staatsleerdosent van Potchefstroom wat toe

werksaam was by die departement staatkundige ontwikkeling. Ek het besef dit gaan ’n interessante tydjie wees as dít is hoe dinge in die Nasionale Gesamentlike Bestuurstelsel gedoen word – oënskynlik ontmoet staatkundige en veiligheidsake mekaar hier. Adriaan Vlok – minister van wet en orde – is vriendelik toe hy my verwelkom. “Welkom hier, bly jy kan kom help. Dit is die Suid-Afrikaanse polisiediens se 75ste verjaarsdag en jy moet asseblief met die vierings help, want dit is eenvoudig nie vir my onmoontlik om oral teenwoordig te wees nie. Jou hooftaak is egter om aan die NGBS aandag te skenk.” Min het ek geweet van die lat wat dié dag vir my in die pekel gelê word. Ek sou jare later riemspring oor my betrokkenheid by die NGBS. Ek sou met my verskyning voor die WVK en daarna voor die parlementêre komitee wat my oorweeg het as ’n kandidaat vir die Menseregtekommissie indringende vrae moes beantwoord oor die werking van die veiligheidsbestuurstelsel en my betrokkenheid daarby. Toe die nuus van my bevordering bekend word, was daar groot vreugde in Krugersdorp. Die strydlustiges wou sommer dadelik die KP’s aanvat, want hul argument oor my (“Sy eie party, veral PW, het hom verwerp, hoekom moet Krugersdorp met hom opgesaal sit?”) was nou weerlê. In die parlementêre wandelgang loop ek vir Pieter Mulder – toe KP-parlementslid, en tans leier van die Vryheidsfront Plus, raak: “Geluk met jou aanstelling. Ek verstaan dit nie, want jy lyk vir my nog steeds soos dieselfde man as die een wat in 1986 oor die hoof gesien is.” Ek het geglimlag sonder om hom te antwoord. Onwetend het hy my ’n groot kompliment toegeswaai. Ek het nie ter wille van die pos verander nie. Toe ek agttien maande later deur FW as adjunkminister van buitelandse sake aangestel is, het Pik Botha, minister van buitelandse sake, met ons ontmoeting so uit die dwarste ’n opmerking gemaak: “Jy moes lankal hier kom werk het, maar PW wou jou ’n les leer.” Ek het nie die gesprek verder gevoer nie. (Word vervolg)

NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

12


Op ʼn dag het die polisieman van Lesotho geduld

dadelik gereël dat die nodige boumateriaal

verloor, ’n kollega opgekommandeer en Mbali met

bymekaar gemaak word en dit op ʼn vragmotor

geweld gearresteer. Hulle het hom in die kattebak

gelaai

van ʼn motor deur die grenspos na Suid-Afrika

polisiemotorhawe geleen het. Die informant het

gebring. Mbali is met groot gejuig ontvang en na

Hani vertel dat gesteelde boumateriaal teen’n

Pretoria gebring, waar ’n ondersoekspan van

goeie prys te koop is omdat dit nie elders verkoop

hoofkantoor hom sou ondervra. Intussen het die

kon word nie. Daar is ooreengekom op ’n prys,

kollega wat gehelp het met die arrestasie koue

tyd en plek. Die boumateriaal sou naby die Van

voete gekry en die voorval aan sy bevelvoerder

Rooyenshek-grenspos op ʼn verlate plek langs die

gaan rapporteer. Dié het sy kommissaris verwittig,

grens in die berge afgelewer word.

en dié het dadelik die Lesotho-regering ingelig. ʼn Sterk

bewoorde

diplomatieke

beswaar

is

onmiddellik aan die Suid-Afrikaanse regering gestuur en die saak het internasionaal opslae gemaak.

Mbali

is

onverwyld

na

Lesotho

teruggestuur.

wat

ons

by

die

Bloemfonteinse

Kapt. Herklaas Meyer (later generaal) het ʼn swaarvoertuigrybewys gehad en die vragmotor bestuur. Lt. Smith, maj. Eben Coetzee (later brigadier) en ander lede van die veiligheidstak is agterop die vragmotor onder ʼn klomp sinkplate versteek. Ek het voor by kapt. Meyer in die

Ek het in 1972 bevel van die veiligheidstakke in

vragmotor gesit. Die vragmotor sukkel teen die

die Vrystaat oorgeneem. Die getal MK-lede in

berg uit en kapt. Meyer moet kort-kort ratte

Lesotho het steeds toegeneem; onder hulle was

wissel. Elke keer wanneer hy die koppelaar per

Martin Tembesile Hani, beter bekend as Chris

ongeluk twee keer intrap, ruk die vragmotor en

Hani, wat later bevel van Umkhonto weSizwe sou

word die manne onder die sinkplate heen en weer

oorneem. Lt. Chris Smith (later generaal) het ’n

geslinger. Nou en dan val ’n sinkplaat op een se

informant gehad wat met Hani bevriend was en

kop. Later dreun dit van agter: “Herklaas, moenie

hulle het verskeie kere probeer om hom sover te

double-clutch nie!” Dit help nie veel nie. Herklaas

kry om die grens onwettig oor te steek. Op ’n dag

bly

het die informant lt. Smith vertel dat Hani ʼn huis

aangekom, is die manne erg knorrig oor die

bou en dringend boumateriaal soek wat nie in

knoppe en snye wat hulle opgedoen het. Ons wag

“double-clutch”.

Lesotho beskikbaar is nie. Hy sou die grens oorsteek vir die nodige boumateriaal. Ons het NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

By

die

bestemming

(Vervolg op bladsy 14)

13


raak, sou die gloeilamp brand. Dit het egter nie

(Vervolg van bladsy 13)

gebrand nie, want die wyser het nie met die geduldig tot in die vroeë oggendure. Hani daag

basisplaat van die horlosie kontak gemaak nie.

egter nie op nie. Dit het dikwels gebeur dat sulke

Die toestel sou dus nie ontplof het as die kort

afsprake skeefloop.

wyser aan die pennetjie in die glas geraak het nie.

Later het ons agtergekom dat die informant bang was dat sy betrokkenheid op die lappe sou kom en dat hy nie ons opdragte uitgevoer het nie. Verskeie informante was bereid om Hani om die lewe te bring, maar hy was nie so ’n groot bedreiging dat so iets drasties nodig was nie.

Die toestel was dus nutteloos vir die doel waarvoor dit gemaak is. Maar dit was wel lewensgevaarlik omdat die wyserplaat onder die glas nie van die pennetjie geïsoleer was nie. Toe Prinsloo liggies met sy vinger op die glas druk, het die gloeilamp gebrand. Die terroriste wat die toestel gemaak en rondgedra het, en ons almal

Ons was op die hoogte van al die bedrywighede

wat by die onskadelikstelling daarvan betrokke

van die MK-lede in Lesotho. Op ’n dag moes ons

was, sou ʼn gewisse dood gesterf het as die glas

ʼn ploftoestel wat MK-lede in Lesotho gemaak het

van die horlosie net liggies gedruk sou gewees

en Suid-Afrika ingesmokkel is, onskadelik stel.

het.

Ek, Eben Coetzee, Chris Smith, Hendrik Prinsloo, Gert Prinsloo en lede van die veiligheidstak op Ladybrand was by die proses betrokke. Ons het die

toestel

oopgemaak

en

groot

klomp

plastiekspringstof ontdek. ʼn Zobo-sakhorlosie was die tydreëlaar. ʼn Pennetjie waaraan ʼn elektriese draad gesoldeer was, was aan die binnekant van die glas geheg en ʼn ander elektriese draad aan die basisplaat van die horlosie gesoldeer. Albei drade was aan ʼn battery gekoppel wat met ʼn elektriese springdoppie verbind was. Die lang wyser van die horlosie was verwyder. Wanneer die kort wyser aan die pennetjie geraak het, sou dit ʼn kortsluiting en ontploffing veroorsaak het. Die wyser het gelukkig nog nie die pennetjie bereik nie en ons het die drade geknip. Ek het Hendrik Prinsloo gevra om vas te stel of die toestel wel sou ontplof het as die kort wyser aan die pennetjie geraak het. Hy het later die meganisme na my gebring en gedemonstreer hoe ons almal ternouernood aan die dood ontkom het. Prinsloo het ʼn gloeilamp gebruik om die toestel te

DIE Soweto-onluste wat in 1976 uitgebreek het, het spoedig landwyd versprei. Ons in die Vrystaat moes ook bontstaan om wet en orde te handhaaf. Ons het ʼn goeie verhouding met die voorsitters van die verskillende swart skoolrade gehad en deur hulle gereeld met die ouers geskakel om probleme te besweer. Onrus het egter by die swart sekondêre skool Ihobe opgevlam met brandstigting en skade aan die skool. Ek het die voorsitter gaan spreek en hy het ingestem om te reël dat ek die ouers van die leerlinge toespreek. Die ouers was egter net bereid om met my te praat

as

ek

alleen

kom,

sonder

enige

polisiemanne. Toe ek by die skool aankom waar die vergadering sou wees, is daar ’n paar honderd leerlinge besig om te toi-toi en te dreunsing. Hulle was duidelik in ʼn oproerige bui. Ek sê toe aan die voorsitter van die skoolraad ek is bekommerd dat hulle die staatsmotor waarmee ek gery het, aan die brand sal steek.

toets. Sodra die kort wyser aan die pennetjie NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

14


Die hare waai in die tapkantien Kol Wynand Schoeman Ek land dié betrokke Maandagoggend vroeg in Oktober 1980 so kort na negeuur op Mpachalughawe op Katima Mulilo in die Caprivi. Ek was vir ‘n paar dae in die RSA (of die “ states” soos die mense in die algemene omgangstaal na die Republiek in die Caprivi verwys), om ‘n potensiële getuie in ‘n ivoorsmokkelondersoek te spreek. Ek stap die ontvangslokaal binne en bespeur onmiddellik onraad toe ek opmerk dat Konstabel Pollie Theron wie my kom afhaal, nie ‘n lewende haar op sy kop het nie. Toe ek ‘n paar dae terug na Waterklooflughawe vertrek het, het die man nog ‘n lekker bos hare gehad wat natuurlik volgens Staande Orders gesny was. Hy lyk soos Kojak ‘n gewilde televisie akteur van destyds. Al wat kort is Kojak se suigstokkie wat hy, sover ek kan onthou, gedurig in sy mond gehad het. Pollie Theron se kop is glad geskeer en blink soos die weerkaatsing van sonstrale op ‘n dam. Ek moet weer kyk om seker te maak ek sien wat ek sien. Dit lyk amper of sy kop met petroleumjellie blink gevryf is.

manne is wat sonder ‘n haredos nou die gemeenskap moet trotseer. Ek hoor dat ses manne van die stasie en drie manne uit die gemeenskap nou haarloos is. Een van die manne uit die plaaslike gemeenskap is die Landdros van alle manne. Ek is stom geslaan dat die Landdros een van die manne is. Hy hang gewoonlik nie by die tapkantien uit nie en wonder wat sy goeie eggenote van dié petalje sê. Ek kom agter dat daar die vorige Vrydagaand en Saterdagaand lekker gekuier is. By die stasie aangekom maak ek die ses manne bymekaar en paradeer hul op die mat in my kantoor. Voor my staan ses Kojaks. Hulle staan in ‘n ry langs mekaar en lyk na ‘n groepie stout skoolseuns. Ek vra hul om my die hele storie en die volle waarheid te vertel. Die manne is egter huiwerig om aan die praat te kom en uiteindelik besluit een van die manne, ek dink dit was sersant Bez Bezuidenhout, om as hul spreekbuis op te tree.

Die tapkantien was ‘n gewilde afsaalpunt vir die manne na werk en ‘n plek waar hul dan ook ‘n bietjie hul frustrasies kon ontlaai. Dit was veral onder die ongetroude manne op die stasie gewild en was ‘n biertjie of twee dan net die ding om die Caprivistof in hul kele af te spoel. Natuurlik was daar ook die manne wat hul hardehout geniet het. ‘n Klompie pelle het dan ook op gereelde basis aldaar ingeloer.

Die gebeure het as volg ontvou: Noord Transvaal se rugbyspan (deesdae die Blou Bulle) sou die vorige Saterdag in ‘n Curriebekerwedstryd op Loftus Versveld in Pretoria, teen die Westelike Provinsie (nou bekend as die Stormers), speel. Dit kon die Curriebekerfinaal wees. Soos dit maar gaan was Provinsiale rugby destyds ‘n groot storie, elke span met sy, soms hardvogtige en tradisionele ondersteuners. So was dit ook op Katima Mulilo. Daar was duidelik twee kampe. Soos dit maar gebeur as veral dié twee spanne teen mekaar sou speel, is daar gewoonlik die voorafgaande Vrydagaand al in die tapkantien bymekaar gekom om die wedstryd sorgvuldig, net soos ‘n kenner dit kon doen, te ontleed. Elke speler se goeie en sterkpunte asook swakpunte is op die tafel geplaas. Almal het natuurlik nie saamgestem nie en dit het tot ‘n hewige en vurige debat en dan tot ‘n klomp weddenskappe gelei. Soos ek kan onthou het Naas Botha toe nog vir Noord Transvaal gespeel en Calla Scholtz en

Half huiwerig lig Pollie Theron my in wie die ander

(Continued on page 16)

Met die 21 kilometer lange rit na Katima Mulilo vra ek hom wat van sy haredos geword het. Skaamskaam lig hy my in dat daar so klein weddenskappie in die kantien was en dat van die manne hul hare verloor het. Daar was dus meer manne wat nou haarloos rondloop. Pollie Theron was een van de meer besadigde manne op die stasie en het nie ‘n druppel alkoholiese drank gedrink nie. Die feit dat hy tussen die manne was wat haarloos opgeeïndig het, was ‘n vroeë waarskuwing wat ek op die stasie sou aantref.

NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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(Continued from page 15)

Morné du Plessis vir die Westelike Provinsie. Noem dié manne se name en dit was soos olie op die vuur. Volgens die WP-manne kon Naas Botha net skop en het hy nie eers geweet wie sy binnesenter was nie, want dié het nooit die bal gekry nie. Daarteenoor het die Noord Transvalers geglo dat Morné du Plessis die swakste Springbokkaptein ooit was (waarskynlik net omdat hy vir die WP gespeel het). So is daar hier en daar ondermeer ‘n paar bottels hardehout met weddenskappe op die spel geplaas. Die span wie verloor se ondersteuner sou betaal. ‘n Lys waarop jy jou verwagte eindtelling kon opskryf het ook die rondte gedoen. So het die spanning opgebou. Die volgende middag vroeg, lank voor afskoptyd (wedstryde het nog vieruur in die middae begin), was die manne al in die tapkantien saamgetrek. Op een of ander manier het die weddenskappe hand uitgeruk en was dit nie meer tot ‘n bottel hardehout beperk nie. Manne het hul hare op die spel geplaas. Sover ek kan onthou het NoordTransvaal nog die wedstryd gewen en is ‘n haarknipper, skeerskuim en skeermes te voorskyn gebring. Die hare het begin waai. Hoe later hoe lekkerder. Hoe dit van daar af presies verloop het, en wie, wie se hare geknip het weet ek nie maar op die ou einde het ondersteuners van beide spanne en klaarblyklik onskuldige omstanders, hul hare verloor. Dit was gedane sake en kon nie verander word nie. Die probleem was dat ‘n ministeriële besoek op pad was en die volgende Vrydag, oor ‘n week, by die stasie sou aankom. Daar was darem ‘n paar dae speling. Ek het kort-kort in die week daaraan gedink wat ek vir die minister van polisie, meneer Adriaan Vlok, of lede van die generale staf sou sê wat van die manne se hare geword het. Hul hare sou nie binne ‘n week terug groei nie. Ek het die haar-kwessie egter agterweë geskuif want daar was groter kopsere om aan te dink. Die ministeriële besoek. Daar was duidelike voorskrifte vanaf hoofkantoor hoe die besoekers (‘n toergroep van 14 manne), onthaal moes word. Dit was nie iets nuuts nie en ons op die stasie, en ons gades wat die meeste van die werk moes

doen, was al gewoond daaraan. Hulle moes minstens met ‘n driegang maaltyd trakteer word. Ek het my gade en nog ‘n dame of twee bymekaar gekry om dié ete te bespreek. My eggenote het ‘n Per-peri-hoenderresep gehad wat by verre ‘n wenresep was. Dit was ‘n goeie vertrekpunt. Saam met dit kon ‘n verskeidenheid groente en slaai en daarna nagereg, bedien word. Die probleem was dat daar nie enige hoender, groente, tamaties, aartappels of blaarslaai in die plaaslike supermarkie beskikbaar was nie! Alles sou uit die RSA aangevra moes word. ’n Logistieke nagmerrie! (Oor die bekombaarheid van kruideniersware, vleis en ander bederfbare items asook groente, gaan ek ‘n aparte storie skryf). Ek rig noodgedwonge ‘n teleks aan hoofkantoor en wys uit dat dié produkte nie in die Caprivi beskikbaar is nie en dat hul dit asseblief moes aankoop en op die eerste beskikbare vlug na die Caprivi moes plaas. My kopseer vererger toe dié items nie met die eerste vlug opdaag nie. Dit daag darem met die volgende vlug op maar nie alles wat aangevra is nie. Dié dames word verplig om te improviseer. Gelukkig het die stasie oor ‘n groot oopplan eetkamer en sitkamer langs mekaar beskik en sou plek vir die besoekers en personeel ingerig kon word. ‘n Tafelplan word opgestel en kaartjies gedruk sodat elkeen ‘n aanduiding gehad het waar hy moes sit. Die stasie het op daardie stadium oor n 14-sitplek bussie beskik maar ek leen nog ‘n bussie by die weermag vir vervoer. Alles het goed verloop. Die polisiestasie word gepolitoer. Gelukkig het ek vantevore vir my gade ‘n klompie breekgoed vir sulke geleenthede aangeskaf en dié kom handig te pas. Andersins sou ek breekgoed en eetgerei by die weermag moes gaan leen. Sitplek word so gereël dat die kaalkopmanne op die verste punt van die tafel sou sit en nie naby die besoekers nie. Twee van die manne wat met ‘n skeermessnymerk of twee op sy kop gesit het, is egter van die ete verskoon en sou ‘n besoek aan Ngoma, die grens-kontrolepunt tussen die Caprivi en Botswana, by die Choberivier bring waar twee plaaslike lede gestasioneer was. Die Landdros is na die ete genooi omdat die minister van justisie, meneer Kobie Coetzee een

NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

(Continued on page 17)

16


geleentheid dra.

(Continued from page 16)

van die gaste was. Vanweë sy haarloosheid wou hy nie die ete bywoon nie en het hom uit die voete gemaak om aandag te gaan gee aan ‘n seekoei wat amok in ‘n paar statjies gemaak het. Dié seekoei het berserk geraak, ‘n paar statte platgeloop en tot sover as 60 kilometer binneland in, van die Kwandorivier koers gekry. Daar was geen manier hoe dié dier terug by die rivier gekry sou kon word nie en was nou ‘n gevaarlike dier. Hy moes ongelukkig van kant gemaak word. Minister Kobie Coetzee het met die ete aan my gevra waar die landdros was en het hom maar sodanig ingelig. Met die ete het die besoekers ‘n paar lekker bottels wyn uit die tapkantien, genuttig. Die tapkantien het finansieel sterk gestaan en kon die koste by meer as een

Dié besoek, ete inkluis, het goed afgeloop, en ek moet almal wat daarby betrokke was, en in besonder die gades wat weereens hande gevat en ‘n puik onthaal kon reël, komplimenteer. Nie een van die besoekers, generale Verster of Wandrag, of die minister van polisie het enige vrae gevra oor dié manne se haarloosheid nie. Ek dink hul het dit gelate in die goeie gees van die oomblik aanvaar. Dit was die eerste en laaste keer wat die hare in die tapkantien sou waai.

1976: THE ATTACK ON THE MANAGA ROAD Mpumalanga Erfnis: Regular Newsletter/Gereelde Nuusbrief No. 244 | 21.04.2020 The recent launch of the Ehlanzeni District Resistance and Liberation Heritage Route brought back some bittersweet memories of the sad but heroic realities during the time of resistance up to 1994, when South Africa became a democracy.

On this fateful day in December 1976, young Const. Rapie Brits and his colleague, Sgt. Joseph Nkoza, were in a police Land Rover travelling from Mananga, where they were stationed, to the bank in Komatipoort to have their salary cheques cashed.

One such an Halfway there they event in the came across four Lowveld was the men walking with arrest of the later luggage. The two premier of Gautpolicemen suspectConst. Rapie Brits eng and a memed them of crossber of cabinet, Mosima Gabriel “Tokyo” Sexwale, ing the border illegally. They apprehended them once branded a terrorist for blowing up a South and locked them in the back of the vehicle. The African Police vehicle with a hand grenade. policemen decided to go back to their post at Sexwale and some others illegally entered South Mananga to process the arrests. Africa from Swaziland, equipped with firearms and weapons. The incident happened near the border Just as the vehicle was picking up speed, a hand post at Mananga. grenade was flung from the back and detonated (Continued on page 18)

NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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(Continued from page 17)

between the two policemen. The vehicle come to an abrupt halt and the four suspects scrambled free, leaving behind a folding Russian assault rifle and a cache of grenades. A seriously wounded Brits was flung from the burning vehicle. Lying in the road, Mosima Gabriel he drew his service revolver only to see the four dis“Tokyo” Sexwale appearing into the thicket. One passer-by stopped and transported the two men to the hospital at Komatipoort, from where they were taken to Rob Ferreira Hospital. Another passer-by rushed to Mananga to inform the authorities. A massive manhunt was launched with helicopters later arriving from Pretoria. Referred to in the newspapers of that time as a terrorist, Sexwale was sometime later apprehended near Machadodorp, while making his way to Johannesburg. Sexwale was born in 1953 in the vehicle. The township of Orlando West in Soweto. His father was a clerk at Johannesburg General Hospital. During World War II his father joined the South African Defence Force and served in Egypt and Europe. The young Sexwale grew up amid the turmoil of the black township’s upheaval and graduated from Orlando West High School in 1973. As a student he became a member of Steve Biko’s Black Consciousness Movement and later a local leader of the radical South African Students’ Movement. While the organisation was still forbidden in South Africa, he joined the underground ANC’s armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe. After school he left for Swaziland, today eSwatini, where he completed a certificate in business studies at the University of Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland. Sexwale then went into exile, undergoing military officer’s training in the Soviet Union, where he specialised in military engineering. This encounter with the police and the manhunt to follow was on his return to South Africa.

A colleague of mine over many years, De Wet Potgieter, was a court reporter when Sexwale, together with 11 other alleged “terrorists”, appeared in court in 1977. They were charged with conspiring to disrupt the law and order of the Republic of South Africa. They appeared before Judge AD Davidson. For the state, Advocate Nico Gey van Pittius prosecuted and the defence was led by Advocate C Kinghorn. Kinghorn’s team included Advocate Arthur Chaskalson, who served as president of the Constitutional Court of South Africa from 1994 to 2001. Following that, he was Chief Justice from 2001 to 2005. Chaskalson was also a member of the defence team in the Rivonia Trial. Sexwale was sent to the Robben Island maximumsecurity prison, to serve an 18-year sentence. He served 13 years before being released after the unbanning of the ANC in 1990. After the first democratic election in South Africa, Sexwale became the premier of Gauteng. In this role, he was credited with bringing peace to several politically volatile townships. He served as minister of human settlements from 2009 to 2013. Upon leaving the public sector, Sexwale founded Mvelaphanda Holdings, a company of which he is still executive chairperson. Mvelaphanda is primarily focused on the mining, energy and related sectors. Some of Sexwale’s main interests are oil and diamond mining, for which he has been granted concessions across Africa and Russia. The recent launch of the Ehlanzeni District Resistance and Liberation Heritage Route brought back some bittersweet memories of the sad but heroic realities during the time of resistance up to 1994, when South Africa became a democracy. One such an event in the Lowveld was the arrest of the later premier of Gauteng and a member of cabinet, Mosima Gabriel “Tokyo” Sexwale, once branded a terrorist for blowing up a South African Police vehicle with a hand grenade. Sexwale and some others illegally entered South Africa from Swaziland, equipped with firearms and

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weapons. The incident happened near the border post at Mananga. On this fateful day in December 1976, young Const. Rapie Brits and his colleague, Sgt. Joseph Nkoza, were in a police Land Rover travelling from Mananga, where they were stationed, to the bank in Komatipoort to have their salary cheques cashed. Halfway there they came across four men walking with luggage. The two policemen suspected them of crossing the border illegally. They apprehended them and locked them in the back of the vehicle. The policemen decided to go back to their post at Mananga to process the arrests. Just as the vehicle was picking up speed, a hand grenade was flung from the back and detonated between the two policemen. The vehicle come to an abrupt halt and the four suspects scrambled free, leaving behind a folding Russian assault rifle and a cache of grenades. A seriously wounded Brits was flung from the burning vehicle. Lying in the road, he drew his service revolver only to see the four disappearing into the thicket. One passer-by stopped and transported the two men to the hospital at Komatipoort, from where they were taken to Rob Ferreira Hospital. Another passer-by rushed to Mananga to inform the authorities. A massive manhunt was launched with helicopters later arriving from Pretoria. Referred to in the newspapers of that time as a terrorist, Sexwale was sometime later apprehended near Machadodorp, while making his way to Johannesburg. Sexwale was born in 1953 in the vehicle. The township of Orlando West in Soweto. His father was a clerk at Johannesburg General Hospital. During World War II his father joined the South African Defence Force and served in Egypt and Europe. The young Sexwale grew up amid the turmoil of the black township’s upheaval and graduated from Orlando West High School in 1973. As a student he became a member of Steve Biko’s Black Consciousness Movement and later a local leader of the radical South African Students’ Movement.

Africa, he joined the underground ANC’s armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe. After school he left for Swaziland, today eSwatini, where he completed a certificate in business studies at the University of Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland. Sexwale then went into exile, undergoing military officer’s training in the Soviet Union, where he specialised in military engineering. This encounter with the police and the manhunt to follow was on his return to South Africa. A colleague of mine over many years, De Wet Potgieter, was a court reporter when Sexwale, together with 11 other alleged “terrorists”, appeared in court in 1977. They were charged with conspiring to disrupt the law and order of the Republic of South Africa. They appeared before Judge AD Davidson. For the state, Advocate Nico Gey van Pittius prosecuted and the defence was led by Advocate C Kinghorn. Kinghorn’s team included Advocate Arthur Chaskalson, who served as president of the Constitutional Court of South Africa from 1994 to 2001. Following that, he was Chief Justice from 2001 to 2005. Chaskalson was also a member of the defence team in the Rivonia Trial. Sexwale was sent to the Robben Island maximumsecurity prison, to serve an 18-year sentence. He served 13 years before being released after the unbanning of the ANC in 1990. After the first democratic election in South Africa, Sexwale became the premier of Gauteng. In this role, he was credited with bringing peace to several politically volatile townships. He served as minister of human settlements from 2009 to 2013. Upon leaving the public sector, Sexwale founded Mvelaphanda Holdings, a company of which he is still executive chairperson. Mvelaphanda is primarily focused on the mining, energy and related sectors. Some of Sexwale’s main interests are oil and diamond mining, for which he has been granted concessions across Africa and Russia.

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1988: WOODSTOCK POLISIESTASIE: MY KANTOOR MET LIMPETMYN VERNIETIG Brig Fanie Bouer

Die manewales van die ANC se Toni Yengeni, veroordeelde krimineel a.g.v. die wapenskandaalkorrupsie, herinner my weer aan hierdie geval. Dit was die eerste bom (limpetmyn) wat ek deur genade van Bo 'ontwyk' het. Meer daaroor onder ter wille van die nuwe lede. Gedurende 1988 was ek as majoor stasiebevelvoerder te Woodstock naby Kaapstad. My kantoor se venster en dubbeldeur na 'n stoepie het uitgekyk op ‘n dwars straatjie tussen die hoofweg (Victoriastraat) en die sogenaamde “Cavendish Square” verder ondertoe. ('n Vorige mej. Wêreld, Margaret Gardiner, het so 100 meter van hierdie polisiestasie groot geword. Sy het partykeer met die polisiemanne gesels op pad/van skool toe) Ek kom een middag laat van Stellenbosch af na die begrafnis van ‘n kollega (wyle kolonel Chris Fourie - DK) aldaar. Ek het skaars by die huis laatmiddag aangekom toe ‘n paar polisiemanne uitasem by my huis aankom en my vertel dat my kantoor ‘n rukkie vantevore deur ‘n bom opgeblaas is. Ons het nog nie selfone gehad nie. Ek kon nie glo dat so-iets met mý kon gebeur nie. Ek het ook geen rede gesien waarom hulle my kantoor spesifiek sou aanval nie. Ek het eers gedink dit is ‘n sieklike grap, maar besef toe later dat dit blyk die waarheid te wees. Etlike bomme – die sogenaamde limpetmyne – het in daardie tyd alreeds by etlike staatskantore

in die Kaapse Skiereiland afgegaan. Ons haas toe Woodstock toe. Daar aangekom, vind ons dat die limpetmyn net buite die deur wat na die dwarsstraat lei, geplaas was. Die skade was taamlik erg. My kantoor was in chaos. Stoele, tafels, kaste en dies meer, asook die plafon was aan flarde geruk. Die geweld van die ontploffing was só kragtig dat dit bykans al die vensters van ‘n drie verdieping gebou oorkant die straat aan stukke geruk het. Ek ry toe later daardie aand huis toe nadat alles opgeruim is. Ek wonder toe of my kantoor spesifiek uitgekies was; of was ék die teiken en of dit maar sommer lukraak gedoen is? Ek het ook gewonder wat die gevolge sou wees as ek nie daardie middag ‘n begrafnis te Stellenbosch bygewoon het nie? (Dit laat my nou dink aan die soldate of kaders van Umkhonto weSizwe van die ANC – die

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sogenaamde “Spies van die Nasie”. In hulle geledere word met groot trots na hierdie organisasie verwys. En as jy kan sê dat jy ‘n kader of soldaat van Umkhonto weSizwe was, dan is jou “struggle credentials” sommer puik. En ‘n goeie pos in die staatsdiens was sommer ook ‘n gegewe). Die limpetmyn moes immers in die loop van die dag daar buite my kantoordeur geplaas gewees het. Dit het net so 10 minute ná 4-uur die middag ontplof. Ek sou darem nie só wou doodgaan nie. Die SB-kantoor van Woodstock is taamlik ruim, aangesien ek die beskadigde muur tussen my kantoor en die stoortjie langsaan deur DOW laat verwyder het om een groter vertrek te vorm.

Ek is eintlik spyt ek het ná die nuwe bedeling begin het, nie by die ANC-ouens probeer uitvind het waarom die bom spesifiek dáár geplant was nie. En of hulle miskien spesifiek iets teen my gehad het? Ek was bewus daarvan dat ene Tony Yengeni en sy trawante van die ANC die voorbokke was met hierdie bomplantery destyds. Hulle was gearresteer, maar ná 1990 met die onderhandelinge in 'n ooreenkoms tussen die ANC en die NP vrygelaat. (Op die foto demonstreer polisieman Jefferey Benzien by die WVK hoe hy vir Yengeni 'ondervra' het)

SAP: GRENSDIENSTE: "BOS TOE GAAN" Brig Fanie Bouwer Ek wil sommer so ietsie oor grensdienste skryf. Nie in-diepte nie, maar sommer so 'n paar dinge in die algemeen, soos ek dit onthou. Ons almal se ervaring daarvan, het natuurlik verskil. Dit - grensdiens - het 'n huishoudelike naam geword in die SAP. So ook 'bos toe gaan', of 'bosoorlog'. Daar van die laat 60's af. Eers in Rhodesië. Later op RSA grense en ook in Ovamboland. Kamoefleerdrag het ook deel van ons uniform geraak. Baie het dit verkies.

doelstellings - presies verstaan nie. Ek aanvaar in ons hoër hiërargieë en in die VP was daar wel ingeligte offisiere en lede. Ons gebrek en kennis en gepaardgaande naïwiteit, was natuurlik as gevolg van die feit dat daar geen internet en sosiale media was nie. Elke bostrip was anders. Anders in die sin van die omgewing en die area se spesifieke bos- of terroristiese aktiwiteite wat daar op 'n spesifieke tyd geheers het. Die aktiwiteite bv. op die RSAgrense vs Ovamboland het drasties verskil.

