Nongqai Vol 15 No 5

ELEKTRONIESE BEDIENING

WEES 'N DISSIPEL VAN JESUS

Pastoor Koot Swanepoel

“. . En so het dit gekom dat hulle twee ’n hele jaar lank saam in die gemeente gewerk en ’n taamlike klomp mense onderrig het. In Antiogië is die gelowiges die eerste keer Christene genoem. .” Handelinge 11:26 NLV

Het jy geweet dat die woord 'dissipel' 269 keer in die Nuwe Testament voorkom, terwyl die woord 'Christen' net drie keer genoem word? Die woord 'Christen' is die eerste keer gebruik om te beskryf wie hulle was - dissipels van Jesus Christus!

Dallas Willard gebruik die illustrasie van die outomobiel: 'Die dissipel van Jesus is nie die luukse of swaardiensmodel van die Christen - stewig opgestop, blink, vaartbelyn en bemagtig vir die vinnige baan op die reguit en smal pad, nie. Hy of sy staan op die bladsye van die Nuwe Testament as die eerste vlak van basiese vervoer in die Koninkryk van God.'

Om 'n Christen te word is 'n oomblik se werk; dit gebeur wanneer jy jou vertroue in Christus plaas. Om egter 'n dissipel te word is 'n leeftyd se werk; dit verg dat jy jouself verloën en elke dag van jou lewe vir God se wil ja sê. Wat beteken dit om 'n dissipel van Jesus te wees? Drie dinge:

1) Om na Hom te luister en te leer. Dit beteken dat jy die waarhede in die Skrif elke dag moet lees, bestudeer, memoriseer, verbaliseer en in jou lewe moet toepas.

2) Om Hom te volg waar Hy jou ook al lei. Dit mag dalk beteken dat jy jou planne moet verander, sommige van jou verhoudings moet prysgee en Hom toegang tot die dinge wat jy graag aan wil vashou, moet gee.

3) Om toegewyd aan Hom te wees. Een dag het Jesus vir Petrus gesê: '...het jy My lief, meer as hulle?..' (Johannes 21:15 NLV). Let die woorde 'meer as' op. Om 'n dissipel te wees beteken dat jy liewer vir Jesus as enigiemand of enigiets anders is. Dis die vervullendste en lonendste lewe wat jy kan leef!

Ons leef inderdaad in interessante tye – Suid-Afrikaners is die maand besig met die verkiesing en alles wat daarmee gepaard gaan. Tans weet ons nog nie wat die uitslag gaan wees nie – maar die uitslag gaan inderdaad interessant wees

Gelykheid voor die reg? Vir ons is die voortgesette vervolging van ons oud-SAP(V)-lede, na soveel jare, ‘n groot bron van kommer Slegs een party word vervolg, terwyl die opponente wat veel groter wandade gepleeg het, skotvry daarvan afkom. Ons oudlede sukkel met regskoste. Is dit billik?

U kan niks doen, of u as ooggetuie kan die geskiedenis verander: Besin en maak ‘n geskiedkundige wilsbesluit naamlik om u eie geskiedenis te skryf. Stel die feite van die voorval of voorvalle waarin u betrokke was, vertel ons hoe het die wind gewaai het daardie dag, wat het u geruik, wat het u gehoor, wat het u gedink? Was u bevrees en indien waarvoor? Makliker nog, stuur net vir ons foto met byskrifte.

Ons sit op die stoep en word stil-stil bedreig deur ‘n kankeragtige, korrupte, amorfe saak bekend as inflasie en korrupsie. Ek wonder wat gaan van ons mediese skemas word? Hoe lank voor die nasionale gesondheidsorg inskop? Persoonlik dink ek dit gaan jare neem. Ons sal maar net moet wag en kyk.

Aanval op trein: Iemand stuur vir my ‘n video op my selfoon. ‘n Trein van Suid-Afrika hou by ‘n rooi sinjaal stil en skielik sak ‘n skare manne op die lokomotief toe en begin ruk en pluk totdat hulle die elektriese lokomotief se batterye kan uitruk en steel. Die treinbemanning neem die voorval af en word intussen met klippe gegooi. Dit is ‘n ernstige aanklag teen die regering: Mense is desperaat vir werk en kos. Ek sien op Carte Blanche ‘n polisieman word vermoor en hulle het behalwe sy wapen, ook sy skoene gesteel!

Riool oorspoel ons riviere en strande: Die hele laer Suidkus van KwaZulu-Natal se riviere en strandmere is met riool besmet Ek hoor Welkom se strate is ook vol riool en ek het op Carte Blanche gesien die probleem is baie erg in die Kimberley-gebied.

Ons sal iets moet doen om ons land reg te ruk! Ons het so ‘n pragtige land. Lees mens die Bybel veral Genesis en Psalms) rus daar ‘n dure plig op ons om te “heers oor die wêreld”. Ons is egter klaaglik besig om te misluk!

Brig Zirk Gous

Inleiding

Die staat se pensioenfonds nl die GEPF (Government Employees Pension Fund) is die beste pensioenfonds in Suid Afrika met ‘n direkte befondsingsvlak van 110% en ‘n befondsingsvlak met voorsiening vir gebeurlikhede (bv Covid pandemie wat lei tot grootskaalse sterftes van lede) op 74%.

Dit is ‘n vaste voordeelfonds waar jaarlikse pensioenverhogings statutêr gewaarborg is op 75% van die inflasie koers ongeag watter wins of verlies hul beleggings in die mark behaal en waar die staat as werkgewer statutêr verplig is om die werkgewer-bydrae te vergroot indien die pensioenfonds finansieel swaar trek. Die GEPF het R2.3triljoen (1) op belegging wat bestuur word deur die PIC (Public Investment Corporation)

Die R34miljard Verlies

MAAR: in 2020 het ‘n geregtelike kommissie van ondersoek (die Mpati Kommissie) bevind dat die GEPF ‘n verlies van R34miljard (2) van die GEPF pensioenfondse gely het deur wanbeleggings deur die PIC. Al die detail van individuele wanbeleggings ter syde: ‘n analise toon aan dat die kernoorsaak vir hierdie wanaanwendings of verliese gevind word in die feit dat beide die GEPF en die PIC onder direkte politieke beheer staan en waar beleggings gemaak word teen riskante politieke prioriteite.

Statutêre Politieke Beheer

Die GEPF is ‘n staatsorgaan geskep deur die Government Employees Pension Law 1996 (GEPL) Hierdie wet bepaal dat enige verandering aan die beleggings beleid van die GEPF (na 1996) ‘shall be subject to the approval of the Minister (of Finance)’ Verder: Met gewone pensioenfondse word trustees aangestel op ‘n 50-50 basis deur die lede van die pensioenfonds en die werkgewer. Met die GEPF is dit nie die werkgewer nl die staat wat die werkgewer trustees aanstel nie maar die minister van Finansies

Ook die PIC is ‘n statutêre skepping nl deur die Public Investment Corporation Act 2004 (PICA) en onderhewig aan die Wet op Openbare Finansies. Ministeriële beheer oor die PIC word gereguleer

deur PICA en manifesteer tweeledig nl deurdat die Minister van Finansies nie slegs al die lede van die PIC direksie identifiseer en aanstel in oorleg met die Kabinet nie (3) maar ook deurdat dat die Adjunk Minister van Finansies die voorsitter van die PIC direksie is (4)

Die Mpati kommissie het in 2020 hieroor spesifiek twee aanbevelings gemaak (5) naamlik dat die PIC direksie onafhanklik aangestel behoort te word deur ‘n proses van advertensie (6) en op grond van kundigheid en meriete (7). Ook is spesifiek aanbeveel dat die adjunk minister nie die voorsitter behoort te wees nie aangesien ‘n politikus nie oor die nodige kundigheid hiervoor beskik nie (8)

Pica is verder voorskriftelik tov agt (8) geïdentifiseerde beleggingsvelde waar die PIC sy kliënte se fondse moet belê (9) Hierdie beleggingsvelde lees soos die politieke manifes van ‘n politieke party byvoorbeeld skep en beskerm plaaslike werksgeleenthede, ondersteun volhoubare ontwikkeling, ondersteun die Republiek se ontwikkelings doelwitte en transformeer die ekonomie en gemeenskap. Terwyl hierdie doelwitte lofwaardig is, is die voorskrifte duidelik die finansiële doelwitte wat die staat moet najaag binne sy verantwoordelikheid van goeie regering. Die soort doelwitte is nie die funksie van pensioenfondse nie. Pensioenfonds beleggings word gedoen teen een primêre kriteria naamlik beleggings moet te alle tye in die beste belang van die fonds wees – dit kan nooit die funksie wees van ‘n pensioenfonds om die gemeenskap te transformeer nie

Die Isibaya beleggingsprogram

95% van die GEPF fondse wat suksesvol deur die PIC bestuur word, word teen normale mark beleggingsgeleenthede en -risiko belê. Die verliese van R34 miljard hierbo vermeld is almal gely binne die eens geheime Isibaya beleggingsprogram wat slegs in 2016 ontbloot is na massiewe politieke druk binne die parlementêre Staande Komitee oor Finansies. Isibaya is ‘n beleggingsprogram waar fondse belê word in opkomende maatskappye wat nog nie op die Johannesburgse Effekte Beurs genoteer is nie – ‘n internasionaal erkende beleggingsveld bekend as ‘unlisted entities’. In Suid Afrika egter vind die PIC dit goed dat hul beleggings in opkomende maatskappye bykans eksklusief gerig word op swart ekonomiese bemagtiging – ‘n duidelike politieke doelwit van die huidige regering. Die oorweldigende meerderheid van die verlies van R34 miljard soos deur Mpati geïdentifiseer het dan plaasgevind binne die konteks van die Isibaya program.

Diskriminasie teenoor Staatsamptenare/Pensioenarisse

Die privaat pensioensektor word statutêr beheers deur die Pension Funds Act 1956 (PFA) Die uitstaande kenmerk van die PFA is dat dit statutêre beskermingsmaatreëls bevat wat pensioenfondse teen uitbuiting beskerm. Dit sluit in die kern beginsel dat alle beleggings in die beste belang van die fonds gemaak moet word (10) Sleutel amptenare moet aangestel word teen die

internasionaal erkende finansiële bevoegdheidstoets (‘fit and proper test’) vir finansiële amptenare (11) en geen beleggings mag gemaak word in die maatskappy self (‘in the business of the employer’) (12) nie – lg met uiters beperkte uitsonderings. Die funksionering van die privaatsektor pensioenfondse is verder onderworpe aan eksterne toesig deur onafhanklike finansiële instansies (13)

Geeneen van hierdie statutêre beskermingsmaatreëls vir die privaat-sektor pensioenfonds en die privaatsektor pensioenaris word gedupliseer in die staatsdiens pensioen wetgewing nie. Hierdie nalate om gelyke statutêre beskerming aan staatspensioenarisse/amptenare te bied is direkte diskriminasie teen lede van die GEPF en in stryd met die grondwetlike gelykheidsbeginsel. Die regsbeginsel is eenvoudig: GEPF lede geniet nie gelyke statutêre beskerming tov van die bestuur van hul pensioenfonds as hul eweknieë in die privaatsektor nie.

Bevry die GEPF van toksiese politieke beheer

Vir die Suid Afrikaanse staatspensioenaris en –amptenaar is die volhoubaarheid van hul pensioenfonds van kardinale belang. Die welbekende stroping van die Transnet Second Defined Pension Fund deur sy eie bestuur is ‘n tragiese Suid Afrikaanse voorbeeld waar die volhoubaarheid van ‘n pensioenfonds deur interne manipulasie vernietig is.

Die suur Suid Afrikaanse ervaring is dat politieke beheer oor ‘n finansiële instelling toksies en riskant is. Daarvan getuig nie slegs die Mpati kommissie se verslag nie maar ook die Zondo kommissie verslag. Die toksiese politieke beheer oor die staat se pensioenfonds is gesetel in wetgewing en slegs ‘n wysiging van die toepaslike artikels in die wette soos aangehaal, sal die staat se pensioenfonds losskeur uit die greep van politici. Litigasie is dus die enigste uitweg vir staatspensioenarisse om die bestuur van hul eie pensioenfondse te bevry van politieke beheer

Daar bestaan ‘n organisasie AMAGP (Association for the Monitoring and Advocacy of Government Pensions) wat diesulke litigasie voorstaan. AMAGP is ‘n organisasie wat primer uit besorgde staatspensioenarisse bestaan en wat die volhoubaarheid van hul pensioenfonds najaag deur ‘n verskeidenheid van tegnieke. ‘n Projek ‘My Veilige Pensioen/My Secure Pension’ is ontwerp om struktuur aan die beplande litigasie te verleen.

Litigasie is ‘n duur proses. Dit gaan ‘n Dawid-Goliat konflik wees: die finansieel magtige Staat soos beheer deur die politici teen ‘n klein organisasie wat aanleun op die beginsel van skare-befondsing deur hul lede vir hierdie projek. Vele van ons lede maak maandeliks ‘n beskeie bydrae spesifiek vir projek: ‘My Veilige Pensioen’ – ‘n belegging in die volhoubaarheid van hul eie pensioen

Elke staatsdienspensioenaris en elke staatsamptenaar is geregtig daarop dat sy pensioen met integriteit bestuur word vry van toksiese politieke beheer om sodoende die volhoubaarheid daarvan

vir die toekomstige dekades te verseker. Dit is die uiteindelike doelwit van Projek: ‘My Veilige Pensioen’

Wens ons voorspoed toe

Zirk Gous

AMAGP

Naskrif:

Enige staatsdiens-pensioenaris of steeds werkende amptenaar wat bogenoemde kommer deel kan die skrywer kontak op zirk.gous@gmail.com

Verwysings

1: Die syfer triljoen het 12 nulle – prakties is dit een triljoen gelyk aan een miljoen-miljoen

2. Die syfer miljard het 9 nulle – prakties is een miljard gelyk aan een duisend-miljoen

3. PICA art 6(1)

4. PICA art 6(1)(A)

5. Hoofstuk: ‘Terms of Reference’ 1.15, bladsye 641-650, paragraaf 77: ‘Board Composition’

6. Mpati kommissie verslag para 77.3

7. Mpati para 77.2.4

8. Mpati para 77.2.2

9. PICA art 10(4)

10. PFA art’s 7(c)(2)(b) en 13(B)(6).

11. PFA art 8(5((a)

12. PFA art 19(4)

13. PFA art’s 3, 11(1) en 12

Fanie Etsebeth writes: “As members of the South African Police I (we) ) served in the bush war in the former Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) in assistance of the then Rhodesian Armed Forces. Period 1969-11-04 until 1970-02-10. You are quite right, it was in fact a TR 28 radio as shown. We used either the TR 28 or the A 60. Concerning the weapon, I was issued with a "7,62 mm FN Heavy Barrel Rifle", the one as shown on the photo. It was used as a squad automatic weapon by both South Africa and Rhodesia. It weighs 6 kg, and as standard equipment fitted with a folding bipod and a rifle sling. I did in fact removed the folding bipod during my term for my own reasons and replaced it at the end our term. The photo's as shown was taken on the banks of the mighty Zambezi River about 30-40 km downstream from the Victoria Falls. This is real and original photo', and I’ve got more.

TROU TOT DIE DOOD TOE

Reeks deur genl JV van der Merwe

DIE Regering en die ANC se oorheersing van die staatkundige onderhandelinge het tot verset by van die ander partye gelei, wat besluit het om ʼn alliansie as teenvoeter te stig. Aan die begin van Oktober 1993 het die Inkatha Vryheidsparty, die Konserwatiewe Party en die Afrikaner-Volksfront, wat die AWB ingesluit het, asook die regerings van Bophuthatswana, KwaZulu en Ciskei, die Vryheidsalliansie gestig.

Op 27 Oktober 1993 is Wet 151 van 1993 geproklameer ingevolge waarvan ʼn Uitvoerende Oorgangsraad tot stand gekom het. Die doel van dié raad was om die mag, wat voorheen in die Regering gesetel was, te deel sodat die Nasionale Party nie meer die land alleen regeer nie.

Die ANC/SAKP-alliansie het op 7 Maart 1994 met massamobilisasie begin om die regering van pres. Lucas Mangope in Bophuthatswana tot ʼn val te bring. Staatsamptenare het gestaak en wydverspreide onrus het in die gebied voorgekom. Pres. Mangope het op 8 Maart 1994 in oorlegpleging met sy kabinet besluit om die hulp van die Vryheidsalliansie in te roep. Op 10 Maart 1994 het pres. Mangope met die KP-leier, mnr. Ferdi Hartzenberg, en genl. Constand Viljoen van

die AVF in verbinding getree en hulle gevra om te kom help. Hy het dit egter beklemtoon dat die AWB nie betrokke moet raak nie omdat dit die weermag, polisie en gemeenskap teen hom kon laat draai.

Hulle het ingewillig, en genl. Viljoen het met kol. Jan Breytenbach, wat in bevel van die Boerekrisisaksie (BKA) was, gereël om lede van die BKA gereed te kry om onmiddellik na Bophuthatswana te vertrek. Sowel mnr. Hartzenberg as genl. Viljoen het mnr. Eugène Terre’Blanche, AWB-leier, nadruklik gevra dat die AWB nie betrokke moet raak nie. Volgens die reëlings wat tussen pres. Mangope en genl. Viljoen getref is, sou die BKA-lede op die vliegveld in Mmabatho, hoofstad van Bophuthatswana, bymekaar kom. Die Bophuthatswana-weermag sou hulle van wapens voorsien en hulle sou saam met die weermag optree om die orde te herstel.

Ongeveer 200 BKA-lede het om middernag op 10 Maart 1994 op die vliegveld by Mmabatho bymekaar gekom, gewapen met handwapens en haelgewere. Die Bophuthatswana-weermag het 147 R4-gewere aan hulle uitgereik en die BKA-lede het in groepe van ongeveer 30 man in Mmabatho ontplooi, waar hulle die uitsaaistasie en die belangrikste sakesentrums bewaak het.

Mnr. Terre’Blanche en sy luitenante het in weerwil van die nadruklike versoek om weg te bly, intussen ook na Bophuthatswana opgeruk. Ongeveer 400 AWB-lede was reeds in Mmabatho toe die BKA-lede daar aankom. Hulle was met jaggewere en ander vuurwapens gewapen.

Op 11 Maart het die onrus toegeneem en in Mmabatho het die oproerige skare begin om winkels te plunder en te verwoes. AWB-lede het wild en wakker op die skare begin vuur en verskeie mense doodgeskiet en gewond. Pres. Mangope se vrees is bewaarheid toe lede van Bophuthatswana se weermag en polisie op die AWB-manne begin vuur het. Konst. Ontlametse Bernstein Menyatsoe van Bophuthatswana se polisie het drie gewonde AWB-lede koelbloedig met ʼn R4-geweer doodgeskiet terwyl die SAUK en internasionale televisiespanne die voorval op kamera vasgelê het. Hy het in 1999 amnestie vir die voorval gekry.

Genl. George Meiring, hoof van die Suid-Afrikaanse Weermag, het intussen ook in Mmabatho aangekom. Ná samesprekinge tussen hom en genl. Viljoen het laasgenoemde besluit om die lede van die BKA te onttrek en na Suid-Afrika terug te keer. Genl. Meiring het onderneem om ʼn infanteriekompanie van die SAW beskikbaar te stel om te help om die orde in Mmabatho te herstel. Die kompanie het met skemer op 11 Maart in Mmabatho aangekom en die BKA-lede het na Suid-Afrika teruggekeer. Geen BKA-lid was by die skietery in Mmabatho betrokke nie.

Op 12 Maart 1994 het mnr. Pik Botha, Minister van Buitelandse Sake, en mnr. Mac Maharaj, sekretaris van die Uitvoerende Oorgangsraad, in Mmabatho aangekom. Hulle het pres. Mangope ingelig dat sy bevoegdhede as president deur die Regering en die Uitvoerende Oorgangsraad

opgeskort is en dat die amptenary in Bophuthatswana voortaan deur die Uitvoerende Oorgangsraad beheer sou word. Die onluste het daarna bedaar. Weer eens het die ANC/SAKPalliansie op meesterlike wyse daarin geslaag om sy doel te bereik en pres. Mangope te onttroon.

Die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisie was bewus van die BKA- en AWB-lede wat na Bophuthatswana onderweg was. Ek het met die regsafdeling van die Polisie oorleg gepleeg oor hoe ons hulle regtens kon verhinder om die gebied binne te gaan. Benewens die bevoegdhede wat die Wapen- en Ammunisiewet aan die Polisie verleen het, was daar egter geen regsgronde waarop teen hulle opgetree kon word nie. Hulle was binne die perke van die reg as die vuurwapens in hul besit gelisensieer was en korrek vervoer is. Bophuthatswana was ʼn onafhanklike gebied met sy eie regstelsel.

Pres. Mandela het op 7 Junie 1996 ʼn geregtelike kommissie onder voorsitterskap van regter P.R. Tebbutt aangestel om die geweldpleging in Bophuthatswana te ondersoek. Ek het in my getuienis verduidelik watter regsoorweginge gegeld het, maar regter Tebbutt wou telkens weet of die Polisie nie meer kon gedoen het nie. Regtens was daar beslis niks meer wat ons kon gedoen het nie. Die regter het gemeen dis jammer dat die Polisie nie die AWB-lede verhinder het om Suid-Afrika te verlaat nie, maar nie gesê hoe hy gedink het dit gedoen kon gewees het nie. As ons die AWB-lede sou voorgekeer en hulle hulle verset het, kon ʼn bloedbad gevolg het waarvoor die Polisie sonder twyfel aanspreeklik gehou sou gewees het. Die AWB-lede se onvoorspelbare en radikale optrede vereis dat die Polisie altyd op suiwer regsgronde teen hulle opgetree het.

Die bevinding van die kommissie is op 25 Maart 1998 bekend gemaak. Hierin word kritiek uitgespreek op mnr. Lucas Mangope en sy regering, maar veral op mnr. Mangope, die SuidAfrikaanse regering en die Uitvoerende Oorgangsraad, die Afrikaner-Volksfront en genl. Constand Viljoen by name, die AWB en mnr. Eugène Terre’Blanche, die ANC, asook die Polisie. Elkeen is in mindere of meerdere mate vir die geweldpleging aanspreeklik gehou. Dit is opvallend dat die ANC, wat hom daarop toegespits het om die onafhanklikheid van Bophuthatswana te vernietig, en na my mening die onluste in Bophuthatswana ontketen het, die ligste daarvan afgekom het in die kommissie se kritiek.

Eugène Terre’Blanche was ʼn lid van die veiligheidstak voor hy uit die Polisie bedank het. As polisieman het hy hom op die gebied van drama onderskei en hy was ʼn dinamiese spreker. Ek en mnr. Hernus Kriel het in 1993 met hom en lede van die AWB samesprekinge gevoer oor opleiding wat die AWB aan regse ondersteuners wou bied. Dit was egter in stryd met wetgewing wat private instansies verbied het om mense militêr op te lei. Tydens die samesprekinge het mnr. Kriel opgemerk: “Eugène, waarom los jy en die AWB nie julle twak en kom help die Polisie nie?”

Terre’Blanche het daarop geantwoord: “Minister, as jy ons nodig het, is ek daar met my stukkende groen onderbroek en al.” Die opmerking oor die onderbroek het verband gehou met beweringe dat hy ʼn verhouding met Jani Allen, ’n rubriekskryfster van die Sunday Times, gehad het. Jani se woonstelmaat het haar op ’n keer deur ’n sleutelgat afgeloer terwyl sy en Terre’Blanche alleen in ʼn kamer was – net Terre’Blanche se stukkende groen onderbroek was sigbaar.

NO 4619(M) CONST FJBD VAN WYK

Andrew van Wyk

Good day

I am an ex-member of the SAP having served from 1983 - 1988 in East London.

My Oupa was a policeman all his life having served from 1914 - 1943 approximately.

The 2 highlights of his career were:

1.Being called up from the Eastern Cape to Johannesburg in 1922 to be part of the Miner's Strike

2.Being selected as one of the Police Escort for the Prince of Wales visit to South Africa in 1925. I am a keen researcher of these events because of my Oupa's involvement and wish to enquire about the following:

1. Would I be able to purchase or pay a fee to download an issue of Nongqai - vol 13 No3 D - the issue dealing with the Miner's Strike?

2. Are there any archival sources and/or person that one could contact regarding the Miners’ Strike and the Prince of Wales's visit - I have a number of personal photographs from my Oupa of the strike and possibly the prince’s visit that I would like to place. I look forward to your response and should I require to join the society then I will gladly do so.

PS - I have already been able to solve the location of some of his photos with the Nongqai - vol 13 No3 D issue!!

Regards

Dear Brig. H

Many, many thanks for your prompt reply - I am speaking on the strike and my Oupa’s recollections of it next week in a zoom meeting for the SA Military History Society's Eastern Cape Chapter - so hence my excitement at getting this particular edition of Nongqai!

I have a number of photographs from this period which I thought were unique but after seeing this edition I kind of saw that thankfully there are others in SA that have similar photos.

I have a number of sources already - The Rand Revolt by Jeremy Krikler, 1922 The Revolt on the Rand by Norman Herd but have not as yet read them completely - they tend to deal with the macro issues and won't have the same details as Nongqai i.t.o. Police specific information. A couple of questions that you may be able to help me with?

1. Are there any records that show when and from where the Police contingents were called up?

2. From the Photographs in my collection and from the Nongqai collection it is clear that the Police were broken up into Troops by numerical sequence and then the Troops were divided further into Squadrons by Alphabetical sequence - any comments on this and would there be any records of these Troops etc, etc.

3. My Oupa was part of No. 2 Troop C Squadron - He stated that he was a sharp shooter on the No.1 Shaft Robinsons Outcrop's Headgear - I have the same photo as on page 103 of the Nongqai stating on it that this is where members of C Squadron revisited the scene of their splendid resistance - my question therefore is was there any noteworthy event around this Mine in the course of the Strike ?

4. Lastly is there a repository of the photos in the Nongqai edition - it seems that there have been donations made to Nongqai by members of the public? If you would want them, I will gladly send you copies of my collection in their original form and colourised as well should you so wish?

I am assuming that you may be able to help here but if not, could you then put me in touch with someone - I don't want to worry you unnecessarily ... and pardon my enthusiasm but this edition has been a breakthrough for me because I have been able to piece together more details of these photographs that have been in my Family since 1922 - 102 years!!

I have attached my Oupa's discharge papers in the hope that the records will show something - I have also attached some of my collection with accompanying notes. Again, many thanks.

I never was sure if these photos were part of the Prince of Wales visit or the Strike but as per page 122 of Nongqai there is now conclusive proof that these photos of my Oupa were in the Johannesburg showgrounds!!

This photograph was also very similar to ones that were in the Nongqai issue ito the tents and they way they were pitched – however this on the reverse has the names of those in picture which may be of use to someone.

Back of photograph

(/) … ina Sending a reminder.

Row standing (1) Const. Maritz, (?) ….itfield, (3) Const. Blom.

Sitting (1) L/Sgt Smith, (2) L/Sgt Koekemoer, (?) …wley, (4) Myself, (5) Const. Deysel

Best of …… to my Beloved Wife XXX.

NO W414228H CONST JP VAN VUUREN

Col Logan Govender via Fanie van Vuuren

My apologies.

Herewith the photos of my late brother that you requested.

Jacobus Petrus van Vuuren W414228H Platoon 14 Charlie Company first semester 1986.