Ek wonder hoe vandag se Lede/offisiere het 'n 3-maande Die terroristiese offisiere so 'n groep manne oor 'n bostrip gedoen en, eienaardig bedrywighede het aanvanklik genoeg, partykeer in hulle tydperk van 3+ maande onder buite ons landsgrense begin. dienstydperke daar, geen Die argument, soos ek dit gesonde dissiplinêre op 'n terroris gesien of betrokke verstaan het destyds, was grensbasis onder beheer sal kan geraak in 'n kontak nie. "Vat die terroriste sommer daar 'bo' in die noorde aan hou? Toe Koevoet later in voordat hulle by ons eie Ovamboland gestig is, het die grense kan aankom. Hier by ons grense sal ons oorlog teen terroriste 'n nuwe, meer professionele hulle goed looi", is dikwels gesê. dimensie aangeneem - meer doelgerig en professioneel, ook onderlê met 'n gesofistikeerde Die grensdienste in die destydse Rhodesië is in intelligensie-onderbou. Hulle uiteindelike 1974 se koers deur premier John Vorster ten suksesse/geskiedenis is goed vir die nageslag einde gebring. Ek het die (internasionale) politiek gedokumenteer. Die TIN-ouens, onder wie se agter dié besluit tussen die rolspelers nou dag vaandel ék gedien het, was minder in die kalklig, weer gelees. Ek het nog steeds my eie, baie maar tog ook hulle kant gebring. negatiewe gevoel oor dié besluit. Koevoet was in die 80's onder beheer van Baie van ons het destyds as jongelinge nie rêrig SWAPOL geplaas en in 1990 ontbind met die (Continued on page 22) dinge soos terrorisme en kommunisme - en dié se NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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daarstelling van NAMPOL. Mens wonder hoe hierdie ware bosvegters op hulle nuwe stasies/ eenhede toe aangepas het? Nie alle offisiere/lede was 'gemaak' vir grensdiens nie. Party het dit verpes. Ek het 'n kollega gehad wat gesê het hy's nou gatvol om kort-kort 'soldaatjie-soldaatjie' te speel. Ek kon verstaan, want hy het 'n netjiese pruik gedra. Ander weer kon nie wag vir 'n bostrip nie. Baie het vrywillig aangebied om grens toe te gaan. Daar is party wat, terwyl op grensdiens, aansoek gedoen het om vir 'n tweede 3-maande termyn aan te bly op sy basis.

(Ek wonder hoe vandag se offisiere so 'n groep manne oor 'n tydperk van 3+ maande onder gesonde dissiplinêre op 'n grensbasis onder beheer sal kan hou?) Daar was lede wat op die bostrips 'n aanleg vir hulle ingebore entrepreneurskap gewys het. In Rhodesië bv. het van hulle die koperware daar goedkoop aangekoop en in SA aan hulle kollegas teen 'n stewige wins verkoop. So het hulle ook op Oshoek daardie swartmenskoppe wat die swart kunstenaar daar uit seepsteenklip uitgekap het, by hom aangekoop om later weer te verkoop. Diê kunstenaar het destyds (1984) vir my spesiaal 'n Swazi-kop gemaak wat ek nou nog het. Grensdienste het ongelukkig ook 'n negatiewe impak op lede se persoonlike lewens gehad.

Snaaks hoe mense verskil? Sekeres het hulself gesien as natuurlike, gebôre 'bosvegters'. Die grensdiens-ding was uitgeknip vir hulle natuurlike aanleg en persoonlikheid daarvoor. Daar is 'n klompie wat vir hulself 'naam gemaak' het in hierdie verband. Eenkeer op 'n basis toe ek as basisbevelvoerder (kaptein) - die lede die eerste oggend toespreek, sê ek grappendergewys dat jy gaan in die volgende 3 maande die ouens wat langs jou slaap beter gaan leer ken as wat sy ma hom geken het. En dat oor 2 maande die volgende gaan gebeur: Jy is gatvol en wil nou net huistoe gaan en dat, tweedens, gaan julle die ou wat langs jou slaap ná 2 maande wil donder of skiet. Sê een sersant: "Nooit kaptein, ons is 'n klomp naais ouens hier bymekaar". Ek het van beter geweet, want ná 2 maande hét die aggressie wel na vore gekom, wat mens moes bestuur. Dit is dan ook die tyd gewees wanneer jy as bevelvoerder jou slag moes wys om 'n gespanne, gatvol klompie manne moes bymekaar hou en reg bestuur tot die einde van diensbeurt toe.

Eerstens omdat 'n lid of offisier partykeer na die grens gestuur (geforseer) was, terwyl sy persoonlike omstandighede by die huis van so 'n aard was dat hy eerder op daardie tydstip by die huis moes gewees het om na die familiekwessies, of wat ook al, om te sien. Ook as gevolg van die gedwonge, selfs vrywillige afwesigheid van die huis weens grensdienste, het dit die gevolg gehad dat enkele egskeidings ongelukkig plaas gevind het.

ons besit behou.

Soos baie ander, het ons die sg. bosmedalje - en bykomende balkies verwerf; dit met trots gedra. En nog steeds in

Ja, grensdiens was 'n spesifieke ervaring van ons era. Dit het ons ook as mens verder geslyp en daardeur gegroei. Ek het al verskeie argumente aangehoor, maar die vraag: Was dit uiteindelik die kool die sous werd, sal ons geslag natuurlik enduit mee worstel? Mý siening was altyd 'n besliste ja!

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HISTORICAL PHOTO Col Logan Govender (Pietermaritzburg)

An historical photo. Left to right, Pastor Mike Naidoo (former police member); Legendary Captain Saravana Govender (81 years); Detectives Gops Reddy (85 years); Mike Nagamuthoo (85 years). All still with us. Praise God for their longevity.

Die Groenpen Conrad Thalwitzer Hierdie penne laat my sommer weer na Mariental verlang. Ek moes een aand nagdiens werk, op die end van die maand. Die skof wat daai aande werk moes dan al die registers oordra na die volgende maand. Daar was klomp boeke gewees, onder andere die Voorvalleboek, die selregister, die misdaadregisters (ROM &

RAA) en nog andere. Dit moes in blou of swart pen gedoen word en sommiges in rooi pen. Ek het per ongeluk toe iewers 'n groen pen gekry en daai aand toe doen ek ALLES in groen. Die groen was vir my so mooi en vreemd. Die ENIGSTE persone wat met groen pen mag geskryf het was die ouens van Tesourie, as ek reg onthou. Ek het sesuur af gegaan, trots op my nag se werk en is huis toe. Ek het nog skaars begin uittrek, toe

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is luit van Wyk, die Stasiebevelvoerder op my. Dis die enigste dag wat ek nog gesien het hoe vloei 'n vol stroom spoeg by iemand se mond uit, terwyl hy vloek en skel. Terwyl die luitenant nog sukkel met 'n dreigende beroerte het maj Giliomee my sommer dieselfde dag telefonies vanuit Gobabis van Mariental na Gochas verplaas.

Ek weet nie hoe lank daai arme man gevat het om te bedaar nie, maar ek was daai volgende dag al heel tuis op Gochas al was Karate Visser my bevelvoerder. Op Gochas het ek só lekker gaan bly dat die Polisie gesukkel het om my weer daar weg te kry. En dit alles omdat ek net die boeke bietjie mooi wou maak.

1962: SAP GLENCOE (IN KAKI EN BLOU) Serine Adendorff Halforty

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1977: KONSTABEL JIMMY: SAP NAUCHAS SAP Tydskrif—Julie 1977

Kommentaar HBH—Ek wonder of die polisiestasie nog bestaan en wat van konst Jimmy en sy kollegas geword het?

PIETERMARITZBURG: GEMEENTEPOLITIE | BOROUGH POLICE Carlos Vieira Die gebou bestaan nog steeds | The building is used by the PMB Publicity Dept

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UMDISA DECORRATION FOR DETECTIVES, INVESTIGATORS AND INTELLIGENCE OFFICERS???? HBH Our current scoreboard speaks for itself! Our results are bad! Here is a uniformed policeman who acted as a trained sleuth!!! If investigators could emulate this man, we could reward them the “Umdisa Decoration” for investigative their skills! Below is a story of an excellent, natural detective—a real human bloodhound! What do you think about such a decoration for investigators?

The remarkable story of Constable Umdisa:

The Human Bloodhound A true saga of dedication, alacrity and dedication From Pretoria to Mafeking on foot From the Limpopo to Pretoria on Foot one would at once think the story is far-fetched or untrue! This particular story reminds one of De Quincey’s then famous theories in his essay Murder Considered as one of the Fine Arts, viz. that it’s the safest place, from the murderer’s point of view, to murder a person before a crowd. The bare facts of the murder were that on a bright sunny morning in Pretoria a loyal school janitor was murdered in a schoolyard in full view of the classrooms, facing which were about 50 children doing their lessons. Not one person saw the murder or the murderer or heard anything! In the schoolyard opposite the classrooms was the room that the school’s cleaner and caretaker occupied. He was a Zulu gentleman called Mr M’panki (sic). The door of his room faced the school. On the morning of the murder, at about 10am, a scholar informed his teacher that Mr M’panki might be ill, as he was lying on the step-in front of his room. On investigation, to their horror the school discovered that he was murdered and the Police were immediately called for.

That famous, but now forgotten, old raconteur, Colonel HF ‘Harry’ Trew, a former deputy commissioner of the SA Police told and wrote many a true story and has left with us with a rich heritage of personal history dating from the Anglo-Boer War right up to the early 1920’s.

A detective and police photographer reported at the scene to investigate. The deceased had evidently been sitting on the top step with his back towards the interior of the room. He had been hit on the head by an axe. It was a fearful blow as the scull had split in two. A strong man had evidently delivered the blow.

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Mr Henry, later Sir Edward Henry, later Commissioner of the London Metropolitan Police, made an intensive study of fingerprints while a commissioner of the Indian Police. In the India and China thumbprints were used on documents as a signature but there was no system to of classifying them. Mr Henry then studied fingerprints and started to classify fingerprints in India. He later came to South Africa during 1902 and established our present fingerprint system. After his sojourn in South Africa, he went to the United Kingdom. The investigating officer discovered other leads. First, he establishes a motive. Mr M’pianki was not only the school’s janitor but also being a respectable man, a traditional African Banker. His mattress was the bank and this was ripped open! There was no cash left. As a ledger he used an array small of sticks with cut nicks representing the names of clients and amounts. A strange stick was found in his room. As his friends turned up, they declared that the stick was not the deceased’s stick. The police took possession of the stick and it was shown to thousands of African men in and around Pretoria. A young man came forward and identified the stick as the property of one Mr Joseph Sopela. He said he spent many hours in Sopela’s company while the latter was carving it. The detective immediately went to the Pretoria Fingerprint Bureau and asked whether Sopela had a record. His record soon turned up showing that he was a former convict and perpetrator of violent crime. The facts were simple: Mr M’piaki had been killed between 09:30 and 10:00 that morning. A large sum of money in his possession had disappeared. The thumbprint found on the axe was that of one Joseph Sopela, a well-known criminal. No evidence could be obtained that Sopela knew the deceased or how Sopela got into Mr M’piaki’s room

Const Umdisa

or knew where the money was hidden. However, Sopela’s wonderfully carved stick was found in the deceased’s room. Little did Sopela know that by carving his beautiful stick he in fact was carving his own death warrant. A warrant for his arrest was immediately issued, his photograph and description were circulated to all concerned.

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Bush Tick mine only to find that Sopela had deserted and fled the previous evening. They said that Constable Umdisa had left in pursuit

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nd of six weeks Trew had Constable Umdisa struck off the strength in the Force Orders declaring him a deserter! This Trew did with a sad heart for he had judged to be a loyal, faithful fellow. Trew hated it to think that he had been deceived. Fortunately, a telegram was received from a lonely Bushveld police station to say that a trooper on patrol in the bush had found the body of a dead African. The corpse was much decom-posed and had been torn by wild animals. The deceased had evidently been killed in a fight. A broken assegai lay under the body. The hands of the corpse were missing so it was impossible to take fingerprints. One arm had certain tattoo marks. These marks exactly resembled those described on the arm of one Sopela, wanted by the Police for murder.

SAP Daspoort

Surprisingly a week later at District Head Quarters Trew’s Head Constable reported: “Constable Umdisa wishes to see you, sir”. The police constable was brought before Trew. It was certainly Constable Umdisa, but according to Trew not the same Constable Umdisa who had left his office some three months before. Constable Umdisa seemed to have shrunk to half his previous size. He and he looked battered and worn, but still held himself proudly erect, although sunk far back in his head, his fierce eyes still blazed. Throwing up his hand in salute he said to Trew: Inkosi, it is finished. Sopela will trouble us no more. I am but as one of the lice in the King's blanket, but I will not go to herd goats with the children, nor can the women laugh at me, for my assegai has drunk blood. Trew replied: You old devil, you killed Sopela! Constable Umdisa answered: Well, you my father, said 'dead or alive', but I would have arrested Sopela if I could, but the dog nearly killed me; look here, and here, and here, Inkosi," Before Trew could stop him, Constable Umdisa had thrown off his clothing and showed the great weals of wounds newly healed. Trew doubted if any white man could have suffered such grievous wounds and lived to tell the tale!

Consequently, the BSAP then informed Trew in Pretoria that Constable Umdisa had arrived at the

Trew filled his pipe, lit it and said: Now, Umdisa, tell me the whole story from the beginning. The Zulus are a wonderful nation of taletellers, and

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The Old Pretoria Police Station and barracks (Continued from page 29)

Trew thought it possible that Constable Umdisa must have been one of their stars! Constable Umdisa not only told the whole story, but acted parts of it, particularly when it came to the fight with Sopela; he showed every feint, every thrust, so that when he finished Trew felt inclined to clap his hands as one would do in a theatre. This is Constable Umdisa’s as he told it to Trew: Inkosi, when I walked out of your office that morning, I had no fear and I knew that I would catch Sopela. I meant to follow him as a dog would follow a wounded buck, until I ran him down. I went to the Apies River and followed far

The locals showed me the way to the nearest police camp, which was at Brakfontein. The sergeant locked Sopela up in a cell for the night. I slept hard that night, but early in the morning I went to see that Sopela was safe. The door of the cell was fast, but when I walked to the back of the cell there was a heap of earth and a hole under the wall. The jackal had escaped! I woke the sergeant, who came running and unlocked the door. Sopela had pulled the handle off the night bucket and had used that to dig down through the floor. The ser(Continued on page 31)

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geant gave me food and I followed Sopela again. Sopela had always gone towards where the sun went down. So I started that way, and that night I came to a farm where he had called when the sun was high and had asked for food.

Then I came to another river, where there were lots of wildebeest and I found a camp with two white men. They had a Cape cart and four mules. They were foolish men from Johannesburg. They had come to hunt but they had got drunk and beaten their driver who then had absconded. They had tried to inspan the mules but had got the harness all twisted up and a mule had kicked one of them. They were afraid to knee-halter the mules in case they also ran away so they led them about by the reins to graze and tied the mules up to the cart at night. Sopela had met them and had promised to inspan the mules and drive them next day but he had stolen a bottle of whisky and a blanket from them during the night and had vanished. I got the harness straight and inspanned the mules and they wanted me to drive but I said: No, I must go after Sopela. They could not drive. So, I made the one man sit in the cart and hold the reins while the other man (Continued on page 32)

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(Continued from page 31)

leads the mules with a trek-tow. I told them to follow the path along the river until they came to a kraal where they could hire a man to drive and inspan for them. Truly they were helpless in the veld and they should stay in the big town. They told me that Sopela was lame and he had got a poisoned foot from a thorn. This raised my spirit so I hoped to catch him soon.

(Continued on page 33)

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He may also be describing a feeling of depression or a loss of interest in things. Therefore, a psychologist would investigate the possibility of posttraumatic stress disorder and / or depression.

(Continued from page 32)

Comments by HBH What a remarkable and dedicated policeman! Constable Umdisa might have been one of the earliest victims of Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome. Nevertheless, his memory should be cherished by all members of the police especially investigators and therefore it is proudly suggested that a decoration – the UMDISA DECORATION – be instituted for all investigators that excel in detective work and criminal intelligence. It will be a fitting memorial and reward to a early South African crime buster! Bibliography Trew, Lieut-Col HF: African Manhunts,Blackie & Co, London, 1938. SA Multi-Language Dictionary and Phrase Book, Reader’s Digest, Cape Town 1991.

Comment by Psychologist No 2 From the interview with Lieut-Col. Trew it appears that Constable Umdisa:

Psychologist No 1 The story does not end here. HBH spoke to a psychologist who reports as follows on Constable Umdisa’s later behaviour: Elaine Bing, a Pretoria psychologist, renders her expert opinion regarding Constable Umdisa’s strange behaviour after his epic journey and battle to death, as follows: Without the opportunity to question him about his experiences, we have to resort to conjecture. It was a battle to the death and Trew was surprised that he had ‘lived lo tell the tale'. He was afterwards described as 'lazy’ and was always being defaulted. This may refer to avoidance behaviour or / and poor concentration. He describes himself as 'tired' and one wonders how well he slept - did he have nightmares of his dangerous journey and its subsequent end?

gave an account of his experiences par excellence;

was a very loyal, dedicated and motivated person;

exhibited physical strength, fitness and physical and mental resilience;

exhibited excellent mastery of his surroundings; and

exhibited excellent survival tactics.

There is clear evidence that, during his pursuit of Sopela, Constable Umdisa did not sleep well, deep or peacefully and as often and as he probably should have: •

‘but early in the morning I went to see that Sopela was safe’.

‘That night I slept near some big trees and while I was sitting by my fire a lion breathed on my neck. I threw fire sticks at the lion. I then climbed a tree where I stayed all night’.

‘I thought he might creep back at night when I was asleep at my fire and kill me. So, every

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night after that, I would make a big fire. When it got dark, I would then creep away and sleep elsewhere’. •

‘It was night when I came to the top of a mountain’.

‘I tried to get down the mountainside in the dark, but I fell. I then camped there with no fire and left early in the morning’.

‘Late in the evening I saw the light of a fire and I thought it must be Sopela’.

Summary by Psychologist No 2 From the above it seems relatively clear that Constable Umdisa was for the span of his pursuit of Sopela, continually hypervigilant and cautious. It would , for diagnostic purposes, be important to determine the intensity and duration of these periods as well as to obtain detail regarding his intrapsychic experiences during the times of his pursuit and those following his recovery after the conflict with Sopela and also during the times it was said (that) "he became very lazy and was always being defaulted". Many factors could have influenced his behaviour in the end, including medical causes. In order to arrive at a reliable diagnosis, it would, from a professional psychological point of view, be necessary to have a live interview with Constable Umdisa in order to eliminate specific factors and/or pursue others/ /apply customary assessment techniques etc. in order to form an accurate diagnosis or suggest an appropriate referral which could have been considered while he was alive. It is sad that Constable Umdisa, during his life, actually deserved the treatment suited to Umdisa the man, the super-detective, an icon and a hero.

Continued below… Hennie,

This was a remarkable man who needs all the acknowledgement a person of his stature deserves. I am personally of the opinion that his saga should be introduced to the world by way of a visual medium so that people can take note of this man’s epic account. Impressions About the Story: Dear Hennie, This adventure is really unique: a true story with an authentic African hue and nature in a unique and characteristic African environment that is wellknown to most South Africans – also those of modern-day society. It is the account of one man’s experience that I think, should be recorded on film for the present generation, as well as that of the future. A Visual medium would make Constable Umdisa’s experiences accessible to people all over the world and help to establish the saga as an African legend in the framework of e.g., Story of an African Farm. A possible introduction to the story could be the following: “Now, Umdisa, tell me the whole story from the beginning” … I am of the opinion that this, the start and content of Const. Umdisa’s narrative, could form the introduction to a film which would be a good way to present his story for appreciation by modern and future generations. It has, to my mind, all the elements of a truly classical African tale, such as those of us who live here have grown up with and could value. Umdisa Decoration: a most excellent idea. A memorial should be considered at one or more of the landmarks mentioned in the saga. e.g., in the vicinity of Mamba Kop, or the site of the final struggle between Constable Umdisa and Sopela etc.

1956: My Pa as jong Berede Polisieman: Stompie du Pont Marcia du Pont

My pa as Berede Polisieman het 5 dae voor hy 17 geword het by die SAP aangesluit.... met onluste in Durban tussen die Indiërs en die Zoeloes..../.../ was 30 Polisiemanne gewerf wat die Zoeloetaal (isiZulu) magtig was en waarvan my pa een was, hul was elk uitgereik met ‘n assegaai.... normaalweg het slegs swart lede ‘n assegaai

gehad.... sy assegaai is steeds in sy besit....hy het later ‘n pos beman met die Bek-en-Klouseer naby Zeerust. (Blaai om vir foto’s)

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Foto van Stompie du Pont soos ontvang van Marcia du Pont en kleurfoto daarvan deur Jennifer Bosch

SAP-generaals Links verskyn genl-maj Ben Stevens en regs genl-maj FMA “Frans” Steenkamp, afgeneem by ‘n medalje parade. Genl Stevens kan beskou word as die ‘vader’ van gevorderde opleiding in die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisie. Genl Steenkamp was ‘n befaamde en deurwinterde speurder in Durban; later verbonde aan die Sabotasie-eenheid en later afdelings bevelvoerder van die veiligheidstak, Port Natal. Later was hy by die handelstak voordat hy die hoof van die veiligheidstak geword het.

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Luit-genl John Manuel van die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisiediens

“Die adjunk-nasionale kommissaris en luitenant-generaal, 11 uit 12 range beklee en die 2de hoogste rang in die nasionale polisie) tydens my aftrede op 1 Sept.1999. (38jr diens). Die kommissaris van die SAPD was generaal George Fivaz met die hoogste rang (SAPD) en die president van Suid-Afrika was president Thabo Mbeki met minister Sidney Mufamadi as minister van polisie tydens my aftrede. Ek het met trots die DIENS verlaat.”

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1913: SAP CRADOCK Naomi Keyter Carol Hardijzer Picture. Photograph of two Cradock based policemen (Circa 1908). He has Two questions: • Who are they? • Both have numbers “EG” on their lapels. What does this stand for? Also – why the different orders in terms of numbers and lettering?

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Comments by HBH These are members of the South African Police which was formally founded on 01-04-1913. The members show the "SAP"'s on the shoulder straps. Police members wore "numbers" - the letters appear to be "EC" for the Eastern Cape. On the left is a Footman (nickname "Magal") (They were based on the London Metropolitan Police.) They were usually unarmed on beats in towns and cities. On the right a mounted policeman - nickname "Bosluis" (Tick). They worked in the countryside and were armed.

So the date is not circa 1908 - but rather soon after 1913. I'll publish this photo in the NONGQAI and ask for further particulars if possible. I have a name list of all policemen who served on 1-4-1916. I may mention that the mounted policeman is an experienced policeman as he proudly exhibits his service chevrons. The stripes were issued after 3,5,7,9 years’ service so he has between 7 and 9 years’ service - he could have served in one of antecedent police or military forces i.e. the Cape Police, Cape Mounted Police or the Cape Mounted Rifles. What beautiful photos - thanks Andries Smith for the colouring and bringing them back to life! Thank you for the invite! Naomi Keyter please take note.

ZARP: Kommissaris van Polisie: Mnr Van Niekerk

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VOLG ONS OP ISSUU—U TEKEN GRATIS IN EN WORD DADELIK IN KENNIS GESTEL VAN NUWE UITGAWES KLIK OP DIE VOLGENDE SKAKEL EN “VOLG” NONGQAI https://issuu.com/hennieheymans/docs

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NONGQAI TRUST DOELEINDES VAN DIE TRUST

PURPOSE OF THE TRUST

Die doel van die Trust is om ten behoewe van enige persoon (of hul families) wat sorg, berading en ondersteuning nodig het ten opsigte van post-traumatiese stres; sielkundige ondersteuning; sorg en behandeling, of fisiese besering wat hy of sy opgedoen het as gevolg van sodanige persoon se betrokkenheid by misdaadvoorkoming, misdaadbekamping of blootstelling aan misdaadbestryding of verwante optrede, of voormalige lede van die SuidAfrikaanse Polisiemag.

The purpose of the Trust is to act on behalf of any person (or their families) who need care, counselling and support due to post-traumatic stress; psychological support; care and treatment, or physical injury that he or she has suffered as a result of their involvement in crime prevention, combating crime or exposure to the combating of crime or related actions, or former members of the South African Police force.

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Nongqai Trust: Ben Kruger besoek die RSA

Ben Kruger is woonagtig in Mississippi in die VSA. Ben Kruger is ‘n vriend en “ere-lid” van die Nongqai Trust en hy help om fondse vir beide die trust en ons ou kollega, Eugene de Kock, in te samel. Tydens sy onlangse besoek aan die RSA het hy die trustees kom ontmoet. Om die tafel verskyn Glenn Elsden (trustee), Bazil Young (vriend), Ben Kruger, HBH (trustee), Petro Heymans, Hein Kilian en Nico Frylinck (beide trustees). Ben het ook by sy ou vriend Eugene de Kock ‘n welwillendheidsbesoek afgelê.

ZONDO-KOMMISSIE en die NONGQAI TRUST

Ons bedank graag mnr Johan Botha van JP Botha-rekenmeesters en mnr Lucas Visagie verbonde aan Visagie-prokureurs vir hul hulp, ondersteuning, rekenkundige en regsbystand. Baie dankie vir kundige en professionele diens

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1990/1: SAP MUSEUM: VENTERSBURG

Foto van 1990 of 1991 op Museumdag te Ventersburg—huidige en ou range gemeng. Voor: Kapt Scheepers, kapt Linda Scheepers, kapt Petro (Gunter) Engelbrecht en kaptein Marlene Lombard. Agter: kol HB Heymans (DK Distrik 79 Welkom), genl-maj TI “Tom” Erasmus (Streekkommissaris OVS) en lt-kol “Joe” Malherbe (destyds Hoof: Sigbare polisiëring: Welkom).

DIE SAP UIT VERGANGE SE DAE

Datum, tyd en plek onbekend. (Ek skat hier om en by 1948.)

Pieter van Zijl het vir ons die swart-en-wit foto ingestuur. Jennifer Bosch het toe die foto ingekleur. Mens sien nou soveel meer—ook die bandiet. NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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VEILIGHEIDSTAK: AFDELING PORT NATAL Rob Welman

1970: Nuut aangestelde offisiere van die Veiligheidstak, Port Natal in Durban. Van links na regs luit en mev Alec Wood, luit en mev PL “Lang Piet” du Toit en luit en mev RL “Bobbie” Welman. NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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Ander foto’s van Bobby Welman Pionier-kursus en 1970 Offisierskursus

Vuller: Durban se Stadspolisie verrig verkeersbeheer. Die konstabel staan op ‘n hout platvorm.

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Vuller: Krugersdorp

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SA MISDAADGESKIEDENIS | SA CRIMINAL HISTORY KINDERPARTYTJIE SONDER VREUGDE KOMATIPOORT HERDENK TWINTIG SE ARSEENDOOD Piet Greyvenstein Mpumalanga Erfnis: Regular Newsletter/Gereelde Nuusbrief: No. 244 | 21.04.2020 Dit is Saterdag, 12 Julie 1947, en 'n heerlike winterdag in die Onderberg. Veral die kinders van Komatipoort is baie opgewonde, want oor 'n rukkie gaan hulle na die sesde verjaardagpartytjie van Joey Ferreira by spoorweghuis nr. 35. Maar toe reeds was die noodlottige omstandighede aan die saamloop wat groot hartseer in dié klein gemeenskappie met sy sowat 'n honderd inwoners gebring het. Wat twintig mense se dood veroorsaak het, het begin toe 'n jong Indiërman in sy pa se winkel 'n plan moes maak teen versiersuiker-diewe. Hy moes iets doen, anders sou sy pa gedink het dit is hy wat aan die versiersuiker weglê, het Saly Minthy dalk gedink. Hy gaan arseen met die versiersuiker in die houer meng. Dít sal die skuldiges goed siek maak en hy sal agterkom wie hulle is. Min het hy besef hoe dodelik dié gif is. 'n Afgetrede landdros, ene mnr. Slabbert, het vandeesweek vertel hoe dié inligting tydens die hofsaak teen Saly bekend geword het. Landdros Slabbert het uit Grahamstad gebel met inligting oor die voorval ná 'n berig in Beeld dat die komitee van die Komatipoort-museum inligting soek oor daardie dag se gebeure. Die komitee wil die grafte van die slagoffers restoureer en die inligting in die museum bewaar. Mnr. Ronnie Sick van Delareyville onthou vertellings van mnr. Andries Stephanus Smith, wie se vrou en twee kinders dood is, dat mev. Jacky Ferreira omstreeks twaalfuur die Saterdag ongeduldig begin raak het omdat die verjaardagkoek wat sy bestel het nog nie opgedaag het nie. Sy is inderhaas na die winkel van Ou Minthy soos hy vandag nog in die dorp bekend staan. 'n Paar minute voor een is sy met al die bestanddele by die winkel uit onder meer die vergiftigde versiersuiker. Veral die Smith-kinders was baie bly dat hulle die partytjie kon bywoon, vertel mnr. Andries Lourens, 'n boer van die distrik wat destyds by die Departement van Waterwese gewerk het. Die gesin se meubels was reeds gelaai, want hul pa

was verplaas na Letaba. Hulle sou Maandag trek. Mev. Bets du Toit, een van die Smith-kinders, was destyds elf maande oud. Haar ma, Margaretha, en broer en suster, Jacobus en Margaretha, is dood ná die partytjie. Haar pa het sy herinnerings en feite oor die voorval neergeskryf. Volgens mev. Du Toit, wat nou in Pietersburg bly, was agttien kinders by die partytjie. Die eerste een wat olik begin voel het nadat sy van die koek geëet het, was die dogtertjie van ene dr. Webber. Sy het na haar pa gehardloop toe sy begin sleg voel. Hy het blykbaar onmiddellik besef sy het arseenvergiftiging en haar beesmelk en kookwater ingejaag. Dr. Webber het hom na spoorweghuis nr. 35 gehaas het om die mense by die partytjie te waarsku. Die meisietjie het dit oorleef, maar is glo sedertdien aan 'n rolstoel gekluister. Mev. Du Toit het ook vertel dat mev. Elizabeth Jooste in daardie stadium met klein Noreen Mary Welman in haar arms die dokter halfpad ontmoet het. Die meisietjie was reeds dood. Mev. Jooste is ook kort daarna dood. Mnr. Hayden Crooks van Pretoria het vertel hy was 'n telefoontegnikus by Nelspruit. Terwyl hy aan kabels gewerk het, het hy die berig gehoor en so vinnig moontlik na Komatipoort gejaag. Hy is gevra om twee van die kinders na die BarbertonHospitaal te bring. Albei die kinders is die nag dood en later in Barberton begrawe. In Komatipoort het die dokters deur die nag gespook om lewens te red, maar die kinders is met tussenposes oorlede. Buiten die vyftien blanke kinders en twee volwassenes wat dood is, het die verhaal ook die lewens van die Indiër-gemeenskap diep geraak, het Ou Minthy vandeesweek gesê. Die drie seuntjies wat daardie dag van die versiersuiker vasgelê het, is dieselfde nag aan arseenvergiftiging dood. Ou Minthy, wat vandag steeds die winkel besit, het gesê hy wil nie oor dié tragedie praat nie.

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(Continued from page 50)

Volgens mev. Irene van Aswegen wat destyds saam met haar man, Piet, in Kaapmuiden gebly het en ook in die begrafnisstoet was is twee vragmotors van die dorpsraad met blomme versier vir die stoet. Die stoet is verby die winkel waar Saly Minthy op die stoep gestaan en kyk het. Vir mnr. Smith was dit 'n groot hartseerdag. Net hy en sy dogter, Bets, het oorgebly. Mev. Du Toit sê vandag lewe sy nog daagliks met die voorval saam. Sy dra haar ma se trou- en verloofring, asook 'n ring van haar pa met haar ma se naam daarop gegraveer. Hoewel sy dit as die “groot Raadsman” se besluit beskou, is sy hartseer dat die volle waarheid oor die treurspel nog nie bekend is nie. Die gemis aan 'n ouerhuis sal haar ook altyd bybly.

museum. “Dit sal wonderlik wees om te praat met die mense wat oorgebly het. Selfs dit sal die leemte vul. Dit mag net nooit weer gebeur nie.'' Van die inligting is nog teenstrydig, maar die komitee sal aanhou totdat hy die volle verhaal het, het mnr. Dries van der Merwe, Onder is die huis waar die treurspel afgespeel het en die Sale se winkel waar die giftige versiersuiker gekoop is. Betsie du Toit wat die treurspel as baba oorleef het staan later jare voor die gebou. Onder sit sy as jong meisie.

Sy het by haar ouma en oupa aan moederskant gaan bly. “Dit is een van die wreedste dinge wat jy aan 'n kind kan doen om hom sonder 'n ouerhuis te laat grootword. Ek moes gedurig verduidelik hoekom ek by my ouma en oupa bly.'' Mev. Du Toit sê haar dogter, wat baie op haar ma trek, laat iets van haar ma weer leef. “Wat ek in haar sien, stem baie ooreen met dit wat oor my ma vertel is. “Ek wil nie die skuldige aan sy keel gaan gryp nie, maar voel eerder jammer vir hom. As hy vandag nog lewe, moes hy immers vyftig jaar saam met sy gewete saamgeleef het.'' (Onbevestigde berigte dui daarop dat Saly later in 'n motorongeluk dood is.) Nadat die lykskouings gewys het dat al die oorledenes arseen ingekry het, het die polisieondersoek begin, het die afgetrede polisieman Chris Günter, destyds een van die ondersoekbeamptes, gesê. Die ondersoek het die Polisie gelei na die twee winkels waar die koekbestanddele gekoop kon gewees het. Albei se voorraad is ontleed. Uiteindelik is Saly aangekla van moord. Ná 'n uitgerekte hofsaak het hy en twee assessore Saly vrygespreek en ontoerekeningsvatbaar verklaar, het landdros Slabbert vertel. Mev. Van Aswegen onthou dat Saly ná die uitspraak elke dag doelloos by die Komatirivier rondgesit en net in die verte gestaar het. Ondanks al die inligting wat die museumkomitee tot dusver ontvang het en nog elke dag ontvang, is die volle verhaal moontlik nog nie vertel nie. Mev. Du Toit het gesê sy is opgewonde oor die NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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GOVERNANCE | REGEERKUNDE Ramaphosa has turned his back on South Africa’s citizens SA INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS Ramaphosa has turned his back on South Africa’s citizens – IRR President Cyril Ramaphosa’s defence of the ANC government’s cadre deployment policy – which has hollowed out public institutions and left millions of South Africans at the mercy of corruption, mismanagement and ineptitude – demonstrates his loyalty to party cadres at the expense of ordinary citizens. It is obvious from his testimony at the Zondo Commission that South Africa will continue to be subjected, as a matter of policy, to a process of senior civil service and parastatal appointments that is arguably the primary obstacle to rooting out malfeasance and ineptitude at all levels of government.

upon the whims of the powerful. President Ramaphosa says the right – reassuring, earnest-sounding – things, acknowledging, for instance, that “(our) electoral support is going down largely because of the corrosive corruption that our people saw as abhorrent. Things went horribly wrong but we are here to work with everybody to correct those, and we do this with humility because we are a feature of the superstructure of this country, we cannot run away from all these matters.” But when it came to addressing what the crucial flaws are, and how they will be addressed, Ramaphosa ducked the questions at the Zondo Commission.

Ramaphosa’s loyalty to party cadres comes at a high cost to citizens.

“Ramaphosa’s loyalty to As IRR CEO Frans Cronje party cadres comes at a has pointed out, Rama- high cost to citizens”. phosa was presented with an opportunity to place the blame for state capture on the deployment committee. Yet, despite astonishing government corruption and ineptitude, and counterproductive policies, the president and his administration “failed to take an easy off-ramp towards reform”. On the very day of the president’s appearance at the Zondo Commission, the Institute of Race Relations (IRR) paid yet another visit to the Union Buildings to ask when we could expect the reply to our memorandum to the Presidency on citizen abuse that had been promised within 14 days. That promise was made on 3 March. To date, in spite of our promptings, the Presidency has not deigned to respond. Ramaphosa’s comments at the Zondo Commission illuminate this disregard: Ramaphosa is not truly committed to reform or the plight of the ordinary citizen. His comments show that his loyalties lie with the cadre – while the average citizen is abandoned to the abuses of a system predicated

against state capture.

While he dwelled at length on claiming that the party was going through a process of renewal that would put an end to corruption, he remained reluctant to elaborate on how the party intended to change course, and dismissed as rash former minister Barbara Hogan’s suggestion that the ANC do away with its deployment committee as a safeguard

The president’s woefully inadequate performance at the commission confirms the IRR’s conviction that it is up to citizens, and the civil society organisations that have the backbone to support them, to speak up against citizen abuse and compel policymakers to heed the mounting resistance to their disregard of South Africa’s real national interest, which is the freedom and well-being of its citizens. Read the IRR’s memorandum at https://irr.org.za/ campaigns/stop-citizen-abuse, and join the campaign to #StopCitizenAbuse. For more analysis on the topic, read https://dailyfriend.co.za/2021/03/08/ time-to-stop-citizenabuse/ Media contacts: Gabriel Crouse, IRR writer and analyst – 082 510 0360; gabriel@irr.org.za

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IRR: Fake news: study shows its dangers and calls for citizens to oppose it Fake news poses a threat to free societies; it poisons societies’ information environments, distorts perceptions of what is true and false and can severely corrode social and political interactions. But be equally wary of the response to this phenomenon, for combating it could introduce a raft of dangers to free societies too. This is the overall message of a new report by the Institute of Race Relations, entitled Fake News: A New Challenge to Human Rights? It was authored by Terence Corrigan and Nicholas Lorimer.

a fearful reach. The study looks at a number of case studies of fake news in recent years: the conspiracies around COVID-19, the ‘Facebook Genocide’ of the Rohingya, and the viral video of the ‘confrontation’ between a student at Covington Catholic High School, Nicholas Sandmann, and a Native American activist in early 2019.

Each of these illustrates the dangers of fake news and the narratives they build. They have aggravated social fault lines, diverted societal conversaSurveying the history of the idea, the paper argues tions, complicated already complex issues (not that while fake news came to prominence in the least handling the COVID outbreak) and, in its 2016 American presidential most extreme manifestacampaign and the election of tions, led to or justified Donald Trump, it has a much Fake news poses a threat murder. This is a matter of longer pedigree. to free societies; it poisons human rights in their most basic sense. Fake news is in essence ma- societies’ information enviterial that attempts to comThis is a real danger, and ronments, distorts percepmunicate false or deliberately one that is only likely to distorted information in pursuit grow ever greater in socieof a narrative and typically a tions of what is true and ties that increasingly enpolitical or social goal. with themselves digifalse and can severely cor- gage tally. One can go back to the Ro- rode social and political inman Empire or the Middle AgPossible solutions to this es for examples of this. The teractions. include legislation to punanti-Semitic ‘blood libel’ – that ish the purveyors of fake Jews used the blood of Chrisnews, fact checking and tians for their rituals – can be traced to an accusa- the use of algorithms to identify it. These, howevtion made in England in 1144. It visited untold mis- er, have their weaknesses, not least because they ery on Jews for generations, with the last known can become subject to their own brand of censoritrial on this charge having been in 1911 in Russia. ousness and to pushing their own narratives. It persists today among some anti-Semitic Christians and Muslims. The study comes out in favour of media literacy and proper engagement by citizens with the media A more recent example was the planting by the content they consume. Just as it is often said that Soviet KGB of the claim that HIV was the result of a society will get the standard of governance it dean experiment by the US military. Complete with serves, so it is with media. This is a tough, uncerbogus academic and scientific claims to support it, tain business, but with the stakes as high as they it was in essence intended as propaganda against are, it is a challenge that democratic societies dare the US before audiences in the developing world. not fail to rise to. It was an influential enough idea that an intellectual within the ANC – who went by the pen name Read the report here: https://irr.org.za/reports/ Mzala – endorsed it in his writings. occasional-reports/fake-news-a-new-challenge-tohuman-rights One wonders how much damage such thinking inflicted globally. Media contacts: Terence Corrigan, IRR Project Manager – 066 470 4456; terence@sairr.org.za Today, the advent of cheap and user-friendly communication technology has given this phenomenon NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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SOUTHERN AFRICAN POLICE HISTORY Jonathan Pittaway

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MEDALS: COLONEL CARL RICHTER Jonathan Pittaway

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COL C RICHTER HBH

THE NONGQAI, 1938

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THE NONGQAI 1927

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BRIXTON MURDER & ROBBERY SQUAD: CAPT FRIK LA GRANGE, KPM, SOO Jonathan Pittaway

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Dishonourable dismissal of k-word liars welcomed Renate Barnard 7 May 2021 Solidarity welcomes the outcome of the internal disciplinary hearing of the two members of the South African Police Service (SAPS) who had falsely accused Lieutenant-Colonel Annemarie Oosthuizen of calling them the k-word. The hearing followed after these two were convicted of perjury, defeating the ends of justice, assault and crimen injuria in 2020 and, among other things, received suspended prison sentences. “Although we are delighted with the verdict, we are still following events within the SAPS regarding Warrant Officers Mphana and Tikoe. After the hearing, the provincial commissioner of the SAPS has yet to ratify the verdict that will make the dismissal valid. It is important that this process does take place. It is outrageous that SAPS members who commit criminal offenses are allowed to continue to function as working SAPS members,” said Renate Barnard, sector coordinator of the Public Sector at Solidarity. According to Solidarity, for four years the SAPD failed to take any steps against these two guilty members of the SAPS whose false accusations of racism has led to their criminal offences. Solidarity

further believes that the outcome of the internal hearing makes it clear that criminal offences will not be tolerated within the SAPS and that those who are guilty of such offences will be punished. “For the SAPS, the verdict is a step in the right direction and indicates that offenders must bear the consequences of their actions. The message now being conveyed is loud and clear: Do not make false accusations of racism, do not make false affidavits about racism, and do not turn to violence and threats in the workplace,” Barnard concluded. Issued by Renate Barnard, Sector Coordinator: Public Sector, 7 May 2021 https://www.politicsweb.co.za/politics/ dishonourable-dismissal-of-kword-liars-welcomed-s? utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_c ampaign=170e89d125EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2021_05_09_04_20&utm_m edium=email&utm_term=0_a86f25db99170e89d125-130042309

PRIVAATVERVOLGINGSEENHEID GRYP IN BY SAAK VAN POLISIE­MAGSMISBRUIK BY WIERDABRUG-POLISIESTASIE DEUR AFRIFORUM | MEI 5, 2021 AfriForum se privaatvervolgingseenheid staan tans vir Anja Pentz by, wat na bewering op 22 April 2021 deur beamptes van die Wierdabrugpolisiestasie aangerand en ure lank opgesluit is nadat sy ’n kapingspoging by dié polisiestasie wou aanmeld. Die polisiebeamptes het haar van openbare dronkenskap aangekla en toegesluit toe sy probeer het om foto’s van hulle te neem waar hulle versuim om haar met die aanmelding van ’n misdaad te help. Die eenheid het reeds vertoë aan die Nasionale Vervolgingsgesag (NVG) gerig, wat reeds aangedui het dat die saak teen Pentz nie op die rol geplaas sal word nie. ’n Onbekende voertuig het Pentz op die betrokke aand van die hoofweg probeer druk. Sy was alleen in die motor en daarvan oortuig dat die

insittendes van die ander motor haar wou kaap. Sy het na die Wierdabrug-polisiestasie gery. Hoewel die onbekende motor het haar tot by die polisiestasie gevolg het, het dit toe verdwyn. Ses stasiebeamptes het in stoele teen die muur gesit en geen poging aangewend om Pentz te help nie. Hulle het ook haar versoeke om hulp geïgnoreer. Nadat sy egter haar selfoon uitgehaal het om foto’s hiervan te neem, het een van die polisiebeamptes opgestaan en haar in kru taal gevra waarmee sy besig was. Hy het Pentz agter die nek gegryp en ingelig dat sy vir openbare dronkenskap gearresteer word. Pentz is tot 03:45 die volgende oggend in die aanhoudingselle toegesluit. Sy het daarna ’n kennisgewing ontvang

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dat sy op 13 Mei op dié aanklag in die hof moet verskyn, ten spyte daarvan die feit dat sy op die betrokke dag geen alkohol ingeneem het nie en die polisiebeamptes geweier het om haar alkoholvlak te toets. Volgens adv. Phyllis Vorster, aanklaer by die privaatvervolgingseenheid, sal die eenheid ook vir Pentz ondersteun met die klagtes wat sy reeds teen die polisiebeamptes gelê het. Dit sluit in aanranding, diefstal (geld uit haar beursie) en

kwaadwillige saakbeskadiging (haar selfoon). “Ons is met afgryse vervul oor die optrede en magsmisbruik van dié polisiebeamptes, wat skynbaar ’n klag teen ’n onskuldige vrou gefabriseer het en haar sonder rede vir ure lank opgesluit en met minagting behandel het. Dít terwyl sy haar tot die polisie vir beskerming gewend het,” sê Vorster. https://afriforum.co.za/privaatvervolgingseenheidgryp-in-by-saak-van-polisiemagsmisbruik-bywierdabrug-polisiestasie/

IRR: Justice without fear or favour prevails [The IRR inadvertently released an earlier statement under this heading on Friday. The following is the correct version.] The IRR was alarmed at the blinding pace with which Mpumalanga politicians and national opinion-makers drew the conclusion that four white farmers were guilty of murdering two innocent black work-seekers on a farm in Eastern Mpumalanga before ascertaining even the most basic facts. Despite the climate of bias against the farmers, and later a farm worker too, the Mkhondo Magistrate’s Court presided over the bail hearing without fear or favour, and granted bail. The most basic fact that early race-baiting accusers were blind to was that one of the deceased, Zenzele Coka, was not a “work-seeker” as he had been described in the national press for two weeks, but in fact a loyal farm worker. Furthermore, video footage shows that Zenzele Coka, the loyal worker, clashed with his brother, Amos Mgcini Coka, who was unemployed and was apparently trying to break into the farm. This took place shortly before the fatal shots were fired. That Zenzele’s death by gunshot thereafter may be a case of fratricide, whether accidental or deliberate, makes it no less tragic or worthy of serious consideration, though little attention to this aspect has been granted by opportunists who aim to narrate all tragedy as resulting from clashes between black and white. One exception to this has been IRR analyst and investigative journalist for the Daily Friend Gabriel Crouse. Crouse was first to discover and report that Zenzele Yende had also been accused of

conspiring to murder both Coka brothers, and was arrested in this regard, another fact overlooked by those who see only black versus white. Crouse discovered fixed-camera video footage which contradicted material aspects of the versions presented by those who accused the farmers of murder, and which was shown to members of the court. Crouse interviewed farm workers, indunas (traditional leaders) and local residents who expressed anguish at the race-baiting violence that briefly overwhelmed their community at the apparent behest of political opportunists. IRR CEO Frans Cronje observed that, while diligent police work deserved congratulation, it could not, sadly, be taken for granted that all police would do their jobs diligently, particularly in racialised cases such as that of Coligny. This was one reason why independent investigation was needed. Crouse’s reporting from Piet Retief included descriptions by witnesses of what appeared to be irregular evidence-gathering practices by the police. In the course of the bail hearing, the chief investigating officer conceded that although, more than hour beforehand, a concerned farmer called police to the scene where the Coka brothers died, the police did not arrive. The investigating officer also conceded that had police responded to the first calls, both Coka brothers would still be alive. This further suggests that the IRR’s worst fears were justified, and that police failure appears to be connected to these two deaths on any version. Police failures may be connected to the arrest and detention of innocent men, and the failure to arrest or even investigate credible charges of assault

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brought by white farmers who are politically stigmatized. Moreover, the failure of police to maintain law and order outside the court on 19 and 20 April resulted in widespread damage to property, multiple attacks on private vehicles, including Crouse’s, and the selective targeting of people by race, resulting in one elderly man being hospitalized. In addition, a man was stabbed and hospitalized during the protests, and 1 500 hay bales were razed on a nearby farm. Thereafter, the police presence was ramped up and further damage was averted, a good job but one that should have been done from

“Further leads are being followed at this very moment,” says Crouse. “Our mission is to learn first and then to judge, not the other way around. This is the best and only reliable way to serve the public interest. The alternative is submitting to plain prejudice, and when prejudice is based on race, that is racism. I was heartened to see other journalists begin to reconsider this case as facts were put before them, and hope that they will follow the story where the facts lead.” Media contacts: Gabriel Crouse, IRR writer and analyst – 082 510 0360; gabriel@irr.org.za

24 Farm attacks, 7 farm murders in South Africa, April 2021 The Rome Research Institute of South Africa May 4, 2021 During the month of April 2021, there were 24 farm attacks and 7 farm murders in South Africa. The onslaught against the white minority and especially white farmers continues unabated. The government is doing very little to curb these attacks and in fact deny the existence of these heinous crimes. And the police refuse to view these atrocities as priority crimes. During the month of March 2021, there were thirtysix farm attacks and five farm murders in the country whilst two farm attacks were successfully averted. During the month of February 2021, there were

seventeen farm attacks and three farm murders. One farm attack was successfully averted. During January 2021 there were twenty-one farm attacks and three attacks were successfully. For the period 1 January to 31 December 2020, on average, a farmer in South Africa was murdered every 4.7 days. There were 77 farm murders and 446 farm attacks, that is an attack every 1.2 days, in the country. Read about more click on https:// southafricatoday.net/south-africa-news/24-farmattacks-7-farm-murders-in-south-africa-april-2021/

FARM MURDERS ON THE INCREASE AGAIN Afriforum The civil rights organisation AfriForum today released its latest statistics regarding farm attacks. Since April last year, there have been 395 farm attacks countrywide. Although there was a decline in the number of farm attacks in the 2020/2021 financial year compared to the previous financial year, there was an increase in farm murders. During the past year, 59 people were murdered on farms in South Africa, compared to 41 in the previous year. Farm attacks continue to be a source of grave concern because of the excessive violence that regularly is used during these crimes. In 22% of the attacks, victims were brutally tortured by burning them with irons, by battering or kicking them to

death or by repeatedly stabbing them with a sharp object. 64% of victims were over the age of 50. Items that were plundered most often during farm attacks are firearms, vehicles and electronic appliances, although in at least six farm murders nothing was stolen. “The fact that farm murders and the brutality of the attacks have increased despite a decrease in the number of attacks is extremely worrying. It also shows that the lip service the Minister of Police and the President paid to the matter for a short while last year in fact has not yielded any results and that it is becoming increasingly important for

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communities to look after their own safety,” says Ernst Roets, AfriForum’s Head of Policy and Action. AfriForum encourages rural residents to take their safety in their own hands, within the framework of the law, and to establish safety networks or to join one of AfriForum’s 160 neighbourhood and farm watches countrywide. The organisation recently also launched its Safeguard a Farm campaign. For more information about the campaign, please visit www.beveilignplaas.co.za.

Ernst Roets Head: Policy and Action AfriForum Issued by AfriForum, 13 May 2021 https://www.politicsweb.co.za/documents/59people-murdered-on-farms-in-202021--afriforum? utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_c ampaign=ef98ccae5aEMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2021_05_12_10_42&utm_m edium=email&utm_term=0_a86f25db99ef98ccae5a-130042309

Police central firearms registry in chaos Pieter Groenewald | 16 May 2021

FF Plus leader says this demonstrates why progress with applications is so slow Chaotic state of police’s central firearms registry demonstrates why progress with applications is so slow 16 May 2021 The chaotic and disorderly state of the police's central firearms registry demonstrates why the progress with applications for firearm licences and competency certificates is so slow and has basically ground to a halt. (Photos attached herewith.) The police service itself has indicated that the backlog with applications for firearm licences currently stands at 250 000. The application forms for firearm licences and certificates are not properly filed – as is evident in the photos – they are piled up in heaps spread over offices, among personnel and even in corridors. There does not seem to be enough space to keep the large number of forms and there is no sign of any functional filing system either. Should an individual lodge a query about his / her documentation, it would be a tedious, if not impossible, task to locate the forms in question. The problem is exacerbated by the facility as well. It is unsafe and inadequate. There is a lack of proper maintenance and there seems to be a structural problem with the building as the walls are cracking, which poses a serious safety risk. Truth be told, the building should be evacuated. The structure was probably not designed to carry the weight of the large quantity of documents. And on top of that, there is a rat infestation in the offices. When the new firearms legislation was implemented, I warned that the legislation would place a heavy administrative burden on the police service

that it will not be able to handle. So, this problem has been a long time coming. The police itself has admitted that some of the applications are more than two years late. Initially, the goal was to finalise an application within 90 days. When the Covid-19 pandemic arrived on the scene, it was extended to 120 days. But even with the extension, the goal is obviously unattainable. The FF Plus is of the opinion that the current legislation must be amended. At present, there is too much administrative red tape related to firearm licensing. Firearms should be licensed only once and there is no need to renew the said licence every five years. The same applies to competency certificates. In addition, a proper electronic system must be implemented – much like the one used by the revenue service – to facilitate fast and efficient processing and to allow personnel to continue working, even from home. At the moment, management is poor and a lack of personnel only exacerbates the problem. Another solution would be to privatise the entire system. In 2010, the then Minister of Police, Nathi Mthethwa, established a task team to investigate the problems with the licensing process. Recommendations were made, but no action was taken. In March this year, the deputy Minister of Police, Cassel Mathale, paid another visit to the central firearms registry and pointed out serious shortcomings with the current Polvin system, which result in information being stored incorrectly.

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The matter calls for urgent attention. The police service is letting all firearm owners and traders down seeing as an essential service that must be provided to the public is currently not being provided.

https://www.politicsweb.co.za/politics/policecentral-firearms-registry-in-chaos--pieter-? utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_c ampaign=58a772004bEMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2021_05_16_09_38&utm_m edium=email&utm_term=0_a86f25db9958a772004b-130042309

Issued by Pieter Groenewald, FF Plus leader, 16 May 2021

FOTO’S GENEEM BY DIE SENTRALE VUURWAPENREGISTER

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29 police stations in Gauteng robbed or burgled since 2016 Michael Shackleton | 17 May 2021 DA MPL says items worth more than R1,6bn stolen in 136 incidents over past five years Non-existent police station security leaves residents without much-needed protection The Democratic Alliance (DA) in Gauteng is appalled that 29 police stations in Gauteng have recorded 136 break-ins and robberies in the last five years, raising great concern about the ability of SAPS to ensure the safety of residents, and that despite such a high number of criminal actions, there still remains a low conviction rate compared to the number of arrests made. This information was provided in a reply to my written question to MEC for Community Safety, Faith Mazibuko, who indicated that from the 2016/17 financial year to the 2020/21 financial year, 136 cases of robberies and break-ins were opened and valuable items worth more than R1.6 million had been stolen. Evaton and Vosloorus police stations have recorded the highest number of 16 robberies and breakin cases each, followed by Pretoria Central with 13 cases and Dobsonville with 10 cases, while other police stations have recorded below 10 cases. Of these cases opened, only 41 arrests have been made with four resulting in convictions. Police stations are regarded by communities as a safe place where police officers prevent, combat, and investigate crime, while protecting and ensuring the safety of all residents. When these police stations fall victim to crime, it compromises the ability of police officers to conduct their business of ensuring the safety of residents, through regular patrolling, opening of cases, and response to emergencies.

The low conviction rate is totally unacceptable, and clearly indicates either a failure of the justice system, or the failure of the police to properly investigate these cases. The lack of adequate investigation of criminal cases has already resulted in many cases being taken off the court roll due to a lack of sufficient evidence that assist successful prosecution. In the DA-led Midvaal Local Municipality, tangible action has been taken to ensure improved safety for residents, with the implementation of a crime prevention strategy that involves 3000 community patrollers, working with law enforcement, to ensure the safety of residents. The DA calls on MEC Mazibuko to immediately implement measures to mitigate the impact of these police station break-ins and robberies so that perpetrators face the full might of the law and that the safety of Gauteng residents can improve. Issued by Michael Shackleton, DA Gauteng Shadow MEC for Community Safety, 18 May 2021 https://www.politicsweb.co.za/politics/residents-left -without-muchneeded-protection--mich? utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_c ampaign=b0d847741fEMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2021_05_18_09_22&utm_m edium=email&utm_term=0_a86f25db99b0d847741f-130042309

KZN is a haven for criminals; not its people – DA Sharon Hoosen | 17 May 2021 Sharon Hoosen says GBV, kidnapping and murder in the province have all skyrocketed 4th Quarter Crime Stats: KZN is a haven for criminals - not its people The release of the fourth quarter crime statistics has shown - yet again - that KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) is a safe haven for criminals, rather than the people of the province. According to the figures, gender-based violence, kidnapping and murder have all increased exponentially, with three of the province’s SAPS stations included in the top 30 SAPS stations country-

wide when it comes to murder and attempted murder. The stations are Plessislaer SAPS which recorded a 69.8% increase in murder cases and Inanda and Umlazi SAPS which saw increases of 63% and 117.9% respectively. Kidnapping figures in the province also show a major increase, with Umlazi reflecting a staggering

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1 133% rise, Inanda recording a 33% increase and Durban Central recording a 157% rise. Despite the fact that more people are going missing in KZN, there seems to be no intervention to find the root of the problem. KZN also reflects 14 times in the top 30 stations in the country with the highest number of stock theft cases. Given the ongoing promises from KZN’s ANC political leadership, the people of our province have every right to expect some relief when it comes to crime – in particular gender-based crime. Yet the province also continues to see an increase in rape and sexual offences. Inanda and Umlazi SAPS in particular continue to reflect poorly, with an increase in cases of 4.5% and 9.2% respectively. This while the number of incidents countrywide continues to rise. The question is – what is being done to change this? The answer is – virtually nothing. SAPS remains short-staffed, SAPS vehicles remain in repairs for more than six months at a time, there remains a lack of training of SAPS officers remains unresolved and detectives are understaffed, under-equipped and completely overloaded. Then there are the well-documented DNA back-

logs which often lead to high arrest rates and low conviction rates while turnaround time to respond to complaints also remains a challenge. It is clear that criminals are thriving in our province, primarily as a result of poor implementation of anti-crime strategies. That National Police Commissioner, Bheki Cele, can even begin to claim that crime has turned the corner shows just how out of touch he and this ANC-led government are. The DA will continue to speak out and expose SAPS shortfalls in a bid to force this province’s leadership to do right by the people of this province. We do so on behalf of KZN’s most vulnerable members of society. The safety of women, children, the elderly and LGBTQIA+ community must be prioritised. Issued by Sharon Hoosen, DA KZN Spokesperson on Community Safety and Liaison, 17 May 2021 https://www.politicsweb.co.za/politics/kzn-is-ahaven-for-criminals-not-its-people--da-kz? utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_c ampaign=aa608a062eEMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2021_05_17_09_06&utm_m edium=email&utm_term=0_a86f25db99aa608a062e-130042309

SAPS' own stats demonstrate fight against crime has been lost Pieter Groenewald | 20 May 2021

FF Plus leader says there are 556 000 private security officers on duty, compared to the police force of 145 000 Police’s own statistics demonstrate that the fight against crime has been lost

The Minister of Police is quite right in saying that a country's murder rate is indicative of whether that country's police force is successful in the fight against crime or not. The average international murder rate is 7 people per 100 000 of the population. In South Africa, that figure is 36 per 100 000 – a clear indication that our police service has lost the fight against crime. The people of South Africa do not feel safe. This is evident in the fact that there are presently, according to the Private Security Industry Regulatory Authority (PSIRA), more than 2,5 million registered private security officers in the country. Of these, 556 000 are actively on duty. Compare this to the police force, which has 145 000 police officers who are tasked with serving

and protecting the public, and it becomes abundantly clear why the people feel unsafe in the hands of the police. There is an amendment to the Firearms Control Act in the pipeline that aims to reduce the number of firearms in private possession because of a socalled lack of firearm control and to apparently reduce the number of murders. Those reasons are misleading. In response to a question by the FF Plus, the Minister of Police (Bheki Cele) admitted that more people are murdered with sharp objects than with firearms. The biggest problem with the legal licensing of a firearms lies with the central firearms registry. An investigation that the Minister of Police

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launched in 2010 uncovered serious underlying shortcomings at the police's central firearms control system, such as insufficient information and an incomplete database, which is the result of flawed information technology. These factors are still at play and are most probably much worse than in 2010. Law-abiding firearmowners are now being blamed for the police's failure to create and implement a workable system. Regarding farm murders, the Minister has decided to create a new category in crime statistics for the assault of farmworkers by farmers and foremen. This is just a prejudiced attempt at blaming farmers for all the assaults and related problems on farms. To truly sketch the full picture in this regard, the Minister must also create a category for assaults on farmworkers and residents committed by other farmworkers as well as the assault of farmers and foremen by former farmworkers and residents. Farmers will welcome such a comprehensive ap-

proach, because at the moment there are attempts to paint a partial picture depicting only farmers assaulting their workers. A complete picture with all the relevant statistics will correct this misconception. Issued by Pieter Groenewald, FF Plus leader, 20 May 2021 https://www.politicsweb.co.za/politics/statisticsdemonstrate-fight-against-crime-has-bee? utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_c ampaign=75c896c792EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2021_05_20_09_26&utm_m edium=email&utm_term=0_a86f25db9975c896c792-130042309

SAPS guilty of unfair labour practice; Solidarity member receives promotion Ronel Stander 11 May 2021 Judgment was rendered in the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA) that a Solidarity member, Lieutenant-Colonel Annarie Breytenbach, must be promoted immediately to the rank of Colonel and that her promotion must be dated back to 1 November 2019. In terms of the ruling, the South African Police Service (SAPS) is guilty of unfair labour practice. Solidarity took the matter to the CCMA on behalf Breytenbach after another SAPS officer was appointed in a promotion position in 2019 at the expense of Breytenbach. According to Solidarity, Colonel Nyembe was unfairly given preferential treatment in the appointment process and she was unfairly promoted to the position of Colonel, which is the Commander’s position at the “Epping Warehouse”. Solidarity claims that in comparison with Breytenbach who has acted in the position for ten years and has a total or 19 years’ experience at the Epping Warehouse, Nyembe did not have the necessary experience at all. She had no experiences at the specific two Warehouses in the SAPS and therefore she was not suitable for the position. However, regardless of these facts, she still achieved a higher score during the appointment process.

“The fact that the SAPS still unfairly favours certain candidates and then appoints them in promotion positions at the expense of the better candidate remains cause for concern. Candidates must meet certain requirements and specific protocols must be followed, but apparently the SAPS management ignore this when it suits them,” said Ronel Stander, organiser of the public sector at Solidarity. “This is unacceptable and, as in the case of Colonel Breytenbach, Solidarity will not hesitate to challenge these actions by the SAPS. They must realise that such actions will not be tolerated.” In terms of the ruling, the SAPS was guilty of unfair labour practice by its preferential treatment of Nyende. The arbiter further ordered that Breytenbach be promoted to the rank of Colonel and that Nyende’s appointment be set aside. “This ruling gives a clear message to the SAPS management. Solidarity will continue to act as watchdog for its members and will ensure that that they are treated fairly. We also do not exclude the possibility that in future, we will insist that individuals are held responsible in their personal capacity for these types of actions. However, we are very pleased that justice and fairness have prevailed in this case,” Stander concluded. Read the ruling here.