After his college training he was posted at the Riot Unit, Diepkloof unit 2. He stayed in the Cleveland barracks. He and his best friend Stoney Steenkamp decided to join Koevoet, and they were the last members who received training at Koevoet. They were then posted at the Opuwo base in South West Africa, now Namibia

Although he was in a motorcycle accident while working at Diepkloof and hurt his leg so badly that he received iron pegs, he still managed to do the Koevoet training and successfully completed it. He was a very disciplined and committed member.

After the war he was transferred to John Vorster Square where he had to work in the charge office, reason being he and another officer had a quarrel and it was his punishment. Coming from a specialist unit he found it difficult to cope in the charge office and he then resigned and joined the army. He was first based in Ladysmith and then he got the position as caretaker at the Boshoek training base where he was responsible for counter- fires and to make sure the training base was in good order when army personnel came for training. It was there where he died of a heartattack in 2005.

Hope it is in order.

The last photo was taken shortly before his death, and it was our last photo together.

Blessings

Fanie van Vuuren

SOUTH AFRICAN POLICE: COUNTER INSURGENCY (COIN) TRAINING:

/ 88: MALEOSKOP – GROUP 1: 1988-11-19 TO 1988-12-31

Col Logan Govender

(Source, family [Colonel Eddie Chetty] of Warrant Officer GV Chetty) Officers and members Identified

Second row, from left to right, 3rd Lieutenant D Bhawanideen, late (Lieutenant-Colonel); 7th Lieutenant L (Reggie) Marimuthu, (Brigadier); 8th Lieutenant R Michael, late (Captain) Third row, from left to right, 4th Sergeant DV Pillay, ( ); 5th Warrant Officer GV Chetty, late Fourth row, from left to right, 5th Sergeant VN Pillay, late (Warrant Officer)

Logan Govender

SOUTH AFRICAN POLICE: MECHANICAL SCHOOL: BENONI: AUGUST –

OCTOBER 1964

Col Logan Govender

(Source, family [Colonel Eddie Chetty] of Warrant Officer GV Chetty)

Member Identified

Third row, far right, Indian / Constable GV Chetty

Logan Govender

SOUTH AFRICAN POLICE: MECHANICAL SCHOOL: BENONI: CLASS 1: AUGUST – OCTOBER 1964.

Logan Govender

(Source, family [Colonel Eddie Chetty] of Warrant Officer GV Chetty)

Member Identified

Seated in the motor vehicle, far right, Indian / Constable GV Chetty

Logan Govender

SOUTH AFRICAN POLICE: PLATOON PHOTOGRAPH: TRAINING COLLEGE: WENTWORTH: DURBAN: PLATOON 43: JULY 1983 – JANUARY 1984

Source Lieutenant-Colonel Vincent G Chetty

SOUTH AFRICAN POLICE: COLLEGE FOR ADVANCED TRAINING: PAARL: CANDIDATE OFFICER’S COURSE PHOTOGRAPH: NO 2 / 1993 – CLASS 2: 199304-21 TO 1993-07-02

Source Colonel T (Ravi) Govender

Member Identified: Rear row, standing left to right, 7th - T Govender

1960: GESKIEDSKRYWING: WIE KAN MEER VERTEL?

1922 - PRESS PHOTO: RED REVOLT ON THE RAND: JOHANNESBURG.

Frans Erasmus

A tram is protected by a policeman during the 1922 strike.

1915: SGT FH PELL: SAP DEPOT

Lt-Col Frank Winder

'Evening Brigadier! Two scruffy looking pages I came across from an old Nongqai featuring my grandfather Sergt FH Pell and two of his contemporaries in riding events in 1915 at the Rand Easter Agricultural show. They are a bit 'dog eared' but still interesting. Also, SAMR.

BRIGADIER PETER PILLAY HAS DONE US PROUD

Logan Govender

Brigadier Peter Pillay, now serving in the Free State but a former Pietermaritzburg resident and an old boy from SAP Mountain Rise has attained one of the highest awards in the SAPS.

An excellent and remarkable achievement for any member. He has done both Pietermaritzburg and his former colleagues proud. 40 years of loyal and meritorious service that eludes many others. He has run this race with patience and integrity with an exemplary conduct despite the numerous challenges that face members. Heavy is the head that wears the crown.

Congratulations, Sir on your milestone achievement.

My sincere thanks and appreciation to you and your family for placing you on the sacrificial alter to serve all in this country.

I salute you.

Logan Govender

Lieutenant

General Motswenyane, Provincial Commissioner, Free State Province is seen with Brigadier Peter Pillay

VYF POLISIE-LIMERIEKE

Chris Botha

DRILINSTRUKTEUR OP OU HORING

Die drilinstrukteur op Ou Horing

Het op sy land groen koring

‘n Student-konstabel kyk die meisiekind

En kry plan so vinnig soos wind

Want hy is ‘n regte klein doring

VOETPATROLLIE IS ‘N REGUIT LYN?

Die polisieman op voetpatrollie

Het ‘n knuppel en ‘n rollie

Hy stap ‘n wyks-rondte

Dis mos ‘n taal-sondte?

Dìe vertaling van “beat” is tog bollie?

DIE SPEURENAAR VAN MIER

Op Mier was daar speurenaar Venter

Hy speel vir die derde span senter

Eendag op ‘n reëndag laat val hy die bal

Die koel en die water het almal bietjie mal

Die boef sien ‘n gaping en doen ‘n slenter

GRAADSTUDIE VIR POLISIE

Aan Unisa swot die pote Polisiekunde

By die deurlugtige professore Voet en Lunde

Die reeksmoordenaar se werks-aardigheid

Benadeel hul pote-waardigheid

Toe bel hul prof Pisto by Sielkunde

OUER POLISIEMENSE BYMEKAAR

By die ouer polisiemense se Bond

Het almal maar die een of ander wond

Maar ‘n sterk geloof

In hul God nimmer doof

Wat hul bely met die mond

(Hartenbos, 180524)

THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN MARCH: MAHATMA GANDHI

Richard Van Wyk

“The South African Indian march that made Gandhi the Mahatma” Mahatma Gandhi, along with a large group of people, including men, women, and children, walked from Newcastle in Natal Colony (Now Kwazulu-Natal) to the Transvaal in order to protest against the Immigrants Regulation Act of 1913. Two other groups, led by Thambi Naidoo and Albert Christopher, also joined Gandhi on this march. Mahatma Gandhi was confronted by Security police during the march.

1994-VERKIESING: TOE 'N ENGEL AAN 'N POLISIE-OFFISIER VERSKYN HET

Brig Fanie Bouwer

"Met die aanbreek van Suid-Afrika se 30 jaar van demokrasie, huidige politieke onsekerheid en die beoogde 29 Mei-verkiesing, is dit interessant en miskien ook raadsaam om terug te kyk na gebeure rondom ’94, en sodoende moed te skep.

Een só ’n ongewone terugblik is vervat in ’n artikel wat in die Julie 1994-uitgawe van Servamus, die SA polisiëringstydskrif, gepubliseer is onder die opskrif “God’s Power, Plea for Prayer & Peace”.

Diep geestelike ervaring van polisie-offisier

Hierin is berig oor ’n diep geestelike ervaring van ’n polisie-offisier net voor die land se eerste demokratiese verkiesing – ’n tydgleuf wat gekenmerk is aan dreigende bloedvergieting, ontevrede

politieke leiers en groot onsekerheid of dié eerste stap na ’n demokratiese bestel vreedsaam en sinvol sou verloop.

Luit-kol Johan Botha beleef God se teenwoordigheid

Op Nelspruit, nou Mbombela, het luit-kol Johan Botha ampers tasbaar God se teenwoordigheid beleef – ’n belewenis wat sommiges meen verbind kon word aan die byna bonatuurlike kalmte wat tydens die verkiesingperiode en Mandela se inhuldiging in daardie jaar geheers het.

Gebeure verbatim berig in Engels

Weens die sensitiewe aard van Botha se belewenis, is sy weergawe van die gebeure destyds verbatim in Engels oorvertel en in die Servamus-koerant gepubliseer.

In hierdie artikel word berig dat Botha ervaar het hoe ’n engel aan hom verskyn en hom gevra het dat daar ’n gebedsketting voor die verkiesing moet plaasvind:

After this, Botha says, the Angel disappeared. During the Servamus interview, he stated the following:

Since I started sharing the experience, it has become my firm conviction that the angel who appeared before me, was Christ Himself.

Ná die Servamus-onderhoud het dit geblyk dat Botha wel ’n faks na die toé hoogste gesag, wyle FW de Klerk, by die Uniegebou in Pretoria gestuur het. Hierin het hy die versoek gerig vir bystand met die vorming van nog ’n landwye gebedsketting vir vrede tydens die verkiesing.

Dié boodskap het De Klerk nooit bereik nie, maar is onderskep deur ’n amptenaar wat van mening was dat politici op die vooraand van die verkiesing en dreigende landwye onluste te besig was om aandag hieraan te skenk.

Op sy beurt het hy dié versoek dadelik aan sy vrou gestuur wat destyds ’n uitvoerende posisie by een van die land se banke beklee het. Omrede sy toegang gehad het tot ’n landwye databasis, asook die nodige infrastruktuur, is die kennisgewing binne minute landwyd versprei en is nog gebedskettings só in die lewe geroep.

Etlike organisasies het reeds voor 1994 gepoog om die onderhandelings en verkiesing te verongeluk. Teen 1990 was daar na raming 20 halfmilitêre groepe en 30 fundamentalistiese organisasies wat wapens wou opneem. Die getal het in 1993 gegroei tot 200 met die AWB aan die voorpunt.

Selfs enkele maande voor die verkiesing het dit gelyk asof die politieke forum sou uiteenspat. Die tradisionele Zulu’s onder koning Goodwill Zwelithini en Mangosuthu Buthelezi het onafhanklikheid geëis en was aanvanklik nie bereid om onder ’n ANC-struktuur te dien nie.

Die ontevredenheid het daartoe gelei dat op 28 Maart nagenoeg 40 000 Zulu’s by die ANChoofkwartier in Johannesburg se middestad opgeruk het. Tydens die protes is nagenoeg 18 mense hier koelbloedig deur veiligheidswagte geskiet.

Die moontlikheid het ook bestaan dat wyle genl Constant Viljoen, destyds hoof van die Nasionale Weermag, ’n opstand kon lei deur lede van die staande en burgermag. Hiervan het ook dadels gekom en Viljoen het hom bewys as vredemaker, gesoute diplomaat en ’n soldaat wat vure help blus het.

Ongeag al die dreigemente en ontevredenheid het die twee kiesdae daardie jaar met ’n ampers tasbare vrede, vreugde en opwinding verloop.

By die meeste stembusse het ’n feestelike atmosfeer geheers en van bloedvergieting en konflik was daar hoegenaamd nie sprake nie – ’n werklikheid waarvoor Suid-Afrika wêreldwyd geloof is en ’n kniebuig-aanslag wat talle meen die land nou weer voor 29 Mei kan herhaal"

Darryn Newcombe

Postcard. Durban Main Police Station. No Postmark. From the 1904 series – via Frans Erasmus.

Postcard. Durban Point Police Station. No Postmark. From 1904 series – via Frans Erasmus

Postcard. Durban. Musgrave Road Police Station. From the 1904 series – via Frans Erasmus

1916: Durban Borough Police and the War

PERMIT TO ENTER IN THE TRANSVAAL AND ORANGE RIVER COLONY

Carl Vieira

NATAL POLICE: REGINALD WALTER QUACK

By Steve Seargent

Reginald Walter Quack:

*7th December 1874

West Derby Lancashire

†8th July 1900

Dundee Natal

Parents

Emil Duack (later Quack): *10th June 1844 Stuttgart Germany; † 6th October 1924 Liverpool Lancashire.

Margaret Ann Kilshaw: * 1850 Birch Vale, Bury Lancashire Married 24th February 1873 West Derby Lancs.† 8th April 1882 Mossley Hill Lancashire

Natal police 22nd July 1898 to 8th July 1900

Died in Service of enteric Fever

Queens South Africa Medal Bars Tugela Heights and Relief of Ladysmith

The QSA Medal Awarded to Trooper Reginald Quack Natal Police

Reginald Walter Quack was born at 19 Green Lane West Derby Lancashire on the 7th December 1874. His birth however was only registered by his mother on the 18th January 1875.

His father was Emil Duack who was born on 10th June 1844 in Stuttgart in the Kingdom of Württemberg. It appears he had his name changed some time after he emigrated to England as a wine merchant. The Marriage Licence for Reginald’s parents was issued for some reason in Chester which is in Cheshire County notes his father as being a widower aged 28. His mother is noted as being a spinster and above the age of 21. She would have been 23 at the time.

Image from the Familysearch.org website supplied by the Cheshire Records office.

The couple were duly married at Saint Mary The Virgin Parish Church in West Derby Lancashire on the 24th February 1873. Reginald was their second son his elder brother Emil Aitken Quack was

born on the 6th December 1873. Aitken was his maternal grandmother’s maiden name. He had four other brothers Charles Fredrick Kilshaw Quack was born on 29th September 1876, a third brother Godfried William Quack born on 17th July 1878. His paternal grandfathers name was Willem. His final brother Harold Henry Kilshaw Quack was born on the 18th September 1879. Keeping up the grandparents naming tradition his maternal grandfather was Henry Kilshaw. The family were obviously affluent for the time as in the 1881 census, both Reginald and his elder brother Emil are shown as being boarders at the private school of Miss Jane Wilson at Acre House School Tottingham High End Lancashire. In the same census his parents resided together with three domestic servants at his place of birth (??) being Greenbank House, Greenbank Road, which by now was incorporated into Toxteth Park Liverpool. His mother passed away on the 8th April 1882 at Greenbank House. His father remarried for a second time to Laura Emma Jarret on the 22nd January 1884 at Cheltenham Gloucestershire which was the brides home town she having been born there in 1881. The union produced a step sister Pauline Emilie Jarret Quack born on the 27th March 1885 at Toxteth Park in Liverpool likely at Greenbank House. Emilie was her paternal Grandmothers name. The family of Emil Snr, wife Laura his son Harold their and daughter Pauline were still residing in Toxteth Park in the 1901 census together with four domestic servants. It seems Reginald followed his father into the merchant business as on 4th December 1893 he was a passenger on the SS Calabari bound from Liverpool to Bathurst in the Gambia. On the 18th November 1897 Reginald was aboard the Tintagel Castle Bound for Cape town where interestingly he is noted down as being a foreign Merchant aged 30 and married??

Image from Researcher Rory P. Reynolds

It would appear that he plied his trade as a merchant until on the 22nd July 1898 he was accepted as Trooper 2183 in the Natal Police at Pietermaritzburg, having two testimonials and giving his next of kin as his father at 22 Toxteth Road Sefton Liverpool.

The Natal Police Force had a high turnover of men and numbered only 317 all ranks in October 1899 according to Maj. Tylden in his book on South African Armed Forces.

With the invasion of Natal by Boer forces on the 11th October 1899 and the start of the Anglo Boer War, like others, Trooper Quack was mobilised for the defence of the colony under daily orders when he and 21 others went to New Hanover and from there by train to Greytown under the command of Serjeant Fothergill.

It seems that was a well-behaved policeman, as it’s noted in the daily orders of the 8th of December 1899 under Paragraph III of Force Order NP8548/99 that having completed one year’s service, Number 2163 Trooper Quack was promoted to the rank of First-class Trooper from 12th December 1899. Promotion was not automatic and required troopers to be of sober habits and exemplary character in the year proceeding promotion.

Reginald was granted the bar Tugela Heights on his QSA together with the Relief of Ladysmith as he was one of the Natal Policemen, who as part of the General Buller’s composite Field Force unit, took part in the actions around Gun Hill and later Wagon Hill ironically against men of the Transvaal Republic Police or ZARPS who were also trained as Artillerymen.

After advancing on and relieving of Ladysmith at the end of February 1900, Reginald Quack was on line of communication duties. Unfortunately, at 7:15pm on the evening of the 21st April 1900 when

he was posted as a barrack guard, he became disruptive after getting drunk and was reduced in rank to a second class trooper after a hearing on 23rd April 1900. One wonder is teasing about his name had anything to with this incident.

Reginald was part of Buller’s forces which advanced northwards in mid-May capturing Glencoe, Newcastle and Dundee. His service was soon to be brought to a close however as he contracted Enteric Fever sometime in late May or early June 1900 from which he died at the Dundee Military hospital on the 8th June 1900. His death was noted in the Natal Police records on the 7th August 1900, and confirmed post war by a Natal Death Notice dated 26th May 1903.

above service records provided by researcher Rory P. Reynolds

Image from the Familysearch.org website

Newspaper notices announcing his death were made in both Liverpool and Dundee (UK) newspapers.

His Queens South Africa medal entitlement is confirmed on the Natal Police Medal Roll.

Image from researcher Rory P. Reynolds

He appears on two separate memorials the pictures of which below are from the Find A Grave website. The first is at his place of burial Dundee Cemetery Natal and the second a cenotaph stone is in the churchyard of All Saints' Church, Childwall, Liverpool. The cenotaph reads:

"To the memory of Reginald Walter Quack of the Natal Police Field Force, second son of Emil and Margret Ann Quack, who died 8 July 1900, aged 26 years, in the service of his country. Interred in the new cemetery at Dundee, Natal, S. Africa."

Reginald left an estate in South Africa totalling £593.15/- to his father which for the times was a large amount.

On a final note, Reginald’s elder brother Emil honoured the memory of his younger brother by naming his first-born child born on 10th March 1902 Reginald Emil Aitken Quack, this child passed away in 1973.

A brass button and shoulder title as worn at the time by Trooper Quack

© Steve Seargent

Gazipasa Turkey 2022

‘Lest we forget’.

Sources.

Wikipedia various pages as relevant

Anglo Boer War Website https://www.angloboerwar.com/boer-war

Family Search Emil Quack

https://www.familysearch.org/tree/person/sources/LTLW-27T

Family Search Margaret Ann Kilshaw

https://www.familysearch.org/tree/person/timeline/LTLW-2GV

Family Search Emil Aitken Quack

https://www.familysearch.org/tree/person/timeline/LTLW-254

Family search Reginald Walter Quack

https://www.familysearch.org/tree/person/timeline/LTLW-2ZV

Family Search Laura Emma Jarrett https://www.familysearch.org/tree/person/sources/LTLW-LHC

Family Search Reginald Emil Aitken Quack

https://www.familysearch.org/tree/person/timeline/GM4S-HLM

https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/207048521/reginald-walter-quack

The Armed Forces of South Africa – Major G Tylden

Military Badges and Insignia of Southern Africa – Colin Owen ©for the picture of the Natal Police Badge on page 1.

• Something about Steve Seargent

Steve Seargent is an ex South African Police Officer currently living in Antalya Province Turkey. In January 1976 he was called up for a one-year stint as a National Serviceman and was drafted as a “Looteling” into the SA Police. At the time, this was a very Afrikaans institution, and we were told “You is here because “English Speakers is required in the SA Police”. He promptly learned to speak vlot Afrikaans very quickly as the ‘maatjies praat nie Engels hier nie né’……….

After completing his initial training at the end of July 1976 including a shirt visit to Soweto in the famous riots, he was posted to Northern South West Africa (Now Namibia) were his 1-year National Service was extended to 18 months and later 2 years. He decided to hell with this and signed on full time for better pay and benefits and there he remained until early 1980 in a counter insurgency role being awarded the Police Medal for Combatting Terrorism.

Returning to South Africa he served in all manner of roles including anti-Riot Units, under cover crime prevention, the stolen vehicle unit and good old beat policing raising to the rank of section sergeant. He left the SA Police in 1987 following a motor cycle accident on duty.

By then married to Linda with two small children, Steve then trained to become an Insurance Loss Adjuster and decided to emigrate to the UK in 1990. After working in a number of countries Steve specialised in catastrophic Hurricane loss adjusting and is now retired and devotes his time to trying to do the unattainable completing his police insignia collections.

Having started collecting military badges at the tender age of 8 and whilst retaining a superb collection of WWII South African Military Badges (still incomplete) his main interest is now collecting insignia of South African Police Forces, followed by British Police Insignia post 1952 and British Police Buttons. He also collects cap badges of World Police from the 1950’s & 60’s and recently started collect post war German Police insignia.

REPUBLIKEINSE POLISIEMAGTE IN SUID-AFRIKA | REPUBLICAN POLICE FORCES IN SOUTH AFRICA

Sien artikel elders deur Henning van Aswegen oor: DIE ONTSTAAN VAN DIE GEHEIME DIENST VAN DIE ZUID-AFRIKAANSE REPUBLIEK (1895 – 1902)

Johannesburg se ZARP’s

ASPEKTE VAN DIE DINAMIKA VAN SPEKSKIET, DUIMSUIG, VERSINSELS EN VERDRAAIINGS.

Dr Coert Mommsen

Abstrak

Aspekte van die Dinamika van spekskiet, Duimsuig, Versinsels en Verdraaiings

Hierdie artikel is vryelik vertaal, geskryf en saamgestel deur Coert Mommsen

D.Phil., M.A. Kliniese Sielkunde, EEG tegnikus

Hierdie artikel handel oor tipes leuens, patologiese leuengderag, oorsake van leuengedrag die hantering van die patologiese leuenaar, korrupsie deur wetgewers en verwys na die fisiese gevolge van Maghebber korrupsie.

Trefwoorde

Jok, lieg, leuengedrag, korrupsie, duimsuig, versinsels, bluf, patologiese leuengedrag, terapie.

Aspekte van die Dinamika van spekskiet, Duimsuig, Versinsels en Verdraaiings. Die woord "leuen" (in Engels) het sy oorsprong in Oud-Engels en nog ouer Duits. “'n Leuen is 'n onwaarheid. Dit is ’n opsetlike (handeling) en het gewoonlik gevolge.” (1) In die Encyclopedia Brittanica word lieg as volg omskryf: “Leuens, enige kommunikatiewe handeling wat daarop gemik is om ontvangers van die kommunikasie te laat aanneem, of volhard in, 'n valse geloof.” (2)

Mens kan dus jok sonder om te praat (“Kommunikatiewe handeling”).

Ek wonder of daar iemand is wat kan sê hy of sy het nog nooit gejok nie?

Daar bestaan verskeie kostelike gesegdes oor leuens. Die volgende is vir my baie treffend: “As jy die waarheid vertel, hoef jy niks te onthou nie.” ― Mark Twain (3)

“Ek is nie ontsteld dat jy vir my gelieg het nie, ek is ontsteld omdat ek jou van nou af nie kan glo nie.” ― Friedrich Nietzsche (4)

“Daar is drie soorte leuens - leuens, verdompte leuens en statistieke.” ― Benjamin Disraeli

Daar bestaan verskeie bronne wat verwys na die gesegde "Liar, liar, pants on fire!" (5)

Ek onthou ’n langer weergawe hiervan wat ek gehoor het by my oorlede vriend en oudsoldaat Henry Young se dogter toe sy omtrent 12 was:

You Liar you Liar, Your pants is on fire. Your nose is as long as a telephone wire” (Leuenaar jou leuenaar, jou broek is aan die brand Jou neus is so lank soos ’n telefoondraad).

”Telefoon draad” kan vandag seker vervang word met “selfoon sein” wat sekerlik die meer omvattende en feitlik oombliklike (wêreldwye) impak van ‘n leuen toelig.

Kan ‘n mens lieg sonder om iets te sê? Ja, mens kan. Stilswye (“Kommunikatiewe handeling”) kan soms dieselfde gevolge as ’n leuen hê.

Wanneer is jok aanvaarbaar?

‘n Mens kan jouself soms in ’n situasie bevind waar jy genoodsaak/gedwing word om te jok, dink ek. ’n Ma sal byvoorbeeld, jok om haar kinders te beskerm (Sg. “Noodleuen”).

Watter waardestelsels gee leiding oor die vertel leuens? Die Bybelse voorskrifte oor leuens is duidelik: Jy mag nie vals getuig teen jou naaste nie – Eksodus 20:16. Dus: jy mag nie onwaarhede aan iemand anders oordra nie en jy mag nie onwaarhede oor iemand anders oordra nie.

Hoekom jok mens?

Psigodinamies kan gesê word dat die “leuens 'n primitiewe verdedigingsmeganisme teen pynlike affekte weerspieël en dien nie net om die werklikheid te verwerp nie, maar ook om 'n nuwe werklikheid te skep wat wensvervulling moontlik maak”. (6) en:

“Leuens het baie determinante, insluitend ontwikkelings-, biologiese, sosiale en psigodinamiese (oorsake). Antisosiale-, histrioniese-, narsistiese-, grens- en kompulsiewe persoonlikhede word geassosieer met leuens. Die behandeling van leuens moet geïndividualiseer word in terme van die algehele simptoomkompleks waarin dit ingebed is.” (7)

Hoekom lieg patologiese Leuenaars?

Volgens die Newport Instituut, word patologiese leuens by jong volwassenes geassosieer met 'n verskeidenheid geestesgesondheidsversteurings en onderliggende probleme soos :

Lieg as ’n dwang (kompulsie) of gewoonte

Leuens kan met ’n kompulsie vergelyk word soortgelyk aan die dwang wat mense met obsessiewe kompulsiewe versteuring ervaar. 'n Studie gepubliseer in Nature Neuroscience het bevind dat hoe meer 'n persoon lieg, hoe makliker word dit om aan te hou lieg. Boonop beskryf die studie leuens as 'n "gladde helling" waarin kleiner leuens tot groter eskaleer (12).

Patologiese leuengedrag hou soms verband met persoonlikheidsversteurings

Patologiese leuenagtige of kompulsiewe leuengedrag kan ook 'n simptoom van antisosiale persoonlikheidsversteuring of narsistiese persoonlikheidsversteuring wees. Mense met hierdie persoonlikheidsversteurings kan(iemand) lieg om simpatie of sosiale status te verkry, of om ’n valse(positiewe) gevoel van 'n mens se selfbeeld te onderhou. Patologiese leuengedrag kan ook simptome van Randpsigotiese persoonlikheidsversteuring wees. By RPV (Randpsigotiese persoonlikheidsversteuring) is leuens dikwels 'n manier om verwerping of versaking (verlating) te vermy. (8) Patologiese Leuengedrag hou soms verband met Münchhausen-sindroom

Münchhausen sindroom is 'n geestestoestand waarin 'n persoon herhaaldelik mediese hulp soek vir vervalste, oordrewe of selftoegediende fisiese simptome.) (9) https://www.google.com/search?q=define+munchausen+syndrome&oq=define+munchausen&gs_l crp=EgZjaHJvbWUqBwgBEAAYgAQyCQgAEEUYORiABDIHCAEQABiABDIHCAIQABiABDIHCA MQABiABDIICAQQABgWGB4yCggFEAAYDxgWGB4yCAgGEAAYFhgeMggIBxAAGBYYHjIKCAg QABgPGBYYHjIKCAkQABiABBiiBNIBCjI0MDc1ajBqMTWoAgiwAgE&sourceid=chrome&ie=UTF8

Mense met die geestesgesondheidsversteuring bekend as Münchhausen sindroom-deur-volmag, kan gereeld lieg (Münchhausen sindroom-deur-volmag word gedefinieer as: “Kinders wie se moeders ’n beskrywing van ‘n siekte oor hul kinders gee en wat die geskiedenis (hiervan) subsidieer deur gefabriseerde fisiese tekens en simptome, of wat selfs laboratoriumtoetse hieroor verander(aanpas).” (10)

https://www.google.com/search?q=define+munchausen+by+proxy+syndrome&oq=define+muncha usen+by&gs_lcrp=EgZjaHJvbWUqDAgBEAAYFBiHAhiABDIGCAAQRRg5MgwIARAAGBQYhwIY gAQyBwgCEAAYgAQyCAgDEAAYFhgeMggIBBAAGBYYHjIICAUQABgWGB4yCAgGEAAYFhge MggIBxAAGBYYHjIICAgQABgWGB4yCAgJEAAYFhge0gEKMTAwNTFqMGoxNagCCLACAQ&so urceid=chrome&ie=UTF-8

Die tipe patologiese leuens hierbo uiteengesit is vir 'n spesifieke doel en wat verband hou met ‘n versteuring.