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Issued by Ronel Stander, Organiser: Public Sector, 11 May 2021 https://www.politicsweb.co.za/politics/saps-guiltyof-unfair-labour-practice--solidarity? utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_c

ampaign=2ff8f9b7b7EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2021_05_11_09_34&utm_m edium=email&utm_term=0_a86f25db992ff8f9b7b7-130042309

1952: SAP RUGBY VOETBAL KLUB, DURBAN Pierre Roux

Om ons Nongqai GRATIS te lees en af te laai klik op: https:// www.samirror.com/nongqai-latest-editions.html NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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1918: UNIFORM: INSPECTOR (CAPTAIN) GEORGE RUSSELL, SAP

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c1910: BARBERTON-GEVANGENIS | BARBERTON GAOL STAFF Nico Moolman

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W/Off MOOPANAR Col Logan Govender + Some colouring by Jennifer Bosch

W/Off Moopanar as a Constable

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SAP Wentworth Training Depot—Troop 6 Year 1964 NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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SAP Wentworth Training Depot—Troop 6 Year

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SAP Wentworth Training Depot—Troop 6 Year 1964 Const Moopanar being congratulated by the Commissioner of Police, Gen JM Keevy

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W/Off Moopanar (right) with the Late General Morgan Chetty (left) Troop 6: Wentworth: They were the first Troop to start with 6 months training

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Durban Central Soccer Team 1965 (W/Off Moopanar top row extreme right) W/Off Moopanar showing off his skills

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Selected for Port Natal Soccer Team 1970 (W/Off Moopanar top row extreme left) Comment by HBH: Back row 4th Col Jan Benade and 3rd from right Capt JC van Niekerk (later Maj-Gen) Durban Central vs Pietermaritzburg with the Divisional Commissioner (Name unknown) Comment by HBH: Then Brig Ben Venter

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Received a Shield for Outstanding Sportsman — Presented with shield by the Divisional Commissioner (Name Unknown) Comment by HBH: Below the esteemed Divisional Commissioner, Port Natal, Col CC von Keyserlingk

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Presented with Trophy for the Best all round sportsman trophy in Port Natal. Comment by HBH: The Divisional Commissioner is Brig Hillary Schroeder. With Detective Chetty and Ralph Panyan

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Performing duties at City Hall with Prominent Sports Administrator

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With colleagues at Durban Central Police Station NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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Elected first Welfare Officer in the Country. Photographed with the Spiritual and Welfare Committee Port Natal Beste Hennie, Voor links na regs is Elize Bosch, ds Samuel Blom, Ronelle Valentyn kan ongelukkig nie ons sekretaresse se naam onthou nie. Agter Moepenaar, ? Moekie Joubert, ? Groete vanuit Ierland Ronelle Vallentyn

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Change over to the Blue Uniform NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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Top: With the Retired Police Officers Club Centre: Welcomed by IPA Representatives on his visit to Australia Bottom: Presented with a Memorabilia

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POLISIE-SIELKUNDE: DIE TASER SIELKUNDIGE EN FISIESE- FAKTORE RONDOM DIE GEBRUIK VAN DIE TASER IN POLISIËRING Coert Mommsen, D.Phil., M.A. Kliniese Sielkunde en EEG Tegnikus. My proefskrif het gehandel oor die toepassing van regsetiese beginsels in die sielkunde. Wat aanvanklik my belangstelling hierin geprikkel het, was hoe versigtig mens moet wees in jou professionele wandel en dat daar nie altyd duidelik-neergelegde reëls was elke handeling nie - Mens was genoop om op etiese beginsels, eerder as reëls pyl te trek wanneer jy 'n besluit moes neem. Van die mees omvattende beginsels het ek agtergekom was dié van Benificence (Non Malificence) (handeling tot voordeel van 'n persoon of groep persone) teenoor Malifecence (handeling tot nadeel van 'n persoon of groep persone). Hierdie is en werklikheid 'n baie universeel-toepasbare beginsel wat in die meeste situasies van mens-tot-mens interaksie kon geld ook in wetstoepassing. 'n Etiese kode vir Wetstoepassing Die beginsel van nie-kwaadwilligheid word in die IACP (International Association of Chiefs of Police) se Etiese kode vir Wetstoepassing as volg aangeraak: "Ek sal my privaat lewe onbevlek hou as 'n voorbeeld vir ander en my gedra op 'n wyse wat nie myself of my kantoor tot skande sal bring nie. Ek sal altyd dapper en kalm bly in die aanskyn van gevaar, bespotting of gekskeerdery ; ek sal selfbeheersing toepas en voortdurend bewus bly van die welsyn van ander": https://www.theiacp.org/resources/law-enforcement-code-ofethics) Die beginsel van nie-kwaadwilligheid in wetstoepassing sorg vir die handhawing van 'n baie fyn en kritiese balans en besondere uitdaging vir die wetstoepasser. Wat is wetstoepassing? Die Merriam-Webster definieer wetstoepassing as volg: Dáárdie departement/afdeling van mense wat die wet toepas, misdade ondersoek en arrestasies uitvoer: die polisie. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/law% 20enforcement Per definisie is dit so dat iemand wat 'n misdaad gepleeg het, 'n handeling(s) uitgevoer het wat onaanvaarbaar is in die oë van die gemeenskap. So 'n persoon vermy gewoonlik kontak met die wetstoepasser aangesien dit sy/ haar doelwit is om 'n herhaling van die misdaad te voorkom en in belang van die gemeenskap, die oortreder(s) se vrye beweging in te perk (CM*). Dit sou derhalwe verwag kon word dat aanvanklike kontak tussen wetstoepasser en oortreder met weerstand gepaard gaan. Die aard van hierdie weerstand sal ook verskil van situasie na situasie en gaan gewoonlik met fisiese inspanning gepaard. Die beginsel van nie-kwaadwilligheid word onder sulke omstandighede toenemend moeilik om te handhaaf. In terme van die wetstoepasser se plig, mag die oortreder nie die oorhand kry nie en hierdie is gewoonlik die toepasser se dilemma (Die toepassing van maksimum krag

met minimum skade )(CM*). Die beginsel van "skade" is relatief en moeilik om vooruit te bepaal wanneer krag toegepas word. Wanneer 'n mens in 'n fisiese worsteling betrokke is en jy verplig is om die oorhand te kry, moet jy toegerus wees met die regte gereedskap. Aangesien die Taser nie ontwerp is om nie noodlottige gevolge te hê nie, word daar in hierdie artikel gekyk na, o.a., die voor- en nadele van die skokgeweer as wetstoepassings hulpmiddel. Definisie van die "Taser" Volgens die Encyclopedia Brittanica is "Taser" is 'n letterwoord vir: Tom A. Swift Electric Rifle. Dit word deur die ensiklopedie beskryf as: "'n handtoestel wat 'n mens handelings-onbevoeg stel deur middel van 'n 50,000 Volt elektriese skok. Die Taser vuur twee klein pyltjies wat verbind is aan die apparaat met twee dun drade (nuwerwetse Tasers is "draadloos"), 'n afstand van ongeveer 11 meter (25 voet). Die pyltjies kan klere penetreer en sodra dit kontak gemaak het met die teiken, 'n elektriese skok toedien wat die teiken se sentrale senustelsel ontwrig en lei tot 'n tydelike onmagtigheid. Volgens Elizabeth Seals in haar artikel getiteld Police use of Tasers: the Truth is "Shocking", gebeur die volgende: wanneer die (elektriese) stroom toegedien word, oorweldig dit die normale elektriese seine van die liggaam en die persoon verloor oombliklik spierbeheer oor sy liggaam en kan nie koördinerende aktiwiteite uitvoer nie en gewoonlik op die grond neerval. Elizabeth Seals, Police Use of Tasers: The Truth is "Shocking", 38 Golden Gate U. L. Rev. (2007). http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/ggulrev/vol38/iss1/4" Alternatiewe benaming Taser staan ook bekend as CED's (Conductive Energy Devices) The Psychological Impact of Taser Utilization in Police Officers (Doktorale Proefskrif van Yolanda Waters, Walden Die Taser word nie beskou as 'n vuurwapen nie omdat dit van saamgeperste stikstof gebruik maak om die pyle af te vuur. Dit kan ook gebruik word as 'n skoktoestel ("Stun gun") deur dit direk teen die verdagte se liggaam te druk en sodoende 'n elektriese skok toe te dien. Verskillende lande se ervarings met die gebruik van die Taser in wetstoepassing Nederland Volgens die nuusblad van Amnestie Internasionaal (20 Februarie 2018), eksperimenteer die Nederlandse polisie sedert 1 Februarie 2018 met die gebruik van Taser X2 gedurende dag-na-dag polisiëring. Die wyse waarop hulle hierdie skokapparaat wapens gebruik skep egter onaanvaarbare gesondheidsrisiko’s volgens die skrywer Odilo Girod: "De manier waarop de Nederlandse politie het stroomstootwapen Taser gebruikt, brengt

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http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/ggulrev/vol38/iss1/4

onaanvaardbare gezondheidsrisico’s met zich mee".© Odilo Girod

Ho ng K ong Po lice

Die nuusblad Nieuws berig dat toe die indiensneming van die Taser aangekondig is, dit as alternatief vir vuurwapens sou dien. Tasers is egter gebruik teen ongewapende persone in nie minder nie as 80% van gevalle. Die blad verwys verder na die erkende gesondheidsrisiko’s van die apparaat:

Volgens 'n artikel in die South China Morning Post het die Hong Kong Police tydens anti-regerings protes-optogte oorweeg om polisiebeamptes te bewapen met elektroskoken netgewere ("net guns"). Apparaat wat oorweeg is deur hoofde van frontlinie polisie en is ondersteun deur die Minister van Veiligheid/Sekuriteit skryf Christy Leung op 15 Jan, 2020:

Die dokumentasie wys spesifiek op die gesondheidsrisiko’s wanneer Tasers gebruik word op ernstig geestesversteurde persone of wanneer herhalende skokke kort namekaar toegedien word. Ten spyte hiervan het dit gebeur dat persone vyf, ses of sewe skokke toegedien is (Nieuws 20 februari 2018). Die blad verwys verder na die gebruik van die dryfskok ("Drive-stun") metode:

"Police are looking at arming officers with weapons that stun suspects or entangle them in nets in a move that would bolster their response to protests in Hong Kong, the Post has learned".

"Die Taser is ontwerp om gevaarlike persone vanuit 'n afstand tydelik buite aksie te stel. In praktyk egter, is die wapen gebruik direk teen die liggaam in 44% van gevalle in dryfskok-metode. In hierdie gevalle is die Taser uitsluitlik vir die doel van pyniging, gebruik. Ontlading van die Taser teen die liggaam veroorsaak nie tydelike buite-aksie stelling nie". (Nieuws 20 februari 2018)

Volgens die berig is die doel van hierdie ondersoek: "om die gebruik-van-geweld opsies te verbeter in plaas daarvan om die gebruik van geweld te vermeerder of lewensgevaarlike wapens te gebruik"

https://www.amnesty.nl/actueel/use-of-taser-by-the-dutchpolice-unacceptable

Volgens die webwerf:

‘"Die herhalende toediening van elektriese skokke teen iemand wat reeds onder beheer is kan beskou word as 'n oortreding van een van die mens se mees fundamentele regte, naamlik die verbod op wrede, onmenslike en vernederende behandeling se Gerbrig Klos, deskundige in menseregte en polisie te Amnestie, Nederland.". (Nieuws 20 februari 2018) https://www.amnesty.nl/actueel/use-of-taserby-the-dutch-police-unacceptable Verenigde State van Amerika en Kanada Volgens die Encyclopaedia Britannica is die Taser gedurende die 1990's in gebruik geneem as alternatief teen noodlottige geweld. Teen 2011, is die Taser gebruik deur meer as 15,000 wetstoepassingskantore (Polisiekantore CM*) in die V.S.A. In 'n artikel van die Golden Gate University Law Review getiteld: Police Use of Tasers: The Truth is "Shocking" lui die inleidende kommentaar as volg: "Beskerm ('n) Lewe" : Taser Internasionaal se leuse mag aantreklik klink, maar dit mislei die publiek deurdat dit mense lei om te glo dat die vervaardigers van Taser apparaat so veilig is as wat dit voorgee om te wees. Inteendeel was daar 250 sterfgevalle in die VSA en Kanada as gevolg van polisie -toegediende skokke, en die syfer is besig om toe te neem. Nie al hierdie sterfgevalle is egter die gevolg van dodelike geweld nie. Byvoorbeeld rapporteer een organisasie dat van die Taser sterfgevalle wat by nabetragting gehou is, was die slagoffers ongewapen en nie 'n gevaar vir ander nie. Aangesien Tasers gebruik word in situasies waar hul gebruiklikheid die risiko van hul gebruik oortref, is dit die verantwoordelikheid van die gereg om 'n toepaslike balans tussen die risiko van dood en die gebruiklikheid van die apparaat te bepaal". Elizabeth Seals, Police Use of Tasers: The Truth is "Shocking", 38 Golden Gate U. L. Rev. (2007).

Bron: https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/law-andcrime/article/3046049/hong-kong-police-consider-armingofficers-electroshockHong

Suid Afrika h tt ps://www .t ime sli ve .co.za /new s/south a f ri ca /2019 - 07-2 9-wat ch -b ody- came ra s-ta se rg un s-an d-t he -f utu re -of -law - en f orcement - insa / , het polisiëring dwarsoor die wêreld ontwikkel teen 'n dolle vaart. Hulle gaan verder deur te sê "gebiede in die VSA, Sjina, Australië en Europa het Taser gewere in gebruik geneem vir gebruik in wetstoepassing. Die Metropolisie in die Wes-Kaap beplan om 'n loodsprogram van stapel te stuur vanaf September vanjaar (2019) waarin hul lyfkameras in gebruik neem. Die berig lees verder: JP Smith van die stad Kaapstad sê dat Taser gewere teen 2021 gereed sal wees vir ontplooiing.. Die Library of Congress (30/12/ 2020) skryf die volgende oor die S.A. Polisiediens se skarebeheer Eenhede ("CCU's") (Crowd Control Units)(SBE - Skare Beheer Eenhede): "Dit wil voorkom asof dit eersdaags van lede van SBE's (SAPD) vereis sal word/ om met die volgende toegerus te wees wanneer hulle op skarebeheer-diens is gedurende openbare byeenkomste en protesaksies:

Liggaamspantser en helms

Skilde

Waterkanonne

gepantserde voertuie

Gespesifiseerde kaliber vuurwapens en ammunisie

Kommunikasie en Video apparaat

Mobiele operasionele sentra

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Dr Sima Patel van ABC News beskryf die volgende

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Dit wil voorkom asof SBE's bykomende toerusting sal dra, insluitend peper sproei, skokgrenate, gasmaskers, 12-boor haelgewere en rubberkoeëls gedurende skare-beheer pligte ten tyde van openbare vergaderings en protesaksies. Die standaard wapens waarmee polisiebeamptes toegerus is, is pepersproei, 'n 9mm Beretta pistool en 'n R5 aanvalsgeweer. Die gebruik van Tasers word oënskynlik oorweeg; in 2012 is 'n aantal van sulke wapens aan lede uitgereik as deel van 'n loodsprogram. Een nuusberig het aangedui dat bykomend tot toerusting wat deur die SAPS uitgereik word, sommige polisielede nie-goedgekeurde taktiese toerusting insluitend flitsligte, messe en Taser-tipe apparaat dra. https://www.loc.gov/law/help/police-weapons/southafrica.php Volgens 'n artikel in die ISS (Institute for Security Studies) getiteld: "Automatic weapons should not be used on protesters says policing report" – The ISS welcomes an expert report on policing that notes the constitutional right to peaceful protest and says automatic weapons should never be used for crowd management. The report of the Panel of Experts on Policing and Crowd Management was released today (Monday 29 March) by South Africa’s Minister of Police Bheki Cele. The panel was set up in April 2016 under Judge David Ntshangase, in line with the recommendations of the Marikana Commission of Inquiry. (Pretoria, South Africa. Institute for Security Studies .29 MAR 2021. https://issafrica.org/about-us/press-releases/automaticweapons-should-not-be-used-on-protesters-says-policingreport ) Ontoepaslike gebruik van die Taser Die artikel van die Golden Gate University Law Review getiteld: Police Use of Tasers: The Truth is "Shocking", dui daarop dat Tasers dikwels gebruik word in gevalle waar dit nie geregverdig is nie: "'n Jong seun (6jr) is in die skoolhoof se kantoor geskok toe hy 'n stuk glas van 'n gebreekte portretraam vasgehou het. Enkele weke later is 'n twaalfjarige meisie wat vir 'n polisiebeampte weggehardloop het geskok na hy gereageer het op 'n klagte van kinders wat in 'n swembad swem, alkohol drink en sigare rook. Die uitvoerende direkteur van polisie kon nie die besluit om die voortvlugtige meisie te skok, regverdig nie, veral aangesien daar nie planne was om haar te arresteer nie. 'n Polisiebeampte van Colorado is afgedank nadat hy 'n geriatriese persoon wat met behulp van 'n kierie loop, geskok het nadat sy geweier het om vanuit 'n sittende posisie regop te staan. Die skrywer van dié artikel gaan as volg voort: “Die gebruik van Tasers op kwesbare bevolkingsgroepe insluitend swanger vrouens en ingeperkte persone, skep die vraag of hierdie slagoffers 'n polisie-gedrewe elektriese skok verdien het". Elizabeth Seals, Police Use of Tasers: The Truth is "Shocking", 38 Golden Gate U. L. Rev. (2007). http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/ggulrev/vol38/iss1/4 Voor-en nadele van die gebruik van die Taser

"Tasers veroorsaak spiersametrekkings maar dit lyk nie of dit afskeiding van die spier ensiem Kreatien Kinase sneller nie. Wanneer vlakke van hierdie ensiem hoog is, veroorsaak dit 'n toestand bekend as Rhabdomiolise ("rhabdomyolysis") wat nierversaking of meer ernstige gevolge kan hê. Onlangse navorsing wys egter daarop alhoewel 'n Taser skok 'n klein toename in KK kan veroorsaak, dit nie 'n direkte risiko vir Rhabdomiolise is nie volgens 'n oorsig van navorsing deur Forensiese Wetenskap Internasionaal (Forensic Science International)". Dr. Patel gaan voort deur te sê: "Komplikasies met betrekking tot die brein of sentrale senuweestelsel is seldsaam, maar kom wel voor, insluitend bewussynsverlies, toevalle, abnormale breinaktiwiteit en verwardheid. Laasgenoemde is meer waarskynlik wanneer van naby geskiet is of direk in die kop geskiet is, wat nie normaalweg die geval is nie aangesien hierdie nie die aanbevole teikens is nie. Sielkundige Gevolge Taser skokke het al gevalle van liggaamlike ineenstorting (val) veroorsaak, wat wel kan lei tot breinskade. 'n Artikel in Neuroscience van 6 Februarie 2016, beskryf die volgende effekte van skokgeweer gebruik op mense. Volgens die artikel kan die skok van ‘nTaser die volgende veroorsaak: Inperking van Geheue en denkprosesse "Onlangse navorsing van 'n eerste-van-sy-soort deur Drexel Universiteit en die Arizona State Universiteit in die VSA dui daarop dat die skok van 'n Taser 'n mens se vermoë om te onthou en om inligting te prosesseer kan inperk. In 'n ewekansige kontrole-ondersoek is deelnemers wat Taser skokke ontvang het, getoets vir kognitiewe (probleemoplossingdenk-prosesse): Sommige het op 'n korttermyn afname in kognitiewe funksies gedui wat vergelykbaar is met demensie, wat volgens die outeurs, “vrae laat ontstaan in terme van verdagtes se vermoëns om hul regte te verstaan by die punt van arrestasie”. Bogenoemde het die volgende vraag laat ontstaan, nl. “wanneer kan die polisie met ondervraging te begin?”… (Daar is baie mense in aanhouding wat geskok is en direk daarna onderwerp is aan ondervraging). Het sulke verdagtes die vermoë gehad om "bewustelike" en "geldige" afstand te doen van hul Mirandaregte (in die VSA HBH) voordat hulle onderwerp word aan polisieondervraging? (Die wetlike regte van 'n gearresteerde persoon om regshulp te kry/te wyer om vrae te beantwoord). Die skrywers meen: “Ons het gevoel ons het 'n morele plig gehad om die impak van die Taser op die besluitnemingsfakulteite (van die verdagtes CM*) ten volle te begryp ten einde prosedurele regte wat aan individue verskuldig is, te beskerm”. Ten slotte meen die outeurs van die artikel die volgende: Die uitslae (van die betrokke navorsing) dat blootstelling aan die Taser beduidende negatiewe veranderinge tot gevolg het insluitend die volgende:

F is ies e Gevo lg e (Continued on page 93)

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opleiding ("SIT": Stress Inoculation Training)* ingesluit moet word as deel van beampte-opleiding.

(Continued from page 92)

probleme met konsentrasie,

angsvlak en

"SIT" Amir Khillah, vakinspekteur by sy plaaslike polisieopleidingsentrum omskryf die belangrikheid van Stres Inokulasie Opleiding as volg:

'n gevoel van oorweldiging. Die resultate dui verder daarop dat blootstelling aan die Taser die moontlikheid laat ontstaan van emosionele faktore ná Taser blootstelling wat (Sielkundige CM*) toets- verrigting kan beïnvloed. Volgens een van die ondersoekers, professor Robert Kane Ph.D. “Om geskok te word was vir party van die proefpersone traumaties volgens professor Robert Kane Ph.D, hy meen sommiges was emosioneel aangetas deur die ervaring” : "Being shocked had a traumatic effect on some participants,” said Kane. “Some were emotionally debilitated by the experience.” “TASER® Exposure and Cognitive Impairment” by Robert J. Kane and Michael D. White in Criminology & Public Policy, Published online December 2 2015 doi:10.1111/17459133.12173 Sielkundige effek van Taser-gebruik op polisiebeamptes In haar doktorale proefskrif getiteld The Psychological Impact of Taser Utilization in Police Officers fokus Yolanda Waters op die sielkundige effek van Taser gebruik op polisiebeamptes. Die studie is 'n fenomenologiese (kwalitatiewe) ondersoek wat onder andere, die volgende ondersoek: 1."Tipiese sielkundige prosesse wat geassosieer word met die gebruik van minder-dodelike wapens; 2. "Persepsies van Taser-opleiding en opleiding voorbereiding vir burgerlike beserings en sterftes.

in

Beamptes wat die Taser (vantevore CM*) gebruik het, is ingesluit as deelnemers in die ondersoek" Waters, Y.,The Psychological Impact of Taser Utilization in Police Officers.doktorale studie, Walden Universiteit 2017. Haar bevindinge het op die volgende gedui:

Polisiebeamptes was van mening dat die Taser die beste beskikbare nie-dodelike instrument is, maar

hulle het verkies om dit nie op burgerlikes te gebruik nie;

die bevindinge dui daarop dat Taser gekoppelde sterftes die potensiaal het om uiterse stres en trauma in beamptes tot gevolg kan hê en hul lewens asook dié van hulle gesinne vir altyd kan verander;

Taser opleiding is moontlik nie toereikend in terme van relevante hofsake nie.

"HOE ONS BURGERLIKES NA POLISIEMANNE IN DIE POLISIE AKADEMIE OMVORM” Ek kan nie genoeg die belangrikheid van Stres Inokulasie in die omvorming van 'n burgerlike na 'n polisiebeampte beklemtoon nie. Ek is 'n vakinstrukteur by my plaaslike Polisie-akademie. Gedurende die Scenario-gebaseerde opleidings dae - wat liefderyk bekendstaan as “Redman”, kom kwekelinge in aanraking met beide wetstoepassingsbeamptes en MMA-(Mixed Martial Arts) vegters. (“Mixed martial Arts” is saamgestelde vol-kontak, slaan- en beetpak- vegstyle (muay thai, stoei, jiu-jitsu, ens...)) https:// www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=MMA Khilah gaan voort en sê: "Ons druk kandidaat offisiere verby hul fisiese en sielkundige grense. Dis nie ‘n plesierige dag nie – kandidate word neergegooi, daar word op hulle gespring en hul lugweg en asemhaling word onderbreek”, Amir Khillah: https://www.police1.com/evergreen/articles/why -stress-inoculation-is-critical-for-police-recruitsA4PIRjmQl1ISeFDu/F Die Voor-en nadele van Taser gebruik Voordele Tasers is 'n besonder (goeie CM*) alternatief vir dodelike krag, meen professor Robert Kane Ph.D., wanneer dit gebruik word in plek van vuurwapens. "Skokgewere kan lewens spaar en is 'n goeie alternatief vir dodelike mag. Maar, sê hy, die Taser is nie sonder risiko nie. Die gebruik daarvan op gesonde mense het sterftes veroorsaak. Hulle (Tasers) moet hanteer word as gevaarlike wapens. Baie wetstoepassingskantore rapporteer uitstekende sukses met die Taser. Hierdie kantore verskaf verskeie voorbeelde waar dit die gebruik van dodelike mag in baie situasies voorkom het en lewens is as gevolg daarvan gespaar. Daar bestaan min twyfel dat die beskikbaarheid van 'n niedodelike instrument om mense te hanteer wat beheer moet word, verkieslik is bo 'n vuurwapen. Wat uniek is aan die Taser is sy vermoë om 'n erge mate van pyn en lyding te veroorsaak en min letsels soos dié van 'n knuppel of vuurwapen te laat. Wanneer die Taser dood veroorsaak, is daar fisiese bewyse van sy misbruik. Nadele Vanaf 2012, egter volgens die menseregte organisasie Amnestie Internasionaal VSA, was daar ten minste 500 sterfgevalle as gevolg van Taser gebruik deur wetstoepassing in die VSA, wat die "nie dodelike" aanspraak van die gebruik van Taser bevraagteken. Baie sterftes is toegeskryf aan verwante mediese toestande soos hartsiektes, die gebruik van onwettige dwelms op die tydstip van die gebruik van die Taser asook aan die Tasers self

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In die artikel waarin hy die voor-en nadele van Taser gebruik uiteensit bespreek William C. Plouffe van die Encyclopedia Brittanica die volgende nadele: "Daar is uitgebreide kritiek oor die gebruik van die Taser op mense met geestessiektes en op mense wat gemartel is deur die toedien van meervoudige en verlengde skokke. Alhoewel die Taser insigself 'n neutrale instrument is, is dit in oneweredige mate gerig op minderheidsgroepe. Byvoorbeeld tussen 2006 en 2007 in Sioux City, Iowa, VSA is uit 70 Taser-gebruike, 33 (gebruik CM*) teen rasse miderheidsgroepe. In Baltimore, Maryland is daar tussen 2012 en 2014 Tasers 'n aantal geleenthede van 730 gebruik. Bykans 90% van die geleenthede was die verdagtes van Afrika-Amerikaanse afkoms ten spyte van die feit dat hierdie groep inwoners slegs 63% van die stad se bevolking uitgemaak het. In Connecticut VSA het polisie 56% van die tyd gebruik teen minderheidsgroepe ten spyte daarvan dat hierdie groepe slegs 19% van die bevolking uitgemaak het, is meer Taser dreigemente gemaak teen Wit verdagtes maar nie gebruik nie teenoor Afrika-Amerikaanse verdagtes of mense van Spaanssprekende afkoms. In nie-sterfgevalle, is dit moeiliker om wangebruik te bewys."

By groot groepe mense is hierdie element ‘n gegewe: Groot groepe mense het ‘n kollektiewe emosie maar 'n beperkte kollektiewe kognisie. 'n Belangrike verskil tussen die groep en die individu, is gewoonlik, ‘n beduidende wanbalans tussen die krag en vernietigingspotensiaal van elk. Wanneer dit vir die wetstoepasser duidelik word dat daar geen rasionaliteit in 'n betrokke situasie is nie, moet albei beskou word as reuse sonder verstand. Die wetstoepasser moet toereikend deur die administrateur toegerus wees om hom/haar te alle tye van sy/haar taak te kwyt. Die taak van die wetstoepassings-administrateur is om op getuienis-gebaseerde ondervinding, die gebruik van die skokgeweer te oorweeg. Aanbevelings vir wetstoepassers:

die

gebruik

van

die

Taser

deur

Die gebruik van Tasers wat van 'n kamera voorsien is aldus W.C. Plouffe, Encyclopedia Britannica) 2010.

Die gebruik van draadlose Tasers vanweë veral, die veiligheid van die polisiebeampte

Toegepaste medies-fisiologiese opleiding vir die gebruik van die apparaat

Toegepaste sielkundige opleiding met betrekking tot die gebruik van die apparaat

Slot Die outeur van hierdie artikel is van mening dat groepsgedrag in baie opsigte ooreenstem met individuele gedrag. Beide kan maklik gemanipuleer word, eskaleer en onbeheers raak. Die rol van emosionele faktore of faktore soos dwelm en/of drankmisbruik, kan nie onderskat word nie. (Histerie byvoorbeeld is na mening van die outeur 'n toestand waartydens 'n persoon met sy emosies "dink" in plaas van sy verstand.)

Stres -Inokulasie-Opleiding vir alle Taser-personeel

Duidelike waarskuwings (verkieslik op video) aan verdagtes vóór die gebruik van 'n skokgeweer

RSA PRIVATE SECURITY AS DEPICTED IN UK: A HERO? Former Kardashian bodyguard who fought off gunmen attacking his vehicle in South Africa is living under armed guard after crooks declared ‘his family have to pay’ - but his friends vow to ‘take them out first’ • • •

Security expert Leo Prinsloo, 52, is in protective custody after receiving threats The former police sniper was escorting cargo when he came under fire Leo remained remarkably calm while under attack and rammed the assailants

By Jamie Pyatt In Cape Town for Mailonline Published: 14:36 BST, 7 May 2021 | Updated: 17:04 BST, 7 May 2021 A hero praised as a real-life Rambo after taking on fire attack. a gang of armed robbers and fighting them off has been forced into protective custody after evil death threats. Security expert Leo Prinsloo, 52, who has personally protected Prince Charles, the Kardashians and Nelson Mandela, is now under armed guard in a safe house. Incredible footage which has gone worldwide shows how the former South African Police Force sniper keeps his cool when he comes under gunNONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

Security expert Leo Prinsloo, 52, who has personally protected Prince Charles, the Kardashian's and Nelson Mandela – is now under armed guard in a safe house 94


Former police sniper Leo Prinsloo, 52, was escorting a high value cargo in an armoured truck in his unmarked armoured Toyota Land Cruiser when he was ambushed by two cars full of gunmen

Image believed to show former police sniper Leo Prinsloo alongside Kim Kardashian Leo and his sidekick Lloyd Mtombemi remained calm despite their armoured escort vehicle being peppered with over 30 bullets from two cars firing AK47's at them. They were protecting an armoured vehicle with a cargo of mobile phones worth hundreds of thousands of pounds. This amazing footage has gone around the world but now Leo and his family from Pretoria, South

Africa, are paying the price having been threatened with execution. A security expert close friend said: 'The gang have put the word that out they were not happy that Leo fought off and has said that he and his family have to pay for it. 'It would give the gang who did it huge street cred. 'His family are in a safe house while we work out who they are and take the threat to them first and eliminate it and they then know that we are extremely serious. 'We don't mess about when gangsters threaten one of our own' he said.