Kindertrauma as oorsaak van patologiese leuens

“In sommige gevalle kan patologiese leuens die gevolg wees van trauma in die kinderjare, soos verwaarlosing of mishandeling. Mense wat nie hul behoeftes as kinders bevredig het nie, kan begin lieg as 'n hanteringsmeganisme, in 'n poging om die liefde en gerusstelling te kry waarna hulle smag. Of hulle kan die boodskap vroeg Internaliseer dat hulle nie goed genoeg is nie. Hulle lieg dus om weg te steek wat hulle sien as onvergeeflike persoonlike gebreke wat hulle onwaardig maak vir ander se liefde.” (11), meen die skrywers van ’n artikel oor leuengedrag op die Newport Instituut se webblad.

Lieg as ’n kompulsie of gewoonte

Leuens kan 'n dwang word soortgelyk aan die dwang wat mense met obsessiewe kompulsiewe versteuring ervaar. 'n Studie gepubliseer in Nature Neuroscience het bevind dat hoe meer 'n persoon lieg, hoe makliker word dit om aan te hou lieg. Boonop beskryf die studie leuens as 'n "gladde helling" waarin kleiner leuens na groter eskaleer. (12)

Verskillende vorms van jok

Daar bestaan verskeie vorms van jok: een hiervan is die “wit leuen”. Mense gebruik dikwels wit leuens om te verhoed dat ander se gevoelens seergemaak word óf om hulself uit die moeilikheid te kry. (13)

Dan is daar bluf. Nog 'n soort relatief onskadelike leuen word ’n bluf genoem. Dit is 'n klein, onbelangrike leuen. Bluffers wat bluf is gewoonlik nie daarop uit om iemand seer te maak nie. (14)

Die Webwerf VOA (“Stem van Amerika”) lys nog drie tipes leuen. Mense maak soms stories op. Somtyds “oordryf” of “vergroot” hulle. Dan weer, dik hulle aan of verdraai hulle die waarheid. Met ander woorde, hulle sit detail by om ‘n storie beter te maak. (15)

Dan is daar “die waarheid buig”. Dit is ook nie ’n ernstige leuen nie. Wanneer jy die waarheid buig, verander jy die waarheid ‘n kléin bietjie. (16) en;

‘n “Halwe waarheid” is lastiger wanneer dit kom by praktiese toepassing. Dit kan wees soos die naam aandui – ‘n stelling wat half waar en half vals is, óf dit kan ‘n stelling wees wat heeltemal waar is maar net een kant van die hele storie oordra. Die doel van halwe waarhede is om te bedrieg of verantwoordelikhede te ontduik. (17)

Volgens die outeur van die Webblad VOA is bogenoemde “almal voorbeelde van slim, subtiele maniere van lieg. Hulle is die teenoorgestelde van reguit uitgesproke leuens. Hierdie tipes leuens is direk. Daar word ook na nulle verwys as uit-en-uit infame, flagrante of blatante leuens” (18)

Die patologiese leuenaar.

Navorsing dui daarop dat patologiese leuens kan voorkom as gevolg van lae selfbeeld en 'n valse selfbeskouing. Mense wat patologies lieg, wil dalk hê ander moet hulle positief beskou en dinge opmaak om hulle beter te laat lyk. Hul begeerte om 'n valse gevoel van self te skep, kan daarop dui dat hulle ontevrede is met hulself. (19)

https://www.google.com/search?q=People+who+lie+pathologically+may+want+others+to+view+th em+positively+and+make+things+up+to+make+them+look+better&oq=People+who+lie+pathologi cally+may+want+others+to+view+them+positively+and+make+things+up+to+make+them+look+b etter&gs_lcrp=EgZjaHJvbWUyBggAEEUYOdIBCTQ0NTVqMGoxNagCCLACAQ&sourceid=chrom e&ie=UTF-8

Hantering van die patologiese leuenaar

As jy iemand ken wat herhaaldelik lieg, is hier 'n paar benaderings om hierdie problematiese gedrag die hoof te bied.

Moenie van hulle verwag om 'n leuen te erken nie, selfs al kan jy bewys dat hulle lieg. Patologiese leuenaars sal by hul storie bly, selfs al is dit vir almal duidelik dat hulle lieg.

Moenie dit persoonlik opneem nie - onthou dat die gedrag nie oor jou gaan nie. 'n Patologiese leuenaar kan nie hul leuens beheer nie as gevolg van die onderliggende geestesgesondheidsversteuring.

Moenie oogkontak beskou as 'n teken dat iemand die waarheid praat nie; Patologiese leuenaars kan glo wat hulle sê of so gewoond wees om te lieg dat hulle maklik oogkontak kan behou terwyl hulle 'n onwaarheid vertel.

Moenie jou humeur verloor nie. Om die persoon aan te val, sal net veroorsaak dat hulle meer verdedigend raak en selfs meer leuenagtige gedrag kan veroorsaak.

Vertrou jouself en jou realiteit, en vergelyk jou begrip van die saak om die waarheid te bevestig as jy moet.

Let op na die persoon se gedrag om 'n prentjie te kry van wie hulle is, eerder as om na hul woorde te luister. Hulle lyftaal kan ook die waarheid beter openbaar as wat hulle sê.

Stel wel grense rondom wat jy bereid is om in die verhouding te verdra. Miskien moet jy heeltemal van die verhouding terugstaan as die leuentaal voortgaan en die persoon nie bereid is om te probeer verander nie.

Moedig hulle aan om terapie te probeer om meer oor hulself te leer en waarom hulle gedrewe voel om te lieg. Oorweeg ook terapie vir jouself, om te leer hoe om gesonde grense te stel en geanker te bly in jou eie waarheid. (20)

Die Behandeling van Leuengedrag

Volgens die Newport Instituut is dit belangrik om sekere onderliggende geestesgesondheidsfaktore aan te spreek:

“Om werklik patologiese leuengedrag te verander, is dit noodsaaklik om die onderliggende geestesgesondheidskwessies aan te spreek wat die leuens kataliseer. Deur terapie kan mense meer bewus word van hul leuenpatrone en die redes waarom hulle lieg. Terapie kan hulle help om die motivering op te bou om nuwe, gesonder maniere te verander en te oefen om hul behoeftes en emosies te kommunikeer.” (21)

Kernelemente van leuengedrag

Die Webblad van die Newport Instituut (Behandelingsentrums vir geestesgesondheid en dwelmmisbruik by jong volwassenes) gee ‘n samevatting van kernelemente van leuengedrag: Om 'n patologiese leuenaar te wees, is nie 'n geestesgesondheidsdiagnose nie. Die woord patologies dui egter daarop dat daar 'n onderliggende patologie of siekte is wat die leuengedrag kataliseer.

Patologiese leuens word deur sommige kenners gedefinieer as vyf of meer keer per dag, elke dag, vir langer as ses maande.

Daar is verskillende soorte leuens met simptome wat soortgelyk is aan patologiese leuentekens, insluitend gewone leuens, wit leuens en kompulsiewe leuens. Individue wat nie hul behoeftes as kinders bevredig het nie, kan begin lieg as 'n hanteringsmeganisme, in 'n poging om die liefde en gerusstelling te kry waarna hulle smag.

Deur middel van terapie kan mense meer bewus word van hul leuenpatrone en die redes waarom hulle lieg. Daarbenewens kan behandeling hulle help om onderliggende geestesgesondheidsversteurings en kindertraumas aan te spreek. (22) https://www.newportinstitute.com/resources/co-occurring-disorders/pathological-liar-signs/ Samevatting

Leuengedrag is onaanvaarbaar, veral wanneer dit skade kan veroorsaak.

In sy artikel getiteld Leuens: Die ondeug van ons tyd, Skryf Professor Natie van Wyk die volgende “Aanhoudend, om elke hoek en draai, word daar vir ons gelieg. Die heersende maghebbers blyk die ergste leuenaars te wees, en dit lyk of dit hulle geensins pla nie. Die teleurstellende is dat talle ander mense, ook dié naby ons, dikwels ook nie die waarheid praat nie”

Die bedrieglike optrede van ons huidige maghebbers is ’n sprankelende voorbeeld van die destruktiewe potensiaal van leuengedrag. Die gevolge van dié tipe leuengedrag veroorsaak nie net verlies en verarming nie, maar soms fisiese lyding.

In ‘n studie oor die gevolge van korrupsie in Afrika, kom die outeurs tot die volgende slotsom: “Die resultate toon dat lande met hoër vlakke van uitvoerende, wetgewende en geregtelike korrupsie geassosieer word met 'n hoër vlak van honger.” (23)

Ten Slotte

Die bedrieglike optrede van ons huidige is maar een voorbeeld van die skadelike potensiaal van leuengedrag. Die gevolge van maghebbers se leuengedrag veroorsaak nie net verlies en verarming nie, maar soms fisiese lyding, dan ook heelwaarskynlik soos dit deur kinders sowel as vrouens uit alle sektore van ons samelewings ervaar word.

Bronnelys

https://learningenglish.voanews.com/a/liars-liars-pants-on-fire/3084832.html

https://www.britannica.com/topic/lying

https://www.goodreads.com/quotes/tag/lies

https://www.goodreads.com/quotes/tag/lies

https://learningenglish.voanews.com/a/liars-liars-pants-on-fire/3084832.html

https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/freud-fluoxetine/202102/lying-andpseudologia-fantastica

https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/3282449/

https://www.newportinstitute.com/resources/co-occurring-disorders/pathologicalliar-signs/

https://www.google.com/search?q=define+munchausen +syndrome&oq=define+munchausen&gs_lcrp=EgZjaHJvb WUqBwgBEAAYgAQyCQgAEEUYORiABDIHCAEQABiABDIH CAIQABiABDIHCAMQABiABDIICAQQABgWGB4yCggFEAAY DxgWGB4yCAgGEAAYFhgeMggIBxAAGBYYHjIKCAgQABg PGBYYHjIKCAkQABiABBiiBNIBCjI0MDc1ajBqMTWoAgiw AgE&sourceid=chrome&ie=UTF-8

https://www.google.com/search?q=define+munchausen +syndrome&oq=define+munchausen&gs_lcrp=EgZjaHJvb WUqBwgBEAAYgAQyCQgAEEUYORiABDIHCAEQABiABDIH CAIQABiABDIHCAMQABiABDIICAQQABgWGB4yCggFEAAY DxgWGB4yCAgGEAAYFhgeMggIBxAAGBYYHjIKCAgQABg PGBYYHjIKCAkQABiABBiiBNIBCjI0MDc1ajBqMTWoAgiw AgE&sourceid=chrome&ie=UTF-8

https://www.newportinstitute.com/resources/co-occurring-disorders/pathologicalliar-signs/

https://www.newportinstitute.com/resources/co-occurring-disorders/pathologicalliar-signs/

https://learningenglish.voanews.com/a/liars-liars-pants-on-fire/3084832.html https://learningenglish.voanews.com/a/liars-liars-pants-on-fire/3084832.html https://learningenglish.voanews.com/a/liars-liars-pants-on-fire/3084832.html https://learningenglish.voanews.com/a/liars-liars-pants-on-fire/3084832.html https://learningenglish.voanews.com/a/liars-liars-pants-on-fire/3084832.html https://learningenglish.voanews.com/a/liars-liars-pants-on-fire/3084832.htm https://www.google.com/search?q=People+who+lie+pathologically+may+want +others+to+view+them+positively+and+make+things+up+to+make+them+look +better&oq=People+who+lie+pathologically+may+want+others+to+view+them

+positively+and+make+things+up+to+make+them+look+better&gs_lcrp= EgZjaHJvbWUyBggAEEUYOdIBCTQ0NTVqMGoxNagCCLACAQ&sourceid= chrome&ie=UTF-8

https://www.newportinstitute.com/resources/co-occurring-disorders/pathologicalliar-signs/

https://www.newportinstitute.com/resources/co-occurring-disorders/pathologicalliar-signs/

https://www.newportinstitute.com/resources/co-occurring-disorders/pathologicalliar-signs/

https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0161893823001357

RSA: INTELLIGENSIE | INTELLIGENCE

Intelligensiekunde se Latynse stamwoord is ’Intellegére’ Ons vermoë om te verstaan.

(AGT): BRONNE, AGENTE EN KONTRAKAGENTE

Henning van Aswegen

Gerard Ludi was nie van die begin af ’n agent, met ander woorde ’n volwaardige lid van die SAPVT en Buro nie, maar wel ’n kontrakagent. Kontrakagente is nie lede van intelligensiedienste nie, maar sy of haar dienste word op ’n voltydse basis aangewend om onder dekking intelligensie- en/of teenintelligensietake te verrig, byvoorbeeld insameling van inligting of spioenasie-operasies. ’n Kontrakagent se indiensneming is onderhewig aan ’n skriftelike of mondelinge kontrak en hy of sy ontvang ’n vaste, maandelikse salaris. Deeltydse agente daarenteen se dienste word op ’n gereelde, maar deeltydse basis gebruik vir die verrigting van spesifieke intelligensietake, byvoorbeeld waarneming en agtervolging. Hiervoor ontvang die deeltydse agent nie ’n gereelde salaris nie, maar ’n vaste en gereelde beloning.

By Vorster en Van den Bergh was daar geen twyfel dat toenemende dade van sabotasie die werk van lede van die ANC, SAKP, PAC en hul politieke meelopers was nie. Vorster en Van den Bergh het ’n gedugte span gevorm en saam gesorg dat Suid-Afrika oor streng veiligheidswetgewing beskik om die ANC/SAKP se pogings om die staatsbestel deur middel van rewolusionêre oorlogvoering omver te werp, doeltreffend te ondervang. Daar was min twyfel dat Vorster en Van den Bergh kragdadig, onverbiddelik en sonder verskonings gekant was teen enige bedreiging en ondermyning van die pas gevestigde Republiek. In 1963 gee Vorster opdrag dat ’n Staatsveiligheidskomitee in die lewe geroep word, met die taakopdrag om die bedreiging teen die land te ondersoek en aanbevelings oor teenmaatreëls te maak. Die Staatsveiligheidskomitee het aan Vorster, die Minister van Justisie, verslag gedoen nadat inligting vanaf Direktoraat Militêre Inligting (DMI), die SuidAfrikaanse Polisie se Veiligheidstak (SAP-VT) en die Departement van Buitelandse Sake gekoördineer en verwerk is. Hierdie vertolkte, geëvalueerde inligting is daarna deur Vorster aan lede van die Verwoerd-kabinet vir besluitneming en aanwending deurgegee.

‘Operation Afrika Mayibuye’ en die klopjag op Liliesleaf

Gedurende die 1960’s was die stryd teen kommunisme die kernfokus van die NP se binnelandse veiligheidsbeleid. Die SAKP en sy bloedbroer, die ANC, het boonop in 1961 ’n beplande sabotasieveldtog van stapel gestuur en besluit om ’n militêre vleuel, genaamd Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK, oftewel die “Assegaai van die Volk”), op die been te bring MK se doelstelling en enigste doelwit was om die regering omver te werp. Daarom was hulle direkte teenstanders en intelligensieteikens van die regering. ’n Ontwikkeling waarmee die Suid-Afrikaanse regering aanvanklik nie rekening gehou het nie, ontstaan op Werkersdag 1 Mei 1963 met die stigting van die Organisasie vir Afrika-

Eenheid (OAE) in Addis Abeba, Ethiopië. In sy grondwet stel die OAE die uitwissing van kolonialisme in Afrika as een van sy hoofdoelwitte en stig terselfdertyd ’n Koördinerende Komitee vir Vryheidsbewegings in Afrika, met sy hoofkwartier in Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzanië. Dit was natuurlik geen toeval nie, omdat die ANC/SAKP se eerste buitelandse kantoor in Dar-es-Salaam gerieflik naby was, vanwaar hulle onmiddellik aansoek kon doen vir finansiële steun vanaf die OAE. Sowat drie maande voordat die Veiligheidstak op Liliesleaf toegeslaan het, ontvang die polisiekantoor op Rivonia hul eerste leidraad met ’n telefoonoproep van ’n parate 76-jarige oudspeurder, Paul Maré. Maré, wat in 1910 by die SAP aangesluit het en in 1938 afgetree het, woon op die aangrensende kleinhoewe en sy huis op ’n heuweltjie bied ’n goeie waarnemingspunt op sy bure se luukse huis. Op 18 April 1963 blaas saboteurs ’n spoorweg-gereedskapstoor op die treinspoor tussen Booysens en New Canada in Johannesburg op, maar vyf van die agt word summier deur die SAP in hegtenis geneem. Drie van die saboteurs ontsnap in ’n paneelwa en stop kort na die ontploffing by ’n ou, ongebruikte waterput langs die teerpad wat by Paul Maré se plaashuis verbyloop. Die gesoute oud-speurder het die spulletjie só sit en kyk en besluit dat hul optrede hoogs verdag is en toe die Rivonia-polisie geskakel. Die paneelwa met sy drie Indiërpassasiers is onmiddellik weer fort en die polisie kon by nadere ondersoek niks in die waterput kry nie.

Twee weke na hierdie voorval blaf Paul Maré se honde hom om twee-uur die nag wakker en vanuit sy sitkamervenster sien hy ’n motor wat met ligte aan in die teerpad naby sy huis parkeer. Die hoek waarteen die motor geparkeer was, sowel as etlike ouens wat in die hoofligte staan en arms swaai, het Maré laat besef dat alles nie pluis was nie. Dit het vir Maré gelyk of die armswaaiers die een of ander teken terugontvang het en almal het in die motor gespring om verder met die pad af na Liliesleaf te ry.

Die derde leidraad was afkomstig van ’n swart informant wat deur kapt. Jack van Heerden gewerf is en inligting oor die ANC/SAKP se terreurveldtog aan die Veiligheidstak deurgegee het. Die informant bewys sy betroubaarheid deur vooraf waarskuwings en inligting te voorsien wat waar bewys word en tot die arrestasie van drie van die Booysens-New Canada-bomplanters lei. Van Heerden se informant rapporteer op 2 Julie 1963 dat hy weet waar Radio Freedom se ondergrondse radiostasie is en waar Walter Sisulu skuil, waarop Van Heerden die inligting aan lt. Willem (W.P.J.) van Wyk, die offisier in beheer van die sabotasie-ondersoekafdeling van die Veiligheidstak in Johannesburg, stuur. Van Wyk is ’n paar interessante byname deur sy kollegas om die nek gehang; eers ”Biesiesvlei” van Wyk, en later “Rivonia” van Wyk. Die informant het selfs nog verder gegaan. Hy het beweer dat hy geweet het waar die ondergrondse hoofkwartier van die ANC en die Kommunistiese Party was. Gerard Ludi, RI se infiltrasie-agent in die SAKP, sê in sy boek, The Communistisation of the ANC, dat hierdie informant ’n kontrakteur was wat werk aan die plaashuis

op die Liliesleaf-kleinhoewe gedoen het. Lt. Van Wyk het dadelik met sy direkte bevelvoerder, kol. George Klindt, gekonsulteer en nadat ook kol. Hendrik van den Bergh genader is, is besluit dat lt. Van Wyk hierdie derde wenk met omsigtigheid moes hanteer. Van Wyk het tereg vermoed dat die plaas waarvan die informant gepraat het, die ondergrondse hoofkwartier van MK was, van waar opdragte uitgereik is vir die sabotasiedade en terreurveldtog van die ANC/SAKP.

Daar was egter ’n probleem met die informant se leidraad, omdat hy gerapporteer het dat Walter Sisulu sy Radio Freedom-uitsendings vanaf ’n plaas in Rivonia doen en dat hy daar saam met ’n “caretaker” bly. Die informant kon nie Liliesleaf se lokaliteit presies identifiseer nie, omdat hy net een keer daar was. Hy het nie geweet dat die “caretaker” eintlik Arthur Goldreich was, wat die luukse huis by Michael Harmel gehuur het nie. Goldreich het saam met sy vrou en twee jong kinders in die huis gewoon, terwyl die res van die huis en buitegeboue deur die ANC/SAKP as hoofkwartier van hul georganiseerde subversie gebruik is. Die informant het wel onthou dat daar bottelproppies op die hek van die kleinhoewe geplak was om saans die skyn van motorligte te weerkaats en dat van die bottelproppies makeer het. Weke lank het hierdie informant saam met lt. Van Wyk en sers. Kleingeld in die Rivonia-omgewing rondgery op soek na die Liliesleaf-kleinhoewe en die muur met die bottelproppies.

Die vierde leidraad het van die nuwe Amerikaanse eienaar van ’n huis met ’n tuinwoonstel in Parktown, Johannesburg gekom. Die woonstel is deur Arthur Goldreich gehuur voordat hy en sy gesin na Liliesleaf in Rivonia verhuis het. Die dame het met die skoonmaak van die tuinwoonstel op ’n klomp ou kommunistiese tydskrifte en radio-onderdele afgekom en terstond die polisie in kennis gestel. Die Veiligheidstak het onmiddellik twee ondersoekbeamptes vanaf The Grays-polisiestasie na die perseel gestuur. Goldreich se vingerafdrukke is op die radio-onderdele gevind en hy is as die huurder geïdentifiseer. ’n Lasbrief vir Goldreich se inhegtenisname is uitgereik en sy foto is aan SAP-lede gesirkuleer. Die probleem was die ouderdom van die foto, want Goldreich het op hierdie foto sonder sy kunstenaars-bokbaardjie verskyn wat later sy uitkenning by Rivonia bemoeilik.

Die Veiligheidspolisie het in Rivonia van die ANC/SAKP se planne in die wiele gery en sodoende verhoed dat dit voortgaan deur toe te slaan op die kommunistiese hoofkwartier op ’n kleinhoewe net buite Johannesburg. Op bevel van die Sentrale Komitee van die SAKP het die kommunis Michael Harmel die kleinhoewe Liliesleaf, in die Rivonia-woongebied van Johannesburg, onder die vals naam van Jacobson aangekoop. Die prokureur Harold Wolpe en sy vrou Ann-Marie, mede-SAKPlede, het die papierwerk en oordragdokumente vir die vals transaksie voorberei en by die Johannesburgse Aktekantoor ingedien. Liliesleaf het as die ondergrondse hoofkwartier van die Kommunistiese Party en die opperbevel van MK in Suid-Afrika gedien en is spesifiek met die doel van subversie aangekoop. Vandag is die 11,33 hektaar Liliesleaf maklik bereikbaar, maar in 1962 was die gebied tussen Johannesburg en Pretoria meer afgeleë en kon dit as verlate graslande

beskryf word. Boonop was die luukse opstal agter bome, bosse en ’n plantasie versteek, met dennebome aan beide kante van die lang oprit na die huis en buitegeboue. Lt. Van Wyk en sy manne het blou oorpakke aangetrek, hulself en twee paneelwaens as bou-kontrakteurs vermom, maar verskeie kere by die perseel verbygery sonder om te besef dat die verlate huis die plek is waarna hulle soek. Die informant kon Liliesleaf eers op 3 Julie 1963 behoorlik identifiseer en daarmee was RI en die Veiligheidstak oortuig dat hulle die regte plek beet het. Lt Van Wyk, sy bevelvoerder kol George Klint, Mike Geldenhuys en die hoof van die Veiligheidstak, lt.- kol. Van den Bergh, het saam besluit om die Liliesleaf-plaashuis eers onder waarneming te plaas – vir ’n lang en senutergende agt dae.

Nege maande voor die klopjag op Rivonia, op 28 November 1962, is ’n vergadering van die Kommunistiese Party se Sentrale Komitee in die geheim op dié hoewe gehou, wat “Jacobsen” aan die kommunis en argitek Arthur Goldreich en sy eggenote Hazel uithuur om die Veiligheidstak te probeer verwar. ’n Verkorte uittreksel van die notule van die vergadering het soos volg gelees: “(Adv.) Bram Fischer tree as voorsitter op tydens die vergadering. Joe Slovo berig dat groot sukses met sabotasie in Durban behaal is. Jack Hodgson sou sorg dat jong ’soldate’ na Peking gestuur word vir verdere opleiding. Dennis Goldberg word in beheer geplaas van die opleidingsentrum te Mamre. Jack en Rita Simons moet sorg dat die vakbonde saamwerk en aan die vryheidstryd deelneem. Umkhonto sal voortgaan met suksesvolle sabotasiepogings en meer wapens by sy ammunisiefabriek, Travallyn (in Honeydew, Johannesburg).”

Dr. Yusuf Dadoo, op daardie stadium leier van die SAKP in ballingskap, skryf soos volg: “I was able to contribute to the new programme of the Communist Party which was adopted at the illegal conference in Johannesburg in 1962. This new programme made a tremendous contribution to the theoretical elaboration of the nature and character of the racist socio-economic system in our country and to the creative development of Marxist-Leninist thought in our continent.” Die naam van die dokument waarna Dadoo hier verwys, was “The Road to South African Freedom,” waarvan Brian Bunting en die algemene sekretaris van die SAKP, Moses Kotane, die hoofskrywers was. Bladsy 7 van die dokument stel die doel van die SAKP soos volg: “The destruction of colonialism and the winning of national freedom is the essential condition and the key for future advance to the supreme aim of the Communist Party: the establishment of a socialist South Africa, laying the foundation of a classless, communist society.”

Joe Slovo, wat soos Mandela baie tyd op Liliesleaf deurgebring het, verlaat die land in Mei 1963, net voordat die Veiligheidstak op die kleinhoewe toegeslaan het. Slovo is deur die Sentrale Komitee van die SAKP opdrag gegee om in Mandela se voetspore te volg en verdere reëlings vir die opleiding van MK-rekrute in Afrika-lande te tref. Slovo word vergesel deur kameraad J.B. (John Beaver) Marks, toe al ’n pensionaris, en die twee vat die pad Moskou toe, die kommuniste se beloofde land.

Marks het in 1928 by die KPSA aangesluit en is in 1932 tot lid van die party se Sentrale Komitee verkies. Marks was ook in 1946 hooforganiseerder van die 1946-mynwerkerstaking. Marks is in 1972 in Moskou oorlede en in die Novodo-begraafplaas begrawe. Tydens sy begrafnis word hy as ’n “held van die Sowjet-Unie” verklaar. In Afrika word die OAE op 1 Mei 1963 (Internasionale Werkersdag) in die lewe geroep en speel hy, met sy steun aan die gewapende stryd teen SuidAfrika, ’n beduidende rol in die politieke geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika.