A dozen shots at least are first heard as one car pulls alongside security expert Leo on the N4 motorway in capital Pretoria. The targeted vehicle is pictured, above and below Leo said:'I was only doing my job. I am a security instructor and have my own company that trains police, military, security companies and people how to react. 'The key is to pre-visualise what it going to happen and stay in that mindset so when the bullets start flying you know what to expect and are prepared for it. 'Then you just go into automatic and deal with the threat. Lloyd had only been in the job less than a week so it was baptism of fire but he did what I needed. 'I could have opened fire when I exited vehicle but safer not to do so as the threat was then exiting so our job was done and the vehicle we were escorting was safe'. The South African guard was caught on dashcam footage fighting off a gang of armed robbers who sprayed his security vehicle with over thirty bullets in a bid to kill him, before he turned the tables on them by chasing them off at gunpoint.

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Incredibly Leo – who was with the South African Police Services special forces unit for 12 years and teaches their military special forces to shoot – remains remarkably calm under attack Former police sniper Prinsloo was escorting a high value cargo in his unmarked armoured Toyota Land Cruiser when he was ambushed by two cars full of gunmen. A dozen shots at least are first heard as one car pulls alongside security expert Leo on the N4 motorway in capital Pretoria, opening fire and finally shattering his bullet proof window. Incredibly Leo – who was with the South African Police Services special forces unit for 12 years and teaches their military special forces to shoot – remains remarkably calm under attack. He tells his fellow security guard to cock his automatic rifle and hits the accelerator as his attackers try to kill him so they can target the armoured car in front. The other car full of gunmen then try from the other side and fire at least 13 shots into the vehicle but expert marksman and highly trained sniper Leo remains unperturbed. The chasing cars try to force him to stop and fire shots into the windscreen but Leo simply rams straight into them.

The other car full of gunmen fired at least 13 shots into the vehicle but expert marksman and highly trained sniper Leo remained unperturbed. His vehicle is pictured above after the attack When the other cars try again he rams them as well then decides on a change of tactics. A security friend of the hero said: 'Leo got fed up with the one-way traffic of bullets and hit the brakes and told his colleague to hand him an automatic rifle, released his seat belt and got out. 'He had enough of being a sitting duck and decided to take the fight to the armed robbers and was not going to go down without a fight. He is an expert shot and wanted to give a little bit back. 'When they saw Leo get out with his automatic rifle in a bullet proof vest and kneeling down to take aim they decided they had had enough and gave it up and the two cars made their escape. 'You can see from the dashcam that from start to finish he hardly bats an eyelid but is constantly aware of where they are and doesn't flinch when they open fire on him and does his job perfectly The chasing cars try to force him to stop and fires shots into the windscreen but Leo simply rams straight into them 'Eventually he gets bored and decides it is time to return fire – the man is a hero. You see this sort of Chuck Norris stuff all the time in the movies but this was for real and Leo took the fight to them.' Mr Prinsloo has a shooting academy called The Edge and trains police, military and security companies in shooting and unarmed combat and how to react to being under attack. He is said to be the best in the business. His friend said: 'This video just shows Leo not only teaches but practices what he preaches. He is a real-life Rambo and has never showed any fear in his life. He is a trained sniper and never misses.' Firearms expert Leo said: 'I cannot say much as

an investigation is underway but I and my fellow guard did what was expected of us. They needed to take us out so they could take out the cargo vehicle. 'But there was no way I was going to let that happen and unfortunately I did not have a chance to return fire.' Police spokesman Brigadier Vish Naidoo said: 'The suspects in two cars fired many shots at a NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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security vehicle in a convoy in an attempt to stop it during a high-speed chase in Pretoria. 'The driver of the vehicle managed to evade the robbers but later stopped and got out to wait for the robbers but they fled instead. No arrests have been made as of yet.' Share or comment on this article:

Guard who fought off gunmen in South Africa is in protective custody https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-9554073/ Guard-fought-gunmen-South-Africa-protectivecustody.html

SAPS Air Wing Unit only has one helicopter in service DA MPL says residents deserve a police service that is adequately resourced to keep them safe Michael Shackleton Mazibuko must engage Cele as Gauteng SAPS Air Wing Unit only has one helicopter in service 27 May 2021 The Democratic Alliance (DA) in Gauteng is extremely concerned that there is only one SAPS helicopter in Gauteng that is serviceable and operational in the entire province. Initially there was two serviceable and operational helicopters, but one has been sent to the Western Cape since the province had no serviceable helicopter for the past two years. This is one of the provincial Air Wing Unit’s most needed resources in order to effectively tackle crime, particularly for rapid response crime call outs, rescue operations of missing persons, and crowd control to ensure the safety of residents. This information was revealed by the Gauteng MEC for Community Safety, Faith Mazibuko in a written reply to my questions tabled in the Gauteng Provincial Legislature. According to MEC Mazibuko, the SAPS Air Wing Unit in Gauteng is not fully functional because of helicopters not being serviceable. Gauteng residents already do not feel safe, especially considering the increased rate of crime as revealed by the SAPS crime statistics for the fourth quarter for the 2020/21. Gauteng has been rated number one in terms of violent crimes such as multiple murders, murder related to illicit mining, robbery, and robbery of cash-in transit, carjacking and truck hijacking. The SAPS Air Wing Unit provides critical support to officers on the ground by helping them find criminals hiding in thick bush, searching for missing persons, and chasing armed robbers in highspeed chases. Furthermore, the MEC indicated that each region in Gauteng, namely Johannesburg Air Wing locat-

ed in Germiston, and National Heliport and Wonderboom Air Wing both located in Pretoria, are not fully operational because they do not have a full complement of helicopters. Most of the helicopters have not been functioning since November 2018 and some helicopters were expected to be operational as of July 2020, but to date, they are still not operational. These aircrafts are strategically placed in different regions for crime prevention and to respond to call outs for armed robbers and cash-in transit heists. The Air Wing Unit is also crucial for accurate aerial observation of crimes and can track suspect movements rapidly and without obstructions of traffic and bystanders. In order to ensure the safety and security of our people, we need to have adequate resources that will allow police to perform their duties efficiently. The DA demands MEC Mazibuko to engage with her national counterpart, Minister of Police, Bheki Cele to ensure availability of serviceable, airworthy, and well-equipped aircraft to effectively fight crime in the province. I will be tabling follow-up questions to the MEC in the Legislature to ascertain what plans are being put in place to ensure that our SAPS Air Wing Unit that is severely under-resourced is given the resources it needs to combat crime. Our residents deserve a police service that is adequately resourced to keep them safe in their homes and on the street. Issued by Michael Shackleton, DA Gauteng Shadow MEC for Community Safety, 27 May 2021 https://www.politicsweb.co.za/politics/saps-airwing-unit-only-has-one-helicopter-in-serv? utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_c ampaign=50c42562d6EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2021_05_27_07_41_COPY_ 01&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_a86f25db99 -50c42562d6-130042309

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DIE PUBLIEK EN MISDADIGERS BEPAAL DIE AARD EN WESE VAN DIE POLISIE: DIE POLISIE PAS GEDURIG AAN AGTERGROND: “KOEVOET: The Men Speak” 2nd edition Dr WP Steenkamp soos versoek, in Engels. Hier is die belangrikste punte: Die wêreld oor is die aard van die wetstoepassings-uitdagings wat volke en hulle staatsorgane moet teenstaan, besig om drasties te verander. Dit strek heen oor die hele spektrum. Vanaf beslegting van alledaagse huishoudelike konflikte en die oordeelkundige hantering van klein (“petty) misdade, na die handhaaf van openbare orde, die bestryding van radikale politiesof godsdienstig-gemotiveerde geweld soos terrorisme, en georganiseerde transnasionale misdaad soos wat op massiewe skaal bedryf word deur ekstorsie-bendes soos die Mara Salvatrucha en Barrio 18, sowel as die bekamping van dwelmkartels wat lande onregeerbaar maak en regerings oorneem.

Jonathan Pittaway, die skrywer van die boek “KOEVOET: The Men Speak” (wat handel oor die SAP-VT se Ops K eenheid wat teeninsurgensieoperasies op die grens tussen Ovambo en Angola domineer het) het my geëer met die versoek dat ek die slotwoord vir hierdie suksesvolle boek se tweede, opgedateerde uitgawe skryf. Dit sal eersdaags verskyn (Nongqai sal u op die hoogte hou). Die teks hieronder is daardie slotwoord –

Uiteraard kan “one size fits all” polisiëring nie meer werk nie, omrede jou ongedifferensieerde polisiemag dan óf te militaristies word ten einde die gewapende misdaad en terreur te kan bekamp (soos die Rambokultuur in die VSA tot die BLMbeweging en publieke aandrang op meer menslike, “sagte” polisiëring gelei het) óf, as jou ongewapende “bobby on the beat” die algemene norm sou wees – wat ideaal is vir sagte polisie-take – kan hulle oorweldig word in situasies van fisieke konfrontasie. Ook het die praktyk bewys dat die inroep van ‘n land se weermag om “die polisie by te staan”

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sien in die spesialis-eenhede wat binne polisiegeledere geskep word in lande soos Duitsland en die VK, om op top Spesmagteprestasievlak (maar met behoud van polisie-identiteit en doktrines) terreur, gewapende besettings of gyselaaraanhoudings te bestry.

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eerstens meer dikwels onbedoelde negatiewe sielkundige gevolge het onder die publiek wat gedien en beskerm moet word, tweedens vir groepe soos terroriste of narko-kartels met ‘n aura van quasi-staatsakteurs beklee eerder as dat hulle as blote geweldskriminele gesien word (want gewapende geweld kan nooit deur politieke of sosiale oogmerke geregverdig word nie), en derdens in iedergeval nie effektief is nie, omdat soldate eenvoudig nie oor die praktiese ervaring beskik of toepaslike opleiding ondergaan het nie. Hierdie laaste punt het Koevoet baie duidelik aan die grens demonstreer, waar hulle as polisiemanne se sukses-vlakke dié van die Weermag aansienlik oortref het. Koevoet was dus ‘n voorloper van die moderne tendens wat mens

Die hele konfigurasie van ‘n staat se veiligheidsmagte en sy begrotingsprioriteite moet dus nou hersien word. Die doel daarmee is om te verseker dat daar toepaslike, genuanseerde respons beskikbaar sal wees teen beide “sagte” en “harde” uitdagings deur spesialiskomponente, maar steeds met polisieidentiteit. Die polisie-vaandel is belangrik om te verhoed dat militêre ontplooiings kontra-produktiewe beeldverheerliking van die krimineel tot gevolg het, of by die publiek ‘n psigose van burgeroorlog skep wanneer dit eintlik gaan om wetstoepassing. Lande soos Panama en Costa Rica het byvoorbeeld in geheel hulle weermagte afgeskaf (nie dat dít is wat ek vir ieder en elk bepleit nie!). Hulle het hulle polisiemagte organisatories herstruktureer en diversifiseer met spesialis komponente wat paslik toegerus en opgelei is, ten einde oor die hele spektrum van bedreigings doelmatig te kan reageer. Kortom, daar behoort van staatskant hoogste prioriteit aan polisiërings-kapasiteit gegee te word. Daar behoort “sagte” polisie-eenhede te wees vir die gepaste, empaties-maar-ferm hantering van “sagte” situasies, en behoorlik-toegeruste en spesiaal-opgeleide “harde” polisie-eenhede wat kan as “groot boet” naas die sagte polisie intree waar nodig. Só word die nodige respek vir die Polisie as alsydige, bevoegde en gedugte wetstoepassers in die koppe van kriminele van welke aard ook al gekweek, sowel as in die gemoed van die publiek. Hierin het Koevoet vier dekades gelede reeds die toon aangegee. Vir meer detail, lees asb. die slotwoord, en koop die boek wanneer hy uitkom.

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Onder redaksie van Frans Bedford-Visser

FRANS BEDFORD-VISSER IS STEEDS AFWESIG MET DIENS VRYSTAAT: DIEFSTAL OP SPOORLYNE DUUR VOORT J & J Wepener (Welkom)

Kyk hoe word die bo-baan se drade gesteel Hi guys. The catenary theft has now reached Holfontein and Bosrand on both up and own lines - so no electric traction between Kroonstad and Bloemfonten. Also noticed that the catenary is gone between Koppies, Rooiwal, Serfontein and Heuningspruit at intervals - also both lines affected - no more electrics this way either. Then - also the Gunhill Bethlehem section has been stolen - at least they were replacing these cables today at

Gunhill. Or talking them down - too far to see. Got the pick-up at Geneva, slowly making its way zigzag down the line… Then we paid a visit to the Wolwehoek - Heilbron section of the line - the photos speak for themselves - nothing left - the photos without a name board is at Weibach. Cheers. J & J.

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VRYSTAAT: VIRGINIA: DIEFSTAL OP SPOORLYNE DUUR VOORT J & J Wepener (Welkom)

Once again our correspondent reports: “Even more catenary has disappeared between Hennenman and Virginia. At Virginia the Prasa ticket office has also been vandalised.” Comments by HBH One cannot help but think what does the SAPS do at Virginia? They are vandalising the railway station in town. Who really cares? Electric power, once installed, is far cheaper than diesel. In the final analyses the cost will be borne by us, the taxpayer!

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AFRIKAANS: RIOTTE…

TAALGENOTE,

BURGER-KRYGSMANNE,

KOMPAT-

Dr Willem Steenkamp Taal is ‘n emosionele saak, die wêreld oor en dwarsdeur die geskiedenis. Min dinge is so persoonlik, so met jou moeder en menswees verbind, as die taal wat jy aan haar knie geleer het. Dis nie ‘n maaksel van komitees of taalwetenskaplikes nie (behalwe vir Esperanto) maar elke taal is die produk van natuurlike, organiese en ewige ontwikkeling, wat gegroei het uit die monde van die gewone mense wat dit praat.

Arabiese skrif gebruik om Afrikaans te skryf. Van die bekendste boeke in die Arabies-Afrikaanse versameling van die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum in die Paarl, is Abu -Bakr Effendi se “Uiteensetting van die Godsdiens” wat in die 1860’s geskryf en in 1877 in Istanbul, Turkye gedruk is omrede daar destyds nie in die Kaap die vermoë bestaan het om Arabiese skrif te letter-set nie. Die eerste Moslemhandboek in Afrikaans wat in die Romeinse alfabet gedruk is, aan Dis nie iets wat politiek van die Kaap, het in 1898 verskyn. gemaak moet word nie – nie bv. Dis geskryf deur Imam deur ‘n taal te probeer Abdurakieb Ibn Kahaar, oor die onderdruk, of deur dit te wil toeeien nie. Dit “behoort” aan Die eerste geskrewe Afrikaans in beginsels van die geloof en die wette van Islam. Die eerste Arabies diegene wat dit gebruik. boek van die Koran wat in Die Nongqai, synde ‘n Afrikaans verskyn het, het reeds in 1880 die lig geskiedenis-tydskrif en nie ‘n politieke platform gesien – die Afrikaanse vertaling van die Bybelnie, is ook nie die plek vir polemiek voer oor so ‘n boek van Genesis (die eerste Bybel-boek só delikate saak nie – maar dis wel in sy skering en vertaal) is eers 13 jaar later, in 1893 voltooi. inslag om volledig en gebalanseerd die Dis trouens insiggewend dat Arnoldus Pannevis geskiedkundige feite oor te dra. Ek wil dus nie sy pleidooi vir ‘n Afrikaanse vertaling van die nou enigiets of enigiemand “aanvat” nie, maar wel Bybel, wat hy in 1872 in ‘n brief aan Die Zuiddarem my stuiwer in die armbeurs gooi om die historiese rekord volledig en korrek aan te vul oor Afrikaan gerig het, gemotiveer het “terwille van die herkoms van ons geliefde Afrikaans. Nie oor die verstaan daarvan deur anderskleuriges”, die boeg van etikette soos progressief of liberaal synde diegene aan die Kaap wat ons taal gepraat probeer wees nie, maar soos die ou Boer vir die het, sonder pretensie van Nederlands lees/wees. Engelsman gesê het: “facts is facts”. As u in hierdie geskiedenis van ons taal belang stel, kyk gerus na: “Die Afrikaans van die Kaapse Eerste geskrewe Afrikaans Moslems” deur Achmat Davids et al wat in 2018 Hierdie, byvoorbeeld, is niks minder nie as die deur die Stigting vir Bemagtiging deur Afrikaans heel oudste teks tot nog toe in Afrikaans ontdek. uitgegee is. Dit kom uit ‘n sg. “koplesboek” met notas vir Hoe mooi en kosbaar die inisiatiewe vanaf 1875 studente van rondom 1850 – in die Moslem-skole (Continued on page 107) aan die Kaap is Maleis as voertaal reeds in 1815 deur Afrikaans vervang, en hulle het natuurlik die NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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konteks, en – les bes – hoe taalgenootskap ons militêre geskiedenis beïnvloed het. Die Ou Kaap onder die Hollands Oos-Indiese Handelsmaatskappy (VOC) se administrasie was nie ras-gebaseerd nie. Anders as meeste Europese kolonies die wêreld oor, was die Kaapse nedersetting die maaksel van ‘n maatskappy, nie ‘n kolonie van ‘n staat nie. Vir die VOC het dit om wins gegaan. Nie om afkoms of simbole van die kroon nie. Die opteken en administreer van burgersake soos huwelike en die “bevolkingsregister” is bv. aan die kerk oorgelaat, wat nie ‘n kleurslagboom toegepas het nie maar wel een van onderskei tussen diegene wat behoorlik “gekerk” was, en díe wat sommer informeel saamwoon. Die vry algemene huwelike wat tussen vryburger en slavin plaasgevind het, is in die kerk bevestig, maar slegs indien hy haar eers formeel-korrek vrygemaak het, sodat hulle regtens as gelykes in die huwelik bevestig is; van daardie punt af was hulle dus regtens en sosiaal gelyk, ongeag hulle velkleur – vandaar dat prakties alle hedendaagse “Blanke” Afrikaners minstens ‘n smertsie nieEuropese DNA het.

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van die GRA taal-patriotte van die Paarl dus ook was, is dit ‘n feit soos ‘n koei dat ons taal baie dekades tevore reeds sy oorsprong gehad het in die breë volksmond aan die Kaap en heel eerste as akademiese en teologiese skryftaal aangewend is onder die plaaslike Moslem-gelowiges. Ons sg. Blanke Afrikaners het eers in 1925 Afrikaans formeel as alternatief vir Nederlands op die wetboek kon plaas – weet u dat Nederlands statutêr een van Suid-Afrika se amptelike landstale gebly het tot 1983, toe dit finaal as sodanig geskrap is? Daarby is 60% van die moedertaal-sprekers van Afrikaans vandag nie “blank” nie. Om dus Afrikaans as ‘n Euro-gesentreerde kultuurskat of kultuurdraer te wil voorhou en dit effektief vir die “Blanke” Afrikaner (soos deur sekeres gedefinieer) te wil toe-eien, strook eenvoudig nie met die historiese werklikheid nie. Die blote naam wys dat die klem juis weg van Europa beweeg het – van die eertydse benaming Kaapse Hollands na die onderstreping van die Afrika-identiteit.

Die VOC-jare aan die Kaap Kom ons kyk voorts na die destydse sosiale

Britte bring kleurwette in, “verdeel en heers” Die kleur-wette teen gemengde huwelike is aan die Kaap die eerste keer deur die Britte ingebring, en dit was ook die heel eerste wette wat hulle in die Vrystaat en Transvaal op die wetboek geplaas het, na die Tweede Vryheidsoorlog (in pas met wat hulle in ander Britse besittings gedoen gehad het, soos bv. die VSA, waar die Supreme Court wette teen gemengde huwelike eers in 1967 as ongrondwetlik geskrap het). Die ander konstante van Britse koloniale oorheersing, was die volg van ‘n beleid van verdeel en heers. Gekonfronteer na hulle besetting van die Kaap met ‘n bevolking wat oorweldigend Afrikaans-sprekend was, en eerstehands bekend met die veg-vernuf van die plaaslike Javaanse Artilleriekorps (Kaapse Maleier bevryde slawe), die Swellendamse Dragonders en die Hottentotse Ligte Infanterie, wat van die gedugste weerstand teen die Britse oormag tydens die Slag van Blaauwberg in 1806 gebied het, was die Britse beleid aan die Kaap terstond

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vierkant gemik daarop om die plaaslike bevolking te verdeel langs die kleurlyn.

het die 350 Kapenaars van die Swellendamse dragonders en die Pandoerkorps geveg (hulle het die Britse oormag van 1,600 beroepsoldate op ‘n stadium goed teruggedryf gehad, totdat díe die agtergelate VOC-kanonne teen hulle begin inspan het). Dit dan was die einde van die VOC-bewind aan die Kaap, en die begin van die 1e Britse besetting, wat geduur het tot 1802, toe die Kaap kragtens die Verdrag van Amiens aan die Bataafse Republiek oorgedra is. Die Bataafse Republiek het die provinsies van die Nederlande en hul oorsese besittings omvat, en het sy naam ontleen aan die Germaanse stam van twee millennia tevore, die Batavi, wat die Romeine teengestaan het en in die Nederlandse volk se vryheids-mites só ‘n ereplek verwerf het. Dit was geskoei op die republikeinse ideale van die Amerikaanse en veral Franse rewolusies. Gebou op die beginsels van vryheid, gelykheid en broederskap het dit blywend die grondslag gelê vir die moderne Nederland, al het die Britte die herstel van die koningshuis afgedwing na die val van Napoleon Bonaparte.

Die Bataafse Republiek en die helde van die Slag van Blaauwberg Maar eers terug na die laaste jare van die Kaap onder die VOC. Die Vryburgers was teen die einde van die 18e eeu reeds goed gatvol vir die uitbuiting deur die Kompanjie. Inspireer deur die Amerikaanse en Franse rewolusies, het hulle op 17 Junie 1795 die Swellendamse Republiek uitgeroep. Onbekend aan die republikeine, was die Britse vloot toe egter reeds ter see, oppad Kaap-toe, om dit te beset vir sy strategiese ligging. Die VOC het die burger-krygers bekend as dragonders (berede burgers wat te voet veg) opgeroep na die Britse landing op 14 Julie 1795 by Simonstad, en op 7 Augustus is slag gelewer by Muizenberg. Net so lamlendig as wat die VOC se 437 professionele soldate was, so heldhaftig

Die impak aan die Kaap, van nou integraal deel wees van die Bataafse Republiek as burgers daarvan, eerder as bywoners van ‘n handelshuis, of as ‘n kolonie, was enorm. Gelyke demokratiese burgerregte is ingebring, gebaseer op gekwalifiseerde stemreg sonder rasseonderskeid. Die invoer van slawe is verbied (met die oog op die emansipasie van die bestaande slawe) en godsdiens-gelykheid is vir die eerste keer ingestel. Die staatsadministrasie en onderwys aan die Kaap is daadwerklik opgeskerp, korrupsie is beveg deur die amptenare ‘n vaste salaris te betaal eerder as om hulle van boetes op die burgers afhanklik te maak (soos grootliks die geval onder die VOC was) en die boeregemeenskap kon self vryelik handel dryf met hulle produkte, met wie hulle wou. Die oorlogswolke oor Europa het egter nie gewyk nie, en die strategiese belang van die Kaap in die konflik tussen Napoleon en die Britte en hulle geallieerdes het gou gemaak dat ‘n tweede Britse vloot van 61 skepe en 6,654 soldate geseil het om die Kaap weer te gaan beset. Op 4 Januarie 1806 het lt. genl. Janssens, die Kaapse bevelvoerder, tyding gekry van die

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aankoms van die vloot en het hy onmiddellik die plaaslike vrywilliger-magte begin mobiliseer om sy eie beroeps-eenhede aan te vul (lg. bestaande hoofsaaklik uit die Waldecker-regiment van huursoldate uit Oostenryk-Hongarye en ander uitlander-eenhede, plus 240 Franse matrose en seesoldate wat hulle aan die Kaap bevind het a.g.v. die sink van twee Franse oorlogskepe). Die Swellendamse Dragonders is opgeroep met die sinjaal-kanonne wat oor ‘n stuk of 250 km van heuweltop na heuweltop die alarm laat hoor het, en 224 burgers het terstond vir die slag aangemeld, ongeag dat hulle weens die somerhitte snags moes ry om nie hulle perde te moor nie. Die Javaanse Artillerie-korps, wat in 1804 gestig is om die Kasteel se kanonne te help beman en bestaan het uit Kaap-Maleise vrywilligers vanuit die geledere van die sg. Mardyker gemeenskap van bevryde eensmalige slawe, wat onder die Republiek ‘n belangrike sosio -ekonomiese rol aan die kaap begin speel het, is opgeroep. Van hulle het 54 artilleriste en 114 ondersteuningstroepe aangemeld, met hulle tradisionele Indonesiese ligte kanonne, die lantakans. Die ander plaaslike komponent was die Hottentotse Ligte Infanterie, ‘n professionele eenheid gestig in 1787 as die Pandoer-korps en gewerf onder vrywilligers uit die geledere van die plaaslike Koi-gemeenskap. Hierdie ligte infanterie was 181 man sterk, wat hulle sou onderskei met hulle hardnekkige dapperheid in die slag op 8 Januarie 1806, na die Britte twee dae tevore by die hedendaagse Melkbosch aan wal gestap had. In totaal het Janssens dus omtrent 2,000 man tot sy beskikking gehad, waarvan 573 uit die genoemde drie Suid-Afrikaanse eenhede. Hierdie Suid-Afrikaanse krygers was van elke kleur, geloof en stand, maar het twee dinge in gemeen gehad: hulle liefde vir hulle gedeelde vaderland, en die Afrikaanse taal wat hulle gepraat het. Net soos vroeër met die Slag van Muizenberg, het die uitlander-element hulle weer onderskei deur hulle papbroekigheid (met die uitsondering van die Franse mariniers en matrose, wat vas gestaan en geveg het teen die oormag, en in die proses 110 uit hulle 240 man verloor het). Die Waldeckerhuursoldate was die eerste om op die vlug te

slaan, en hulle weghol het ‘n yslike bres gelaat in Janssens se linies, waardeur die Skotse Hooglanders kon opruk. Die Suid-Afrikaners het hardnekkig weerstand gebied, totdat Janssens hulle uiteindelik beveel het om terug te trek uit vrees dat hulle uitgewis sou word, na hulle verset vir sy magte (díe wat nog nie weggehol gehad het nie) die nodige tyd gekoop had om te kon terugval na die Hottentots-Holland berge. Janssens kon gevolglik gunstige oorgawe-terme onderhandel met die Britte, maar die so belowende Bataafse Republiek aan die Kaap, Afrika se eerste moderne demokrasie, het dus vir kwalik drie jaar bestaan. Die nalatenskap het egter vormende impak gehad op die latere Boere-republieke. Hoekom het die Suid-Afrikaners so hardnekkig geveg teen die oormag? Die republikeine van Swellendam het geveg vir die rewolusionêre ideale van vryheid en burgerregte, teen die Britse outokrasie wat die Franse rewolusie se ideale ten alle koste wou begrawe. Die Maleiers het geveg vir die gelykheid wat hulle en hulle geloof onder die Bataafse bewind verkry het. Saam met die Hottentotte (wat toe al verAfrikaans was) het hulle almal geveg vir hulle geboorteland, en vir hulle gedeelde erfenis – nie die minste waarvan hulle gedeelde spreektaal, Afrikaans, al was hulle van oorsprong, velkleur en geloof so verskillend. Die renons in die Britte sou bly en op gebeure soos die Slagtersnek-rebellie en die Groot Trek uitloop, en uiteindelik die twee vryheidsoorloë. Vandaar die Britte se daadwerklike beleid om wit en gekleurde Afrikaanssprekendes van mekaar te verdeel met hulle wette gebaseer op ras... Genl. Hertzog se konsep-wetgewing vir Kleurling-gelykstelling Dit is nie alom bekend nie dat die Unie se Eerste Minister gedurende die twintigs en dertigs, Genl. Barry Hertzog, konsep-wetgewing laat voorberei het vir die volledige burgerregtelike inskakeling van die sg. Kleurlinge by die Blanke kieserskorps. As gevolg van eers die vlag-stryd, toe die Groot Depressie en vervolgens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog, is hierdie projek nooit tot volvoering gebring nie. So ‘n grondwetlike bestel wat sou onderskei het tussen al diegene wat dieselfde taal en godsdiens deel enersyds, en die Bantoe-

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stamme met hulle so anderse taal- en kultuurerfenis andersyds, het vir hom logies sin gemaak – hoe kon Suid-Afrika se geskiedenis in later jare nie daar uitgesien het nie, as hierdie projek wel deurgevoer was? My dryfveer? Hoekom deel ek hierdie feite met u? As skrywer en trotse Afrikaner is Afrikaans vir my kosbaar. As leunstoel-historikus is feitelike korrektheid en balans ook belangrik. Familie-gewys het ek ook ‘n belang, deurdat my groot-oom, die bekende “oudok” Steenkamp, die eerste persoon ooit was wat ‘n doktorale proefskrif in Afrikaans ingedien het, goed voor dit ‘n amptelike taal geword het – in die Teologie, in Leiden, Holland. Hy het ‘n broertjie dood gehad aan rassisme. Vandaar dat hy in sy ander nering van mediese dokter, in daardie jare reeds geweier het om aparte spreekkamers op ras-grondslag in sy praktyk te bedryf – vir hom was almal maaksels van God. Daarom ook dat hy as Volksraadslid so sterk standpunt ingeneem het teen Adolf Hitler en die Nazi’s. Niks met progressief of liberaal probeer wees uit te waai nie – my eie vader was bevelvoerder van die SAP-Veiligheidstak gedurende die vroeg-tagtigs en ekself het met trots ons land en mense verteenwoordig as ambassadeur. En die definitiewe geskiedenis van die Slag van Blaauwberg is te boek gestel deur my neef, maj. Willem Steenkamp, die befaamde militêre historikus, skrywer, joernalis en rakonteur.

U kan meer oor die veldslag lees in hierdie artikel: http://samilitaryhistory.org/vol134ws.html en in sy boek “Assegais, Drums and Dragoons”. Vandag, met al die uitdagings wat ons Afrikaanstaliges as minderheidsgroep in die gesig staar, moet mens vra: maak dit nie sin nie om almal wat ons taal en godsdiens-erfenis deel te probeer om-arm, eerder as om in die ou Britse slagyster van verdeel en heers vasgeknyp te bly sit? Hoekom jou eie taalgenote affronteer met Eurosentriese pretensies wat boonop nie histories korrek is nie en wat hulle aandeel in die wording van ons taal, ons gedeelde kultuurskat, klakkeloos wil negeer? Wat in my beskeie opinie weer nodig is, net soos in 1875 met die Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners, is taal-gebaseerde Afrika-patriotisme wat juis die destydse beheptheid met gewaande superioriteit van alles Europees afgesweer het en – teen die toenmalige elites se snobisme in – met trots die sg. kombuis-taal van die “gewone mense” van Afrika (ja, veral ook van die “anderskleuriges”) identiteitsgewys hulle eie skat en simbool gemaak het. Wat dink u?

1991: SAW: Goedgevonden buite Ventersdorp Tiaan Boshoff Elke jaar in Mei ervaar ek 'n eienaardig ongemaklikheid wat ek vir 'n dag of vier ronddra, voor ek besef waaroor dit nou eintlik gaan. Vanjaar was 'n bietjie van 'n uitsondering. Wat die rede vir my ongemak in die verlede was, was my "close call" met die 20 Mei Kerkstraatbom. Hierdie jaar was anders. Ek het skielik terugflitse begin kry van 'n ander gebeurtenis wat op 11 Mei op die plaas Goedgevonden buite Ventersdorp af gespeel het. Die gebeure rondom 10 en 11 Mei 1991 het naastenby soos volg verloop: Vrydagaand 10 Mei ontvang ek 'n oproep by my huis dat ek dadelik moes rapporteer by die NoordWes Kommandement hoofkwartier. Ek was effens omgekrap want ek het kuiermense uit Bloemfontein by my, en dit was my Eskadron se

afnaweek. "Jacques Theron van Delta is aan diens as reaksiemag!" probeer ek wegkom. Dit was voor die dae van selfone. Die adjudant van my eenheid wat geskakel het, het verduidelik dat hul nie Kapt. Theron in die hande kon kry nie! Ek groet my mense en ry om aan te meld by die operasionele kamer van die Kommandement. Generaal ‘Swarthand’ Serfontein verduidelik dat die SAP gevra het vir militêre bystand met 'n situasie wat moontlik op 'n plaas naby Ventersdorp kan afspeel. Die Generaal wys vir die inligtingoffisier om met sy voorligting te begin. Teen die muur is die reuse gebiedskaart van die kommandement. Die inligtingoffisier verduidelik waar die plek van ontplooing behoort te wees en

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begin die situasie toelig met die inligting wat beskikbaar is soos ontvang van die SAP en ook ons eie bronne. Informasie wat ontvang is vanaf bronne beweer dat groot getalle boere bymekaar gaan aansluit naby Ventersdorp om plakkers wat op die staatsgrond by Goedgevonden begin plak het, te gaan opruim en dan terug te neem na waar hul vandaan kom in Bophuthatswana. Bronne het ook reeds voertuig bewegings aangemeld wat daarop dui dat meer as 200 voertuie in die Noorde van die gebied getel is. "Gaan help die polisie met hul probleem!" het die generaal gebrom. 'n Vraag van my kant af oor wat die magsterkte van die SAP en een van my Eskadron se pelotons saam sou wees, is nie goed ontvang deur die Generaal nie. "Hulle het gevra vir 3 seksies! Gaan doen jou werk!" Niemand het ooit met Genl. Serfontein geredekawel nie. By die eenheid het ek gaan reël dat Kapt. Theron se troepe my mense wat besig was met wagdienste by die Kommandement en die Magasyn naby die skietbaan te gaan aflos. Ek het geweier om met my kollega se troepe vir die operasie te vertrek. Nadat my mense hul uitrusting by die reaksiemagstoor gaan trek het, het ek vir 2 Lt. Buchan vinnig orders gegee met die opdrag om saam met die manne solank te vertrek na Goedgevonden. Ek sou by hul aansluit nadat ek my finale orders ontvang het. Ek het ongeveer een uur die nag by my troepe aangesluit wat toe reeds by die hek van die plaas Goedgevonden ontplooi was om die toegang na die plaas te beheer soos ek instruksie gegee het. Die wêreld was doodstil. Ons opdrag was om die SAP te ondersteun soos en wanneer benodig. Teen half drie die oggend, lank voor eerste lig, het 'n gloed op die Noord-Oostelike horison begin uitslaan. Later sou die oorsprong van die gloed die ligte van 'n konvooi voertuie wees. Voertuie wat gewissel het tussen bakkies, busse, skoolbusse, vragmotors en beestrokke het stadig in ʼn konvooi verby begin ry. Mans (sommige met jaggewere, handwapens en kolligte) het agter op van die voertuie ons begin vloek en skel omdat ons verraaiers sou wees. Van die manne het hul wapens op ons gerig en gedreig om ons soos honde te skiet. Toe die voorlopers in die konvooi sien dat hulle nie die plaas sou kon betree nie, het die konvooi verby die afdraai na Goedgevonden gery. In die donker kon ons sien hoe hulle 'n ent verder by die buurplaas se hek regs indraai. Ek was bekommerd omdat ek volgens die hoeveelheid voertuie en mense besef het dat die magsverdeling nie ʼn goeie een was nie. Dit sou nie die eerste keer in my lewe wees dat dit die geval was nie, maar nou het ons teen "eie magte" opgetree. Ons was volgens my skatting amper in

'n 1 tot 4 verhouding in die minderheid teenoor die boere! Ek sou eers later die dag toe dit lig word die SAP kontingent sien maar ek het nie geweet presies hoeveel SAP lede daar was nie. Ek skat ons was saam tussen 80 en 100 man. As ek reg onthou was daar een Casspir voertuig, ʼn Nyala, twee Buffels, 'n Samil 50 en 'n klomp SAP bakkies en 'n groot vangwa. Die SAP het gevra dat ek my troepe onttrek by die hek en na die terrein net Suid van die plakkerskamp skuif. Hier het ons gewag vir verdere instruksies. Intussen kon ons op die Suidelike grensdraad van die plaas sien hoe die boere se voertuie in 'n linie langs mekaar parkeer het oor 'n afstand van ongeveer 250 meter. Oral het vure gebrand en het mense gekuier en gebraai. Die bewyse van die effek van lawaaiwater op sommige van die manne was ook duidelik hoorbaar op plekke. Onderhandeling Iewers in die vroeë oggendure het minister Adriaan Vlok daar geland in 'n SAP helikopter. Ek en 'n radiobediener is ontbied om saam met Kol van Rensburg van Groep 20 wat ook intussen daar aangekom het, by die minister aan te sluit. Ons het saam na die draad toe gestap na waar meneer Wilco Beukes, die woordvoerder (of organiseerder?) van die groep boere ook by 'n vuur gestaan het. Nadat ooreengekom is, het die minister en meneer Beukes eenkant toe beweeg en in gesprek getree. Ek kon nie die hele gesprek volg nie, maar die kruks daarvan was dat meneer Beukes aan die boere moes verduidelik dat betreding van die grond met die oogmerk wat die boere gehad het, as 'n misdaad beskou sou word en dat daar teen die boere opgetree sou word. Ek kon aflei uit die drif van die gesprek dat die boere nie kon verstaan hoekom daar teen hulle opgetree sal word maar dat die SAP nie optree teen die onwettige plakkers op Goedgevonden nie. Ek dink hierdie was die eerste werklike opstand teen FW de Klerk se pogings om die groepsgebiedewet af te skaf. Ek kon ook aflei dat meneer Beukes wat baie driftig sy saak gestel het, nie noodwendig beheer gehad het oor al die manne wat saam met hom daar was nie. In die Washington Post van 12 Mei 1991 skryf David B Ottaway: "I'm very happy that reason was the winner today," Vlok told reporters at the cow gate leading into Goedgevonden Farm, where scores of police vehicles were parked." Minister Vlok se opmerking was egter prematuur. Ek vermoed dat hy ter wille van veiligheid ook kort hierna die terrein verlaat het per helikopter. Ons sou hom eers weer heelwat later die dag sien.

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Ons was besig om terug te stap na die ontmoeting by die draad met meneer Beukes toe ons kon hoor hoe argumente uitbreek tussen die boere agter ons. Dit was duidelik dat hulle nie met Adriaan Vlok saam gestem het nie en nog minder na hom sou luister. Kol van Rensburg het vinnig vir my die instruksies oorgedra wat hy van die polisie af gekry het. "Bossie, hierdie manne mag nie die plakkers hier verwyder nie. As hulle kom, moet hulle verhoed word om hul planne uit te voer. Ek gee toestemming dat julle kan skiet as dit moet. My roepsein vir die Ops is" Large en jy is Charlie Een". Sien jou op die grond! " Teen dié tyd het die wêreld al geraas van die voertuie se enjins wat brul. Ek het na 2Lt Buchan gestap en vinnig orders gegee. My manne sou in die voorste linie van die ontmoeting met die "vyand" wees. Snaaks om so daaraan te dink, maar dit was waarvoor ons opgelei was. Ons veg mos nie teen eie magte nie! Buchan het nader gestap en vir my gefluister dat van ons troepe wat op naweekpas was, aan die boere se kant raak gesien is. Daar is ook 'n onder offisier opgemerk en ons weet dat hy 'n skerpskutter was! Ek het vir Buchan verduidelik dat ons 'n "stand" moet maak en dat ons aan die regte kant van die wet is en móét bly! "Vermy dit om op mense te skiet! Dit kan nag raak as hier ʼn skietgeveg uitbreek. Oorweeg eerder om voertuie buite aksie te stel as jy dit veilig kan doen!" Buchan, 'n Engelsman van Durban af het geknik en na sy posisie gestap. Aan die Suidekant het die boere die lyndraad plat laat lê. Oor die front van die 250 meter voor ons het ʼn paar voertuie oor die lyndraad gery en in ons rigting begin jaag. My troepe het in die lang gras wat tot by hul heupe gestrek het, in 'n sig-sag patroon gestaan soos bruin miershope. Hul wapens was 45 grade na die grond gerig terwyl hul gereedstaan. Waar Buchan gestaan het, was dit omtrent in die middel van die troepe. Ek was net 'n ent verder agter Buchan op die Buffel om ʼn goeie geheelbeeld te kry en vandaar die situasie te beheer. 'n Landcruizer het teen 'n hoë spoed op die troep voor Buchan afgejaag! Die arme troep het so lank moontlik probeer stil staan maar moes einde ten laaste wegduik om nie raakgery te word nie. Buchan het egter sy dienspistool op die drywer van die voertuig gerig en vreesloos bly staan terwyl die Landcruizer steeds nader kom. Die Landcruizer het meters voor hom tot stilstand gekom. Twee mans agter op die voertuig het nou hul wapens op Buchan gerig en op hom geskreeu om uit die pad uit te kom. Buchan het terug

geskreeu en vas bly staan! Daar het ʼn woordewisseling tussen die insittendes in die bakkie uitgebreek. Dit het duidelik geword dat een van die mans in die voertuig nie genieë was met hoe sy kollegas vir Buchan en die ander troep hanteer het nie. Skielik het die drywer versnel terwyl hy tog effens uitswaai om Buchan nie raak te ry nie. Buchan moes tog wegtree om nie getref te word nie. Ek kon sien hoe Buchan na die bande van die voertuig mik en het saggies gebid dat hy nie skiet nie. My troepe sou in die spervuur wees! 'n Bres is egter geslaan! Ander voertuie wat die Landcruizer gevolg het, het nou op hierdie bres deur die yl lyn wat my troepe gevorm het begin breek. CHAOS! Dit was onmoontlik om voertuie buite aksie te stel terwyl hulle tussen my troepe beweeg! Die risiko was net te groot en die gevaar van dwaalkoeëls was ook 'n definitiewe moontlikheid. Die projektiel van 'n R1 sou nog kon werk omdat dit deur iets kon skiet. 'n R4 daarenteen se projektiel sou onmiddellik begin tol as dit iets tref en dan maklik 'n dwaalkoeël word. Ek het die drywer van die Buffel opdrag gegee om stelling in te neem naby die eerste ry plakkershuise en om enige voertuig wat na die plakkershuise toe sou wou deurbreek, met die Buffel te "ram" om hul buite aksie te stel. Ek sal nooit die drywer se woorde vergeet nie. "Genuine Kaptein? Dan maak ons so!" Dit was nie die normale tipe opdrag waaraan ons mense gewoond was nie. Ek het egter nie rekening gehou met die SAP nie. Hulle het van hul oeroue tegniek van traangas begin gebruik maak, maar sonder om hul medestryders te waarsku! Dit het ek agtergekom toe die wind in ons rigting draai en almal met snot en trane gevang is. Vir ʼn oomblik of drie het die Buffel soos ʼn blinde mol gelyk. Oral om ons het daar nou skote geklap! Deur die snot en trane het ek my gasmasker oor my gesig gedruk terwyl ek vir die drywer beduie dat 'n voertuig aan die linkerkant by ons probeer verby kom. Die drywer het die Buffel na links geswaai en die bakkie op sy linker voorwiel getref met die groot wiel van die Buffel. Die as van die voertuig het gebuig en die voertuig was dadelik buite aksie. Boere het om die bakkie rondgestaan en ook probeer om hul gesigte teen die traanrook te beskerm. Iewers links van ons kon ek 'n Landcruizer sien wat op 'n plakkershuis afjaag. Voor ek die drywer kon aktiveer het daar egter skote geklap en het die bakkie ook met 'n gerook tot stilstand gekom. Kol van Rensburg se Buffel het die voertuig buite aksie gestel.

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Terwyl ons nader ry sien ek hoe 'n huilende jong seuntjie in die middel van die pad staan en sy oë vryf om die brand van die traangas te probeer stop. Hy het nie geweet waar hy was en wat besig was om te gebeur nie. Ek het ʼn troep aangesê om die kind uit die pad te haal en vir een van die vrouens te gee wat by ʼn plakkershuis gestaan en trane afvee het. Ek het gedink hoe absoluut verward hy en die mense van Goedgedacht moes wees. Hier is drie van hul vyande, die boere, die polisie en die weermag met mekaar slaags. Nou help twee van die vyand teen die klomp boere wat hul huise wil afbreek. "the first time since the ruling white National Party came to power in 1948 that white policemen have fired upon and injured white farmers." (Washington Post, 11 Mei 1991) Regs van ons het 'n bakkie probeer om 'n plakkershuis om te stoot. Tussen die gebuigde sinke het diere en mense gekruip en probeer wegkom. Op pad na dié toneel vang my oog die benoude oë van ʼn man wat in dieselfde kerk as ek is. "Wat maak julle met ons my broer? Vra hy geskok. "Wat maak jy hier? " vra ek terwyl ek wonder of hy nie die vernietiging raaksien en die bang en huilende vroue en kinders en verbouereerde diere wat rond hardloop nie! Plan B Die oorspronklike oogmerk van die boere naamlik om die plakkers te kom help om hul kaias af te breek en om hul dan terug te neem na Bophuthatswana, kon nou nie meer gebeur nie. Hier en daar het van die bittereinders (ek doen die term nou skade aan) begin om die plakkershuise om te stamp! Nadat ons nog 'n voertuig buite aksie gestel het, het dit gelyk of die stryd voorlopig op 'n einde was. Aan die Westekant van die plaas het daar egter

rook begin opgaan. Van die boere wat besig was om van die terrein te onttrek het vure begin aansteek in die gras terwyl hul onttrek! Agter op van die boere se bakkies kon sink en oorblyfsels van plakkershutte gesien word. Op ander plekke het van die boere die sink afgegooi wat hul afgebreek het en in die brandende veld agtergelaat. Oral was mense besig om kinders en vee bymekaar te maak en te red wat hul kon. Nadat ons gehelp het waar ons kon het ek my manne gestuur om te help keer dat die brande nie handuitruk nie. Nadat al die brande geblus is en opruiming gedoen is, is terugvoer gegee oor skade en verliese. Behalwe vir ʼn paar skrape en stampe (en gesonde verlies van snot en trane) het ons genadiglik baie goed daarvan afgekom. Dit het baie beter gegaan as wat ek gedink het dit sou. Ek het ʼn dankgebed opgehef dat daar nie ʼn wedersydse skietery uitgebreek het nie. Die eienaardige slag van Goedgevonden het seker nie 'n uur geduur nie. Tog het dit soos 'n dag lank gevoel. Naby die plantasie by die ingang na die plaas het ʼn helikopter weer geland. Ons is ontbied en het saam met die polisie aangetree naby die plantasie. Minister Vlok het 'n kort toespraak gelewer en dankbetuiging namens die regering aan ons oorgedra. Ons is daaraan herinner dat niemand (vir ʼn onbepaalde tyd) met die media mag praat nie aangesien die ondersoek aan die gang is en daar waarskynlik ook hofsake sou kon voortspruit uit die insident. Na die toespraak het Adriaan Vlok tussen die manne deurgestap en elkeen persoonlik met ʼn handdruk bedank vir hul opoffering. Ek het vandag my “onbepaalde” stilswye verbreek, 30 jaar later. 2021.05.11

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ANGLO BOER WAR: HORSES | ANGLO-BOERE-OORLOG: PERDE Jennifer Bosch

Bo—twee Penkoppe wat by die Boeremagte aangesluit het. Below—Commandant Nieuwoudt and his Veldtkornets that took command of the Boer force that occupied Van Rhynsdorp post January 1901 till war's end.

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Top: From album of photographs of the 14th Brigade—Lincoln Regiment—Field Hospital in the Boer War. Below: Gelding a horse— Credit - Nico Moolman

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Bo: Groepie van Maritz se manne - N Moolman.

Right: Lt Louritz Carl Valdemar Andersen — volunteer from Denmark

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Above: A beautiful Britsh horse

Right: Natal Border Mounted Rifles

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Veldtkornet Koos Visagie near Middelburg Transvaal.....ABW-N Moolman.

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Above: Agterryers — support personnel near Colenso Below: Veldtkornet T Donges and Lukas his trusty Agterryer

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Vonolel: Lord Roberts' horse

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ANGLO BOER WAR: HORSE MEMORIAL: EAST LONDON HBH

Filler: Natal Mounted Police | Natal Police | SA Mounted Rifles | SA Police | SA Police Service

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ANGLO-BOERE-OORLOG: PA EN SEUN

Pa dra 7x57mm Boeremauser, seun dra .577/.450 Martini Henry—MC Heunis

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Vuller: ZARP-pet

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SOUTH AFRICAN AIR FORCE

17 Squadron, Oryx helicopter, flown by Major Wickus Zaayman in the Drakensberg Mountains, KwaZulu Natal, South Africa. 2006. Copyright Christo Crous. Received with permission from Frans Bedford Visser

SA AIR FORCE Capt Nico Frylinck (SAP—SAPS)

Lieutenant Colonel Clarita Frylinck is in command

In her 20 years of military service, Frylinck said her greatest achievement was becoming commander of the 87 Helicopter Flying School. November 1, 2017 As a child, Lieutenant Colonel Clarita Frylinck dreamed of pursuing a career in either the medical or aviation fields. However, it was after matriculating from Ferrum High School in 1997, that her choice was truly made. “I always loved the idea of flying, but I initially wanted to go into medicine after school. When I matriculated, my grades weren’t good enough and

I decided to take a gap year and join the army.” At the South African Women’s Army College in George in 1998, her life changed forever. She qualified as an officer in the Engineer Corps and worked at 2nd Field Engineer Regiment in Bethlehem, Free State. From there, she joined the South African Air Force and took the Pilots Wing Course, qualifying as a

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band, she was able to manage both the motherhood and flying aspects of her life. When asked if she would encourage others to pursue a career in the air force, Frylinck said one first needed to look within themselves. “When youngsters ask me about joining the army and the air force, I am always honest. It is a tough career, and you must have the passion and drive for it. If you don’t have that passion, it won’t work.” https://northernnatalnews.co.za/211495/lieutenantcolonel-clarita-frylinck-command/

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Good day Mr Heymans, I trust this email finds you well. Thank you for your inquiry and interest in the article below. You are more than welcome to use our article in NONGQAI with the following credit: Article and photos by the Newcastle Advertiser, Caxton Local Media. If you would be so kind as to send us a copy of the page/link to where the article is published so I can add it to our records, I would be grateful. pilot in 2001, at Central Flying School, Langebaanweg in the Western Cape Province. Determined to achieve her full potential, she completed her Rotary Wing Conversion Course at 87 Helicopter Flying School on Alouette III helicopters, as well as her Operational Conversion Course on Oryx helicopters. Through her dedication and passion for flying and the SAAF, Frylinck was appointed as Officer Commander of the 87 Helicopter Flying School inBloemfontein on December 1, 2016. “I enjoy the freedom and diversity that flying offers, which is why I chose helicopters, as no one day is the same as the next,” she said. Asked if the SAAF was a male dominated structure, Frylinck said this was not the case. “It all depends on how you adjust. If you do the same things which males do, within the rigid military structure, gender does not play a role at all.” In her 20 years of military service, Frylinck said her greatest achievement was becoming commander of the 87 Helicopter Flying School. “Becoming the only female of the Gold Vultures Club has also been a highlight in my career.” In order to become a Gold Vulture, Frylinck said a pilot had to qualify as a instructor and do three tours, which she had done. Through her career, Frylinck met her husband Nico. As a mother of two and a commanding officer, Frylinck said there were challenges but due to a stable support system, and her incredible hus-

I hope you have a great day further! Kind regards, Reveshni Douglas Editor Newcastle Advertiser

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Lt Col Nico Frylinck

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Lieutenant Colonel Clarita Frylinck (SAAF Ret)

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THE FUTURE OF INTERNAL SECURITY OPERATIONS Dr WP Steenkamp In written testimony presented to the United States Congress at the end of April 2021, the FBI averred that domestic terrorism (DVE’s – domestic violent extremists) pose a more serious threat than do radical Islamic Jihadis, whether the latter be home-grown (HVE’s – homegrown violent extremists) or attacking from abroad (FTO’s - foreign terrorist organisations).

Two of the fundamental mistakes made especially in the West in the past, when dealing with violent groups trying to advance their political agendas by means of armed aggression (whether internally or from abroad) was to firstly not clearly define these activities as criminal, and second to respond to them with their military.

The distinction between these groups was clarified as: “Individuals who commit violent criminal acts in furtherance of social or political goals stemming from domestic influences—some of which include racial or ethnic bias, or anti-government or anti-authority sentiments—are described as DVEs, whereas HVEs are individuals who are inspired primarily by global jihad, but not receiving individualized direction from Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs)”. In the FBI threat assessment, it was stated that: “We expect Racially or Ethnically Motivated Violent Extremists, Anti-Government or Anti-Authority Violent Extremists, and other DVEs citing partisan political grievances will very likely pose the greatest domestic terrorism threats in 2021 and likely into 2022”. To these threats faced in the USA, one can – looking globally – add the powerful threat posed by organized crime gangs, armed to the teeth, who are engaged in narcotics and people smuggling in Latin America.

The tendency in past decades to morally “give a pass” to people committing acts such as planting car bombs or blowing up bars and restaurants because they were supposedly nobly fighting “wars of national liberation” against racial / class / imperial domination, had watered down the fact that these were in reality crimes, of the utmost seriousness at that, which needed to be dealt with by police and the justice system. By bringing in the military to face off with these groups, they were being given a status as supposed combatants instead of simply being callous breakers of society’s most fundamental laws – a status which they did not legally or morally deserve. It clouded the fact that these were criminals who had to be apprehended, not heroic soldiers for their cause. An example of this, is the adulation that a blood-thirsty psychopath and Economics ignoramus like Che Guevara received in Western media and intellectual circles, despite his own people having in the end effectively expelled him from Cuba and then delivered him into the hands of the security forces hunting him in Bolivia.

It is evident that the changing nature of the threat posed to the internal security of nations (from having been driven in the past largely by armed cross-border attacks, to now significantly consisting of internal or home-grown violent political activity and terrorism) has and will change the manner in which states need to respond. This trend will likely only increase, thanks to growing globalization and demographic changes due to large-scale migration – leading to the passport an individual may hold and his true allegiance, not being the same. The so-called “woke” culture is also introducing ever higher levels of permissiveness into the minds of many, as to what radical/violent forms of political expression may be deemed permissible.

By confronting these armed extremist groups with a nation’s military, these criminals are furthermore psychologically aided in their aim to gain recognition as legitimate players who in the end will have to be negotiated with, instead of being packed away in prison. It also sends a signal of low confidence in the abilities of one’s police force. A further down-side of using the military, is that the armed forces (who are not investigators) are of necessity reactive in such circumstances, being deployed only once the violent aggression has commenced, which leaves the radical extremist holding the initiative as to where and when to strike. (Continued on page 130)

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What is therefore needed, is the investigative skills possessed by police (and not the military) so that these groups can be pro-actively investigated, dismantled, and charged with their criminal intent, before they can strike. Visibly deploying the police against them also underlines their inherently criminal nature, since it obviously is a crime to maim and kill in the name of a political objective – it is vital for the safety and security of society that peaceful political process must be underscored as the only way in which to legitimately advance a cause. Despite the violence these groups employ, politicians need to understand that these are always essentially psychological struggles for hearts and minds, for media attention, aimed at garnering status as political players and public sympathy for their cause / antipathy against their supposed oppressors, or to terrorize populations into submission before their demands. These violent extremist and terrorist groups therefore need to be dealt with in accordance with who and what they are, ideally by pro-actively dismantling them wherever possible, before they can employ violence as mediatic tool, and by facing up to them with law enforcement, so as to not bestow on them some aura of being combatants instead of being criminals trampling on the most fundamental principles of peaceful societal coexistence, democracy and constitutional order. To this end, it is becoming increasingly important that governments equip their police forces with the tools and skills to effectively counter the growing threat that is posed to society and to due constitutional process, by radical extremists using violence as a means to promote their political aims. This is first and foremost a question of enhancing crime intelligence capabilities, so as to be able to pre-emptively nip these criminal activities in the bud. And yes, to ensure that police forces (who typically have the benefit over the military of having a presence across the length and breadth of nations) have the skills and tools to respond rapidly and efficiently, should armed attacks in fact occur. Proper threat analysis should be conducted, and budget priorities should be determined accordingly. There are, for example, countries that have arrived at the conclusion that they don’t need conventional military forces at all, such as Panama and Costa Rica, and who have directed all their security-focused resources upon strengthening their police forces. However, organized gangs, violent extremists and foreign terrorists would be badly mistaken, if they should under-estimate for

example the Panamanian police’s capabilities to respond rapidly and highly efficiently against the perpetrators of armed attacks employing the specialist intervention units the Panamanian police have for launching containment actions from the sea, air and on land, and to protect their borders (this is not to suggest, though, that all countries could or should in future abolish their military forces!). The simple reality is that military and police forces have different objectives to achieve, requiring different skill sets and equipment, and having different psychological impacts. The essentially political / psychological nature of violent extremism should never be lost sight of (these groups are not likely to overthrow a government by force of arms!), and all counter-measures should thus always be geared towards making their activities psychologically counter-productive – first and foremost by underscoring that they are breaking the most fundamental laws of society and are thus nothing more and nothing less than criminals. To achieve the above aims, governments need the investigative skills that their police forces will typically possess. They need also to be seen to be countering the threat in a manner and with the kind of forces/ means that will type-casts the perpetrators of extremist violence as the criminals that they are, and not employ forces that will – simply by their engagement with the action – have the effect of elevating the image of these perpetrators into that of combatants and relevant role-players, on what always remains essentially a very mediatic political stage. It is not a sensible argument to reckon that, since these guys are attacking with machine guns, which our policemen don’t carry, we have to counter them with our guys who have machine guns (and more), being our military. The answer is to functionally diversify your police into distinct task and challenge-suited units, and then equip and train these police units appropriately. From a staff development and career advancement perspective, it is also evident that it falls much more naturally to police officers to be designated and trained for these challenging “law and order” duties, rather than to create such units within the military, where it will stand apart from the military’s core line function of protecting the sovereign territory against military assault from abroad (this is not to preclude the military, where needed and done appropriately, to fulfill a support function – just as it will render support in alleviating, for example, natural disasters; conceptually, though, the police should be used and seen as the

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lead force in countering violent political extremism an terrorism). In today’s society with its increasingly liberal values, it is becoming very evident that police forces cannot be configured one-dimensionally, kind of “one size fits all”. On the one hand, there is a strong need for “soft” community policing in the vast majority of cases – the typical friendly, helpful “cop on the beat” image. Where your normal police are over-equipped with military-style gear and aim to project an intimidatory presence, Rambo-style, there is a definite negative public reaction growing, such as in the USA with the Black Lives Matter movement. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that even in first world countries such as France, there is a growing tendency towards certain suburbs becoming effectively “no-go” areas for “softequipped” police. There is therefore also a need for the average cop on the beat to be able to call upon back-up from a specialized “big brother” police unit that can effectively dominate the criminal element in all contexts. Bringing in the military to perform such essentially “law and order” tasks is ineffective and counter-productive, as will be illustrated. The modern-day challenge facing police forces is no longer one of run-of-the-mill cases of crime driven by individual criminals or small gangs. Lucrative largescale organized crime such as drug and people smuggling, piracy (on land and sea), kidnapping and extorsion have given rise to enormously well financed and equipped cartels and gangs that threaten to make entire countries ungovernable and seriously unsafe for their citizenry. In some cases, the cartels are even taking over governments with their political lackeys. The lamentably named “war on drugs” that the USA had pushed on Latin-American countries has illustrated the danger of militarizing government responses. As an example – the policy in Mexico of entrusting the special force units of their Navy Marines with countering the narco cartel, has caused these cartels in turn to militarize to the point of out-gunning law enforcement and even the military. This video bragging about their armoured “special force” unit published by the feared Cartel Jalisco Nueva Generación illustrates the scope and depth of the problem: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=OyVGiJacQqI The cartels are also of late waging total counter-“war” against the “war on drugs” by exploiting deep cleavages in society between the indigenous populations and the ruling elites stemming from the legacy of the Span-

ish conquista, as well as centuries of endemic government corruption and inadequate service provision. By setting themselves up as a kind of alternative provider of government services in indigenous areas, providing often better social and medical care to the local populace than the government did, the reality that the narcos are nothing other than criminals is increasingly being lost on the public. Government efforts to enforce law and order, and the battles the cartels are waging against military forces such as the Mexican Marines, are increasingly being perceived by indigenous populations as low-intensity civil or liberation wars against what they see as their elite oppressors – a psychological perspective re-enforced by the fact that the military is being used instead of police. This trend towards heavily armed gangs is also increasingly evident in Africa. One example is the problem of sea piracy off the coast of Somalia in the east, and the Niger delta in the west. Countering these with naval patrols is reactive and does not eliminate the threat at its root, as would have been the case if these gangs could be effectively investigated in their base areas on land and the ringleaders arrested and prosecuted. With ISIS targeting northern Mozambique, there is a definite threat of sea-borne piracy expanding. The largest piracy threat to Southern Africa is however landbased, involving cash-in-transit and luxury goods heists, such as cargos of mobile phones and cigarettes. These criminals are heavily armed and have safe haven areas in certain townships from where they operate – again, areas where “soft” policing cops on the beat and detectives can venture only at high personal risk. These no-go areas that are increasingly emerging the world over, such as the Cape Flats in South Africa and certain predominantly immigrant suburbs in European cities, allow the flourishing of large gangs that not only engage in drug trading, but also in extorsion and kidnapping – crimes that have blighted Latin America for decades already and which destroy the very fabric of society as well as any notion of personal security for their vulnerable populace. Much of this kind of gang activity in the Americas is actually directed from inside prisons, the running of which have effectively been taken over by gangs and now serve as well-defended bastions against the forces of law and order, beyond the capacity of “soft” policing to resolve. Again, bringing the military into no-go townships, suburbs and prisons is a sure-fire way to lose the psychological war, apart from being merely reactive and thus ineffective against the root cause since the military isn’t equipped to investigate, identify and arrest the criminal master-

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minds orchestrating these activities. The example provided so many years ago by Koevoet in rooting out armed insurgents along the northern border of (then) South-West Africa/Namibia, now seems like a pointer as to what should be done, how and by whom, in order to secure internal security and peaceful, legitimate politicking and economic activity the world over. The then SWA/N was administered as if the 5th province of South Africa. Koevoet, as a police unit, was thus charged with counter-insurgency internally, i.e. south of the border with Angola, and logically the Army had responsibility north of it. Only in certain circumstances (hot pursuit) was Koevoet allowed to follow up live situations into Angola, but by and large operated internally, not externally. As a unit made up of policemen, Koevoet’s success rate in the counter-insurgency far outpaced that of their military colleagues. Not because, man for man, the policeman is a better warrior than a soldier is. Simply because they brought to the task, skill sets and experience that the average soldier (especially a conscript) cannot be expected to possess. In short, Koevoet’s success showed that a policeman can be equipped and trained, in short order, to be an effective wielder of the weapons one would associate with a special forces soldier. A soldier, on the other hand, can only with difficulty and a large investment in time, be equipped with the policeman’s investigative and people management skills and experience. It was this combination of weapons handling ability with the know-how for searching out and locating the suspects from amongst the civilian population where they were trying to hide, that allowed Koevoet to build its impressive record.

It is significant that this trend, back to entrusting police special forces with internal security operations against terrorists, violent extremists and armed crime gangs, has lately been manifesting itself in other parts of the world. In Germany, for example, the GSG9 BPOL is now the tactical unit of the Bundespolizei at federal level, whereas the different Landespolizei (state police) each have their local equivalent, the SEK, or Spezialeinsatzkommando. (The GSG9 designation stems from the fact that this unit was at its inception part of the then German border protection force as the Grenzschutzgruppe, before that force was subsequently incorporated into the Federal Police and had its law enforcement support function broadened beyond the borders). In Britain the SCO19 specialist firearms unit of the London Metropolitan Police Service have their CTSFO component, described as being an elite unit that pro-actively may operate either overtly or covertly in roles that include counter-terrorism and hostage rescue. The brave South Africans and Namibians who served with such distinction in Koevoet, can be proud of their part in building the world-wide police special forces legacy – showing the way where a changing world is now following. A changing world that, unfortunately, will probably have increasing need for the kind of specialist skills that police special forces are the very best at bringing to the fight against violent extremists and terrorists – criminals who are not abiding by democratic societies’ fundamental norms and laws for legitimate, peaceful political engagement.