Met Mandela in die tronk en Joe Slovo stert tussen die bene Moskou toe, word Wilton “Bri Bri” Makwai die derde hoof van staf van MK met die doel om die ANC/SAKP se gewapende stryd teen die regering voort te sit. Tydens die eerste vergadering tussen Bri Bri Makwai en die leier van die SAKP, Bram Fischer, het Makwai gekla dat MK nie genoeg wapens het om teen die regering te veg nie. Fischer het aan Makwai en MK opdrag gegee om na “eenvoudige sabotasie” terug te keer. Volgens Fischer het dit beteken dat bosse, plase en rietvelde afgebrand moes word, telefoondrade moes gesny word en spoorwegseine moes gesaboteer word om treinongelukke te veroorsaak. Daarby gee Fischer opdrag dat brandstigting gepleeg moes word, Molotov-bomme gemaak word en hoogspanningskabels wat elektrisiteit aan dorpe en stede voorsien, gebombardeer moes word. Die plan vir ’n rewolusie – waarin onder meer guerrillataktiek benut sou word – is in die tweede helfte van 1962, in die afwesigheid van Nelson Mandela (wat in Augustus daardie jaar in hegtenis geneem is), opgestel. Hoewel MK se sabotasieveldtog reeds op 16 Desember 1961 afgeskop het, het dié organisasie se opperbevel die aksies as teenproduktief en onsuksesvol beskou. Die datum 16 Desember (Geloftedag) is met voorbedagte rade gekies, volgens hoofregter H.H.W. de Villiers in sy boek Rivonia. “The 16th December 1961 was the date fixed by the Umkhonto for a real effort to cause destruction by means of sabotage on a large scale. The public holiday of the 16th December was for many years known as ‘Dingaan’s Day . . . later changed to ‘The Day of the Covenant.’ Between the 16th and 18th December 1961, seventeen acts of sabotage were committed by the Umkhonto and the people inspired by the conspirators under this Operation Mayibuye.” Govan Mbeki, lid van die ANC-leierskorps, SAKP-lid en lid van MK se opperbevel, het MK se opperbevel aangemoedig om “oor te gaan na die volgende fase”, naamlik ’n gewapende stryd. Hierna is Mbeki en ander prominente MK-lede, insluitende Joe Slovo en Arthur Goldreich, gevra om ’n plan vir die gewapende stryd op te stel. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot die samestelling van ’n militêre plan getiteld “Operation Afrika Mayibuye” (ook bekend as “Operation Mayibuye”) deur die ANC/SAKP-alliansie se National High Command (opperbevel). Mayibuye beteken teruggee, soos in die land (grond) teruggee aan die swart bevolking. “Operation Mayibuye” was ’n lang dokument wat uitvoerige planne vir guerrilla-oorlogvoering bevat het en Nelson Mandela se dagboek, wat ook onder die groot aantal ander dokumente ontdek is, het soortgelyke aantekeninge

bevat. Van hierdie oomblik af was Suid-Afrika se veiligheidsmagte in ’n dodelike rewolusionêre aanslag gewikkel wat tot en met 1994 sou duur.

Die veiligheidsbedreiging teen die land het in 1962 merkbaar toegeneem en terreurdade het toenemend landwyd plaasgevind. Maatreëls wat die regering teen kommunisme getref het, het die ANC/SAKP tot ’n bevredigende mate aan bande gelê, maar ook meegebring dat hulle meer subtiele aktiwiteite en ondergrondse bedrywighede, veral maniere van kommunikasie, ontwikkel het. “Treinspore is in die lug geblaas, kragmaste beskadig, ladings dinamiet in openbare geboue geplant, sabotasie is byna daagliks gepleeg. Die land was aan die brand.” Ten midde van die verslegtende veiligheidsituasie, volg genl-maj. Johannes (John) Keevy vir genl. Hendrik du Plooy as Kommissaris van Polisie op. Keevy se eerste bestuursprobleem was om die mededingende verhouding tussen die Speur- en Veiligheidstakke te verbeter om die bedreiging vanuit ANC-, SAKP- en PAC-geledere op gekoördineerde wyse die hoof te bied. Tydens ’n vergadering tussen Keevy en die nuutaangewese minister van justisie John Vorster, deel Van den Bergh mee dat daar nie fout is met die manne wat by die Veiligheidspolisie werk nie. Die probleem is ’n uitgediende stelsel wat nie opgewasse was om die terreuraanslag teen die land te neutraliseer nie. “Dit was tyd om geweld met geweld te beveg,” vertel Van den Bergh later aan koerantman Koos van der Merwe. “Mense vergeet dat ons in die vroeë sestigs ’n revolusie beveg het – ’n teenoffensief was nodig.” Van den Bergh het in Januarie 1963 sonder huiwering sy ou kamerade uit die Vrystaat in sy nuwe bestuurspan in Wachthuis aangestel, onder andere Koos Kemp, Niklaas van Zyl, Hans Brummer, Frans Fouché, Tiny Venter en George Klindt. Van den Bergh en sy geheime RI-afdeling het goed daarin geslaag om die SAKP se selle in Johannesburg te infiltreer en het onder meer bandopnames van SAKPvergaderings bekom. Uit dié bandopnames was dit duidelik dat die ANC en SAKP ’n gewapende stryd teen die regering en bevolking van Suid-Afrika goedkeur en geen onderskeid tussen militêre en siviele teikens maak nie.

*

* In DIE BURO: Genl. Lang Hendrik van den Bergh en die Buro vir Staatsveiligheid, wat deur Imprimatur Uitgewers gepubliseer word, is daar ware Suid-Afrikaanse spioenasieverhale wat die waarde van agente en spioene illustreer, en ook die enorme skade wat hulle somtyds aanrig, onder die soeklig plaas. Die enigste werklike meetinstrument van die sukses van ’n spioenasiediens is die mate waarop hy of sy die geskiedenis beïnvloed het, of nie. Die Buro vir Staatsveiligheid het ’n invloed op die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis gehad en verdien om onthou te word. Indien enige van ons lesers oor relevante inligting oor die ontwikkeling van spioenasie in Suid-Afrika, beskik, word u hartlik uitgenooi om enige inligting en foto’s aan henningvanaswegen55@gmail.com., te stuur.

* Die artikelreeks Intelegere bevat 982 bronverwysings en voetnotas, wat op aanvraag van die skrywer bekom kan word.

* Word in die volgende Nongqai vervolg.

* Voorafbestellings vir DIE BURO kan by Imprimatur Uitgewers geplaas word.

DIE ONTSTAAN VAN DIE GEHEIME DIENST VAN DIE ZUID-AFRIKAANSE REPUBLIEK (1895 – 1902)

Henning van Aswegen

Met die ontdekking van diamante in 1877 en die ontginning van die goudveld aan die Witwatersrand het immigrante, die meeste afkomstig van Engeland, Skotland, Wallis en Ierland, die Transvaal binnegestroom.

Geldbelange en rykdom was op die spel en, onder die dekmantel van politieke regte vir ‘die Uitlanders,’ is intensiewe druk op die ZAR en President Paul Kruger uitgeoefen. Die Jameson-inval van 1895, asook politieke- en militêre onweerswolke het die ZAR tot ‘n besef gebring dat iets drasties en betekenisvol aan landsveiligheid en landsverdediging gedoen moes word.

In die ZAR was die Zuid-Afrikaanse Republikeinse Politie (ZARP) verantwoordelik vir beide interneen eksterne staatsveiligheid. Die bevelvoerder van die Speurafdeling van die ZARP, was President Kruger se seun, Tjaard AP Kruger. Hoewel siekerig van aard, het die skrandere Tjaard Kruger met

versiendheid ‘n seksie “Speurdenaars” in die Speurafdeling op die been gebring. ‘n Belangrike en geskiedkundige funksieverdeling het hier plaasgevind, omdat die Speurafdeling onder bevel van die Kommissaris van die ZARP gefunksioneer het, maar die Speurdenaars onder ‘bevel van die Staatsprokureur, Dr. WJJ Leyds’. Op 1 Augustus 1899 is die Speurdenaarseksie van die ZARP losgemaak, en permanent met ‘n nuwe naam onder die bevel van die Staatsprokureur geplaas. Met die verdeling van die Geheime Dienst en die Speurdenaars, is laasgenoemde se taakopdrag as volg saamgevat:

- Militêre insameling buite die ZAR

- Politieke insameling binne die ZAR

- Teenspioenasie

Die hooffigure in die stigting van die Geheime Dienst was Advokaat Ewald Esselen, dr. W JJ Leyds, Tjaard AP Kruger en President Paul Kruger. Jan Smuts sou Leyds later as Staatsprokureur opvolg, en Leyds het beide Staatsekretaris en Veiligheidsadviseur van die ZAR se kabinet geword. As Staatsekretaris was Leyds ook verantwoordelik vir die ZAR se buitelandse beleid. Dr. Leyds is op 26 Mei 1998 as die ZAR se Buitengewone Gesant en Gevolmagtigde Minister in Europa, waarna hy hom in Brussel, België setel. Benewens België, is Leyds in Nederland, Frankryk, Duitsland, Portugal en Rusland geakkrediteer. Leyds het oral in Europa “gesante” aangestel, maar terselfdertyd geheime agente en koeriers hanteer wat deur Geheime Dienst-fondse betaal is. Van hierdie koeriers, insluitende die gevierde digter en skrywer Eugene Marais, het gereeld na Afrika gereis, en selfs wapentuig via Mosambiek aan die ZAR en die Boeremagte gesmokkel. Leyds het selfs met GD-fondse ‘n vragskip in Frankryk aangekoop, waarmee wapentuig van Europa na die ZAR gestuur is.

Binnelands het die Geheime Dienst se agente militêre inligting ingesamel, wat deur middel van gekodeerde verslae na geheime adresse en dekkingsadresse in Pretoria gestuur is. Sodanige verslae het Jan Smuts en Ewald Esselen in staat gestel om saam met President Kruger die ZAR se strategie teen Britse troepe in Natal en die Kaap te beplan. Kruger het van hierdie verslae en inligting met sy Vrystaatse eweknie, president M T Steyn, gedeel.

In die tydperk 1896 – 1899 het die Geheime Dienst se taakopdrag gewissel na gelang van omstandighede en die bedreigingsanalise teen die Staat. Die GD se funksies het onder andere die volgende ingesluit:

- Ondersoek na wapensmokkelary deur Uitlanders

- Grensskendings van die ZAR

- Veiligheidsmaatreëls by staatsgeboue, fabrieke en strategiese teikens

- Waarneming en Agtervolging van ‘ondermyners en spioene’

- Onderskepping van pos en telegramme

- Ondersoeke na persone wat vir ander regerings werk

- Teeninligting en Teenspioenasie

Ene Ferguson, hoof van die ZARP’s se Speurtak in Johannesburg, het in 1899 op die vlug geslaan toe hy en speurdersersant Beatty as Britse spioene deur die Geheime Dienst ontmasker is. Ferguson het in 1896 ‘n dokument; Rules and Regulations for the Secret Service of the ZAR,’ saamgestel.

Op 31 Mei 1902 is daar in ‘n groot wit tent by Vereeniging tot stemming oorgegaan in ‘n seremonie wat minder as vyf minute geduur het. Op die tafel het ‘n strakke dokument, die Vrede van Vereeniging gelê. Vise-president Schalk Burger, wat met Paul Kruger se vertrek na Europa by hom oorgeneem het, en Generaal Christiaan de Wet het namens die ZAR en die Vrystaat geteken, en Kitchener en Milner het namens die Britte hul name op die laaste bladsy van die dokument geplaas. Daarmee was die Tweede Anglo-Boereoorlog (1899-1902) verby, en so ook die kortstondige lewe van die ZAR se Geheime Dienst. Later daardie dag is ‘n meer formele ondertekeningseremonie in Melrose House, Pretoria gehou en die Vrede van Vereeniging is deur die aangewese gesante van die twee strydende regerings onderteken. Die pers is by die tweede seremonie toegelaat om foto’s te neem – die foto’s wat ons vandag in geskiedenisboeke sien.

SOUTH AFRICA ‘A MAGNET’ FOR RUSSIAN TRAVELERS

Ilya Rogachev

Cape Town was the most popular destination for Russians in Sub-Saharan Africa in 2023, Ilya Rogachev has said.

South Africa is the most popular destination for Russian tourists in Sub-Saharan Africa, Russian Ambassador Ilya Rogachev told TASS on Sunday.

“More than 28,000 of our compatriots visited the country in 2023 – 75% higher than the figures for 2022,” he said.

Cape Town remains the most attractive tourist destination for Russian tourists, Rogachev added. However, the ambassador noted that a lack of direct air routes between the two nations is a major challenge to further growth in tourism. Ukraine-related sanctions are also making cross-border transactions nearly impossible using payment systems such as SWIFT, as Russian bank cards do not work in Pretoria.

He also noted that individual and family trips to South Africa are traditionally more popular than large tourist groups.

Meanwhile, the association of Russian tour operators (ATOR) reported in December that SubSaharan African countries, including Kenya, Tanzania, and South Africa, are now in high demand among Russian travelers. The African countries offer combinations of sightseeing and beach vacations and are pulling in visitors with their large nature reserves, ATOR reported.

RT in English: https://www.rt.com/africa/596756-south-africa-russiantourists/?utm_source=Newsletter&utm_medium=Email&utm_campaign=Email

• Tye verander!

DIE HOOFLYN TUSSEN BLOEMFONTEIN – KROONSTAD

J & J Wepener

Duur diesels op hooflyn. Alle bo-baan draad gesteel.

THE LOOTING OF PRASA AND THE TERRIBLE PRICE SA HAS BEEN FORCED TO PAY

By Rebecca Davis - 03 May 2024

When we talk about corruption in South Africa, it can often seem like an abstract concept. But to understand its real-life consequences, look no further than the collapse of South Africa’s train services.

Link: https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2024-05-03-the-looting-of-prasa-and-the-terribleprice-sa-has-been-forced-topay/?utm_source=Sailthru&utm_campaign=Afternoon+Thing+3+May+2024

MILITÊRE ATTACHÉS AAN BRITSE KANT

UDF | UVM: OFFISIERE VAN DIE UVM

Nico Moolman

Sir Pierre van Ryneveld was the founder of the South African Air Force. He began his military career during the First World War. 2 He excelled and distinguished himself as a fighter ace in the Royal Flying Corps. In 1920 he founded the South African Air Force.

Col. Poole of the SSB at Roberts Heights during 1938.

General Wakefield

General HS Wakefield: from my Archive

• No 3644 CPL HS Wakefield: CMR

• 1907: Marengo Raid

• 1937: Brig Gen HS Wakefield (D-C of the GS & AG)

SA ARMY: ARMY IS A TIME FOR LEARNING

Koos de Wet

It is generally accepted that the purpose of sending young people off to the army is to teach them how to manage weapons, weapon systems and be trained how to fight in defence of their country and everything associated with that – physical fitness, respect, discipline and much else as well.

But there is also another very important part of army training beyond about learning how weapons and weapon systems work – it is about learning about yourself, learning about others around you, learning to live with people from various walks of life and very importantly, learning how to get on with them and of course learning about other cultures and languages to name but a few.

The army certainly is a great leveller in this regard, and I will be forever grateful for what the army taught me in this regard.

Starting with language and culture.

Recognizing that South Africa only had two official languages at the time, English and Afrikaans (thankfully we were not “blessed” with eleven!), there was a rule in place that the languages had to be strictly treated equally, that is 50/50 usage. I can hand on heart confirm that in my time this rule was strictly adhered to with at least one day English and one week Afrikaans every alternate week.

The English days (I can remember at least 10 English days in my time) of course played havoc with the “outback boertjies” and during the Afrikaans days the Durbs boys may as well have been on Mars with the little Afrikaans they could understand. For them Afrikaans was a type of slang language from the Kaap, widely spoken by petrol-boys who therefore knew exactly what “maak hom vol skaap” meant - the last outpost of the British empire was still very much alive in those days.

And the bilingualism also reached back into our bungalow with Afrikaans surnames matched to Afrikaans language, English surnames matched to English language, Afrikaans surnames matched to English language and English surnames matched to Afrikaans language and then also few “no name brands” to round out our lot. We were a truly cosmopolitan group and a bit like the TV ad “I like it when you talk forrin Henry”…..when the boertjies spoke the “rooitaal” which they considered necessary for self-defence..

Yet somehow, we all learnt to get on with each other and to fill in the translation and mistranslation holes which frequently arose.

Then of course there were also differences in music appreciation from those loving Led Zeppelin all the way through to the Nico Carstens with his Boeremusiek and everything in between and this is where careful diplomacy was required.

You could not have your Beatles music on full blast when the bed next to yours was occupied by a Boeremusiek lover from Alldays in the Northern Transvaal as it was called in those days or a “langarm” dancing boertjie from the Swartland who happened to love it too. You can say what you like – I still like “langarm” today.

Which is leading up to a very important incident I need to share before it escapes my fading memory after almost 60 years.

In our bungalow we had a laaitie from Germiston (quite goodlooking he was too according to the girls he went out with). To protect the innocent, for the purpose of the article I will call him John. John was a gentle and somewhat sensitive soul who could play the guitar and sing in his unique and soulful manner that would have moved Bob Marley to tears. I make specific reference to Bob Marley because John shared something else with the delightful Bob – he just loved smoking the “Green Mamba” (Whacky Baccy for the boys from Durbs, dagga for the boertjies – remember the 50/50 language thing). He preferred the Transkei variety because it apparently had more punch and how he managed to always obtain his supplies remained a mystery until the day we “klaared out”. There is no getting away from it, when he took up his guitar and was not too far gone on the mamba stuff, he could make the most beautiful music and almost everyone could listen to him and enjoy his music, but when he went heavy on the mamba pips and drifted off into weird “dark” music with repetitive jarring notes the love of his music also went up in smoke in the bungalow.

So, a fateful day arrived.

Oudtshoorn in February is bloody hot, and we had been worked over bigtime by our sarge that day in blistering heat of 45C with the result that by the time it was ‘Tjaila” time we were all moerig in the extreme and just wanted to rest in the bungalow before supper.

Hardly had we settled back when our own John “Marley” decided to light up (to relax is what he told us) and with that familiar sweet smelling cloud gently swirling around his head he produced some “sweet smelling music” that filled the bungalow. All good so far.

Most of us had not yet recovered from a really tough day at the office when unfortunately, John had unexpectedly gone too heavy on the mamba stuff and soon his dark and weird music started getting to us all together with the nauseating sweet smell of his favourite baccy.

A few guys then “asked him” nicely to calm it a bit but we suspect the baccy must have interfered with is hearing because he just kept going and if anything, pumped it up a bit more.

And then the rubber snapped.

That is when “Pietie” as I shall refer to him must have become unhinged, I suspect.

2m of exquisite, toned and solid Swartland, pure red-meat fed, boere-muscle got up from his bed in his white underpants and strode three metres across to John “Marley” and uttered the following immortal sentence which would have made CJ Langenhoven proud and brought tears to his eyes and should surely be preserved for posterity and recited at the centenary celebration of Afrikaans

next year, 2025 – “Stop nou jou blerrie musiek of ek moer jou met jou fokken kitaar oor jou bliksemse kop sodat dit om jou nek hang soos ‘n slap “honeymoon” pxxl” (translation for the Durbs boys –would you mind please stop playing your guitar?)

John “Marley” sensed that continuing playing his guitar with his head poking through the sound hole was likely going to be a bit challenging as he had never done that before, so he decided to leave that acrobatic guitar move for another day.

Mind you, with a 110 kg, red-meat fed, 2-meter-tall example of prime Swartland boere-muscle (and in his white underpants, nogal) looming over you, it would take a very brave guitarist to defy that gentle request.

And there a number of takeaways from this memorable event – read-meat fed 2 metre tall, pure muscle 110kg Swartland boertjies clearly do not like Bob Marley music, laaities from Germiston making music in a bungalow whilst going too heavy on the green mamba risk getting moered by said boertjies and the Durbs boys probably still have no idea what Pietie was saying during that clearly very dangerous and emotional encounter.

In spite of all this we became a tight band of brother who certainly had each other’s backs regardless of language or cultural differences.

Yes, the army is a place where you certainly learn a lot about life and mine is richer for the time, I spent with a wonderful group of young men from whom I learnt a lot and whose lives I also hope I impacted a in a positive way.

The army certainly is a great leveller.

Koos

ONS TROUDAG

Lt-kol

MJJ van Rensburg

ONS TROUDAG

Ons, ons en nogmaals ons! Twee uit die kruik van romantiek. Twee snare uit die viool se liriek, twee verseël in die huweliksverbond.

Heerlik straal die bruid se skoonheid, geleen uit die Engele se poeier kwas. Een uit `n duisend, een van `n soort. Die mooiste meisie in haar lieflikheid.

Staan die bruidegom verstom in liefde aan haar sy, vir ewig en altyd. Haar wese is `n prag van ewigheid. Die huwelik het hulle harte bespreek.

Dis ons troudag en ons lag so broos en teer in skilderprag. Daar’s `n samevoeging om te vier en al die gaste is saam hier.

Gister en eergister se wag is verby. Vandag is ons troudag.

Ons harte gloei soos diep rooi wyn, ons harte sal sing op die groot maanskyn. In volle blom beeld die liefdes gety.

Vlegsels van geloftes poleer die goue ringe soos edel gesteentes in fluweel verborge Talentvolle hande het die troukoek geskep. Ons bêre dit vir altyd in ons geheue, maar vandag is ons toewyding vernuwe.

Dis die wensdag, dis die hoopdag Dis ons eie singdag. Diamant kettingtjies heg hierdie dag. `n Liefdes eed, `n liefdes dag, `n lewenslange afspraak is hierdie dag. Hoe mooi die dag, hoe heuglik die dag want dit is ons troudag !

MJJ van Rensburg, 6 Januarie 2024

SOUTH AFRICAN COMMONWEALTH WAR CASUALTIES BURIED ACROSS THE WORLD – PART SEVENTY-SIX.

Captain (SAN) Charles Ross (SA Navy Retired)

South Africans took part in almost every war theatre during the First and Second World Wars. According to the Commonwealth War Graves Commission Casualty Data Base 7 290 (includes 607 unknown) First World War casualties and 9 986 (includes 84 unknown) Second World War casualties are buried in 1 207 cemeteries while 2 959 First World War and 2 005 Second World War casualties are commemorated on 48 memorials. This does not include the more than 2 700 South Africans who until recently were not commemorated by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission. A new memorial to commemorate these South Africans is being constructed in the Gardens in Cape Town and should be completed by November 2024.

• Brown’s Road Military Cemetery, Festubert - France

Festubert was occupied by Commonwealth forces in October 1914 and on 23-24 November, the Indian Corps repulsed a German attack. The Battle of Festubert (1525 May 1915) resulted in a short advance which left the village somewhat less exposed than it had been. Except for an advance which was attempted just to the south of Festubert (the Second Action of Givenchy, 15-16 June 1915), this sector remained quiet until 9 April 1918 and the beginning of the Battle of the Lys. Festubert was held by the 55th (West Lancashire) Division against the German assault, and successive attacks lasting through the month were repelled by the 1st and other Divisions. It remained an outpost for Commonwealth forces until the final advance began in September 1918.

The cemetery was begun in October 1914, and carried on by fighting units and field ambulances until November 1917, when it contained 299 graves. It was greatly enlarged after the Armistice when graves were brought in from small cemeteries and isolated sites on the surrounding battlefields. It contained the graves of 43 soldiers from the United Kingdom (largely O.B.L.I. and 2nd Black Watch) and four from Canada, and it was used from December, 1914 to December, 1915.

Brown's Road Cemetery now contains 1,071 burials and commemorations of the First World War. 407 of the burials are unidentified but special memorials commemorate three casualties believed to be buried among them.

The cemetery was designed by Charles Holden.

Six South African casualties from World War Two are buried in this cemetery.

• Cesena War Cemetery - Italy

On 3 September 1943 the Allies invaded the Italian mainland, the invasion coinciding with an armistice made with the Italians who then re-entered the war on the Allied side. Following the fall of Rome to the Allies in June 1944, the German retreat became ordered and successive stands were made on a series of defensive lines.

In the northern Apennine mountains the last of these, the Gothic Line, was breached by the Allies during the Autumn campaign and the front inched forward as far as Ravenna in the Adratic sector, but with divisions transferred to support the new offensive in France, and the Germans dug in to a number of key defensive positions, the advance stalled as winter set in.

Most of those buried in this cemetery died during the advance from Rimini to Forli and beyond in September-November 1944, an advance across one flooded river after another in atrocious autumn weather. The cemetery site was selected in November 1944 and burials were brought in from the surrounding battlefields. Cesena War Cemetery contains 775 Commonwealth burials of the Second World War.

Four South African casualties from World War Two are buried in this cemetery.

• Faenza War Cemetery - Italy

On 3 September 1943 the Allies invaded the Italian mainland, the invasion coinciding with an armistice made with the Italians who then re-entered the war on the Allied side. Following the fall of Rome to the Allies in June 1944, the German retreat became ordered and successive stands were made on a series of defensive lines.

In the northern Apennine mountains the last of these, the Gothic Line, was breached by the Allies during the Autumn campaign and the front inched forward as far as Ravenna in the Adratic sector, but with divisions transferred to support the new offensive in France, and the Germans dug in to a number of key defensive positions, the advance stalled as winter set in.

The war cemetery at Faenza was formed during these months for the burial of those who were killed in the static fighting before the Allied advance was renewed in April 1945. Faenza War Cemetery contains 1,152 Commonwealth burials of the Second World War, 13 of which are unidentified.

Seven South African casualties from World War Two are buried in this cemetery.

• Avesnes-Le-Comte Communal Cemetery Extension - France

The village of Avesnes-le-Comte was for some time the VI Corps headquarters. The 37th and 30th Casualty Clearing Stations were there from April 1916, the 42nd in June 1916, and the 41st in January 1917. The communal cemetery contains 2 Commonwealth burials of the First World War, both made in April 1916. Thereafter, burials were made in the extension, which contains 333 graves, 4 of which are unidentified. Most of these were from the 37th CCS which stayed in the village until July 1917. The Extension also contains 4 Second World War burials.

The Extension was designed by Charles Holden.

Three South African casualties from World War One are buried in this cemetery.

• Voormezeele Enclosure No.3 – Belgium

The Voormezeele Enclosures (at one time there were a total of four, but now reduced to three) were originally regimental groups of graves, begun very early in the First World War and gradually increased until the village and the cemeteries were captured by the Germans after very heavy fighting on 29 April 1918.

Voormezeele Enclosure No.3, the largest of these burial grounds, was begun by the Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry in February 1915. Their graves are in Plot III, the other Plots from I to IX are the work of other units, or pairs of units, and include a few graves of October 1918. Plots

X and XII are of a more general character. Plots XIII to XVI were made after the Armistice when graves were brought in from isolated sites and smaller cemeteries to replace the French graves (of April and September 1918) that were removed to a French cemetery. These concentrated graves cover the months from January 1915 to October 1918, and they include those of many men of the 15th Hampshires and other units who recaptured this ground early in September 1918.

There are now 1,611 Commonwealth servicemen of the First World War buried or commemorated in Voormezeele Enclosure No.3. 609 of the burials are unidentified but there are special memorials to 15 casualties known or believed to be buried among them. Other special memorials record the names of five casualties whose graves in PHEASANT WOOD CEMETERY could not be found on concentration.

The cemetery was designed by Sir Edwin Lutyens.

One South African casualty from World War One is buried in this cemetery.

MAJOR RANDOLPH COSBY NESBITT VC, BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA POLICE

Gerhard van Tonder

Randolph Nesbitt’s medal awards, L–R:

Victoria Cross; BSACo Medal, with clasps ‘Rhodesia 1896’, ‘Mashonaland 1897’; Queen’s South Africa Medal with clasps ‘Relief of Mafeking’, ‘Transvaal’ and ‘Rhodesia’; King’s South Africa Medal with clasps ‘South Africa 1901’ and ‘South Africa 1902’. Randolph Cosby Nesbitt came from a prominent South African family with a distinguished military record. His father was an army paymaster, and Nesbitt was born at Queenstown, Eastern Cape, on 20 September 1867. He was educated at Dale College, King Williamstown, and St. Paul’s School, London. He served as a trooper in the Cape Mounted Rifles from August 1885 to December 1889, before attesting in the British South Africa Company’s Police on 13 January 1890. Nesbitt served in ‘C’ Troop as a sergeant under Captain C. Keith-Falconer in the Pioneer Column of 1890, being stationed with his troop at Fort Victoria.

Badges of the Cape Mounted Rifles, left, and the Mashonaland Mounted Police.

No fewer than eight Nesbitt’s served in the 1890 Pioneer Column: five in the Pioneer Corps and three in the police. Among them were two of Nesbitt’s brothers: Sergeant R. H. (No. 92, Pioneer Corps) and Charles S. (No. 130), who joined on the same day as Randolph, but died near the Tokwe River on 13 February 1891. Nesbitt is said to have been one of the party of police who, in November 1890, entered Mozambique under command of Captain Patrick Forbes. Nesbitt was commissioned as a sub-lieutenant on 15 September 1891, and on 23 December that year was granted three months’ leave pending resignation and departure for South Africa. There he was appointed Chief Constable at Fort Peddie in the Cape, in which capacity he served from June 1892 to April 1893. It appears that he then returned to Mashonaland and joined the Mashonaland Mounted Police.

Both he and Gresham Williams (No. 116) made strenuous efforts to take part in the Matabele War of 1893 but were not permitted to do so. Nesbitt was appointed a sub-inspector (lieutenant) in the Mashonaland Mounted Police in November 1893. Because both he and Williams had broken service, they were now junior to Captain H. Hopper (No. 596), who had joined in 1891. At the end of the Matabele War Nesbitt was stationed at Salisbury. Nesbitt went on to command Umtali District, where he met his future wife Sister Mary Sanders. On 2 April 1894 he was appointed a Justice of the Peace for Mashonaland, and in the same year Acting Magistrate at Umtali and Acting Native Commandant at Salisbury. He was promoted to inspector (captain) in the Mashonaland Mounted Police (MMP) on 1 June 1895. From 1894–96 he was employed on special duty at Melsetter, but it is uncertain as to what that duty was. He was, however, stationed at Salisbury at the outbreak of the Mashona Rebellion in June 1896.

Salisbury laager, Mashona Rebellion, 1896-97

On the 17th of that month, he rode out with seven members of the MMP to Porta Farm, homestead of the Norton family just south of Salisbury, as nothing had been heard from them. Here, they discovered the murdered bodies of Joseph Norton, his wife Caroline, their daughter Dorothy, district nurse L. Fairweather, and farm assistants James Alexander and Harry Gravenor. The party buried the six mutilated bodies. Two days later began the series of events which were to earn Nesbitt the ultimate gallantry award, the Victoria Cross.

The tragic scene that Nesbitt found on the Norton’s Porta Farm.

Also on 17 June 1896, the surviving European residents of the Mazoe area assembled at the Alice Mine under the charge of J. W. Salthouse, the manager. They were invested by the rebels, and at the sacrifice of their lives, John Blakiston and T. G. Routledge the next day sent a telegraph message to Salisbury asking for help. In the meantime, several of the party were murdered in a bid to leave for Salisbury.

On the evening of the 18th, Dan Judson, Inspector of Telegraphs, set out with nine volunteers in an attempt at a rescue. However, they reached the Alice Mine on the 19th with a man wounded but were not strong enough to break out. Therefore, Judson sent a dispatch calling for a strong patrol to relieve them. This was carried by Native Constable Hendricks, who bravely undertook the journey on horseback.

At 10.30 p.m. on the same night, Nesbitt had set out with another relief force of 13 volunteers, and on intercepting the message early on the morning of the 20th, decided to push forward with his patrol, well knowing that more men could not be spared from Salisbury, and he was likely to run the gauntlet of 1,000 rebels. History would call the mission the Mazoe Patrol. He and his men reached the Alice Mine by riding down the Tatagura Valley, and after a consultation with those on the spot, decided to return at once in order to give the rebels no time to concentrate.

A wagonette was made ‘bullet-proof’ with sheet-iron, and the whole party, consisting of 12 mounted men, 18 dismounted, and 3 women, set out at noon on the 20th in their desperate bid for Salisbury. The whole operation of running the gauntlet of rebels lining the Tatagura Valley was carried out with the greatest courage and determination with the loss of three men killed and five wounded. The most dangerous episode was the crossing of the Tatagura River drift where the wagonette was brought to a standstill when most of the horses were shot. Long grass and reeds grew right up to the side of the road to obscure the movements of the rebels. At last, the party broke out of the valley, and when they reached Mount Hampden and into more open country, the rebels retired, and the Alice Mine survivors reached Salisbury at 9.30 p.m.

Nesbitt, standing centre against the ‘armoured’ wagonette, with members of the

civilians

Alice Mine manager, J.W. Salthouse, in his graphic but mostly factual report, refers to the “Valley of the Shadow of Death” escape. He filled in many details omitted by Nesbitt:

It was almost impossible to see the enemy owing to the long grass and reeds which grew right up the roadside, and all we could do was to continually fire in all directions from the wagonette to clear the way as we struggled forward. Our horses and men gradually became weaker and weaker, and at times many of us had not the strength to lift our rifles. We supported and rallied ourselves from time to time by holding to a companion’s stirrup or to some portion of the wagon, until we had regained sufficient strength to fire a few more shots.

When our bandoliers were emptied, the ladies, who never uttered a sound, though the bullets, slug and shot, rattled incessantly on the armour of the wagon, gave out handful after handful of ammunition to their gasping and exhausted protectors.

Randolph

Mazoe patrol and

rescued from Alice Mine, 1896.

About a mile from the Tatagora River Drift, or crossing, the road winds round between the foot of a large kopje and the river. It was at this point that it appeared to us more than ever that our advance must come to an end. The grass to within three yards of the road was swarming with rebels, and from every quarter the bullets seemed to shower. Here one of our leaders [horse] was shot through the head, and immediately after the off-side wheeler [horse] fell mortally wounded. Mr. Brown and I struggled to cut him loose.

Our task was hardly completed when our hearts sank to see the otherwheeler also fall. I was just able to save myself as he fell towards me. We cut him loose also. At about the same time [Trooper Hermanus Johannes] Van Staaden and [Trooper Gileam] Jacobs were shot dead, and Ogilvie and Burton wounded; the latter received a wound a terrible one right through the face. He nevertheless without assistance struggled into the wagon and fell bleeding amongst the horrified women. Arnott and Hendricks also, two of our advance guard, were cut off.

We afterwards learned that they had reached Salisbury, one of them, Hendricks, with a bullet wound right through his jaws and mouth. Our four remaining horses dragged on the wagonette, blood pouring from the nose and mouth of the wounded leader, we passed the body of Van Staaden lying on the road, one side of his head having been blown away. We picked up his rifle and bandolier, our advance guard then left the road, and, continually taking up positions on any little hills or knolls that they could see, kept pouring lead on the rebels waylaying us in the grass ahead and across the Tatagora River, which was now in sight. Here we had hoped to quench our raging thirst, which had been growing momentarily more and more unbearable. But it was not to be. The firing was too terrific, and only one or two as they rushed past the water behind the wagon were able to catch up in their hats a mouthful of mud and water.

Beyond the river the ground became more open, and we were able to put out small flanking parties to aid our advance guard in clearing the way for the wagon. Hope revived, and with it our struggle seemed to rise again. We were now able at times to see our enemy, and to use our rifles with more effect. We reached the end of the valley, and, faint and exhausted, almost at our last gasp, sighted the open country. We were still 17 miles from home. Had our treacherous and cowardly pursuers faced our rifles and followed us further we could never have reached it. But here they gave up the chase.

Nesbitt reported that “The men of the patrol behaved splendidly all through; many of them had never been under fire before. I would especially mention the good services rendered by Messrs. Ogilvie, Pascoe and Harbord.”

In a War Office despatch dated 7 May 1897, came the sequel to Nesbitt’s gallant conduct when Queen Victoria approved the award to him of the Victoria Cross with the following citation:

This officer on the 19th of June 1896, led the Mazoe Rescue Patrol, consisting of only thirteen men, fought his way through the rebels to get to Salthouse’s party and succeeded in bringing them back to Salisbury with heavy fighting, in which three of his small force were killed and five wounded, and fifteen horses killed and wounded.

Nesbit continued to remain active in the rebellion, leading patrols to Edmonds’ Farm on the Enterprise Road (now Glen Lorne), and to Chara’s Kraal. In August 1896, he commanded 60 men and a Maxim-gun detachment of the Salisbury Field Force, mounted, and 50 from the Native Contingent along the Salisbury-Umtali road as far as Marandellas to clear the road, repair the telegraph line, and if possible establish contact with Lieutenant Colonel Edwin Alderson, The Queen’s Own (Royal West Kent Regiment), who was advancing from Umtali with mounted infantry. He succeeded in linking up with part of Major Watts’ Natal men, who in turn were in touch with Alderson, and thus re-established communications with Umtali.

On 1 November 1896, a month after the formation of the BSAP, Nesbitt was appointed an inspector (captain) in the new force on transfer from the MMP.

The next information about him is his command of Fort Martin (about 55 miles south of the present Norton), which was established to guard against the activities of Chief Mashayamombe, one of the leading rebels.

BSAP on parade in Ft Salisbury, 1896.

In 1898 there is a record that Nesbitt was on leave from ‘D’ District of the BSAP, which had stations at Umtali, Melsetter, Lesapi, Headlands, Gungunhana, Penhalonga and Inyanga.

In the Second Boer War, Nesbitt served with the Mashonaland Division of the BSAP in Colonel Plumer’s Column for the relief of Mafeking, and in subsequent actions in the Transvaal.

On 29 October 1905 Nesbitt, with other officers, was appointed Justice of the Peace for Southern Rhodesia, and on 19 July 1907 a Special Justice of the Peace for the District of Salisbury. For some years he was in command of ‘B’ Troop at Goromonzi, near Salisbury, where he and his wife were well known for their hospitality. He retired from the force in September 1909. It is said that he was to have succeeded Colonel William Bodle as Commissioner of Police, but the promise was not made good and led to his resignation. He remained at Goromonzi as Native Commissioner (Native Affairs Department) and served in this capacity until he retired at the age of 60 in 1927. His wife Mary died at Goromonzi

Later he went to live at Muizenberg, near Cape Town, where he resided for many years, marrying Miss Eileen O’Doherty. He and Eileen came to Salisbury in 1950 to take part in the Occupation Day celebrations, and he took great pleasure in visiting some of the places he had known in days past. In 1956 he was to have gone to London to take part in the celebration of the centenary of the Victoria Cross, of which he was then the oldest living holder, but the state of his health prevented him.

Nesbitt died at Muizenberg after a short illness on 23 July 1956 at the age of 89. His ashes were interred in the BSAP bay of the cloisters of the Anglican Cathedral of St. Mary and All Saints, Salisbury (now Harare).

KENYA POLICE (BRITISH EAST AFRICA):

Col David Reeve

1 Duggy Walker pictured here in Kinganjo in Jan 1956 - of note, he was to eventually go on and run the Central Firearms Bureau in Nairobi for some years.

2 A couple of excellent photos here, presumably taken in the NFD, but not sure on the dates. They certainly do look like professionally produced images – great police history.

4 Duggy is pictured here in the 1980s, at home in Nairobi. I believe that he eventually left the police as a senior superintendent in 1986.

3 Mounted Officer

SAPS BLOWS OVER R42M IN PETROL FOR VIP PROTECTION

Andrew Whitfield | 25 April 2024

The South African Police Service (SAPS) has spent over R42,67 million on petrol and diesel over the past six years purely for its VIP Protection fleet.

According to the Minister’s response, the National VIP Protection Centre in Gauteng was the biggest spender in 2023/24, filling up their VIP transport fleet with over R2,2 million worth of fuel, more than double than the second highest spender. The second biggest abuser of public funds is Mpumalanga, clocked in at over R1,1 million for the year. While South Africans are suffering from crushing cost of living, including higher fuel prices, ANC VIP cadres take the taxpayers for a ride without having to put their hands in their pockets. Just recently, the ANC increased the SAPS VIP Protection allocation in the mid-term budget by over R52 million. In fact, the budget allocation for these services has increased by over 25% over the last five years. Other SAPS spending programmes were not so lucky, with Crime Intelligence Operations increasing only by 11,5%, and the entire Crime Prevention programme by a dismal 12,4%.

It is not only the national ANC government that has been dipping its hands into the taxpayer’s purse, in the City of Johannesburg, which is in the grip of a major water crisis, the ANC/EFF/PA-led doomsday coalition has forced through a R3 million monthly spending bump in their last budget to provide even more bodyguards and flashy cars to the mayor, the speaker, and their cadres. A DA-led government will slash these costs and reallocate much-needed funds to government projects that South Africans need most. Additional resources will be freed up by slashing the bloated SAPS middle millionaire management, who make no contribution to fighting crime. By building a new culture of government, based on excellence, transparency, and accountability to the people, the DA promises to deliver a professional administration and an independent public service that delivers to all, and not just the elite and connected few.

The disproportionate funding to SAPS VIP protection proves that the ANC only cares about protecting their own politically connected cadres, rather than the people of South Africa who fear becoming one of the 85 people who are murdered or the 169 people who are sexually assaulted, every single day.

It is time we remove the ANC who would rather focus on VIP protection than its murder rate, we have a Minister who cares more about his media appearances than visible policing and detectives. It is high time that we rid ourselves of this manipulating government and vote for the DA to rescue South Africa.

Issued by Andrew Whitfield, DA Shadow Minister of Police, 25 April 2024 https://www.politicsweb.co.za/politics/saps-blows-over-r42-million-in-petrol-for-vipprot?utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_campaign=611b3f5bb9EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2024_04_25_08_39&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_-611b3f5bb9%5BLIST_EMAIL_ID%5D

OVER 5M SAPS DOCKETS CLOSED IN FIVE YEARS

Andrew Whitfield

Over 5 million SAPS dockets closed in 5 years due to lack of evidence 2 May 2024

In yet another explosive admission of failure by Minister of Police, Bheki Cele, the DA can reveal that over 5.4 million case dockets were closed due to insufficient evidence or leads since the 2018/2019 financial year. This shocking figure highlights the utter failure of the SAPS under the leadership of Bheki Cele.

This figure was provided in a written parliamentary reply to the Democratic Alliance in which the Minister revealed that in each year, the following number of dockets were closed:

- 2018/19: 1 215 394

- 2019/20: 1 166 681

- 2020/21: 1 026 005

- 2021/22: 969 211

- 2022/23: 1 051 340

Averaging over 1 million cases per year, it means that almost 3,000 cases are closed daily by the SAPS without victims of crime ever receiving justice. Included in these 3,000 cases closed daily, are gruesome murders, rapes of family members, brutal assaults and kidnappings.

This is the painful reality which South Africans have shared with me over the years – a nonresponsive, under resourced and uncaring police service which has neither the leadership nor the required skills to do the job.

The Detective Services Programme of the SAPS is overloaded, overworked and understaffed, placing strain on the quality of investigative work required to secure successful prosecutions. Minister Cele has failed to bring the SAPS into the 21st century, adequately equip officers with critical equipment, and capacitate specialised programmes such as detectives who are a key lynchpin in the criminal justice system.

This 5 year record of more than 5 million dockets closed is an indictment on the Minister and President Ramaphosa who have made South Africa a more dangerous country to live.

The DA can rescue the SAPS by professionalising the police, decreasing the number of dockets per detective by ensuring there are sufficient SAPS members who are properly equipped and given the tools needed to close these cases. Most importantly we will dismantle the clumsy, chaotic centralised SAPS and devolve powers to capable local and privilege coal governments. Bringing policing closer to the people will enhance accountability and improve service delivery.

On 29 May, South Africans will head to the polls to vote for a party that has a plan to halve violent crime and that will rescue South Africa from criminals.

Issued by Andrew Whitfield, DA Shadow Minister of Police, 2 May 2024 https://www.politicsweb.co.za/politics/over-5-million-saps-dockets-closed-due-to-lack-of?utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_campaign=5454a63db3-

EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2024_05_02_09_30&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_-5454a63db3%5BLIST_EMAIL_ID%5D

VF PLUS VERWELKOM OPTREDE TEEN N3-BLOULIGBENDE

Mediaverklaring uitgereik deur: Jan van Niekerk

VF Plus-provinsiale leier: Vrystaat 30 April 2024

Die VF Plus verwelkom die polisiespanne wat die afgelope naweek vermeende lede van ʼn blouligkapingsbende op die N3-snelweg vasgetrek het.

Die bende word verbind met verskeie aanvalle in die gebied tussen Villiers en Heidelberg.

Drie lede van die bende is in die voorval dood.

Toenemende kapings, moorde en aanvalle op die N3 die afgelope jaar het padgebruikers se veiligheid in gedrang gebring.

Die VF Plus het in Junie 2023 met die aanval op adj.off. Neels du Randt daarop aangedring dat die Vrystaatse polisiekommissaris, lt.genl. Baile Motswenyane, 'n spesiale taakspan moet aanstel om die voortdurende kapings in die Vrystaat, veral op die N3 tussen Warden en Heidelberg, stop te sit.

In een voorval is nege vragmotors tegelyk tot stilstand gedwing en met petrolbomme bestook.

Dit is van kardinale belang dat misdadigers verantwoordelik gehou word vir hul optrede.

Die VF Plus sal voortgaan om druk op die regering te plaas om doeltreffende maatreëls teen georganiseerde misdaad in te stel.

Die VF Plus hoop dat die sterk optrede 'n duidelike boodskap stuur dat misdadigers nie welkom is in Suid-Afrika nie.

ALLEGED POLITICAL ASSASSIN OF DA COUNCILLOR WALKS DUE TO SAPS CI RECALCITRANCE – AFRIFORUM PPU

Barry Bateman | 03 May 2024

AfriForum’s Private Prosecution Unit has secured potentially critical evidence that could solve the investigation into the politically motivated assassination of Democratic Alliance (DA) councillor Nhlalayenza Ndlovu. Maj. Gen. Dumisani Khumalo, head of the South African Police Service’s (SAPS) Crime Intelligence, has, however, shut down all communication with the Private Prosecution Unit despite its eagerness to assist the police. This illegitimate embargo has called into question the police’s willingness to investigate political murders involving opposition party members, where victims are not aligned with the governing party or its political bedfellows. Ndlovu, chief whip of the uMngeni Local Municipality, was gunned down in front of his wife and children on 4 December last year. He was shot more than ten times. The majority of the shots were fired as he lay helpless on the floor of his home. The DA’s independent task team appointed the Private Prosecution Unit as its operational partner in January to lead the investigation into Ndlovu’s

murder. The unit was also formally briefed to provide support and legal assistance to the Ndlovu family.

The unit, led by Adv. Gerrie Nel and a team of specialised investigators, have conducted extensive consultations since January and followed up on numerous promising leads in the uMngeni area. At a meeting with Khumalo on 13 March, Nel and his team expressed their willingness to work with the police. Regrettably, Khumalo has since terminated all communication with the unit and refuses to update Ndlovu’s widow and family on the investigation’s progress, despite the police’s obligation to do so.

In a letter to Khumalo, dated 19 March, Nel summarised the nature of the above meeting as follows:

“Your seeming unwillingness to foster a relationship of cooperation to solve this callous assassination is disappointing [...] Despite our indicating that we may be able to assist in the investigation because we have access to information from persons who distrust the police themselves, you have shown no interest. It became clear that you have no intention to deviate from the chosen ‘investigation plan’. The meeting fostered the inference that the SAPS are more concerned with controlling investigations and a narrative than solving this particular murder,” said Nel.

On 11 April, the SAPS made a public appeal for the tracing of Zwelithini Buthelezi, an induna in the Mpophomeni area, in connection with a murder and attempted murder in the town of Impendle in KwaZulu-Natal. The appeal follows Buthelezi’s failure to appear in the Howick Magistrates’ Court. Buthelezi faces charges of theft of transformers owned by the uMngeni Municipality.

What the appeal does not reveal, however, is that Buthelezi had indeed been arrested by the SAPS weeks earlier, but that the state had not opposed his release on bail. If Khumalo had agreed to cooperate with the Private Prosecution Unit, Buthelezi would have faced meaningful scrutiny on charges related to Ndlovu’s murder.

“This suggests that the SAPS either withheld their intelligence from the prosecution or, despite our clients being informed that the theft case was used to target Buthelezi, were no closer to solving any crime and the team only grasped at straws. We reiterate the sentiment expressed in our earlier letter that the SAPS is duty-bound to serve and protect society and investigate all matters without fear, favour or bias. We emphasise that this duty does not allow the SAPS to circumvent the investigation of matters where the victims are not aligned with the governing party,” concludes Nel.

The unit has now copied Gen. Fannie Masemola, National Police Commissioner, in correspondence to Khumalo. “We remind ourselves that the SAPS, having arrested Induna Buthelezi a mere few weeks ago, released him without opposing bail,” Nel said in a letter dated 19 April.

Unsurprisingly, there has been no response from the SAPS Commissioner. It also seems that Khumalo has support for his decision not to keep the victim’s family informed of the investigation and to selectively decide which information and/or evidence they will collate in the docket.

The unit will continue attempting to engage with the police but has not ruled out going to court to compel the authorities to execute their duties.

Issued by Barry Bateman, Communications Manager: Private Prosecution Unit, AfriForum, 3 May 2024

https://www.politicsweb.co.za/politics/alleged-political-assassin-walks afriforum?utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_campaign=cce4687f15EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2024_05_05_07_02&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_-cce4687f15%5BLIST_EMAIL_ID%5D

10111 CENTRES ALMOST 60% UNDERSTAFFED SINCE BHEKI CELE’S REIGN AS POLICE MINISTER

Andrew Whitfield 5 May 2024

The South African Police Service’s (SAPS) 1011 call centres are in dire straits and have been for years. In response to a DA parliamentary question, the Minister of Police, Bheki Cele, revealed that, on a national average, 10111 call centres are currently staffed at a paltry 41,31% of their ideal personnel component.

These centres have stood at approximately the same staffing complement for the last four years. In 2020/2021, the same statistic came in at 41,63%, worsening year-on-year. These figures reflect a total lack of care from the Minister and is indicative of his complete disregard for properly staffing and resourcing this vital public service which stands as the first point of contact for victims requiring immediate police assistance, often in the middle of experiencing or witnessing a violent crime. In some provinces, the numbers are even lower in terms of staffing. Below are figures highlighting the vacancy rate of each 10111 centre:

• Queenstown (EC): 91,85%

• Mthatha (EC): 58,52%

• East London (EC): 59,22%

• Welkom (FS): 72,59%

• Richards Bay (KZN): 82,96%

• Hilton (KZN): 74,30%

• Port Shepstone (KZN): 72,41%

• Middelburg (MP): 75,56%

• White River (MP): 71,85%

• Secunda (MP): 85,93%

It is no wonder with these vacancy rates under the Minister’s watch that a jaw-dropping 2,34 million calls were “abandoned” at 10111 call centres in 2022/2023. To put this number into perspective, it adds up to a stunning 61,59% of the total calls received by 10111 centres during the entirety of that financial year.

In his response, the Minister points out that these “abandoned calls” include misdials, false reports, prank calls and the like. Of course, it stands to reason that provision should be made for these bona fide errors, but it is inconceivable that even a fraction of the nearly 2,5 million abandoned calls could be chalked up to pocket dials and prank calls. The only inference that can be drawn from these statistics is that the SAPS is simply not picking up the phone.

Bheki Cele is a failed Minister. Under his watch, the SAPS now has less operational staff than five years ago, its detective service is in shambles, and unsolved cases are shelved in their thousands every day. And while SAPS burns, the Minister jets across the country on taxpayer Rands.

On 29 May, South Africans will have the opportunity to vote for and install a government that takes its duty to keep citizens safe and secure, seriously. With the DA in the Union Buildings, South Africans will be able to once more sleep soundly in their beds, knowing that when they pick up the phone in their hour of need, there will always be someone on the other side of the line.

Issued by Andrew Whitfield, DA Shadow Minister of Police, 5 May 2024 https://www.politicsweb.co.za/politics/10111-centres-almost-60-understaffed andrewwhitf?utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_campaign=23ea5a4c4bEMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2024_05_06_05_05&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_-23ea5a4c4b%5BLIST_EMAIL_ID%5D

MISDAADVOORKOMS; STATISTIEKE; OPLOSSYFERS EN OPLOSSINGS

Deur brigadier Fanie Bouwer

* Inleiding

Die leser mag nou miskien dink dat die onderwerp alreeds 'n ou, afgesaagde kwessie is, maar dit is nie.

Dit is omdat misdaad in SA tans die mees bespreekte aktuele onderwerp is. Dit is ook iets wat die ekonomie negatief raak weens hoogs gesofistikeerde, mafiaagtige elemente wat by ekonomiese misdade, waarvan geweld ook 'n element is, daarby betrokke geraak het.

As gevolg van die buitengewoon hoë voorkomssyfer van baie ernstige misdaad, is daar verskeie aspekte hieromtrent wat ek vanuit verskeie hoeke wil bespreek.

* Misdaadvoorkoming - die verlede

In die nie so verre verlede was elke stasiewyk verantwoordelik vir hulle eie misdaad. Dit het intussen so erg geraak (ek dink hier aan die vernietiging van die spoornetwerk: Zamazamas se onwettige mynaktiwiteite; die aktiwiteite van die konstruksiemafias, om maar net drie te noem) dat die polisie juis miskien daarom genoodsaak was om iets méér te doen of te probeer.

* Bykomende strategie

So is die landswye, grootskaalse misdaadvoorkomingsoperasies soos Fiela 'n tyd gelede (daar was seker ander ook) van stapel gestuur, asook die Shanela-operasies wat nou reeds 'n jaar aan die gang is.

Dalk is hierdie soort operasies self-bluf-aksies in 'n situasie waar die maatskaplike/ekonomiese en interne faktore buite hulle beheer is. Of bloot omdat die stasielede weens onbevoegdheid nie die mas opkom nie.

Partykeer vra ek myself af of dit nie maar beter is dat elke polisiestasie nie net weer op 'n daaglikse basis hulle werk in hulle wyke beter en sistematies reg doen nie. Ek verwys hier vanaf klagtebywoning, doelgerigte proaktiewe patrollies, deursoekings van sekere plekke waar hulle weet misdade in hulle wyke gepleeg word en natuurlik die professionele ondersoek van saakdossiere.

* Twee stelle misdaadsyfers

Met tussenposes word die aantal arrestasiesyfers van die landswye operasies bekend gemaak.

Op die oog af mag sulke arrestasiesyfers vir die leek indrukwekkend voorkom. Dit sou gehelp het as die polisie ook elke vergelykende syfers gee om daardeur 'n beeld te probeer kry of die oefening wel die gewenste resultaat ('n daling) veroorsaak het. Jou aktiwiteite moet ten minste 'n meetbare doel hê.

So tussen hakies: dit is die afgelope week bekend gemaak dat die polisie 2.2- miljard rand aan siviele eise uitbetaal het weens onopgeleide lede se onwettige arrestasies. Dit gebeur ook omdat lede nie opgelei is om hofgerigte arrestasies te doen op prima facie-getuienis nie.