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POLICE UK Mail on Line

Graduate police recruits are 'sadly lacking' in life experience and aren't prepared to work nights and weekends, chief constable Nick Adderley says • • •

Chief Constable Nick Adderley said police recruits 'lacking' in life experience Recruits in Northamptonshire walked out after learning of violence role entails He added some hadn't realised they would have to work weekends and nights

they had walked out of self-defence training. Some told the force they hadn't realised that working weekends and nights was part of the role, the Police Oracle reports. Chief Constable Adderley said that the recruits have 'no life experience' and he clearly tells them that the training 'is not an extension of sixth form college. This is a really serious business'. In order to continue to provide a full service experienced officers are being paired with trainees in Northamptonshire.

By Milly Vincent for Mailonline Published: 02:00 BST, 19 2021 | Updated: 07:09 BST, 19 May 2021

May

Police recruits joining after university are not prepared to work nights or weekends and are 'sadly lacking' in life experience, a chief constable has said. Graduates won't commit to working unsociable hours and are unwilling to face the violence that the job entails, Nick Adderley of Northamptonshire Constabulary told Police Oracle. Chief Constable Adderley made the comments whilst voicing his 'strong feelings' against the College of Policing's plans to require all recruits to gain a degree before joining the force - rather than the traditional training programme. The police chief said he believes the 'very, very young workforce coming through' who believe they are 'invincible' will cause a 'perfect storm' when combined with the growing anti-police violence forces are now facing. Chief Constable Nick Adderley of Northamptonshire Constabulary, who says 'very, very young' police recruits are 'lacking' in life experience He told Police Oracle how some new recruits in Northamptonshire had been so 'taken aback by the role' and the violence the force deals with that

Police at a protest in Newcastle (stock image). From June 23 the only route into policing will be through degree programmes However, the chief claims this has already put pressure on the force, with more officers off sick with injuries and mental health issues. Already 40 per cent of the Northamptonshire police force have served for fewer than four years. He added that many recent recruits will be in for a 'real shock' when nightlife opens up again following coronavirus. From June 23 the only route into policing will be through degree programmes, previously recruits could train without needing higher education. Chief Constable Adderley is urging the College of Policing to reconsider the plans that are being introduced next month in the hope graduates will bring a diverse range of skills to policing, The Times reports. In response to the Chief Constable's comments Julie Mead, Northamptonshire and Leicester's Chief Inspector, tweeted: 'Some really valid points. I joined really young at the age of 18

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(clearly not a graduate!) and as a young joiner it was hard. 'With hindsight I would have defo still joined but waited until I was older and had experience more of life first.' (sic) Read more: Police Apprenticeship and Traditional Entry | Join The Police Share or comment on this article: Graduate police recruits are 'sadly lacking' in life experience, chief constable Nick Adderley says

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article9593943/Graduate-police-recruits-sadlylacking-life-experience-chief-constable-NickAdderley-says.html

Richard Littlejohn: Nicking burglars? Not in the line of duty, Guv! It's long been an open secret that the police don't bother investigating break-ins Richard Littlejohn for The Daily Mail Published: 22:00 BST, 3 May 2021 | Updated: 03:05 BST, 4 May 2021 The least surprising story yesterday was the news that almost one million burglaries have gone unsolved in the past five years. • My immediate reaction was: Is that all? • It's long been an open secret that the police don't bother investigating break-ins. Some forces admit they will only send a copper if the intruder is still on the premises. • Even that doesn't apply in London, where criminals responsible for 90 per cent of burglaries can expect to get away with it. Police no longer bother investigating burglaries - and this deliberate dereliction of duty has been going on for years, writes Richard Littlejohn A couple of years ago, our house was burgled while we were on holiday. A fairly sophisticated alarm system proved no deterrent. But it did alert the local security patrol, which our suburban community pays for because the police gave up even pretending to protect us years ago. Their man was on the scene within minutes, along with my son who lives nearby. The security guard realised the burglars were still inside and called the cops. He was told to check it out himself, since the police were far too busy to attend. Quite rightly, he told them it wasn't his job to put himself in harm's way. Two-and-a-half hours later, the police eventually turned up, by which time the burglars were long gone. A cursory forensic follow-up the next day failed to unearth any clues to their identity. We were lucky, in the scheme of things. We weren't at home and the damage was fairly superficial. A couple of doors kicked in, but nothing taken. The swift arrival of the security guard had obviously spooked them and they had legged it emptyhanded. We came home to find muddy footprints every-

where. That wasn't the burglars, my son explained, it was the bobbies, who saw no need to wipe their feet. There was also a letter informing us that the police were taking NFA (No Further Action) and the case was now closed. The response was not so much NFA as SFA (Sweet Fanny Adams, to put it politely). As I said, though, we got away lightly compared to many other victims. Our insurance company sent an emergency carpenter to secure the property and the doors were replaced within a few weeks. I'm sure many of you can relate much worse experiences of burglaries compounded by police indifference. It may seem irrational, but to be honest I was as angry at the police as I was towards the burglars. It's not as if the Old Bill were unaware that there was a gang of house-breakers operating in the area. Our next-door neighbours had been turned over a few days earlier. A regular panda car patrol might have scared off potential intruders. But they're even rarer round

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here than fans of Spurs chairman Daniel Levy. To make things worse, the constabulary no longer consider the protection of private property any part of their remit. This deliberate dereliction of duty has been going on for years. The day we moved into our current home in North London 24 years ago, one of our first visitors was the neighbourhood home beat bobby, a proper old-fashioned Dixon Of Dock Green character. I made him a cup of tea and told him he was welcome to pop in any time. Unfortunately, he said, this would be the last I'd see of him. He was being pulled off the beat and relocated to divisional headquarters several miles away, where no doubt he spent the remains of his career gawping at CCTV monitors or trawling the internet for 'inappropriate' comments which could then be recorded as a 'hate incident'. Around the same time, the nearest police station to our house closed to the public. Shortly afterwards, a student was stabbed to death on the steps of that nick, a casualty of the callous disregard police chiefs have for any concept of traditional public service. They don't even consider burglary to be a crime any more and haven't done since the late 1980s, when I wrote a column in London's Evening Standard about the introduction of a system designed to screen out crimes thought unworthy of investigation. For the record, I don't blame the rank and file, most of whom joined The Job with the best intentions and who are prepared to put their lives on the line daily. Nor do I blame the inspectors and sergeants juggling duty rotas. The guilty men and women are the posturing top brass — brain-

washed by the Left-wing outfit Common Purpose — who are more interested in playing politics than policing the streets. It's a question of priorities. Most of us consider burglary an especially serious crime, a violation of where we live. I've heard women compare being burgled to being raped. Not so the new breed of senior officers. Thieftaking is no guarantee of advancement in the modern police force. The way to get ahead these days is to spout fashionable nostrums about diversity. Burglary comes a long way down the list behind taking the knee in supplication to the Black Lives Matter mob; painting their nails in rainbow colours to show solidarity with the trans lobby; flying the LGBTQWERTY+ flag above HQ; skateboarding with climate change extremists; and making fatuous, self-serving statements on the steps of Scotland Yard about the murder of George Floyd thousands of miles away in another country. We never did find out what was more important than rushing to arrest the gang who burgled our house while they were still on the plot. But it's an incontrovertible fact that there are more brownie points to be gained recording 'non-crime hate incidents' than feeling the collars of career criminals. Home Secretary Priti Flamingo is making all the right noises and the Government is pledged to recruit another 20,000 more police officers. But until there is a fundamental change in the culture and mindset at the top of the force, they could hire another million coppers and still burglars would be free to go about their unlawful business without fear of capture or prosecution. Mind how you go. https://www.dailymail.co.uk/debate/article-9538979/ RICHARD-LITTLEJOHN-Nicking-burglars-Not-lineduty-Guv.html

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CHINA Mail on Line

China was preparing for a Third World War with biological weapons - including coronavirus - SIX years ago, according to dossier produced by the People's Liberation Army in 2015 and uncovered by the US State Department

nipulation of diseases to make weapons 'in a way never seen before'. The bombshell paper insists they will be 'the core weapon for victory' in such a conflict, even outlining the perfect conditions to release a bioweapon, and documenting the impact it would have on 'the enemy's medical system'. This latest evidence that Beijing considered the military potential of SARS coronaviruses from as early as 2015 has also raised fresh fears over the cause of Covid-19, with some officials still believing the virus could have escaped from a Chinese lab. Politicians say it 'raises major concerns' over the intentions of those close to Chinese President Xi Jinping amid growing fears about the country's lack of regulation over its activity in laboratories (top, a researcher working in a lab at the Yisheng Biopharma company in Shenyang, in Chinas northeast Liaoning province in June 2020). https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-9556415/ China-preparing-WW3-biological-weapons-sixyears-investigators-say.html

The dossier by People's Liberation Army (bottom) scientists and health officials examined the maChina's African take-over: Beijing has built infrastructure, lent billions and located its first overseas military base there - now top US general warns they want to build an Atlantic naval base • General Townsend, America's top brass in Africa, has warned China is seeking a new western naval base • The base, similar to one in Djibouti, would allow Beijing to project its military might into the Atlantic, he said • Any new base would be just the latest chapter in a decades-long effort by China to gain influence in Africa • Country has lent billions to African states while building roads, railways, ports, power stations, internet networks, government buildings in an effort to bring the continent under its sway By Chris Pleasance for Mailonline Published: 16:13 BST, 7 May 2021 | Updated: 18:21 BST, 7 May 2021 On the west side of Djibouti City sits a sprawling military compound. Within its razorwire-topped walls are helipads, a dock large enough to fit aircraft carriers, and 2,000 troops alongside armoured vehicles and gunboats. Opened in 2017, this is China's first overseas military base - but could soon be one of many located across Africa if those sounding the alarm in Washington are correct.

The Department of Defense warned last year that Beijing has 'likely' sought bases in Angola, the Seychelles, Kenya, and Tanzania, and just this week General Stephen Townsend - America's top brass in Africa - warned a new naval base similar to the one in Djibouti could soon appear on Africa's west coast. Such a base, which could be located anywhere from Mauritania to Namibia, would allow China to

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project its growing military might not just across the Pacific Ocean but the Atlantic too, General Townsend said. But while the thought of Chinese military bases popping up across Africa may be new to some, in fact it is only the latest chapter in a decades-long effort to bring the continent under Beijing's sway that has gone largely unnoticed. 'The Chinese are outmaneuvering the U.S. in select countries in Africa,' Gen. Townsend said as he issued his warning. 'Port projects, economic endeavors, infrastructure and their agreements and contracts will lead to greater access in the future. They are hedging their bets and making big bets on Africa.'

China has lent billions of dollars to African nations (shaded red showing which countries have accepted cash, with darker colours indicating higher levels of debt) while building ports, power stations, railways and roads. Beijing has also built a military base in Djibouti (right), but is planning more - with 'likely sites' in Angola, Kenya, Tanzania, and the Seychelles (blue pentagons). But is is the possibility of a new naval base on the west coast (shaded blue) that has caused fresh alarm in the US And he's right. It seems that, almost wherever you look on the continent, China's influence is being felt. Railways? China is building them, including new lines between Mombasa and Nairobi in Kenya, Abuja and Kaduna in Nigeria, Lobito and Luau in Angola, and between Ethiopia and Djibouti. Ports? China again, constructing or expanding no less than 41 harbours in sub-Saharan Africa up to 2019, according to a CSIS report, meaning Beijing now has a commercial interest in around one in five of the total. Africa's power grid is also being transformed off the back of Chinese investment. Environmentalists kicked up a stink when it emerged late last year that China has financed seven new coal-fired

plants in Africa with plans for 13 more - but the country is also investing in hydroelectric, and has interests in some of the continent's largest dams. For example, the huge Ethiopian Renaissance Dam which spans the Blue Nile and has sparked tensions between Ethiopia and Egypt, is a project in which China is heavily involved. To run those projects, thousands of Chinese companies and tens of thousands of Chinese workers have set up on the continent and show no sign of going anywhere.

US General Stephen Townsend, who heads US Africa Command, says China has designs on naval ports on the western coast of Africa, which would give the nation easy access to the Atlantic Ocean Meanwhile, China has lent at least $153billion to African governments to finance the development according to the China-Africa Research Initiative though the real total is thought to be far higher once other types of financing such as grants and direct investment are included. The projects don't stop there. According to The Heritage Foundation, China has built no fewer than 186 government buildings in 40 out of 54 African countries, developed 70 per cent of the continent's 4G networks, and even built sensitive intragovernmental communications networks for 14 nations. Even the African Union headquarters, located in Ethiopia, was full financed and build by China. And Beijing's interest shows no sign of slowing. In 2018, President Xi Jinping announced the creation of a $60billion pot of Chinese money specially earmarked for development projects in Africa. In short: If Africa needs it, then China is supplying

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it. And in spades. While economic investment is hardly a threat to America on its own, it does buy Beijing influence meaning that when Xi wants to locate a new military base on the continent, he is likely to find a host of national leaders who are more than happy to welcome him. And it is that thought which is keeping Townsend and others at the Pentagon awake at night. 'They´re looking for a place where they can rearm and repair warships. That becomes militarily useful in conflict,' Townsend said in an interview with the Associated Press this week. 'They´re a long way toward establishing that in Djibouti. Now they´re casting their gaze to the Atlantic coast and wanting to get such a base there.' Townsend's warnings come as the Pentagon shifts its focus from the counterterrorism wars of the last two decades to the Indo-Pacific region and threats from great power adversaries like China and Russia.

China's current military base in Djibouti (pictured) houses some 2,000 troops along with armoured vehicles and gunboats, with a pier constructed to allow aircraft carriers to dock (top left) along with helipads and a runway (centre) The Biden administration views China's rapidly expanding economic influence and military might as America's primary long-term security challenge. U.S. military commanders around the globe, including several who may lose troops and resources to bolster growth in the Pacific, caution that China's growing assertiveness isn't simply happening in Asia. And they argue that Beijing is aggressively asserting economic influence over countries in Africa, South America and the Middle East, and is pursuing bases and footholds there. China's first overseas naval base was built years ago in Djibouti in the Horn of Africa and it is steadily increasing its capacity. Townsend said as many as 2,000 military personnel are at the base, including hundreds of Marines who handle security

there. 'They have arms and munitions for sure. They have armoured combat vehicles. We think they will soon be basing helicopters there to potentially include attack helicopters,' said Townsend. For some time, many have thought that China was working to establish a Navy base in Tanzania, a country on Africa's eastern coast, that has had a strong, longstanding military relationship with Beijing. But Townsend said it appears there's been no decision on that yet. He said that while China has been trying hard to get a base in Tanzania, it's not the location he's most concern about.

Chinese troops and armoured vehicles parade at the base in Djibouti, located at a strategic bottleneck leading to the Suez Canal, in 2017 as the base was first opened 'It's on the Indian Ocean side,' he said. 'I want it to be in Tanzania instead of on the Atlantic coast. The Atlantic coast concerns me greatly,' he said, pointing to the relatively shorter distance from Africa's west coast to the U.S. In nautical miles, a base on Africa's northern Atlantic coast could be substantially closer to the U.S. than military facilities in China are to America's western coast. More specifically, other U.S. officials say the Chinese have been eyeing locations for a port in the Gulf of Guinea. The Defence Department's 2020 report on China's military power, said China has likely considered adding military facilities to support its naval, air and ground forces in Angola, among other locations. And it noted that the large amount of oil and liquefied natural gas imported from Africa and the Middle East, make those regions a high priority for China over the next 15 years. Henry Tugendhat, a senior policy analyst with the United States Institute of Peace, said China has a lot of economic interests on Africa's west coast, including fishing and oil. China also has helped finance and build a large commercial port in Cameroon. He said that any effort by Beijing to get a naval

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port on the Atlantic coast would be an expansion of China's military presence. But the desire for ocean access, he said, may be primarily for economic gain, rather than military capabilities. Townsend and other regional military commanders laid out their concerns about China during recent congressional hearings. He, along with Adm. Craig Faller, head of U.S. Southern Command, and Gen. Frank McKenzie, head of U.S. Central Command, are battling to retain their military forces, aircraft and surveillance assets as the Pentagon continues to review the shift to great power competition. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin is conducting a global posture review to determine if America's military might is positioned where it needs to be, and in the right numbers, around the world to best

maintain global dominance. That review is expected to be finished in late summer. Read more: China Africa Research Initiative Loans Database Assessing the Risks of Chinese Investments in Sub-Saharan African Ports | Center for Strategic and International Studies Chinese coal projects threaten to wreck plans for a renewable future in Sub-Saharan Africa - CNN Government Buildings in Africa Are a Likely Vector for Chinese Spying | The Heritage Foundation Share or comment on this article: How China has bought influence in Africa as US warns of new naval base there https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-9554253/ How-China-bought-influence-Africa-warns-newnaval-base-there.html

Vuller: Bloemfontein

1916: SAP by begrafnis van pres MT Steyn: Nico Moolman

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SOUTH AFRICANS COMMONWEALTH WAR CASUALTIES BURIED ACROSS THE WORLD: PART FORTY By Captain (SAN) Charles Ross (SA Navy Retired) South Africans took part in almost every theatre of war during both the First and Second World Wars. According to the Commonwealth War Graves Commission Casualty Data Base 7 290 (includes 607 unknown) First World War casualties and 9 986 (includes 84 unknown) Second World War casualties are buried in 1 207 cemeteries while 2 959 First World War and 2 005 Second World War casualties are commemorated on 48 memorials. This does not include the 1 750 members of the South African Native Labour Corps and the 306 from the South African Book of Remembrance, whose names are in the process of being added to the Commonwealth War Graves Commission’s Casualty Data Base. With South Africans having served far and wide, it is not surprising that you would find single or small group graves in cemeteries across the world. Here are some of those cemeteries where one or a tiny group of South Africans are buried.

KNIGHTSBRIDGE ACROMA, LIBYA

WAR

CEMETERY,

The defence against Rommel's drive across Cyrenaica towards Suez consisted of a number of irregularly spaced strong points or 'boxes' linked by deep minefields. Those nearest the Axis forces were held by infantry, while those further back served as reserve static positions and as bases from which the armour could operate. The chief 'box', known as Knightsbridge, was round a junction of tracks about 20 kilometres west of Tobruk and 16 kilometres south of Acroma, commanding all the tracks by which supplies came up to the

front. The Eighth Army's advance fuelling stations and airfields were at Acroma, El Adem, El Duda, Sidi Rezegh and Gambut, while by February 1941, Gazala aerodrome, taken from the Italians early in the campaign, housed two Commonwealth squadrons. Knightsbridge was thus a key position, and the pivot on which the armour manoeuvred during the heavy fighting which commenced in late May 1942. Fierce actions were fought at all these places, and a battlefield cemetery was created at each for the burial of the dead. The graves of many of those who gave their lives during the campaign in Libya were later gathered into Knightsbridge War Cemetery from the battlefield burial grounds and from scattered desert sites. The men who fought and died with them, but have no known grave, are commemorated on The Alamein Memorial which stands in El Alamein

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War Cemetery, Egypt. There are now 3,651 Commonwealth servicemen of the Second World War buried or commemorated in Knightsbridge War Cemetery. 993 of the burials are unidentified and special memorials commemorate a number of casualties known or believed to be buried among them. There are 18 Non Commonwealth burials here, including 1 Polish soldier, and 1 non world war service burial. There are 420 World War Two South African casualties buried in the cemetery. This includes 47 unidentified casualties.

stable house of the camps fire station, killed with a Canadian officer and two NCOs by a Luftwaffe bomb on 16 August 1940. The Commonwealth War Graves Commission register and maintain the graves there of 186 Commonwealth service personnel of World War I and 8 of World War II, the nationalities being 68 British, 27 South Africans and 25 Canadians. There are 27 World War One South African casualties buried in the cemetery.

RICHMOND CEMETERY, SURREY: UNITED KINGDOM

BORDON MILITARY CEMETERY: UNITED KINGDOM

Land was originally set aside for a cemetery on the west side of the A325. However, there is no evidence that it was used, with burials occurring in the civilian cemeteries in either Headley or Greatham. The site is now the Woolmer trading estate. In 1908, work started on a new military cemetery on Bolley Avenue. It opened in April 1910, consecrated by the chaplain-general to the forces, the Rt. Rev. Bishop I. Taylor-Smith CVO DD, with music from 3rd Battalion, the Rifle Brigade.

There are 179 Commonwealth war casualties commemorated in this cemetery. 136 from World War One and 43 from World War Two. Of the 179 casualties, 145 served in the Army, 26 in the Air Force and eight in the Navy. There are 39 World War One South African casualties buried in the cemetery.

BATH (HAYCOMBE) CEMETERY: UNITED KINGDOM

The grounds can be used for burial by any serving member of the armed forces, and their dependants. It hence includes both Canadian and South Africans who were camped in Bordon during the two world wars. It also acted as a temporary cemetery for nine United States Army soldiers, later returned to the United States after the end of hostilities in 1947. Separate areas are set aside for the various denominations, including one member of the Dutch Reformed Church, and one Gurkha. The sole non-military civilian burial is the grave of Mrs Alice Emily Chandler, who lived in the former NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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Bath (Haycombe) Cemetery contains 290 burials of the Second World War, most of them in the war graves plot. The plot was used by the Royal Air Force as a regional cemetery and contains the graves of airmen serving with the Commonwealth and allied air forces stationed in the southwestern counties. Alongside these graves are those of men who served in squadrons of Coastal Command in their work of patrol, searching for U-boats and providing convoy for shipping. Many of the casualties came from the RAF station at Colerne. Bath suffered heavily from attacks by German aircraft and a severe air raid in April 1942 killed a number of servicemen at home on leave with their families. They are buried with them in the cemetery. In addition to the Commonwealth war graves, the cemetery contains a number of war graves of other nationalities. There are five World War Two South African casualties, all from the South African Air Force, buried in the cemetery.

DAR ES SALAAM BRITISH AND INDIAN MEMORIAL: DAR ES SALAAM

under the command of General von LettowVorbeck. When the Germans finally surrendered on 23 November 1918, twelve days after the European armistice, their numbers had been reduced to 155 European and 1,168 African troops. The DAR ES SALAAM BRITISH AND INDIAN MEMORIAL which stands within Dar es Salaam War Cemetery, commemorates by name more than 1,500 officers and men who died in East Africa during and after January 1917 (the advance to the Rufiji river) who have no known grave. The memorial was moved from a site elsewhere in the township and re-sited in Memorial Garden A. The earlier casualties are commemorated by a similar memorial at Nairobi, Kenya. DAR ES SALAAM WAR CEMETERY was created in 1968 when the 660 First World War graves at Dar Es Salaam (Ocean Road) Cemetery had to be moved to facilitate the construction of a new road. As the burials in the former African Christian, Non-Christian and Mohammedan plots had not been marked individually, they were reburied in collective graves, each marked by a screen wall memorial. (Memorial Gardens "B", "C" and "D"). During the early 1970s, a further 1,000 graves were brought into this site from cemeteries all over Tanzania, where maintenance could no longer be assured. Dar es Salaam War Cemetery now contains 1,770 Commonwealth burials of the First World War, 67 of them unidentified, and 34 from the Second World War. The 112 war graves of other nationalities, the majority of them Belgian and German, all date from the First World War.

At the outbreak of the First World War Tanzania was the core of German East Africa. From the invasion of April 1915, Commonwealth forces fought a protracted and difficult campaign against a relatively small but highly skilled German force

The cemetery also contains the DAR ES SALAAM HINDU CREMATION MEMORIAL which commemorates 14 Indian servicemen whose remains were cremated in accordance with their faith. 73 South African casualties from World War One are commemorated on the memorial.

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NO GRAVE, BUT THE SEA: HOW THE COMMONWEALTH WAR GRAVES COMMISSION COMMEMORATE THOSE THAT HAVE NO GRAVE, BUT THE SEA – PART TWO By Captain (SAN) Charles Ross (SA Navy Retired) MERCHANT NAVY In the First World War, the civilian navy's duty was to be the supply service of the Royal Navy, to transport troops and supplies to the armies, to transport raw materials to overseas munitions factories and munitions from those factories, to maintain, on a reduced scale, the ordinary import and export trade, to supply food to the home country and - in spite of greatly enlarged risks and responsibilities - to provide both personnel and ships to supplement the existing resources of the Royal Navy. Losses of vessels were high from the outset, but had peaked in 1917 when in January the German government announced the adoption of "unrestricted submarine warfare". The subsequent preventative measures introduced by the Ministry of Shipping - including the setting up of the convoy system where warships were used to escort merchant vessels - led to a decrease in losses but by the end of the war, 3,305 merchant ships had been lost. In the Second World War, losses were again considerable in the early years, reaching a peak in 1942. The heaviest losses were suffered in the Atlantic, but convoys making their way to Russia around the North Cape, and those supplying Malta in the Mediterranean were also particularly vulnerable to attack. In all, 4,786 merchant ships were lost during the war.

rated on this memorial include •

SS Nova Scotia

SS Erinpura

HMHS Anglia

HMTS Donegal

Liverpool Naval Memorial

Tower Hill Naval Memorial The First World War section contains the names of 12 177 merchant sailors who lost their lives and have no known grave. This section was unveiled by Queen Mary on 12 December 1928. The Second World War section contains the names of 23 883 merchant sailors who lost their lives and have no known grave. This section was unveiled by Queen Elizabeth II on 5 November 1955.

At the outbreak of the Second World War, it was evident that the Royal Navy would not be able to

Some of the vessels who’s sailors are commemo-

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man all the auxiliary vessels that would serve with it. To deal with the shortfall in manpower, a number of officers and men of the Merchant Navy agreed to serve with the Royal Navy under the terms of a T.124 agreement, which made them subject to Naval discipline while generally retaining their Merchant Navy rates of pay and other conditions. The manning port established to administer these men was at Liverpool. More than 13,000 seamen served under these conditions in various types of auxiliary vessels, at first mainly in armed merchant cruisers, but also in armed boarding vessels, cable ships, rescue tugs, and others on special service. The Liverpool Naval Memorial commemorates 1,400 of these officers and men, who died on active service aboard more than 120 ships, and who have no grave but the sea.

the Italian navy. Aircraft from HMS Victorious and Ark Royal took part in the sinking of the German battleship Bismark in May 1941 and in February 1942, when the Scharnhorst, Gneisenau and Prinz Eugen attempted a daring dash along the English Channel from the Altlantic to the relative safety of the North Sea, they were attacked by Swordfish of the Fleet Air Arm. The principal base of the Fleet Air Arm, Lee-onthe-Solent, Hampshire, was chosen as the site for the memorial to 1 928 men of that service who died during the Second World War and who have no known grave.

ROYAL NAVY PATROL SERVICE

Unveiled by the Admiral of the Fleet on 12 November 1952.

FLEET AIR ARM LEE-ON-SOLENT

During the Second World War the Fleet Air Arm served in almost every theatre. In a reconnaissance role they supported land operations in France, the Netherlands, North Africa, Italy, and the Far East. Operating from aircraft carriers (seven of which were lost during the war), they were one of the chief weapons against the Uboats in the Atlantic and in support of the Russian convoys. In November 1940, Fleet Air Arm Swordfish biplanes carrying torpedoes undertook a night raid on the harbour at Taranto, resulting in disaster for

The Depot for the Royal Naval Patrol Service, developed from the pre-war Royal Naval Reserve Trawler Section was at Lowestoft during the 1939 -1945 War. At the outset of the war the men of this service were mainly the fishermen of the requisitioned trawlers and drifters used on patrol work, but later it included men from all walks of life and various types of small craft. In the spring of 1944 the Royal Naval Patrol Service reached

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its maximum strength of some 57,000. Between 1942 and 1946 new construction ships and craft manned by the Service totalled 1,637, among them minesweepers of various kinds, corvettes, fuel carriers, motor launches and naval seaplane tenders. Their objective was to maintain wartime patrols and safeguard the coasts of Britain. Lowestoft was chosen as the site for the Memorial to those men of the Royal Naval Patrol Service who have no other grave than the sea.

AIRMEN RUNNYMEDE AIR FORCE MEMORIAL

nel. This contributed to a reduction in the loss of airmen by drowning. Not only were fighter pilots lost at sea but also returning bomber crews. On 22 August 1940 an emergency meeting was held under the chairmanship of Air Marshal Harris from Bomber Command to address the shortcomings of the Air Sea Rescue service. This set in motion the development of a dedicated Air Sea Rescue Service which only came into effect in February 1941 when a Rescue Directorate was established. Once again operationalizing the service took a long time and it was only operational by the end of 1941. The service rapidly expanded and many airmen who otherwise would have certainly drowned were rescued. Elsewhere a number of Air Sea Rescue Squadrons were formed for service. These includes 282 Squadron that was formed on 01 January 1943 and operated initially from Scotland and later from South-west England and 283 Squadron who was formed on 11 February 1943 and provided cover for most parts of the Mediterranean. Unveiled by Queen Elizabeth II on 17 October 1953.

MALTA MEMORIAL The Air Forces Memorial, Runnymede, Surrey is the home of all the Airmen who lost their lives and have no known grave. A total of 20 401 airmen are commemorated on the panels of the memorial. Included in this number is 17 from the South African Air Force. Those who were lost in the Second World War during operations from bases in the United Kingdom and North and Western Europe, and who have no known graves. They served in Bomber, Fighter, Coastal, Transport, Flying Training and Maintenance Commands, and came from all parts of the Commonwealth. Some were from countries in continental Europe which had been overrun but whose airmen continued to fight in the ranks of the Royal Air Force. During the early stages of the Battle of Britain the Air Chiefs assumed that the high volume of shipping in British waters would mean that downed airmen would be spotted and rescued. Sadly this did not happen and many airmen drowned having been shot down over the English Channel.

The Malta Memorial commemorates 2 291 airmen who lost their lives during the Second World War whilst serving with the Commonwealth Air Forces flying from bases in Austria, Italy, Sicily, islands of the Adriatic and Mediterranean, Malta, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, West Africa, Yugoslavia and Gibraltar, and who have no known grave. 172 of those commemorated are South Africans. The Memorial was unveiled by Queen Elizabeth II on 3 May 1954.

Given this situation flight controllers in the South were ordered not to vector aircraft over the chanNONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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Genl-maj LG Snyman, MBE

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Vandag 'n "saluut" aan genl-maj LG Snyman! Wat 'n yster was hy nie gedurende sy jare by die SAPkollege nie? Hy was majoor toe ek in die kollege was. Hy was 'n man onder die manne! Baie kwaai - maar later toe ek hom ontmoet het, was hy baie gaaf - 'n regte offisier en gentleman! (Indien u enige staaltjies oor hom het- deel dit asseblief met my.) 20 opmerkings

Alle opmerkings PW Van Zyl Vingers? Hennie Heymans PW Van Zyl ja PW Van Zyl Legende...selfs jare later. Sy stories het self in my

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Dis waar hy was 'n baie goeie mens!

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jaar (1976) in die kollege geloop. Darryl Ingram hy was ‘n kolonel, toe ek in die kollege was. Jan Dak In my tyd was daar 2 persone in Polkol vir wie jy so bang en versigtig was soos die duiwel vir n slypsteen… die een was toe A/O Lesch en Maj Snyman… as jy die woord 'Kraai', of 'Vingers' hoor het jy eerste vir jou pet gesoek en kry jy dit nie dan kruip… jy so ver weg dat jou skaduwee jou moet kom soek… Allen Daley Hy het mos nie 'n gewone stokkie gedra nie. Syne het gelyk soos die ou karre se handbriek grip! Robert van Onselen Legende! Tydens finale uitpasseringsoefening te polisiekollege 1970 was ons so 1600 studente wat deur A/O Lesch vanaf ‘n podium met megafoon deur die passies gesit was vir finale uitpassering te Loftus Versfeld. Kol Louis Snyman het die walletjies vanaf die stalle na die parade grond betree en sien een man uit die 1600 wat uit pas is en sonder ‘n megafoon bulder hy ‘n bevel van halt uit en bring 1600 studente onmiddellik tot stilstand en stap na die student en met die regterhand omvou hy die student se pet en met die linkerhand trek hy sy omvoude regterhand se middelvinger terug en laat dit met ‘n klap op die student se petkenteken te lande kom. Behalwe vir die verbale teregwysing wat die student moes verduur het die twee skroefies van die petkenteken ook twee netjiese merkies op die student se voorkop gelaat. Nodeloos om te bevestig daardie student het nie weer ‘n voet verkeerd gesit nie. Kol Snyman was gevrees maar ‘n offisier van statuur wat slegs die beste uit studente verwag het. ‘n Man met ‘n groot hart en voorwaar een van die grotes wat menige van ons gevorm het saam met sovele ander bekendes. Saluut Kol Vingers Larry Hanekom Polisietrots. Paul Grabe Hennie, vra vir Jan Visser ‘n kollega van ons, watse goeie en dierbare man hy en sy vrou was.. Hennie Heymans Paul Grabe - Ek haal aan wat het: ""Hy was 'n man onder kwaai - maar later toe ek hom hy baie gaaf - 'n regte offisier

ek hierbo geskryf die manne! Baie ontmoet het, was en gentleman!""""

Andre Coetzee Saluut Boela Snyman Ek was in 1970 student in die Kollege en onthou daardie insident op die paradegrond tydens ons finale oefening voor uitpassering. Willie du Plessis Toe ek in die Kollege was, toe dit my beurt is om in te skep met ontbyt, was die mince op, daar was nog eiers en al die ander goodies, hy sien dit en laat die kos wegvat en sê vir dat ek geen klas gaan doen nie, hy het opdrag gegee dat daar n ordentlike ontbyt vir my voorberei moet word, die bord kos het later gekom, maar in ‘n bord en nie in die varkpan nie, hy was in die 2de wêreld oorlog ‘n soldaat, hy is ‘n militaris deur en deur, daar was gesê dat die vyand hom aan sy vingers opgehang het, en daarom die dik vingers - ek was in 1969 in die Kollege Robert van Onselen Goeie dae Boela. Boela Snyman Robert van Onselen beslis. Des Wilson Het hy regtig afgetree as a Generaal????? Hennie Heymans Ere-rang by aftrede Des Wilson Tubby Kaaijk Robert van Onselen.. Ek was ook deel van die uitpassering op Loftus gewees.... Dit was aan ons genoem dat dit die laaste uitpassingsparade was wat kol. Snyman betrokke by gaan wees. Tertius E Barnardt As n jong laaitie het ek alleen te Kaapstad die trein Pretoria toe gehaal... my ouers en susters was met vakansie... My vader wat ‘n handelsreisiger was, het hom hier in die Barragearea bevind waar hy by sy suster gekuier het alvorens hy weer sy pad terug werk Kaapstad toe. Ek was in die kollege en wou baie graag hom sien. Brig van Heerden was B/O maar was uitstedig en kol. Snyman was in beheer. Troepsersant moedig my aan om verlof te vra vir die naweek wat ek toe ook doen... Met ‘n groot angstigheid klop ek aan sy voordeur... Hier staan die reus, letterlik en figuurlik voor my wat my so

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vreemd aankyk. Stotterend vra ek toestemming om te praat... en val weg... Hy het my so op en af gekyk en die situasie opgesom. Hy gee my toestemming en bel die dienskamer om tye deur te gee... Ek weet nie wie was meer oorbluf ek of my troepsersant. Wat ‘n nagmerrie was dit

gewees om op onbekende terrein ‘n trein te haal, te verwissel by Germiston dan na Vereeniging en terug. Was beslis die moeite werd! Hy was ‘n sagte reus met n groot hart in my oë!!

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Brig. Heymans - opregte dank vir die artikels oor my oorlede pa (MJM Louw) in die laaste weergawe van die Nongqai. As kinders het ek en my broers maar grootgeword met 'n pa wat nooit gepraat het oor waarmee hy besig was nie. Dis artikels soos hierdie wat my help om my pa bietjie beter te verstaan. Keep up the good work. Groete, Marianna

Johannes Kotze, Hertzog Street 16, Ruyterwacht 7460 Hi, I'm an ex SAP/Koevoet now being pushed out in live being to old (59). please is there someone out there who can help me with a something to do, I would rather die as a warrior than a beggar/pensioner. I'm a healthy 59 and worked as a tourist guide after my days as a civil servant, plse and thx.

See nest page for details—HBH

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Help: Betrekking gesoek Help: Vacancy requested

Curriculum Vitae Of Johannes Kotze, Hertzog Street 16, Ruyterwacht 7460

Curriculum Vitae Of Johannes Kotze, Hertzog Street 16, Ruyterwacht 7460 Email address

:

guidejohan@gmail.com

Contact Number

:

073 020 9792

Date of Birth

:

02 August 1961

Identity Number

:

Tax Nr.

:

Capitec Bank Account Nr

:

Linguistic Abilities

:

Afrikaans and English

Gender

:

Male

Marital Status

:

Single

Criminal Record

:

None

Nationality

:

South African with valid Passport exp.02/02/2025

Driver’s License

:

Code 14 with pdp exp. 07/10/2021

Health

:

Excellent, on no medication (Smoker)

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About Johan After Matriculation, Johan joined the civil service and worked there for 17 years before leaving as a supervisor to pursue a career in the tourism industry where he worked as a professional driver, guide and tour leader for ten years for companies such as Indaba Explorations and Mega Coach, doing long distance tours through Southern Africa. Since 2007 he has focused on short distance driving and worked for Drivers Excellence doing local deliveries as a code 14 driver in and around the Western Cape. Johan is currently unemployed and is available immediately. He has his own vehicle and can commute to and from work in his own capacity. Johan has an honest and trustworthy approach with good timekeeping and is in excellent health and has no medical conditions. His many years’ experience has equipped him with good interpersonal and communication skills. Having worked in the Western Cape and South Africa as both a short and long-distance driver he has an exceptional knowledge of the roads and driving conditions. He can work as both a delivery driver or a driver of people and persons. Career History South African Police Duration:

1978 -12-18 until 1990-03-14

Rank:

Constable/ Investigator

Background: Johan joined the police force at 17 years old. He served as part of the Koevoet unit from 1979 to 1982. After his time at Koevoet he was deployed to Guguletu where he continued as an investigating constable as part of the security police. In 1986 he received 2 bullet shots to the chest which went straight through. After recovery he continued to work for the police until 1990. Department of Nature and Sea Fisheries Duration:

1990 until 1997

Rank:

Sea Fisheries investigator

Background: Johan joined the department of sea fisheries and was based in Saldanha. During his time there he completed a junior management diploma. After seven years he accepted a package and left the civil service. Overlanding and tourism Duration:

1998 until 2007

Position:

Guide and Tour Leader

Companies:

Indaba Explorations and Mega Coach

Background: Johan worked on long distance tours covering Southern Africa. He also completed a western cape tourism certification and did local and national tours. Overlanding and tourism Duration:

2008 until 2016

Position:

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Companies:

Drivers Excellence for Selati Sugar

Background:

Local deliveries in the western cape

Reference Company

:

Drivers Excellence

Contract

:

Quality Sugar / Selati

Contact

:

Neville

Contact Number

:

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VAN DIE REDAKSIE... HBH: My trots – My eerste Alma Mater (Die SAP-kollege 1964, Troep 7 Berede).

Terwyl ek so sit en skryf aan onse geskiedenis dink ek vanoggend aan ‘n paar dinge – eerstens die geskiedenis is vreeslik ironies! Ek het my eerste opleiding ontvang in ‘n polisiekollege van wêreldgehalte! Ons was opgelei deur veterane van die tweede wêreldoorlog – manne wat teen die Nazi’s geveg het! Hierby gaan twee foto's van sulke manne wat ons opgelei het. As seun van 17-jaar het ek ‘n man geword in die SAP-kollege. Ek is as kind daar uitgereik onder andere met ‘n .303-geweer, 50 patrone, plus ‘n .38 Smith & Wesson met 12 patrone. Die Staat het my vertrou! Ek onthou nog definisies wat ons daar geleer het bv. oor Moord! Daar in die kollege het ek ‘n sekere etos aangeleer: Van “omgee”, van “beskerm en dien”! Ons is geleer al ons tyd is tot die beskikking van die staat (dus die gemeenskap) en ons was tegnies altyd aan diens. Ons het baie ontberinge meegemaak in wind en weer, dag en nag! Ek het ‘n BA-graad in die Engelse medium as konstabel en sersant verwerf. Wat ‘n voorreg was dit nie om tussen die Engelssprekende studente te kon studeer nie. Soms was ek in uniform en soms netjies gekleed met das, baadjie en skoene. (Dit was die norm in daardie dae.) Sommige akademici het togas in die klas gedra. Die studente het my verdra en “Hennie the Policeman” genoem. ‘n Nuwe wêreld het vir my daar oopgegaan: ek het bv. Inheemsereg, Romeins-Hollandse reg, strafreg ens. bestudeer. Dit het my baie gehelp wanneer ek klagtes bygewoon het. (‘n Bietjie regskennis is baie gevaarlik! Maar soms help dit, bv. as die blitspatrollie ‘n advokaat ‘vang’ en hy ‘slim’ probeer wees in die aanklagtekantoor!) Ook was daar andersgesinde mense op universiteit, lede bv. van NUSAS en SASO – mense soos Griffiths Mxenge en Steve Biko. (Ironies beide het aan die hand van die polisie gesterf!) Daar was rus en vrede op die kampus. Ons het hard studeer om te slaag! Deur die jare het ek die polisie se bevorderingseksamens gedoen – jy moes twee vakke per dag skryf vir ‘n week lank tot op Saterdag en indien jy een vak druip: Druip jy in die geheel! So, na “AO” moes ons die leerstuk (Continued on page 157)

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Genl-maj Louis Snyman, MBE

Links op die wit perd: Sersant CJS Otto, DCM NONGQAI VOL 12 NO 6 JUNE 2021

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Mens Rea uit die kop ken – wel, ek ken die leerstuk vandag nog! Na offisiersrang moes ons bv. die hele Drankwet (Wet 13/1928) ken! (As ek reg onthou!) Jy moes vakansieverlof neem om te studeer. Die polisie het van my ‘n mens gemaak en op empiriese vlak het ek “meer geleer” in die polisie as op al die ander universiteite en kolleges waar ek verder studeer het. Bevoorreg om verskeie lande te besoek en ook hul kolleges te besoek. Met vaste oortuiging kan ek verklaar die SA Polisie se opleiding van wêreldgehalte was! Dit het van die individuele polisieman afgehang of hy goed of sleg gaan wees! Ons was net so goed soos die FBI of soos Scotland Yard. Van 1913 tot 1994 het ons gedien en op “politieke vlak” links sowel as regse groeperinge aangekla. Tydens die tweede wêreldoorlog het die SAPbrigade teen die Nazi’s baklei; terselfdertyd het ons teen Afrikaners opgetree wat dade van sabotasie gepleeg het. Nou my punt oor die ironie in die geskiedenis: Die SAP was baie goed, maar niks goeds kom uit ‘apartheid’-Suid-Afrika nie – al het jy die Nazi’s bekamp. Apartheid is vandag ‘n albatros om die voormalige SA Polisie se nek - al het hy ewewigtig die verordende wette gehandhaaf! Juis daarom is ek besig om ons nasionale veiligheidgeskiedenis van 1652 tot 1994 deur Nongqai te boek te stel.

Gedurende my dienstermyn het ek nooit apartheid per se bevorder nie – ek het universele misdaad bekamp! In die veiligheidstak het ons rewolusionêre misdaad hok geslaan en die sg. aanslag deur die howe (probeer) bekamp. Maar, miskien is ek dan ook korporatief skuldig omdat ek lid van die SA Polisie was? Sal daar ooit objektiewe geskiedenis spontaan oor ons gepubliseer word? Selfs vandag bespeur ek ‘ongelykheid voor die reg’ as ek die dade van die opponente van die verlede vergelyk met díe van die destydse polisie. Ons moet onthou dat die SAP ook by die stryd moes aanpas toe die SAKP/ ANC-alliansie die stryd ondergronds begin voer het. Ten slotte het die SAP se etos van diensbaarheid my lewe verander – veral na pensioen het berusting ingetree en ek dink terug aan my lewe en die rol van die Skepper daarin. Om die sirkel te voltooi: Op 4 Julie 1964 passeer ons uit. Ek ry op ‘n perd, Turk, met ‘n karbonkel in my oksel terwyl ek my geweer vashou. Vreeslik pyn! Na die parade en terwyl ons ses troepe afmarsjeer sing die res van die kollege ons toe: “Bly by my Heer” en in Engels iets soos “Sal ons ou Kennisse ooit vergeet?” Die seën van daardie dag wat uitgespreek was, het deur my loopbaan by my gebly. SDG – verder maak niks eintlik saak nie! Dankie Liewe Heer! (Continued on page 162)

KOMMENTAAR DEUR KOLLEGAS OP BOSTAANDE ARTIKEL John Manuel Eerste-klas statigheid Hennie.

Jannas Janneke Mooi gestel Oom Hennie PW Van Zyl Respek vir n dienaar! Saluut!! Gawie Botha Ek het die eer gehad om ook in die S.A. Polisie alles te kon ondersoek, vir 11 jaar, en om dis te verstaan wat beteken: "En hy laat jou neerdaal in groene weivelde!" ... soos n honger dier wat in lower groene weiding berusting vind! (Regs Gawie op sy perd) Dankie Hennie, jy het my nou terug gestuur na "Voetspore in die wind!"

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Gert Visagé

Danie Marais Hennie, dankie! Jy het my baie jare laat terugdink. In die loop van my 27 jaar, diens toe my loopbaan deur my gesondheid kort geknip is, en my pa se jare van my geboorte af as landdros, het ek baie besondere goeie herinneringe van hoe uitstaande die polisie was! Op 4 jaar oud (1947) het my skoenveters in Oos-Londen in die stad los gekom waarop reguit na 'n reuse groot swart sersant gestap het en hom gevra het om my veters vas te maak. Met 'n 'ja sekerlik, kom staan hier dan maak ek hulle vas.' Die 'dankie ' drukkie sommer om sy bene was genoeg maar baie opreg! Dwarsdeur my loopbaan het ek die polisie geken as 'n klomp goeie mense na wie jy kan gaan! Ockert Marais Dankie Hennie. As ń student in 1967 het ons ook daardie pad gestap. Danie Marais Kyk hier is darem 'n regtige POLISIEMANNE op die foto's! Petro Heyneke Groot respek. Johan Pienaar Spesiaal Hennie. So het ek jou leer ken Kobie Kidson Dankie Hennie. Danie J Putter Pragtig verwoorde terugblik op SAP van wel eer. Die trots in die beroep is tasbaar en opreg. Die SAP van toeka was ‘n nederige maar eerbare beroep. So ook die baie opreg trotse (waaronder u) offisiere en manskappe wat dit hul loopbaan gemaak het en met trots en eer "Beskerm en gedien " het. Conrad Thalwitzer

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Fanie Bouwer Hennie, dis 'n lekker-lees stukkie en interessante nostalgiese reis. Ek wil aansluit by daar stukkie oor die sg. polisie-eksamens - 8 vakke van Maandag tot Saterdag. (By Unisa en ander universiteite was daar darem 'n paar dae gaping tussen die skrywery van 'n vak) Nou wonder ek hoekom die polisie se hiërargie gedink het 8 vakke in 6 dae is 'n gawe konsep? Dit was nie - dit was 'n riller. Vir my altans. En, snaaks genoeg, niemand het gedink (of gewaag dalk) om beswaar te maak of enige ander voorstel in te dien nie. En dan daardie 1 vak druip/alles-oorskryf- konsep, was net so wreed. PW Van Zyl Fanie Bouwer ja nee...dit was n aaklige konsep. Op my stasie was n ou sersant wat elke paar jaar probeer het vir die AO...telkens het hy Engels geruk. Later voor sy aftrede darem 'bugseat' gekry AO toe. As dit nie vir die vyand se taal was nie sou hy… Robert Brand Oom Hennie Heymans, in retrospek was my loopbaan in SAP en SAPD my trots en my eer maar soos 'n vriend dit sal uitdruk, dit was oraait totdat dit nie meer oraait was nie Leon Jonck Dankie Hennie ń hele stuk ware geskiedenis. Lucas Holtzhausen Beste Hennie Ek kan net elke woord wat jy hierbo geskryf het beaam Vir my is Psalm 23 n anker in die lewe. Saluut Koos de Wet Goed geskryf Hennie en geniet om te lees. Ek het ook n brief gereed vir jou met die foto’s wat ek belowe het. Hoop om dit more of oormore te stuur. Groete en sterkte Hennie Heymans Koos de Wet ek gaan ook alles wat u geskryf het, en wat geplaas was in die Nongqai-facebook. ook aflaai vir die spesiale Nongqai oor Vervoer. Voorlopig baie dankie! Bart Vosloo Mooi Hennie. Harvey Calder Mooi geskryf Brig. Pierre Roux Respek! Linda Fouché Respek vir julle manne Hennie Heymans. Groot respek! Mooi geskryf Tiny Nortje Ek was net so kort voor Hennie en het meesal ervaar wat hy ervaar het- minus die BA en oorsese reise, maar sou dit nooit so mooi in herinnering kon roep nie Robert van Onselen Pragtig saamgevat en bring net sulke goeie herinneringe terug – ‘n tyd waar daar met trots en passie gedien was - niks wat Mahala na jou kant gekom het nie, bevorderings eksamens wat met baie studies gepaard gegaan het en die slaag van alles of niks ‘n swaar pil om destyds te moes sluk maar vasbyt en deurdruk op die einde van die dag jou loon vir vakansie verlof, kostes en laat nag studies. Sal dit enige (Continued on page 160)

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(Continued from page 159)

dag weer oordoen in die periodes voor 1994. Die sing van "Bly by my Heer" met uitpassering deur 1600 studente wat breë bors en met trots te Loftus Versfeld voor die Minister en Kommissaris geskied het so vars soos gister vasgevang. Dankie vir die terugbring Brig Hennie. Henk Heslinga Ek kan kol Snyman onthou van die kollege se dae af. Hy het in daai groot wit huis gebly net links van die hek. Dit was 1965. Hy was toe n majoor en die kollege se BO. Hy kon darem op n perd sit. Ons troepe was maar bang vir ou Pi...........e

Snyman.

Marietjie van Dyk Pragtig geskryf! Tero Nepgen Ai Brig Hennie jy maak mens sommer hartseer van verlange na my 33 jaar in die MAG. Dankie vir die stukkie geskiedenis. Ben Kruger Met respek

Herman Sadie Wel gedaan Brig John Parker Ek stem was ook daar 1964 Troep 17 Soutie troep. Wat n vooreg.1964 tot 1995. Loot Lotter Dankie Brig. Hennie dit laat my ook ver terug dink aan daardie dissipline jare. Kol. Snyman het die kollege gehad op ons voete. Kapt. Bokkie Breedt het net gesoek wanneer ons poker speel in af periodes. Oom Buurman was die rugby afrigter op Bobbie Loftus. Louis Jackman Fantastiese skrywe, so ryk ingekleur met detail... Victor Stewart Pragtig Pragtig wat se voorreg was dit nie om in so n Mag te kon dien Brig Hennie well gedaan Leon Coetzee Dit laat my verlang na die goeie ou tye (Continued on page 161)

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Kobus Schoeman En skoonpa Paul Bothma. Wat n berede man was hy ook nie gewees nie! Wêreld se respek vir daai man!!! Niel Bredenkamp Besonders interessant Hennie. Dankie Dirk Schoeman Hallo Hennie, jou skrywe maak ‘n kraan van kosbare herinneringe oop. Groot geeste het ons lewenspad gekruis in die kollege. Word in Des1963 verplaas na Greytown Kzn. Jaar gelede het ek nog op skoolbanke gesit en gejaag met my fiets deur die stofstrate van Theunissen. Skielik word ek blootgestel aan stamgevegte in Msinga, Tugela Ferry. Wat ń paradigma sprong! Die SAP was ń groot leermeester op die pad, politieke onluste en moeilike boere langs Lesotho grens geteister deur veediefstalle. Wonderlike professionele kollegas wat my pad gekruis het in die proses van grootword. My grootste dank aan die Skepper vir sy onmeetbare genade ten tye van ń groot krisis. Mooi dag verder. Groete en seënwense. Bazil Norman Young Great Piece Brig. Thank You.

.

Willem D. du Plooij SAluut! Die Beste in die wêreld langs BSAP myns Insiens was SAP (Mag) 1913-1994... Ek sal nooit my verleentheid en hartseer in die wêreld oorkom vir die verlies van n Loopbaan in die Mag nie - tog is ek geëerd om n Polisie Familie te mag hê waarna ek kan opsien as ware alledaagse helde vanaf die begin tot einde (1913-1994). Ewig die Mag! Servamus! Saluut Oom Hennie Heymans!

Willie du Plessis Hennie, ja, beter kan jy dit nie stel nie, ons kan trots wees vir daardie dae, sal dit seker nooit weer hoor of sien, welgedaan Henry Beling Pragtige foto’s.

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Sonder die veiligheids/intelligensiegemeenskap was daar geen “Nuwe S.A.” nie Dr WP Steenkamp Oorlog op ons afgestorm het, afgeslaan – en die Groot Boek se boodskap van doen aan jou naaste soos jy aan jouself gedoen wil hê, in ‘n nuwe grondwet vervat? Watter ander bevolking in die wêreld-geskiedenis van die na-koloniale era het vrywillig en vreedsaam, per referendum, die mag oorgedra, na hy die “vyand” tot noord van die ewenaar gedryf het sodat sy naaste basisse uiteindelik in Oeganda was? Watter ander kern-moondheid het sy wapens vrywillig vernietig? (Dit was bepaald nie asof ons nie ander opsies gehad het nie!).

Dr WP Steenkamp as Ambassadeur

Toe ek Hennie se nostalgiese terugblik (hierbo) lees op die trotse polisiemag van sy dae, het dit my as polisie-kind bewoë gehad. En verstaan ek maar al te duidelik sy frustrasie met die hedendaagse miskenning van die vele dinge wat in werklikheid so baie goed was, wat daardie polisiemanne (en almal wat in uniform gedien het) vermag het. Daar stuwe toe by my – beslis ook nie vir die eerste keer nie – ‘n wrange gatvolheid op vir hierdie “verskoon tog dat ek geleef het” gedrag wat ons nou verwag word om handewringend in verootmoediging vir ons gewaande “sondes”, dag in en dag uit te moet openbaar. Ja, ons wat – tog buite ons persoonlike beheer – die looitjie getrek gehad het om in daardie era te lewe, was mense. Mense van ons tyd, noodwendig verplig om te bou op dit wat ons geerf het. En in enige mandjie van mense, enige tyd en enige plek, is daar altyd vrot appels. Maar wie het hulle uitgepluk? Hulle gearresteer en in die tronk gesit? Hulle mede-polisiemanne. Watter geslag Suid-Afrikaners het daardie koloniale erfenis wat hulle te beurt geval gehad het, toe vir die eerste keer grondiglik gaan omvorm? Die bul by die horings gepak, die goeie uit die verlede behou, die kwade wat met mening in die Koue

Kyk na die telbord, na dit wat werklik saak maak – watter polisiemag het die burgers wat hy dien en beskerm, die veiligste laat slaap? En die ander só belangrike “score”: wie het uiteindelik gewen – die span wat ‘n Marxistiese Peoples’ Republic of Azania met geweld wou vestig op die leuse van “power grows from the barrel of a gun” of diegene wat Suid-Afrika wou sien as ‘n Westersgefundeerde regstaat met ‘n vryemark-ekonomie? Vir wie moet ons bedank vir wat die res van die wêreld gesien het as die wonderwerk van SuidAfrika se grootliks vreedsame oorgang na ‘n nierassige demokrasie? Sonder die minste twyfel vir die intelligensie-gemeenskap en die veiligheidsmagte. Hoekom kon en het dit alles só gebeur? Bestiering was daar kennelik, bv. in die vorm van die leiers / gesprekgenote wat die Voorsienigheid op die regte tyd in die regte plek geplaas het. Die geleentheidsvenster was daar, met die val van die Sowjet-unie – maar iemand moes die insig en bulballe gehad het om die geleentheid te eien vir wat dit was, en dit aan te gryp. Bepaald het die Afrikaner se eie historiese ervaring van imperiale onderdrukking hom ook uniek toegerus om sy mede-burgers se versugtinge te verstaan. Maar vir die wit politici om die ver-diaboliseerde leier van die gekombineerde “Swart/Rooi gevaar” te aanvaar as gespreksgenoot en as die opsigtelike toekomstige staatshoof, na al die eeue van kondisionering, het nie sommer vanself gekom nie... Dit was die Nasionale Intelligensiediens wat met die logika van sy objektiewe, feit-gefundeerde

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analitiese produkte die politici maak verstaan het dat die probleem bowenal ‘n politieke een was, wat net polities opgelos kon word – dat dit dus húlle as politici se verantwoordelikheid was, en nie iets wat op die veiligheidsmagte afgeskuif kon word om met gewelddadige onderdrukking te probeer oplos nie. Hierin is N.I. deur die Veiligheidstak ondersteun – reeds in Maart 1987 het my eie vader dit swart op wit uiteengesit vir die politici dat ‘n onderhandelde politieke skikking die enigste uitweg was; dat hulle nie maar bloot in eie gemak kon voortgaan om op die “dun blou lyn” staat te maak nie. Buitelandse Sake het die internasionale dimensie ewe objektief tot die inligtingsprent toegevoeg, totdat die politici nie anders kon nie as om in te sien dat hulle die geleentheidsvenster vir onderhandeling eenvoudig moes benut. Maar laat daar nie twyfel wees nie – as die intelligensie-gemeenskap wel so diabolies was as wat hulle nou voorgehou wil word, kon hulle tog baie maklik die omstandighede anders interpreteer het – bv. voorgehou het dat, met die val van die USSR, dit eintlik toe juis die geleentheid was om vas te skop en die volle arsenaal te gebruik, indien nodig... Die suksesvolle skikking het egter nie net geverg dat die politici (dit was tog hulle wat regeer het) tot nuwe insigte moes kom nie; ‘n milieu van stabiliteit moes ook geskep word waarbinne die onderhandelinge en uiteindelike oorgang vreedsaam kon ontplooi. Dit is waar die fisieke inset van die veiligheidsmagte van deurslaggewende belang was. Eerstens om die boodskap tuis te bring julle SAL NIE deur die loop van die geweer al die mag kan kaap en ‘n peoples’ republic hier vestig nie. Dat, net soseer as wat ons politici moes besef dat onderhandeling die beste uitweg is, die opponerende politici tot dieselfde insig gedwing moes word. En dan al die ander rand-eiers wat met geweld gedreig het, van links en van regs, wat gemaak verstaan moes word dat die veiligheidsmagte nie gewelddadige najaag van politieke oogmerke sal duld nie, maak nie saak van wie of watter kant nie. Nou egter – watter erkenning kry die intelligesiegemeenskap / veiligheidsmagte? Bloedweinig. Baie van die posture wat aangeslaan word is natuurlik skynheilig, van diegene wat ruimskoots gebaat het by die stabiliteit en die onregverdighede van die vorige bedeling, maar nou ewe gerieflik alle blaam wil afskuif op die handige sondebokke. Wat dan van die WVK, kan mens vra. Was die najaag van die waarheid dan nie juis sodat die kaf en die korrels o.a. geskei kon word nie – sodat die vrot appels

identifiseer en mee gehandel kon word, juis sodat die groot gros lede wat professioneel en eerbaar hulle land gedien het, onthef kon word van die skandvlek en werklike versoening kon plaasvind nie? Of moet ons weer ons hoede van intelligensieanaliste opsit en takseer wat werklik aan die gang is. Die veiligheidsmagte en die Afrikaners is onteenseglik as een uitgebeeld. En ewe onteenseglik is die amaBula (waarby ek almal wat Afrikaanstalig is insluit) die een Afrika-stam wat steeds maar deur die ander stamme wat magspretensies het, gevrees word in die tans sigbaar-wankelende etniese magsbalans; die stam wat kennelik dinge sou kan swaai as hy weer tot die politieke arena sou toetree, maar wat van balans af gehou kan word solank hy die bok gemaak kan word wat die hele geskiedenis se sondes op sý skouers moet neem? As mens die dag besluit om dit jou nering te maak om jou land te dien, dan werk jy uiteraard (as demokraat) vir en onder die stuur van die regering -van-die-dag. Jy voer nie jou eie idees uit nie; as polisieman moet jy die dan-geldige wette toepas (en miskien het ons polisie juis die argwaan van die politieke opposisie verwerf omdat hulle dit so goed gedoen het). Dis nog nie genoegsaam aan die publiek bekend hoe van die senior offisiere wél die soms onwettige idees komende vanuit die politieke gesag, teengestaan het nie. Maar wettige opdragte moes hulle uitvoer – wel wetend dat daar altyd elemente oor die breë spektrum van die nasie heen gaan wees wat nie daarvan gaan hou nie en dan die klavierspeler gaan blameer eerder as die ou wat die musiek geskryf het. Só het dit tog oor die geskiedenis heen gebeur – my eie pa en oupa is uit die kerk geskop toe my oupa gedurende die 2e Wêreld-oorlog op ‘n Sondag in uniform kerk-toe gegaan het. Net soos nou, was daar baie in die gemeenskap – egter toe van die ander kant van die spektrum – wat die manne in uniform polities vergysel het. Dit weet en aanvaar mens as jy die uniform aantrek, en is jou trots en die satisfaksie van nasie-diens jou skild. Help nie om jou lot te bekla nie – mense bly mense. Dinge gaan egter verby – daardie tye van broedertwis lyk nou heeltemal onwerklik (ons vrugbare Afrikaner-breins het lankal reeds nuwe twiste en tweedrag ontwikkel!). Soos Hennie, is ek nou goed moeg vir hierdie “jammer dat ek leef” storie. Ek is trots op wat ons

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op die telbord kon plaas (want dis tog altyd maar die “score” wat saak maak). Ons het iets vermag wat die wêreld nie moontlik ge-ag het nie. Wat niemand elders nog kon regkry nie. Dis tyd om hierdie historiese waarhede ook nou met trots op rekord te kry, en daarom word beoog om binne die volgende klompie maande hele uitgawes van die Nongqai te wy aan eerstens wat die intelligensie-gemeenskap gedoen het om die politici tot feite-gefundeerde nuwe insigte te bring,

en tweedens om die land stabiel genoeg te hou om die wonderwerk te kon verwesenlik – ‘n wonderwerk wat die nuwe insigte alleen nie kon realiseer het nie, as daar nie ‘n muur van uniforms was om die proses te beskerm teen aanslae van alle kante van die spektrum af nie. Soos altyd, sal u insette hoog op prys gestel word. Basta dus met kop-hang – dis met alle reg nou weer hoog tyd vir bors-uit!

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SLOT | END

Dear reader Please note that in this quasi-historical magazine we make use of various sources and consequently it is obvious that the document contains various diverse and personal opinions of different people and the author of the Nongqai cannot be held responsible or be liable in his personal capacity. Geagte leser Vir hierdie kwasiehistoriese tydskrif maak ons van verskeie bronne gebruik en bevat die dokument uiteraard uiteenlopende en diverse persoonlike menings van verskillende persone en die opsteller van die Nongqai kan nie in sy persoonlike hoedanigheid daarvoor verantwoordelik of aanspreeklik gehou word nie. © 2020 Brig. HB Heymans (SAP Ret.)

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