Dié statistieke van dié klomp arrestasies verg egter verdere navorsing, wat nooit gebeur nie. Meer hieroor ondertoe. So ook watter impak dit op polisiestasie se daaglikse werksaamhede het wanneer hulle lede vir dié operasies moet afstaan.

Tweedens word die landswye aangemelde misdaad se statistieke kwartaalliks in 'n roetineaanbieding deur die minister van polisie en die nasionale polisiekommissaris aan die media voorgehou.

Die laaste jaar of wat is dit elke keer vir die minister 'n bitter onaangename taak, want die syfers van veral ernstige misdaad toon elke keer 'n onaanvaarbare styging. En die boodskap wat dit na die gemeenskap uitdra, isdat hy as Minister onsuksesvol is en dat die polisie die stryd teen misdadigers verloor.

Oor die etlike misdade wat (dalk) 'n daling in breukdele van persentasies toon, en wat maar heel toevallig was, en nie aan polisie-optrede toe te skryf was nie, word gewoonlik groot gewag van gemaak. Dit beïndruk egter nie.

Die polisieminister - Bheki Cele - kry elke keer hewig kritiek. In weerwil daarvan het die staatspresident onlangs gesê dat hy steeds vertroue in die minister het.

* Die oplossyfers en aantal suksesvolle hofskuldigbevindings.

Die oplossyfers is 'n kwessie wat heeltyd onder die maatemmer gehou word. Hoekom? Ek dink dit sal té skrikwekkend laag wees om aan die groter publiek bekend gemaak te word.

Mens wil ook weet hoeveel sake hof toe is, en dán wil ons ook weet watter persentasie van daardie sake suksesvol in die howe vervolg is.

As mens ál die syfers het, sal ons eers dan 'n ware prentjie kry van die ware toedrag van sake rondom misdaad en die staat se optrede daarteen oor die hele spektrum van die regstelsel.

* Oorsake van stygende ernstige misdaad

Tydens die minister se aanbieding van kwartaallikse misdaadstatistieke word die oorsake van die onaanvaarbare misdaadsituasie - waarvan effektiewe polisiëring (voorkoming en ondersoek) een is - nie deur analiste of ander bespreek nie. Na my mening is dit dan eintlik 'n nuttelose oefening.

Ek het al voorheen daaroor geskryf, maar die herstrukturering van die speurdiens vanaf 'n voorheen onafhanklike en formidabele vertakking van die polisie, na waar hulle nou onder bevel van die stasiekommissarisse geplaas is, het by my geen twyfel gelaat nie dat dít die polisie se ondersoekvermoëns heeltemal lam gelê het. Ek weet nie of die polisieminister en die kommissaris

van polisie die insig het om hierdie kwessie te begryp nie. Tog het die minister onlangs darem erken dat die afskaffing van die spesiale eenhede destyds 'n fout was en dat hulle heringestel moet word.

Ek sou ook graag by sulke aanbiedinge van statistieke, ook wou hoor wat kriminoloë se opinies isveral met betrekking tot die oorsake van die misdaad - en veral die geweldsmisdade - in die land.

Ek sluit af met die volgende gedagte:

Goeie en bekwame leierskap is wat nou nodig is in die SAPD; die howe (Justisie); die NVG en selfs by Korrektiewe Dienste. Dit is selfs ’n kwessie wat in die sg. Nasionale Ontwikkelingsplan (NOP) aangespreek word.

THE BACK-TO-BASICS CONFUSION

Jan de Klerk | 09 May 2024

Jan de Klerk writes enacting unpopular and often superfluous laws divert valuable resources and energy of the SAPS.

The successes of the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (HAWKS) are encouraging and should be applauded. Since the last quarter of 2023 the number of cases brought before the courts by this specialist unit has increased dramatically.

The HAWKS are tasked with investigating serious offences or National Priority Offences in police jargon. Section 17A of the Police Act defines National Priority Offences as organised crime, crime that requires national prevention or investigation, or crime that requires specialised skills in the prevention and investigation thereof, as referred to in section 16(1) of the Act.

The work of the HAWKS is regularly highlighted with remarkable successes with regards to arrests and conviction numbers. To this extent we saw the Head of the unit, General Godfrey Lebeya releasing impressive statistics in November 2023. He highlighted arrests and convictions in cashin-transit heist cases, police killings, crimes relating to the COVID-19 Relief Fund, as well as Eskom and South African Social Security Agency fraud. The HAWKS even had success with illegal mining. However, the failure of the police to protect the general public is highlighted by David Ansara in his article, “SA’s failure to stop violent crime actually expands scope of ‘crime’”. (22/4/2024)

Ansara argues that the government creates and enforces a large number of crimes that do not carry the concerns and fears of the public and rides the wave of success in “solving” and “prosecuting” these crimes. Many of these crimes address economic issues and interferes into the freedom of the public, while crimes relating to the personal safety of individuals are left to the public to fend for themselves.

Ironically, in the SAPS Annual Report 2015 to 2016 the then minister of Police Mr Nathi Nhleko introduced the principle of “Back to Basics – towards a safer tomorrow” in a rather lame fashion.

“Since October 2015 to 31 January 2016, the Justice, Crime Prevention, and Security (JCPS) Cluster has been focusing on a six-pillar approach to deal with identified crimes and possibilities. These pillars include dealing with the issue of aggravated robberies, the enforcement of the Firearms Control Act, the Liquor Act, the Second-Hand Goods Act and other pieces of legislation, dealing decisively with crimes perpetrated against women, children and people with disabilities, closing the net on wanted suspects, implementing Road Safety Enforcement.”

The commissioner Lt Gen. Phahlane echoed this sentiment in the same report by emphasizing, “We do not have to wait until something goes wrong, we need to ensure proactive policing, which will boost our communities’ confidence in us.”

Taking into account the upward trend of violent crimes it is clear that this principle was not successfully pursued during the past nine years. There is also very little evidence to show that the public gained confidence in the police.

Either the “Back to Basics" ball was dropped or the very important communication channels between the SAPS and the community were clogged. Did the minister understand the concept of “Back to Basics” and delegate the principle to his executive managers?

It may be important to look at the “basic” hierarchal needs of a community. Abraham Maslow first introduced the concept of a hierarchy of needs in his 1943 paper, titled "A Theory of Human Motivation." This hierarchy suggests that people are motivated to fulfill basic needs before moving on to other, more advanced needs.

Maslow argued that survival needs must be satisfied before the individual can satisfy higher needs. Our most basic need is for physical survival, and this will be the first thing that motivates our behaviour. Once that level is fulfilled, the next level up is what motivates us, and so on.

The human body cannot function optimally if physiological needs are not satisfied. Once an individual’s physiological needs are satisfied, the need for security and safety becomes salient. People want to experience order, predictability, and control in their lives. Safety needs can be fulfilled by the family and society (e.g., police, schools, business, and medical care).

Together, the safety and physiological levels of Maslow's hierarchy of needs make up what is often referred to as "basic needs."

When these needs are fulfilled, and only then will the public pursue the next level of needs, which are loosely described:

Love and Belonging

The social needs in Maslow’s hierarchy include love, acceptance, and belonging. At this level, the need for emotional relationships drives human behaviour.

Esteem Needs

At the fourth level in Maslow’s hierarchy is the need for appreciation and respect. Once the needs at the bottom three levels have been satisfied, the esteem needs begin to play a more prominent role in motivating behaviour.

Self-Actualization Needs

At the very peak of Maslow’s hierarchy are the self-actualization needs. Self-actualizing people are self-aware, concerned with personal growth, less concerned with the opinions of others, and interested in fulfilling their potential.

Maslow’s definition of self-actualization: "It may be loosely described as the full use and exploitation of talents, capabilities, potentialities, etc. Such people seem to be fulfilling themselves and to be doing the best that they are capable of doing. They are people who have developed or are developing to the full stature of which they capable."

Although Maslow’s theory is not set in stone and attracts valid criticism, it provides a theoretical structure to the basics of a community’s needs.

From this theory, it is clear that the “Back to Basics” of 2016 was focused on offences primarily on the Self-Actualization level – at the very top of Maslow’s pyramid. These crimes included cash-intransit heist cases, crimes relating to the COVID-19 Relief Fund, Eskom and South African Social Security Agency fraud, and illegal mining. Also the enforcement of the Firearms Control Act, the Liquor Act, the Second Hand Goods Act and other pieces of legislation, dealing with crimes perpetrated against women, children, and people with disabilities, and Road Safety enforcement strategies.

The SAPS and in this instance, the Hawks focus their energy and resources on needs that concerns the privileged few in the country, while the poor and middleclass are left to fend for themselves. Law is the reflection of the will and wish of the society.

Kapoor argues that if you want to study any society, you have to study the laws enacted by that society and public you come to know whether the society is developed or wild world. The law, though it is the product of the society is responsible for the social transformations. In fact, there are two modes of this aspect.

First is, “Law changing the society”, which means that the law of the land compels the society to be changed according to it. Secondly is, “Society changes the law”, as per its needs. It means law is made by the society according to its requirements by its democratic institution, i.e. Legislative or by adopting custom and usage. When law changes the society, it is the sign of beginning of the development of the society. When society changes law it is the sign of maturity of the society. Enacting unpopular and often superfluous laws diverts valuable resources and energy of the SAPS whose primary function is the protection of life and limb. Every South African citizen has the inalienable right to life as guaranteed by the Constitution. The SAPS is the only institution of government that has the delegated power to protect and enforce this right. Police action and

resources should therefore never be used as a show of force nor oppress and coerce towards an unpopular ideology in a law-abiding society.

A true “Back to Basics” approach, addressing the urgent, basic needs and concerns of society will improve the public’s confidence in the police and consequential support crime prevention efforts in the widest sense of the word.

Jan de Klerk, Policing Scientist

https://www.politicsweb.co.za/opinion/the-backtobasicsconfusion?utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_campaign=602d575b71EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2024_05_09_09_18&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_-602d575b71%5BLIST_EMAIL_ID%5D

POORLY TRAINED SAPS OFFICERS COST R2,2BN IN CIVIL CLAIMS

Andrew Whitfield | 13 May 2024

DA MP says Cele running what must be the most understaffed, underfunded, and undertrained police ever seen.

Poorly trained SAPS officers cost taxpayers R2,2 billion in civil claims 12 May 2024

The Democratic Alliance can reveal that since 2018, the South African Police Service (SAPS) has paid out over R2,2 billion in civil claims for wrongful arrests and detentions. In response to a parliamentary question, the Minister of Police, Bheki Cele, revealed that under his watch, the SAPS has coughed up compensation in civil claims in the last financial year adding up to more than a third of its entire budget for forensic science laboratories, almost a third of its budget for Crime Intelligence operations, and nearly a quarter of its budget allocated to border security.

In fact, the SAPS has witnessed a 52% increase in civil claims over the course of five financial years, which coincides with the term of office of Minister Bheki Cele:

• 2018/2019: R356,205,508.36

• 2019/2020: R329,657,948.87

• 2020/2021: R239,299,759.27

• 2021/2022: R346,220,870.81

• 2022/2023: R541,751,164.30

To make matters worse, it appears that settlements have already reached R406 million in just the last three quarters of 2023/2024. To put these figures into perspective, since 2018, this amounts to SAPS spending over R1 million every single day.

It is patently obvious that the Minister is running what must be the most understaffed, underfunded, and undertrained SAPS ever seen. A crippled reservist corps with 93,3% less personnel than a

decade ago, critical detective shortagesacross the country, police response times that leave citizens stranded and helpless, and an operational staffing component with less officers than we had in 2019 – this will be the Minister’s legacy, or rather, lack thereof.

These figures not only show the shocking waste of taxpayer funds, meant for actual policing, but highlight a danger that as a result of a rot that has started at the top and worked its way down, ordinary South Africans are not even safe from the very police that are meant to protect them.

A DA-led government will professionalise SAPS, restore discipline and strengthen the Independent Police Investigative Directorate to deal swiftly with police officers who have committed wrongdoing. The DA will cut the bloated senior management and ensure a merit-based system for promotion and appointments.

The DA can rescue South Africans by halving the rate of violent crime and building a safer South Africa for all.

Issued by Andrew Whitfield, DA Shadow Minister of Police, 12 May 2024 https://www.politicsweb.co.za/politics/poorly-trained-saps-officers-cost-r22-billion-inc?utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_campaign=fab2f21821EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2024_05_13_08_43&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_-fab2f21821%5BLIST_EMAIL_ID%5D

CELE SPENDS R1BN PER YEAR ON SAPS MILLIONAIRE MANAGERS

Andrew Whitfield | 14 May 2024

SAPS has 146 Major Generals and 632 Brigadiers paid R1.48m and R1.23m respectively, says DA MP

Cele spends R1 billion per year on SAPS Millionaire Managers 14 May 2024

The Democratic Alliance (DA) can reveal that the South African Police Service (SAPS) spends an eyewatering R1 billion per year on the salaries of Major Generals and Brigadiers.

The Minister of Police, Bheki Cele, the SAPS revealed this information in a reply to a DA parliamentary question. According to the reply the SAPS has 146 Major Generals and 632 Brigadiers which equates to an average salary of R1.48 million and R1.23 million, respectively. To put these salaries into perspective, the average salary for detectives, who are tasked with investigating and solving the most violent of crimes, is R481 000 per year.

Like almost every other government department, the number of millionaire managers far exceed their operational needs - no example is clearer than the SAPS. The DA has conducted many oversight tours of police stations around the country, and the same problems persist – too few detectives, lack of rape kits, outdated radios, broken vehicles – all a result of the ANC’s lopsided budget priorities.

The DA has long held the position that the bloated SAPS senior management needs to be cut down to size. South Africa needs less Generals and Brigadiers at Head Office and more boots on the

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ground. This will enable SAPS to spend more of its budget on core service delivery divisions such as detective services.

The DA has a plan to rescue South Africans from violent crime by decentralising policing from Pretoria down to capable local and provincial governments. We will reduce the overpaid and bloated senior management to free up budget to recruit and train more detectives and we will use technology and evidence-based policing strategies to fight crime.

Issued by Andrew Whitfield, DA Shadow Minister of Police, 14 May 2024 https://www.politicsweb.co.za/documents/cele-spends-r1-billion-per-year-on-sapsmillionair?utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_campaign=f07c43e470EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2024_05_14_08_58&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_-f07c43e470%5BLIST_EMAIL_ID%5D

HELLO FROM GERALD

Gerald Potash

A quote from Gerald’s latest Newsletter:

Our police are useless. I should write that with a capital F.

It is reported that 5½ million over 5 years old dockets were closed without being resolved. The DA have pointed out in parliament that this is 3000 criminals that are let off the hook every single day. No wonder crime is rampant here.

The Police have reported that only 12.5% of murders are solved. Aggravated robberies have only slightly better figures with almost 15% of these dastardly deeds solved. Try to work out how many criminals are walking around amongst us. It's scary.

Law and order hardly exist in the townships, and do you think that we citizens are even personally safe with this under-trained, under-staffed and gun-happy police force?

Die Burger newspaper, with a front-page article in their weekend edition blames our police minister, that clown in a hat Bheki Cele. With him the top brass in the Police is blamed for the dismal state of our police force.

• Onder die omstandighede dink ek die minister doen goeie werk! Hoe sou u as minister gevaar het? Miskien hou ek van hom, want my “vên-crew” jare gelede te SAP King’s Rest was ‘n dapper kryger en oorlogsveteraan, konstabel Bekinkosi Cele.

HOW THE POLICE USED TO BE RUN

Jan de Klerk | 20 May 2024

Jan de Klerk explains how recruitment, promotion, training and discipline functioned in old SAP. Crime figures in South Africa are raising eyebrows for almost two decades now. With every release of crime statistics, the same questions about SAPS effectiveness and efficiency are raised and the

same rhetorical replies about new plans, strategies and commitment are repeated by the minister and his pawns.

On such occasions comparisons are made between the former SAP and SAPS with the former SAP always beating the latter by a head. Given the 80-year bureaucratic structure of the SAP and the less than three decades structure of the SAPS, one should question the fairness of the comparison. The benchmark for evaluating the effectiveness of the South African Police Force (SAP) was enacted in section 5 of the (repealed) Police Act 7 of 1958;

(a) the preservation of the internal security of the Republic;

(b) the maintenance of law and order;

(c) the investigation of any offence or alleged offence; and

(d) the prevention of crime.

To meet these expectations the SAP, which was established in 1913 has developed and evolved over a period of 80 years. The result was a remarkable effective organization given the toxic political environment in which it was expected to perform its mandate.

Recruitment

Before 1947 the South African Police academic admission requirement was standard six but, in 1947 it was raised to standard 10 (Grade 12). Recruits with standard 8 were accepted if they pass the admission tests in advance.

In 1964 the admission requirements were improved to meet the needs of the period. Recruits were required to be between 16 years and 35 years old, be at least 5 foot 6 inches tall and have a breast measure of 34 inches. He had to be free of mental and body defects, be healthy and be suitable for police service and provide proof of good behavior.

Training

In 1947 with the institutional change from SAP Training Depot to the South African Police College, the new syllabus incorporated restrained but crucial academic material. Police training here did not operate in a vacuum. Example, in 1948 Major HJ du Plooy (later commissioner of police) was sent on a three-month policing training course to the United Kingdom where he had the opportunity to interact with international experts. This type of enhanced international training was quite common before independence in 1961.

In 1960 the University of South Africa adapted a diplomatic course and introduced a three-year Diploma course specifically for South African police officers.

In 1961 South African police training underwent another considerable transformation. Recruits could obtain a senior certificate from Department of Education with a syllabus comprising Afrikaans, English, Common Law, Criminal Procedure, Criminology, Ethnography, Statutory law and Investigation of crime. Training was extended to 12 months.

The instructors were screened and they were assisted by full-time officials from the Department of Education, Art and Science. The following syllabus was followed:

Basic disciplinary training that includes parade and ceremonial drill. Also, physical exercise including self-defense, boxing, wrestling, swimming and other physical sports. These sports were aimed to develop restrained use of violence, to prepare recruits for actual attack situations in the field. Musketry and the proper use of various firearms prepared and trained recruits in the dangers of the unique power of the police to take lives.

Academic subjects included Common Law, Criminal law, Criminal Procedure, Investigation of Crime and Force administration, Criminology, Anthropology, community relationships, English and Afrikaans. (only two apartheid laws were fleetingly dealt with, the Group Areas Act and the Mixed Marriages Act – in a total of 30 minutes over 6-month period.)

The law subjects were very specific and targeted on the most common crimes. Very little room for interpretation was allowed. The definition of the different crimes and its elements formed an important facet of the academic syllabus. Individual officers had to identify a crime or offence without hesitation and be able to take corrective action to gain the trust and confidence of the public.

The course focused on a straightforward, holistic disciplined career and lifestyle. The importance of discipline, confidence, expertise and presence were emphasized at every available opportunity during the entire course.

In 1913 police training in South Africa started out as a militaristic styled training facility and was developed and evolved over a period of 80 as a police training college adapted to serve and protect the unique South African demographics.

After training, a member of the force constantly attended lectures in order to him keeping up with all aspects of his work.

Promotion

Promotion in the SAP was done after successful submission of promotion exams. The curriculum was prescribed by the commissioner.

The exams were rather intense and few members passed the exam at the first attempt. Participants had to write all eight subjects in the examination period to succeed and the candidates had to write two subjects on a day. In this way the candidates were scrutinized and only the most dedicated and zealous were passed.

Initially (1964) after serving as constable for at least 3 years a member could, with the commissioner’s approval compete in a promotion exam to the rank of sergeant, provided that such a member can only be promoted if he is older than 21 years.

After 2 years as sergeant, he can participate in an exam for promotion to warrant officer. A warrant officer must serve in the rank for 1 year before sitting in an exam for promotion to lieutenant.

A member of the force could reach the officer rank within 10 years. Once a member has reached the officer’s rank, his promotion depended on merit and initiative. Although a chronological log of officers in the different ranks did exist, promotion was decided by an SAP Promotions Board who was guided by institutional needs and resource availability to make rational promotion decisions. The appointment was ratified by the Prime Minister (later the President).

The rationale for promotion was based on work performance, character and suitability to promote the effectiveness of the SAP. Suitability of spouses was included in the selection process.

Executive ranks (brigadier and generals) were appointed by the Prime Minister (later President) on recommendation of the Promotion Board and the commissioner of police.

A need for a more professionalized SAP was identified and since the early 1970’s there was a movement towards a theoretical framework to encourage philosophical research into policing with specific focus on the South African context.

The BA Police Science course was initiated at the University of South Africa. Many members completed the degreed course while a great number continued with an Honors, Magister and Doctorate.

Members, who did not sit for exams, were not promoted. They had to wait until they had eighteen years of service (with a clean behavior record) before they could be eligible for promotion. This method of promotion was often frowned upon by colleagues.

Discipline

Policing requires a disciplined approach so that public confidence and reassurance is maintained. The SAP had a strong discipline code to maintain the integrity of the organization and the laws it maintained.

To this effect the rank hierarchy was committed to regular and systematic inspections of all facets in the organization. Every detail of equipment, procedures and human resources were subjected to daily (often three times in 24 hours), weekly, monthly and annual inspections. The primary purpose of management was operational leadership, guidance but most important, thorough inspections. In the event of any contravention of an instruction, force order, regulation of act an immediate investigation was required into the circumstances and the offender had to be identified (not too difficult in such severely controlled environment).

Investigations were held upon discovery of a dent in a police vehicle, a missing firearm cartridge, neglected (including unkept) police equipment and many more. There was no excuse for abuse of government assets – replacement meant wasted resources. Government assets were expensive, policemen came free of charge (!)

The offender was charged and a disciplinary hearing was convened with a commissioned officer presiding and an experienced officer as prosecutor. Due to the thoroughness of the inspections and the detailed investigation the offender was soon convicted. Punishment could be a penalty,

reduction in salary, demotion in rank or in severe cases, immediate dismissal. Very few police officers could afford a lawyer to construe a defence besides, representation was an unthinkable sin against the management who were served with blind loyalty and pride.

Appeals were allowed but due to the thoroughness very few appeals were successful. Sentences were confirmed by an executive manager, usually with a juridical background at regional level.

The decay set in

In 1989 it was clear that a political settlement is needed to solve the country’s unfair racial policies. "A junior commissioned officer of the SAP, Lieutenant Gregory Rockman went on a crusade to discredit the SAP leadership and focus on perceived discrimination in the SAP. He formed a police union which at that stage was unheard of and illegal. The Police and Prisons Civil Rights Union (POPCRU) was only recognized in 1993 and was as such, an affiliate of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). COSATU is a member of the Tripartite Alliance which is an alliance between the African National Congress (ANC), the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist Party (SACP)."

Another union, The South African Policing Union (SAPU) was established in November 1993 for the more “moderate” members of the SAP.

The following year a former trade unionist, Sydney Mufamadi became minister of Safety and Security and it goes without saying that the formation of police unions was welcomed in the political arena.

Pressure groups, led by the Tripartite Alliance, discredited and blamed the SAP for all the sins of the ideological alchemists in parliament. Also, every Homeland had its own policing agency, and the eleven police agencies had to be incorporated in one police agency.

It was decided that the police service, as every aspect of society, should reflect the demographics of the country. Soon it was clear that the Alliance cadres destined to manage the new police agency do not have the knowledge or experience nor the discipline to be incorporated into the existing police bureaucracy. It was time to insisted on a complete overhaul of the policing function under auspices of a democratic police for a democratic New South Africa. Negotiators for the New South Africa embarked on a mission to reinvent the policing wheel. Suddenly the country was saturated with national and international “policing experts” and consultants. The large number of police inquiries, conferences and research projects came with large sums of international donor funds. Developmental aid was brought to bear on a wide front. It targeted many layers of the police organization and to varying degrees it brought political credibility, financial assistance, modern technology and technical expertise to the police agency. By the mid-1990s the model of community policing, with its emphasis on social partnerships and organisational decentralisation, had become the preferred policing model to replace the SAP.

Confusion and frustration reigns

In 1996 the South African Police Services Act came into being and brought hope for a “democratic” police service.

The functions of the SAPS were enacted in the Constitution (Act 108/1996) section 205 sub-section (3) The objects of the police service are to prevent, combat and investigate crime, to maintain public order, to protect and secure the inhabitants of the Republic and their property, and to uphold and enforce the law.

However, in view of the Bill of Rights, the Police Services Act now leaves important loopholes for police officers:

Section 13.

(1) Subject to the Constitution and with due regard to the fundamental rights of every person, a member may exercise such powers and shall perform such duties and functions as are by law conferred on or assigned to a police official.

(3) (a) A member who is obliged to perform an official duty, shall, with due regard to his or her powers, duties and functions, perform such duty in a manner that is reasonable in the circumstances.

This section leaves itself for interpretation and is often used by officers to neglect their function. Police management, most likely earlier members of the unions, have a snug relationship with the unions. Police training, promotion, conditions of employment and salary increases are now negotiated and agreed to in the bargaining councils.

A police officer has no motivation for improving qualifications as this is no guarantee for promoting his career. They are trapped in the lower ranks of SAPS without any forecast promotion. They also trapped in poverty at the lowest compensation levels for countless years. (This may be a cause for high levels of corruption.)

The training syllabi are registered in line with the National Qualification Framework. As example: The National Certificate: SAQA Qaul ID 20496 National Certificate for Policing will equip the new police officer with skills knowledge and experience to:

Balance constitutional and legal rights of individuals with the competence to legally infringe those rights in the service of maintaining a safe and secure society.

Prevent crime by conducting patrols.

· Support a criminal investigation by gathering initial information and evidence of a crime and attend to court duties by giving evidence.

Prioritise and conduct an armed response to reported crimes.

· Conduct a lawful arrest.

Safeguard, transport and release prisoners in detention.

· Conduct oneself in a professional manner that delivers quality service to the community.

Conduct themselves as effective members of a policing team.

· Monitor, reflect and improve their own practices.

Very little about the definition or elements of crimes are entertained in the initial training program. There is little interaction or coordination between the five institutions accredited to offer the course, thereby leaving the topics open for interpretation.

The new police officer is left uncertain about his role in crime prevention and would rather do nothing than making a mistake. Even experienced officers are not familiar and current with the laws of the country. Higher levels of education are offered by a larger number of accredited institutions, exacerbating the coordination problem.

Unions are allowed to threaten and influence decision making by grievances and discipline. Union members meet at disciplinary trials and intimidate witnesses. Officers are simply afraid of possible bogus complaints that members of the unions may make against them and the former expire into apathy. Officers do not get any support from their seniors and become the subject of grievances and false complaints themselves.

In periods of conflict with top managers - who usually are not members of the union -mid-level officers must choose between their duty to obey the top managers and their loyalty to the union; usually they choose the latter.

The inspection function of the management has all but disappeared in favour of apathy towards government assets. Besides, lack of financial control has seen police vehicles left unserviceable due to smooth tires, stolen batteries or generally unroadworthy conditions.

Conclusion.

Bureaucracy can be effective because it helps organisations run smoothly and effectively. It streamlines processes, bring order to systems and processes, make management easier and encourage training. It also makes the organization predictable and consistent. However, it takes time, experience and effort to develop.

In their wisdom, the police experts and specialists of the 90’s chose to scrap the highly effective 80year-old police bureaucracy wheel. They designed a dysfunctional wheel from scratch to accommodate the country’s new race laws. Most South Africans will agree, the experiment failed. Instead, it would have made more sense to address the policing challenge where it matters – at the spot where the wheel interacts with society. With the benefit of hindsight, it would have been more sensible to fit a new democratic tire on the strong bureaucratic wheel with the prevailing benefits of command, control, discipline and merit. However, this would have interfered with the racial laws of the new regime.

Jan de Klerk, Police Scientist

Sources:

• Levin, Benjamin. What’s Wrong with Police Unions? University of Colorado Law School, 2020

• Gouws, Zirk. SAPS: Interne faktore wat dienslewering beïnvloed, Solidariteit in Nongqai Vol 8 No 4

• Van der Spuy, Elrena. South African Police Reform in the 1990’s: Internal Processes and External Influences, University of Cape Town , 2005

• South African Qualifications Authority, https://www.saqa.org.za/

Die artikel het eerste in PoliticsWeb verskyn. Jan het ook vir Nongqai die artikel gestuur. “Baie dankie, Jan!”

KAN DIE POLISIE DIE SAMELEWING HERVORM OF ANARGIE VOORKOM?

Deur brigadier Fanie Bouwer

Daar is toentertyd gesê sonder die polisie sou daar waarskynlik anargie wees.

In 'n mate is dit seker waar, maar soos in Julie 2021 in KZN en dele van Gauteng kan 'n gemeenskap anargie veroorsaak (350 mense het gesterf en biljoene Rande se skade was aangerig) as hulle wil.

Soveel so dat die polisie net mooi niks daaraan kon doen nie, soos dit inderdaad toe ook gebeur het. Dít is 'n kommerwekkende situasie.

Dit is egter ’n algemeen erkende feit dat misdaadvlakke in die gemeenskap ook bepaal word deur verskeie maatskaplike toestande wat buite die beheer van die polisie sowel as buite die beheer van die strafregstelsel in sy geheel is.

Die polisie se mannekrag het vanaf 1990 tot nou toe bykans verdubbel. Dit is tans so om en by 195 000. Die gehalte is natuurlik 'n debatteerbare punt. Die bevolking het gestyg so van 43 miljoen tot so 65 miljoen vandag.

Steeds vra mense of ons wêreld veilig is, selfs al is dié groot polisiediens daar met 'n begroting van R108-biljoen per jaar?

Kan ons op die polisie vertrou om ons teen georganiseerde misdaad en geweldenaars te beskerm?

Soos bo aangedui - ja en nee, afhangende van wat die heersende toestande of wat kan gebeur soos bo geskets.

Ek noem enkele dinge ten opsigte waarvan die polisie tans geen hond haar-af kan maak nie:

* Eskom - (Korrupsie én sabotasie)

* Onwettige mynbou (zama-zamas)

* Die Konstruksiemafias

* SA se spoorwegnetwerk wat stelselmatig besteel en vernietig is

* Kriminele elemente uit taxigeledere wat busse van bv. InterCape aanval (skiet)

* Dwelm- en mensehandel

* Vuurwapens in besit van alle mafiagroepe

* Daar is nog voorbeelde.

Ek het dit al voorheen gesê en ek sê dit weer: die polisie is die heel belangrikste regeringsentiteit. As die polisie in alle opsigte bekwaam is en hulle werk met integriteit en professionaliteit uitvoer, sal die dinge in die vorige paragraaf genoem, en wat ongelooflike negatiewe gevolge vir die landsekonomie het, nie gebeur nie.

Vandag is daar egter in die meeste stede, soos op baie plattelandse gebiede, ’n gevoel dat die veiligheidsituasie ’n krisispunt bereik het.

‘n Kernvraag is: Wat het intussen ook gebeur met die psige van die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing dat dinge so handuit geruk het wat betref (alle soorte) misdaad?

Is die feit dat (van) die gemeenskappe die respek of vrees vir die polisie totaal verloor het 'n bykomende faktor? Wat was die oorsake?

Konsentreer die polisie nie net maar meesal op 3 dinge nie, naamlik om die strate te patrolleer, op noodoproepe te reageer en makliker misdade te ondersoek – maar nie regtig om misdaad te voorkom nie?

Die statistieke waarmee die polisie elke 3 maande rondspeel, in die sin dat hulle daarmee hulself probeer oortuig dat hulle impak maak op misdaad, is na my mening 'n blote klug. Hulle bluf hulself.

Verlede Vrydag se kwartaallikse statistieke is om een of rede nie bekend gemaak nie. Dalk is dit nie goed nie. En die verkiesing is naby, wat moontlik dan die kiesers kan beïnvloed.

Is die polisie dalk maar net bloot ‘n pleister op die kanker nie?

Dit lyk nie of misdadigers die ekstra patrollies wat wel bekostig kan word, opmerk of hulle daaraan steur nie. Die vinnige optrede van die polisie hier en daar skrik misdadigers ook nie juis af nie, lyk dit my.

Misdadigers weet blykbaar dat die polisie selde so vinnig optree. Hulle is duidelik ook nie meer lugtig vir die polisie nie, in die sin dat hulle blykbaar glo hulle nie gevang of vervolg sal word nie.

Goeie misdaadondersoeke help ook nie eintlik nie. Selfs al word misdadigers gevonnis en opgesluit, voorkom dit blykbaar nie misdaad nie. Dalk is daar te min daarvan, want tydige arrestasies voorkom misdaad.

Dalk is die kaperjolle van polisielede waaroor julle hier elke dag lees ook juis ‘n manifestasie van dit wat in die (onderskeie) gemeenskappe aangaan.

Voordat ek oor intelligensie iets sê wil ek, so tussen hakies, oor die aanklaers en die howe ook kortliks iets sê. Hierdie regsinstansies werk in tandem met die polisie wat misdaad betref.

Ek doen dit uit inligting wat mens van polisielede oral oor kry, asook verdere inligting van die hoofstroom- en sosiale media. En dit gee mens nie baie gerusstelling nie.

Dit wil voorkom asof 'n groot gros aanklaers nie meer daardie professionaliteit, energie en wil het om beskuldigdes met 'n doelgerigte fokus te vervolg nie.

In te veel sake word geweier om te vervolg. So asof hulle net van die dossiere van hulle tafels wil ontslae raak. Dan is daar ook 'n huiwerigheid om borg te opponeer of sake in die hof sonder meer terug te trek, terwyl 'n vervolging eintlik die logiese keuse moes gewees het.

Hierdie kwessies genoem in die laaste paragraaf, regverdig 'n deurtastende ondersoek.

Toekoms en intelligensie

Dr. Willem Steenkamp het in sy onlangse scenario's 'n (moontlike) tweede Armageddon genoem (nie voorspel nie), afhangende van die verkiesingsuitslag en natuurlik ook Jacob Zuma se eie moontlike kaperjolle met sy Zulu-gevolg ná die komende verkiesing of hofuitsprake.

En dit is hier waar intelligensie ‘n rol kan speel, bygesê as dit nog iets is waarop mens kan reken.

Het dinge intussen verander, want soos die intelligensiediens voorheen was, het dit nie gewerk nie.

Eerstens: Wat is die inhoud van die beskikbare intelligensieverslae tans? En wat is die gehalte van die intelligensiegemeenskap(pe) deesdae ná Julie 2021?

Dit is met ’n mate van lewensmoegheid dat ’n mens hierdie vrae vra.

Ek dink dit is tans noodsaaklik dat operasionele en intelligensie sake geopenbaar word, in landsbelang.

Die gevolge van intelligensie se hovaardige en geheimsinnige breedsprakige selftevredenheid skrei al lank ten hemele.

Wat weet die Staatsveiligheidsagentskap (SVA)?

Wat weet militêre intelligensie?

Wat weet die polisie se misdaadintelligensie? En wat weet hulle nie? Of bestaan hulle maar net?

Koördineer hierdie instansies hulle inligting?

En in teenstelling met wat in Julie 2021 gebeur het, dra hulle dit oor aan die relevante ministers?

DIE BELANGRIKHEID VAN 'N PROFESSIONELE SPEURDIENS

Deur brigadier Fanie Bouwer

Ek gaan in hierdie artikel na die verlede; die hede en oorsake van onbevredigende speurwerk per se kyk.

Ek het eendag as jong polisie-offisier gesê: "Vang hulle en sluit hulle op - dit is die beste manier van misdaadvoorkoming".

Die ondersoek van gewone kriminele sake is tans op die slegste plek in die ganse geskiedenis van misdaadondersoek in SA.

Die ou SAP se speurafdeling (stasies en spesiale eenhede) het in die strukture van destyds apart en taamlik onafhanklik van die uniformtak gefunksioneer.

Dit was so vanaf die stasie-takbevelvoerder; die distrikspeuroffisier; die afdelingspeuroffisier op na die nasionale speurhoof in polisiehoofkantoor in Pretoria.

Die spesiale eenhede het 'n soortgelyke rapporteringslyn gehad. Hierdie speuroffisiere van laagste tak tot hoogste vlak, was die dryfvere wat die destydse formidabele speurdiens van Suid-Afrika laat uitblink het en kriminele hulle gevrees het. Dit is mos hoe dit moet wees.

In die SAPD se huidige strukture ressorteer speurders nou direk onder die stasiekommissaris, met 'n rapporteringslyn na die distrikskommissaris en dan na die provinsiale kommissaris (nie die provinsiale speurhoof nie). Die provinsiale kommissarisse is baie meer bemagtig en tree meesal onafhanklik van Pretoria hoofkantoor op.

Die speurders werk deesdae onder direkte gesag van die stasiekommissaris en is maar meesal soso tot uiters treurig en hopeloos.

Soos nou die dag gerapporteer weier uniformlede om na die speurders oorgeplaas te word, blykbaar omdat hulle 'n sekere toelaag dan verloor. Dít is 'n onbevredigende, selfs onhoudbare situasie.

Ek herinner my nou weer dat die SAPD 'n vroue nasionale speurhoof het (lt.-genl. Liziwe Nthinga). Ek weet nie of sy, of wie ook al in daardie pos, gesien die gesag van die provinsiale kommissarisse en die rapporteringslyne binne provinsies, enige positiewe inset hoegenaamd kan lewer om algemene speurdienste positief te beïnvloed, kan ek met die beste wil in die wêreld nie insien nie. Om dieselfde redes kan ek dus ook nie die nut en funksie sien van die provinsiale speurhoofde rondom stasiedpeurders sien nie.

So lank as wat die polisieminister en die nasionale polisiekommissaris nie die insig het om hierdie dinge te kan insien, so lank sal speurondersoekwerk aan die agterste speen suig tot ons almal se verdere nadeel. Net die kriminele sal bly glimlag.

Die ANC se ideologie in hierdie verband.

Ek dink dit is noodsaaklik dat ek ook kortliks hierna verwys, aangesien dit (ook) die geskiedenis van die vernietiging van die polisie se ou spesiale eenhede tot gevolg gehad het.

Die Sunday Times publiseer in die tweede helfte van die 1990's die eerste artikel oor 'n dokument getiteld "Accelerating Change: Assessing the balance of forces in 1999" in hulle sg. 'Umrabulo' nr. 7, 3de kwartaal 1999. Hierdie dokument identifiseer die polisie as die enigste staatsinstelling wat nog nie onder ANC -beheer is nie.

Die dokument sê ook onder andere:

"Die magsbalans in die polisie is minder gunstig as in die weermag, en ons moet dus die vermoë verbeter om groot veranderinge in die polisie aan te bring - hetsy deur regulering, wetgewing of implementering."

Die kabinet se besluit oor 'n polisiekommissaris.

Op 20 Oktober 1999 kondig oudpresident Thabo Mbeki se kabinet verskeie aanstellings in die staatsdiens aan in terme van bg. beleid en ook dat Jacob 'Jackie' Selebi as nasionale polisiekommissaris wat by Fivaz gaan oorneem.

(Selebi was op daardie stadium die direkteur-generaal van buitelandse sake en 'n voormalige ANCLP en leier van die ANCYL. Hy was 'n politieke vertroueling van Mbeki)

Die Jackie Selebi tydvak.

In sy inhuldigingstoespraak op 13 Januarie 2000, sê Jackie Selebi, onder andere, die volgende:

"Dit is duidelik dat my voorganger, George Fivaz, 'n stewige grondslag gelê het vir polisiëring in Suid -Afrika en ek is nie van plan om die wiel te herontwerp nie. Dit is nodig om eerder voort te bou op die positiewe aspekte wat stewig gevestig is en om die gebiede te verjong waar die resultate nie was wat verwag kon word nie". Hy sou toe nie.

Mens kan aanvaar dat Mbeki en Selebi op hierdie stadium alreeds 'n in-diepte gesprek oor die SAPD gehad het en "wat nóg gedoen moes word".

Mbeki, as gevolg van sy paranoia, was die man wat ’n ‘vrees’ vir die spesiale eenhede gehad het oor hulle besondere vernuf, professionaliteit en kapasiteit vir intelligensie. So Selebi was sy “point man” om hulle as't ware te ontman. En van ons eie mense - generaals (toe kommissarisse) uit die vorige bedeling - het doodluiters ‘saam gespeel’ en Selebi laat begaan. Die skade/nadeel wat ondersoek van misdaad en opsporing betref is onbepaalbaar enorm. Die gevolge word tot vandag toe waargeneem en ervaar.

Iemand het eendag gesê: "The ANC’s longevity is intrinsically linked to its ability to bury white domination ..."

Die volgende deel van Selebi se inhuldigingstoespraak is egter insiggewend. Lees dit aandagtig:

"Dit is egter ook nodig om aandag te gee aan spesifieke aangeleenthede wat vanweë die menigte kwessies wat tydens die samesmelting, rasionalisering en transformasie van die verskillende polisiemagte in Suid-Afrika behandel moes word, moontlik agterweë gelaat is ...".

Lg. woorde was insiggewend.

Sommer aan die begin van sy dienstydperk het Selebi sy ware (politieke) kleure begin wys. Agterna gesien, was dit natuurlik te wagte.

Dit het reeds in 2001 duidelik geword toe Selebi aangekondig het dat die verskillende SAPDgespesialiseerde ondersoekeenhede in slegs drie eenhede gekonsolideer sou word. Dit was die eenheid vir georganiseerde misdaad, die eenheid vir ernstige en geweldsmisdaad en die eenheid vir kommersiële misdaad.

'n Aantal belangrike gespesialiseerde eenhede is in hierdie tyd gesluit, waaronder die Narkotiese Buro (SANAB) en die interne eenheid teen korrupsie.

Die funksies van eenhede soos SANAB en die voertuigmisdaadeenheid is by ander ingedeel. Eenhede soos moord en roof en taxi -geweld is by ander eenhede opgeneem. Slegs die eenheid vir gesinsgeweld, kinderbeskerming en seksuele misdrywe en die veediefstaleenheid het hul status behou. Hulle het seker geen 'gevaar' vir die regering ingehou nie.

Verder het Selebi gedink dat omdat die meeste misdade by polisiestasies aangemeld word, alle beskikbare hulpbronne op hierdie vlak toegewys moet word. Hy het op 'n stadium gesê dat: "Die herstrukturering van die polisie sal lei tot 'n herontplooiing wat 'n aansienlike toename in personeel by polisiestasies sal veroorsaak”. Die fundamentele idee was dat gespesialiseerde eenhede wat by die SAPD gebaseer was 'gedesentraliseer' word na stasievlak - en sodoende die plaaslike

polisiëringshulpbronne versterk. Dit was 'n naïewe idee en die praktyk het dit toe later bewys. Die voordele van spesialisasie het skielik net in die niet verdwyn. So is die speurdiens toe ontman.

Kommissarisse (voorheen: generaals van die ou bedeling) wat van beter moes weet, het "saam met Selebi gespeel". Hulle het nie die moed gehad om hulle jarelange ervaring en kennis eerder voor te hou nie alhoewel hulle die institusionele geheue gehad het.

Die volgende onthou ek soos gister: Pas nadat Jackie Selebi aangestel is as nasionale polisiekommissaris, was daar ‘n bespreking op RSG oor misdaadvoorkoming. Sê een van die bekende wit kommissarisse (wie se naam ek nou nie hier gaan noem nie) die volgende: “Kommissaris Selebi se aanstelling is een van die beste dinge wat nog met die polisie gebeur het”. Bid jou aan! Dít was nou ‘n soort van “famous last words’.

Gevolglik is die geweldsmismisdaad-eenhede ontbind en gedesentraliseer na die 169 polisiekantore wat geïdentifiseer is as die hoogste vlakke van geweldsmisdaad. Die kapasiteit van die seksuele oortredings-eenhede is versprei onder 176 groter rekenpligtige polisiestasies; stasies wat bedoel was om 'n toesighoudende rol te verleen aan vier tot vyf kleiner polisiestasies in die omgewing.

Die 'desentralisasie' van hierdie eenhede het nié die bedoelde uitwerking gehad nie. Dit het eerder gelei tot die verlies aan gespesialiseerde ondersoekvermoë binne die SAPD. Dit is omdat ondersoekers van gespesialiseerde eenhede kundiges word in die identifisering, verstaan en oplossing van spesifieke misdaadtipes. 'n Professionele etos ontwikkel binne sulke eenhede waardeur beamptes lesse en ervarings kan deel en mekaar kan raadpleeg vir advies.

Spesialisondersoekers ontwikkel informatiewe netwerke en raak vertroud met die opkomende en veranderende modus operandi van misdadigers of netwerke. Hulle is dus in staat om vinnig hul spesialiskennis en vermoë te mobiliseer om moontlike sensitiewe misdade soos moord, verkragting of meer komplekse sake soos korrupsie of georganiseerde misdaad op te los.

Deur spesialispersoneel oor 'n groot aantal polisiestasies te versprei, het die voordele van spesialisasie verdwyn. Hoekom is Selebi nie so geadviseer nie?

Op stasievlak het speurders wat gespesialiseer het in die oplos van verkragting, kindermishandeling of korrupsie, byvoorbeeld hul ondersteuningsstrukture verloor. As gevolg hiervan het baie ervare speurders hul netwerke verloor en is hul kundigheid onbenut gelaat.

Verder het die SAPD die institusionele vermoë verloor om hierdie kapasiteit te behou en te herstel. Later het die nuwe minister van polisie erken dat die herstrukturering van die gespesialiseerde eenhede 'hersien' moet word en dat daar 'n her-instelling van sommige van hierdie gespesialiseerde eenhede nodig is. Die wiel moes dus herontwerp word. Elders gebeur dieselfde soort van ding.

Dr. Johan Burger van die Instituut van Sekerheidstudies het later gesê dat daar is geen twyfel dat die herstruktureringsproses binne die SAPD onder leiding van Jackie Selebi spesialisering ingeperk het, wat 'n verlies aan kundigheid en ernstige, negatiewe gevolge vir die stryd teen misdaad tot gevolg gehad het. Die tyd hét geleer dat dit inderdaad so was.

Ter afsluiting:

Ek haal hier onder aan 'n artikel van Jonny Steinburg op 29 September 2012 met die opskrif "CRISIS IN POLICE" wat insiggewende agtergrond gee tot Jackie Selebi se planne - planne weliswaar van 'bo'', soos die artikel inderdaad suggereer.

(Jonny Steinburg: Author and scholar. Works at the Institute for the Humanities in Africa, University of Cape Town).

States rot slowly, invisibly. You do not see it happening. Until, one day, years down the line, a crisis erupts, the capacity that once would have dealt with it is long gone, and all hell breaks loose.

This is one of the many stories behind Marikana.

The genesis of the catastrophic policing witnessed on that day lies 12 years back, at the moment the ANC took control of the police. By this I mean the day the ANC first felt comfortable enough to install its own man as police commissioner.

Until then, the ruling party was sufficiently wary of the police to hold them at arm’s length.

It was especially suspicious of the organisation’s intelligence and detective functions for it did not control them.

It confined police intelligence work to narrowly criminal matters and it starved the detective service of resources and prestige. But nor did it meddle much in how these institutions were run.

In sending Jackie Selebi into the police in 2000, Thabo Mbeki signalled that the holding pattern was over; it was time for the ANC to take control.

After all, the capacity to gather covert information and investigate malfeasance are powerful tools; no self-respecting Machiavellian would allow them to lie idle for long.

When he arrived at police headquarters, Selebi looked at the detective service and saw a myriad of specialised units: one dealt with drugs, another with serious violent crimes, still another with diamonds, another with crimes against women and children, and yet another with corruption inside the police.

He did not like what he saw. All of these units were so many pockets of power he could not see into or control. And so, he disbanded them and scattered their personnel into police stations.

Selebi probably believed he was doing good. Police stations, after all, were the grassroots institutions that served ordinary people. They were surely the ones that should get the expertise.

But, in the final instance, his motivation was control: he did not like the idea that covert operatives and detectives might work in units into which he could not shine a light. It made him nervous.

And so, he set about destroying an organisation. Units that had become skilled at specialist work disappeared.

Their personnel were sucked into police stations and allocated dogsbody tasks, their expertise unutilised. Carefully calibrated networks of professionals that once cooperated were torn apart.

Senior police officers who knew better helped Selebi implement his destructive plan.

He was the boss now, after all, and if you wanted to keep dancing it would have to be to his tune.

South Africa’s public order policing expertise was among the casualties of this restructuring.

The unit’s personnel were distributed into police areas and thus lost their esprit de corps. Its staff levels were halved.

And its remaining people were allocated work that had little to do with their dedicated training.

Selebi in quick time decimated a vital policing capacity.

Then Selebi was thrown out and Bheki Cele arrived.

To his credit, he recognised the mess his predecessor had left and promised to rebuild the detective service. But he was distracted by another task.

More a warrior than a civilian, he failed from the start to distinguish between soldiering and policing.

He believed his job was to mow down an enemy. He poured his time and energy into building a new institution trained to use deadly force to apprehend a lethal foe.

This new institution was called the Tactical Response Unit, the very same one that confronted the miners at Marikana.

By the time August 16, 2012, dawned, the police’s capacity to manage volatile crowds was a shadow of what it had been a decade earlier.

Instead, it had a brand-new capacity one primed for warfare, not for angry and violent civilians. The result was a massacre.

What is the moral of this tale?

At first glance, it is a story of two men blinded by arrogance: men who did not know what they did not know.

On closer inspection, it is something more profound. It is about an ANC that has forgotten, or perhaps never knew, that as the ruling party its primary obligation is pastoral.

It is obliged to take good care of the institutions it has inherited because our children and grandchildren will still need these institutions long after we are dead.

In its hunger to turn the police into an instrument of its will, the ANC forgot to treat the institution with care.

Now it is broken, and who knows whether it will ever work again".

RUSSIESE LADOGA KIROVSKY PANTSER TENK

Lt-kol Philip Malherbe (afgtr)

Hierdie artikel is vryelik vertaal van die beskikbare bronne, saamgestel en geskryf deur Philip Malherbe.

Maart 2024

Abstract Abstrak

The war in Ukraine strongly emphasized the evolving role and challenges of tanks in modern warfare.

The result was the production of Ladoga. Kirovsky, (just a handful, four or five) of the rail vehicles (which at that time were developed to view the Chernobyl nuclear power plant after the deadly collapse of the plant in 1986).

The tank is a formidable heavy command-and-control and reconnaissance vehicle, with an armoured hull and chassis of a T-80 tank with a 1,250horsepower gas turbine engine, developed and designed for autonomous operations in environments characterized by high levels of radiation, chemical or biological contamination. It is also suitable for mechanized warfare.

Die oorlog in die Oekraïne het die ontwikkelende rol en uitdagings van tenks in moderne oorlogvoering sterk beklemtoon.

Die gevolg was die vervaardiging van Ladoga. Kirovsky, (net 'n handjievol, vier of vyf) van die spoorvoertuie (wat destyds ontwikkel is om die kernkragsentrale in Tsjernobil te besigtig na die dodelike ineenstorting van die aanleg in 1986).

Die tenk is ʼn formidabele swaar bevelen-beheer- en verkenningsvoertuig, met ʼn gepantserde romp en onderstel van 'n T-80-tenk met 'n 1,250-perdekraggasturbine-enjin, wat ontwikkel en ontwerp is vir outonome bedrywighede in omgewings wat gekenmerk word deur hoë vlakke van bestraling, chemiese of

biologiese besmetting. Dit is ook geskik vir gemeganiseerde oorlogvoering.

Key words Sleutel woorde

Destroying of the Ladoga Tank, through a Drone - it is unfortunate that the Ladoga was not weighed against other Western tanks.

Clearly, innovation is required to redesign the tank to counter the threat posed by drones.

Vernietiging van Ladoga Tenk, deur ʼn

Hommeltuig - dit is jammer dat die Ladoga nie opgeweeg is teen ander Westerse tenks nie.

Duidelik dat innovasie benodig word om vermelde tenk te herontwerp om die bedreiging van hommeltuie teen te werk.

Ladoga. Kirovsky Tenk

https://www.google.com/search?q=russian+Ladoga+Kirovsky+tank+&sca_esv=2

Tenk oorlogvoering

Die oorlog in die Oekraïne het die ontwikkelende rol en uitdagings van tenks in moderne oorlogvoering sterk beklemtoon, wat die idee uitdaag dat die era van die gevegstenk verby kan wees. Ondanks aansienlike verliese bly tenks van kritieke belang vir militêre strategie, geprys vir hul ongeëwenaarde beskerming, formidabele vuurkrag en uitstekende mobiliteit oor uitdagende terreine. Dit het hul posisie as noodsaaklike bates op die slagveld versterk, in staat om struikelblokke te oorkom en kragtige aanvallende vermoëns in alle rigtings te lewer.

Die konflik in die Oekraïne het ook die belangrikheid van elektroniese oorlogvoeringsvermoëns, netwerkgesentreerde oorlogvoering en die integrasie van onbemande lugvoertuie vir verkenning en teikenverkryging beklemtoon, wat leërs gedwing het om hul gepantserde magte te moderniseer. Boonop het die oorlog die kritieke rol van logistieke en herstelondersteuning vir die handhawing van tenkoperasies getoon, sowel as die noodsaaklikheid dat Hoof Geveg Tenks binne 'n gekombineerde

wapenbenadering moet werk, insluitend infanterie, artillerie en lugsteun, om 'n goed toegeruste teëstander effektief teen te werk. Hierdie evolusie weerspieël 'n breër neiging tot hoë-tegnologie, multi-domein gevegsoperasies, waar tradisionele tenk sterk punte aangevul word deur digitale oorlogvoering en gevorderde verdedigingstelsels om aan die eise van moderne konflik te voldoen.

Die ontwerpfilosofieë van tenks is histories gevorm deur die strategiese eise van hul tyd, veral tydens die Koue Oorlog, wat tenks as formidabele teenstanders in direkte konfrontasies bepaal het.

Dit het gelei tot twee primêre ontwerpneigings: een wat fokus op swaar pantser- en langafstandvermoëns, geïllustreer deur tenks soos die Leopard 2 en M1 Abrams, en 'n ander wat mobiliteit en 'n hoër vuurtempo beklemtoon, gesien in tenks soos die T-72 en AMX Leclerc. Hierdie benaderings weerspieël verskillende strategiese leerstellings, met Sowjet- en Russiese strategieë wat tradisioneel kwantiteit en noue betrokkenheid bevoordeel, terwyl die NAVO gekies het vir kwaliteit, swaar gepantserde eenhede wat op 'n afstand kan betrokke raak, en Frankryk 'n hibriede benadering volg wat beide mobiliteit en langafstand vuurkrag beklemtoon.

Ten spyte van hierdie verskille, het die fundamentele missie van tenks - om vyandelike wapenrusting aan te gaan en te vernietig - konsekwent gebly. Die konflik in Oekraïne het egter 'n verskuiwing aan die lig gebring in hoe tenks ontplooi word en die bedreigings wat hulle in die gesig staar. Oekraïnse owerhede het opgemerk dat 'n klein fraksie van tenkverliese te wyte was aan vyandelike tenks, met die meerderheid toegeskryf aan myne, artillerie, tenkmissiele en toenemend hommeltuie. Dit het die verminderde rol van tradisionele tenk-op-tenk-verbintenisse en die toenemende betekenis van asimmetriese bedreigings beklemtoon, insluitend kamikaze-hommeltuie, wat bewys het dat dit effektief is om tenks te teiken.

Die toenemende gebruik van hommeltuie en ander tenkwapens het 'n herwaardering van tenkontwerp en -beskerming genoodsaak. Innovasies soos hokwapens en Aktiewe Beskerming Sisteme (Active Protection Systems (APS)) is ingestel om hierdie bedreigings teen te werk, wat verbeterde oorleefbaarheid bied teen 'n groter verskeidenheid aanvalle. Hierdie aanpassing weerspieël 'n breër neiging na tenks wat in staat is om te verdedig teen hemisferiese bedreigings van 360 grade, wat 'n afwyking is van die fokus op frontale pantser en langafstandvuurkrag.

Die aanpasbaarheid van huidige tenkmodelle by hierdie ontwikkelende bedreigings bied egter uitdagings, soos blyk uit die aanpassings aan die M1A2 Abrams-tenkontwerp na ervarings in die Oekraïne. Dit het gelei tot 'n erkenning van die behoefte aan ligter, ratser tenks wat effektief kan reageer op nuwe realiteite op die slagveld, wat 'n moontlike verskuiwing terug na medium tenkontwerpe beklemtoon wat veelsydigheid en mobiliteit prioritiseer sonder om beskerming in te boet.

Die blywende relevansie van tenks word beklemtoon deur hul ongeëwenaarde vermoëns om vuurkrag, beskerming en mobiliteit te bied. Tog het die oorlog in die Oekraïne die mite van hul onkwetsbaarheid verdryf, wat die behoefte aan 'n evolusionêre benadering tot tenkontwerp beklemtoon wat die spektrum van moderne bedreigings aanspreek. Dit behels die verbetering van veelsydigheid, mobiliteit en beskerming om infanterie in konfliksones met 'n hoë intensiteit te ondersteun, om te verseker dat tenks effektief kan bydra tot hedendaagse gevegsoperasies.

In hierdie konteks kom die Franse Leclerc-tenk na vore as 'n model vir toekomstige ontwikkelings in gepantserde oorlogvoering. Die kombinasie van outolading, verminderde massa en behendigheid strook met die ontwikkelende vereistes van moderne slagvelde, wat dui op 'n pad vorentoe vir tenkontwerp wat die eise van beskerming, vuurkrag en mobiliteit balanseer. Namate oorlogvoering voortgaan om te ontwikkel, sal die aanpassing en innovasie in tenktegnologie deurslaggewend bly om sy strategiese waarde en doeltreffendheid in gevegte te handhaaf.

Herbou van 1970 tenk deur Russe

In die laat 1970's het die Sowjet-owerhede die Kirovsky-ontwerpburo in Sint Petersburg gevra om 'n kernverkennings- en bevelvoertuig te ontwikkel.

En nie net enige kernverkennings- en bevelvoertuig nie, maar die bes beskermde, gemaklikste kernvoertuig denkbaar. 'N Verseëlde, selfstandige en dik gepantserde geskuttoringlose tenk met afgeleë kameras en sy eie suurstoftoevoer.

Die gevolg was die Ladoga. Kirovsky waarna net 'n handjievol van die spoorvoertuie vervaardig ismiskien vier of vyf. 'n Mens het 'n geruime tyd in die uitvalsone rondom die kernkragsentrale in Tsjernobil deurgebring na die dodelike ineenstorting van die aanleg in 1986. Afgesien van 'n ander wat in 'n museum beland het, het die Ladogas toe ... Verdwyn.

Aanval vanuit die lug - Hommeltuig stel tenk buite werking

Tot vandeesweek, toe 'n Oekraïense hommeltuig opgemerk en toegeslaan het, was dit blykbaar 'n Ladoga wat in die rigting van Oekraïense lyne naby die Kreminna-woud in die ooste van Oekraïne gerol het.

Dit is geen geheim dat die Kremlin sukkel om genoeg gevegsvoertuie te genereer nie-hetsy deur nuwe produksie of deur ouer voertuie uit langtermynopberging te haal-om goeie verbysterende verliese (15 000 voertuie en tel) langs die 600 myl voorste linie van Rusland se 25 maande groter oorlog teen Oekraïne te maak.

Voordele van Ladoga tenk op grondvlak

In vergelyking met 'n ongekunstelde, oop gholfkarretjie, is die Ladoga baie beter geskik vir gemeganiseerde oorlogvoering. Dit kombineer die gepantserde romp van 'n T-80-tenk met 'n 1,250horespower-gasturbine-enjin en 'n lywige bemanningskompartement met sitplek vir ongeveer vier in opgestopte leunstoele.

Die Ladoga het 'n masgemonteerde televisiekamera en 'n volledige reeks radio's wat die voertuig in staat sou stel om in 'n oordeelsdag-bevelrol te werk. Stel jou voor dat Sowjet -leiers na veiligheid in 'n Ladoga jaag en hul eie kernmagte rig terwyl die NAVO-nukes neerreën.

Stel jou nou voor dat 'n Russiese kolonel sy bataljon uit die gesellige binneland van 'n Ladoga beveel tydens 'n aanval op Oekraïense magte rondom Kreminna.

Die klein krag van Ladogas het 'n oefensessie rondom Tsjernobil gekry, maar het nooit sy primêre rol in 'n atoomapokalips vervul nie. Niemand in Kirovsky het sekerlik gedink dat 'n bejaarde Ladoga uiteindelik sy weg na die voorste linie van 'n nie-kernoorlog in 2024 sou vind nie.

Maar dan is dit moeilik om te dink dat die ingenieurs in Sint Petersburg 50 jaar gelede kan dink dat Rusland binne twee jaar 15 000 gepantserde voertuie verloor het in 'n oorlog met, van alle lande, 'n onafhanklike en NAVO-belynde Oekraïne.

Die Ladoga is 'n formidabele swaar bevel-en-beheer- en verkenningsvoertuig, ontwikkel op die onderstel van 'n T-80-tenk en ontwerp vir outonome bedrywighede in omgewings wat gekenmerk word deur hoë vlakke van bestraling, chemiese of biologiese besmetting.

Hierdie kenmerkende voertuig is spesifiek bedoel vir gebruik deur senior amptenare en spesialiste in die geval van 'n derde wêreldoorlogscenario. Dit beskik oor 'n spesiaal toegeruste binnekajuit wat toegerus is met gemaklike sitplekke, individuele beligting, klimaatbeheerstelsels, kommunikasietoestelle, toesiginstrumente en omgewingsparametermetingsinstrumente. Hierdie geriewe verseker bevorderlike werksomstandighede binne die verseëlde kajuit, wat tot ses individue akkommodeer.

Slegs vyf van hierdie gepantserde voertuie is in Rusland gemaak. Een van hierdie "swaar limousines" is selfs ontplooi vir verkenningsmissies in die omgewing van die Tsjernobilkernkragsentrale na die katastrofiese voorval.

Aangedryf deur 'n 1,100-perdekrag-enjin (GTU-1000TF), soortgelyk aan die enjins wat in T-80-tenks gebruik word, het die Ladoga indrukwekkende mobiliteit vir sy gewig getoon, met 'n topsnelheid van 70 km/h op snelweë en 'n reikafstand van 350 kilometer.

Bronne:

https://www.forbes.com/sites/davidaxe/2024/03/27/the-ladoga-was-the-soviet-unions-plushnuclear-war-command-vehicle-a-drone-just-blew-one-up-in-easternukraine/?sh=300c86ba5272

https://armyrecognition.com/ukraine__russia_conflict_war_2022/russian_army_uses_a_very_rare_ladoga_autonomous_armored_vehic le_for_combat_operations_in_ukraine.html

https://www.google.com/search?q=russian+Ladoga+Kirovsky+tank+&sca_esv=2

ROL VAN KUNSMATIGE INTELLIGENSIE IN OORLOË

Lt-kol (afgetr) Philip Malherbe

Hierdie artikel is vryelik vertaal, saamgestel en geskryf deur Philip Malherbe.

April 2024

Abstract Abstrak

With the advances in artificial intelligence accelerate, the ways state and nonstate actors apply it in conflict environments will grow. Militaries are applying technology in different ways to advance their interests from weapons systems to the information space.

Key words

AI weapons and military equipment

Online wars

Autonomous weapons systems

Global governments and peace

Met die vooruitgang in kunsmatige intelligensie (KI) en aanwending in huidige oorloë, wend militêre groepe vermelde tegnologie op verskillende maniere aan om hul belange van wapenstelsels na die inligtingsruimte te bevorder

Sleutelwoorde

KI wapens en militêre toerusting

Oorloë aanlyn

Outonome wapen sisteme

Globale regering en vrede

Kunsmatige Intelligensie via rekenaar programme https://www.google.com/search?q=role+of+AI+in+wars&sca_esv=2

Wat is Kunsmatige Intelligensie?

Kunsmatige intelligensie (KI) is die intelligensie waarmee masjiene of sagteware vorendag sou kom, in teenstelling met die intelligensie van mense of diere. Dit is 'n akademiese studieveld waarin probeer word om menslike intelligensie kunsmatig te skep.

Watter rol speel KI in oorloë?

Met die vooruitgang in kunsmatige intelligensie (KI) en aanwending in huidige oorloë, wend militêre groepe vermelde tegnologie op verskillende maniere aan om hul belange van wapenstelsels na die inligtingsruimte te bevorder. Dit word verder geargumenteer dat die stryd in Oekraïne 'n voorbeeld is van 'n terugkeer na konvensionele oorlogvoering. Asook dat die konflik 'n nuwe vlak van tegnologiese oorlog verleen. Net so gebruik Israel in Gaza AI-geaktiveerde wapens en militêre toerusting, met 'n veel groter voordeel as sy teëstander. Aangesien die reëlgebaseerde internasionale orde steeds spanning verduur en die vermoë van multilaterale instellings om lande bymekaar te bring om komplekse kwessies op te los, verswak, Dit wil voorkom of ons nie voorbereid op die rol wat KI in veelvlakkige konflikte speel, asook hoe om dit te bestuur nie. Dit sal 'n kritieke jaar wees om te bepaal of globale bestuur en vrede binne die internasionale stelsel haalbaar is.

KI

wapens en militêre toerusting

Rusland se oorlog teen Oekraïne is die toekoms van konflik. Die stryd tussen Rusland en Oekraïne vind op die grond tussen leërs en ook binne die kuberruim plaas. KI -instrumente verbeter die kapasiteit van beide leërs, aangesien elkeen 'n strategiese voordeel bo die ander soek. Wat na vore gekom het was die feit dat die insameling en toesig van intelligensie, geweldig uit gebrei het. Onbemande Hommeltuie (HT) wat toegerus is met KI-aangedrewe kameras en sensors is wyd gebruik vir verkenningsmissies wat intydse data en beelde verskaf. Die KI-stelsels word opgelei om militêre toerusting, troepebewegings en ander strategiese bates te herken, wat bevelvoerders in staat stel om besluite te neem op grond van data wat ingesamel is. KI help albei leërs om groot hoeveelhede inligting oor die slagveld te verwerk wat ongelooflik uitdagend vir militêre ontleders sou wees.

Daar is berigte dat beide kante semi-outonome hommeltuie en ammunisie ondersoek of gebruik het. Hierdie hommeltuie kan outonoom deur komplekse omgewings navigeer, teikens identifiseer en selfs skade na aanvalle assesseer. Hulle kan teikens identifiseer en betrek op grond van vooraf geprogrammeerde kriteria, wat die besluitnemingstyd in gevegsituasies aansienlik verminder. Namate Oekraïne en Rusland verbeter hoe KI in hommeltuie gebruik word, sal daar aansienlike gevolge vir toekomstige konflikte wees, aangesien hierdie laekoste-tegnologie meer wydverspreid word.

KI was ook 'n belangrike faktor in die kuberaspek van die konflik. Russiese kuberaanvalle teen Oekraïne is voor sy volskaalse inval in Februarie 2022 en is al jare lank 'n instrument in Rusland se veelvlakkige oorlog teen Oekraïne. Rusland het glo KI gebruik om sy aanvalle te help loods terwyl KI Oekraïne gehelp het om homself teen die kuberaanslag te verdedig. KI-stelsels kan patrone opspoor wat dui op kuberindringings, outomaties op bedreigings reageer en selfs potensiële kwesbaarhede in 'n netwerk identifiseer.

Israel se oorlog teen Gaza skyn ook die kollig op die gebruik van KI in konflik. Israel het uitdruklik sy gebruik van KI in die konflik bespreek met behulp van 'n stelsel genaamd "The Gospel", wat sy weermag help om vyandelike vegters en toerusting te identifiseer met die doel om burgerlike ongevalle te verminder. Die stelsel versamel groot hoeveelhede data en maak teikenaanbevelings.

Benewens teikenidentifikasie, gebruik Israel KI om die netwerk van tonnels wat Hamas gebou het, te identifiseer en op kaarte te plot mbv HT wat ondergronds werk en die weermag in sy aanvalle help.

Voor die aanvaarding van KI in die konflik tussen Rusland en Oekraïne, en Israel se oorlog in Gaza, was outonome hommeltuie aktief in Azerbeidjan se aanvalle op Armenië in 2021. Azerbeidjan se weermag het baat gevind by die land se sterk militêre verhoudings met Israel en Turkye. Tydens

die Tweede Karabakh-oorlog in 2020 was Azerbeidjan se gebruik van Turkse hommeltuie deurslaggewend in die herwinning van grondgebied uit Armenië. Op grond van sy miliêre suksesse in 2020, het Azerbeidjan Armenië in 2021 aangeval met outonome hommeltuie met rondloperbomme wat die vermoë gehad het om op impak naby sy teiken te ontplof. By gebrek aan gevorderde wapens en sterk militêre verhoudings soos Azerbeidjan, het Armenië 'n gevegsnadeel gehad.

Robot met uitoefening van Kunsmatige Intelligensie

https://www.google.com/search?q=role+of+AI+in+wars&sca_esv=2

Oorloë aanlyn

Die inligtingsruimte het in oorloë nog 'n slagveld geword. Selfs sonder gevorderde vermoëns in wapenstelsels, het teëstanders in 'n oorlog gepoog om die konflik te analiseer. Ná Rusland se volskaalse inval twee jaar gelede het sosiale media intydse verwikkelinge gebied namate die oorlog gestalte gekry het. Langs die berg poste was daar fopnuus van Zelensky wat aan Rusland oorgegee het en Poetin wat vrede met Oekraïne aangekondig het. Solank Rusland voortgaan om sy oorlog teen Oekraïne te voer, sal KI-gegenereerde beelde en video waarskynlik opduik om die inligtingsruimte te besoedel en die waarheid te verdraai.

Ná Hamas se wrede aanval op Israeliese burgerlikes en Israel se daaropvolgende oorlog in Gaza het sosiale media as nog 'n slagveld in die konflik gedien. Disinformasie, verkeerde inligting,

propaganda en fopnuus het sosiale media en boodskapplatforms oorstroom. Digitaal veranderde beelde het gruweldade of militêre aanvalle uitgebeeld wat nie gebeur het nie. Hierdie tipe veranderde beelde verdraai die werklikheid en dra by tot die golf van emosies wat samelewings en individue tydens oorloë aangryp, wat dit moeilik maak om vreedsame nie -militêre oplossings te bereik.

Die teenwoordigheid van KI-gegenereerde inhoud dra by tot 'n breër klimaat van onsekerheid en skeptisisme aanlyn, aangesien werklike gebeure toenemend bevraagteken word. Hierdie omgewing van twyfel kan die dekking van 'n oorlog en die feite of 'n konflikparty gruweldade of oorlogsmisdade pleeg, ondermyn. KI-gebruik die generering van aanlyn-inhoud wat dan wyd kan sirkuleer, en is 'n uitdaging wat waarskynlik sal toeneem namate hierdie toepassing van KI voortgaan om te ontwikkel. Benewens die partye wat by 'n konflik betrokke was, het verskillende groepe van verkeerde inligting en disinformasie gebruik gemaak om hul voorkeurkant te ondersteun. Dit het die potensiaal om die aard van konflikte te verander namate meer partye betrokke raak weg van die werklike gevegte. Outonome wapen sisteme

'n Belangrike manifestasie van AI in oorlogvoering is die gebruik van sensornetwerke. In hul seminale referaat, "Sensornetwerke: evolusie, geleenthede en uitdagings," delf Chee-Yee Chong en Sanjay Kumar in draadlose mikrosensornetwerke. Hierdie netwerke, aangedryf deur AI, dien as die oë en ore van die moderne weermag en bied intydse inligting oor die slagveld. Dit verbeter strategiese beplanning en besluitneming deur die terrein, troepebewegings en ander kritieke faktore volledig te verstaan. In die konteks van die Rusland-Oekraïne-konflik kan sulke netwerke instrumenteel wees in gevorderde toesig en voorspellende analise, wat moontlik vyandelike optrede voorspel en teenmaatreëls inlig.

Outonome wapen sisteme bestaan uit oorlogvoering, wapentuig of tegnologie wat kan identifiseer, teiken en die vyand aanval sonder mense betrokkenheid. Daar word ook verwys na dodelike aanvals robotte. Die besorgdheid met outonome sisteme is dat hul die potensiaal het om leef en dood besluite te kan neem sonder enige menslike oorsig. Uiteraard is daar besorgdheid rakende etiese, morele, wetlike en humanitêre besluite rakende die gebruike, verantwoordelikhede, onbedoelde skade aan die gemeenskap, en eskalasie van konflikte. Die dilemma is of KI (ʼn masjien) toegelaat moet word om ʼn menslike lewe te neem. Met die toeneemlike vooruitgang van KI tegnologie, kan dit opgegradeer word om outonome besluite te neem weg van humanitêre interaksie. Swerms outonome HT kan reageer op veranderings op die gevegsgrond teen ʼn spoed bo die vermoë van die menslike brein. Dit is kommerwekkend met die aanwending van kernkrag wapentuig. Veral met die super magte soos die VSA, Rusland en China wat van mekaar verskil.

Hommeltuig met Kunsmatige Intelligensie

https://www.google.com/search?q=role+of+AI+in+wars&sca_esv=2

Globale regering en vrede

Namate vooruitgang in tegnologie vorm hoe oorloë gevoer word, jaag staats- en nie-staatlike akteurs om KI in hul vermoëns op te neem of verder te integreer. KI se veelvlakkige gebruik in konflikte sal die kontoere van globale bestuur vorm wat 'n herwaardering van bestaande norme en die daarstelling van nuwe wetlike raamwerke vereis.

Die gebruik van KI-aangedrewe outonome wapenstelsels wat in staat is om lewe-en-dood aanbevelings te maak uit die verwerking van 'n groot hoeveelheid data, vervaag die lyne van aanspreeklikheid en veroorsaak diepgaande etiese dilemmas. Die internasionale gemeenskap staan by 'n kruispad, getaak met die dringende behoefte om konsensus te bewerkstellig oor die regulering van sulke wapens, om te verseker dat hulle nie buite die grense van menslike beheer funksioneer nie. Verlede jaar het die Biden-administrasie 'n poging gelei om 'n internasionale raamwerk oor KI in militêre gebruik in te stel. Dit is 'n eerste stap, maar meer is nodig aangesien die lande met sterk miliêre vermoëns nie by die poging aangesluit het nie. Terwyl Rusland terugtrek van historiese wapenbeheerooreenkomste en so 'n raamwerk ontbreek waarby China betrokke is, is die wêreld aan die genade van 'n handjievol state wat voortgaan om KI se mag in konflikte te toets.

KI se rol in die verbetering van toesig- en intelligensie-insamelingsvermoëns het beduidende implikasies vir globale magsdinamika en kan bydra tot die versterking van die kapasiteit van outoritêre state. Vredesbouers, gewelddadige aktiviste, joernaliste en verteenwoordigers van die burgerlike samelewing wat op soek is na maniere om vrede te bewerkstellig, het 'n groot nadeel in die lig van militêre en veiligheidsmagte wat die gebruik van KI verhoog. Boonop dreig die strategiese voordeel wat lande met gevorderde KI-vermoëns behaal, om die gaping tussen die “haves en die have-nots” te vergroot wat bydra tot die uitdaging om globale bestuurstrukture op te stel en te implementeer wat die meer skadelike gebruike van KI in oorlog bestuur. Die uitdaging vir globale bestuur is om te verseker dat hierdie tegnologiese sprong nie bestaande ongelykhede vererger of lei tot 'n toestand van ewige toesig wat die mag van outoritêre regimes ten koste van demokrasie verhoog nie.

Soos die oorlog in Oekraïne aantoon, speel tegnologiemaatskappye 'n toenemend prominente rol in vennootskappe met state tydens die konflik. By die oorweging van toekomstige globale bestuursopsies rondom KI-gebruik in konflikte van wapenstelsels tot die inligtingsruimte, moet ons ook evalueer en reguleer hoe maatskappye bydra tot oorloë buite nasionale grense.

Ons moenie afgeskrik word deur die geweldige werk wat voorlê nie. Met die menigte konflikte regoor die wêreld lyk dit asof die woord en die konsep van vrede langs die pad geval het. Ons moet druk om die doel van vrede voorop te stel en op die internasionale verhoog te sentreer, veral in die Verenigde Nasies. Gevorderde militêre mag deur KI sal nie tot 'n vreedsame wêreld lei of wêreldwye bestuur herleef nie. Lande moet onthou watter rol diplomasie en inklusiewe dialoog kan speel om spanning te verminder en oorloë te beëindig

Dit dien as 'n herinnering dat hoewel KI ons vermoëns kan vergroot, dit versigtig hanteer moet word om onbedoelde gevolge te voorkom.

Die kern van hul argument is dat die verantwoordelikheid vir die optrede van outonome stelsels nie eenvoudig op die masjiene self afgelaai kan word nie. Hierdie verantwoordelikheid, argumenteer hulle, lê stewig by ons - die mense wat hierdie stelsels ontwerp, ontplooi en toesig hou.

Hulle beklemtoon die potensiële skade wat kan voortspruit uit die sogenaamde "black box" -effek, waar die innerlike werking van KI-stelsels verborge of verduister word.

Hierdie gebrek aan deursigtigheid kan lei tot komplekse of uitdagende besluite, wat ernstige etiese bekommernisse wek. Dit beklemtoon die behoefte aan deursigtigheid in KI-stelsels, nie net in hul uitkomste nie, maarook in hul prosesse. Dit is veral belangrik in 'n humanitêre konteks, waarbesluite lewensveranderende gevolge vir kwesbare bevolkings kan hê. Dit is 'n sterk herinnering dat ons die

fundamentele beginsels van deursigtigheid, aanspreeklikheid en regverdigheid in die nastrewing van tegnologiese vooruitgang in die oog moet hou.

Hierdie klem op 'n veelledige benadering tot regulering strook met ons perspektief. Ons glo dat die regulering van KI in oorlogvoering tegniese oplossings en wetlike en institusionele maatreëls vereis wat wigte en teenwigte kan bied.

Bombardement via Hommeltuie en Kunsmatige intelligensie https://www.google.com/search?q=role+of+AI+in+wars&sca_esv=2

Huidige toekoms en gevolg van KI

Terwyl ons op die afgrond staan van 'n nuwe era in oorlogvoering, gevorm en gedryf deur die vooruitgang in KI, is dit duidelik dat die pad vorentoe kompleks en belaai is met uitdagings. Die integrasie van KI in oorlogvoering het die potensiaal om 'n rewolusie op die slagveld te maak, en bied ongekende vermoëns in intelligensie-insameling, besluitneming en verdediging. Dit bring egter ook beduidende etiese, wetlike en maatskaplike implikasies na vore wat noukeurig navigeer moet word.

Terwyl ons die KI-slagveld navigeer, moet ons onthou dat die doel van tegnologie moet altyd wees om die mensdom te dien, nie om dit te oorweldig nie. Ons moet daarna streef om die krag van KI te benut op 'n manier wat ons gedeelde waardes handhaaf en die groter goed bevorder. Dit

is nie net 'n tegniese uitdaging nie, maar 'n maatskaplike een, en dit is een wat ons saam moet trotseer.

Uiteindelik sal die toekoms van oorlogvoering aansienlik beïnvloed word deur die vooruitgang in KI. Maar dit is aan ons as 'n samelewing om te bepaal hoe ons hierdie toekoms navigeer. Dit is ons verantwoordelikheid om te verseker dat ons, terwyl ons die krag van KI benut, dit doen op 'n manier wat vrede, stabiliteit en die groter goed bevorder. Dit is 'n uitdaging, maar ook 'n geleentheid, en dit is een wat ons met albei hande moet aangryp.

Bronne:

https://inkstickmedia.com/from-gaza-to-ukraine-ai-is-transformingwar/?gad_source=1&gclid=Cj0KCQjwq86wBhDiARIsAJhuphk0Or9WIW03X7y229FJNsmSJszibg8 t5uVMLcvQv0KthOPLyTxIzsEaAtZvEALw_wcB

_esv=2 https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/role-ai-modern-warfare-daniel-bron https://www.google.com/search?q=role+of+AI+in+wars&sca

ArticlefromKoosdeWetAdmin,asjulledinkditpasniehierniedankanjullemaar"delete",maarek hetgedinkdieSAveteranemagditinteressantvind.

WHAT IT MEANS TO BE AN ANZAC: MY ANZAC MATE CHARLIE PART 1

Koos de Wet

IsuspectthatwhenyouaskSouthAfricanmilitaryveteranswhatitreallymeanstobe anANZAC,whattheso-calledANZACspiritisallaboutandhowandwhereweas SouthAfricanveteransfitinoralignwiththis,wearelikelytogetmanydifferent answers.Ihavebeenconsideringthismatterforsometimenowanddecidedthata goodplacetogetananswerwouldbetogotothe“source”togetsomeclarityand whowouldknowmoreaboutthisthanmygoodfriendandretiredVietnamveteran CharlieMollison.

So,withANZACDAYloomingIdecidedtopaymyANZACfriend,fellowmilitaryveteran,freespirit(as wellasabitofaraconteur),CharlieMollisonavisittohearfirsthandwhatANZACwasallaboutandwhat ANZACmeanttoanAustralianwhohadservedandcamefromafamily,manyofwhomhadservedwhen theircountrycalled.

Itwas11h02(havetostaywiththemilitarytimetheme)whenIarrivedatCharlie'splaceearlierlastweek some120kmnorthofwhereIliveinBrisbane,Queensland.Charlielivesbyhimselfnowinacottageon agreenhillsideinapicturesquesettingwithlowgreenhillsallaround,hisprivateupwardslopingairfield 80mawaywithadjacenttoit,hishangarcumworkshopwherehekeepsthebeautifulSavannahaircraft hebuiltsome5yearsagofromscratch(andIsawhimbuilditfromthefirstrivettothelastbitofpaint goingon-andinrecordtimetoo!).

Charlie'slifewouldbewhatmanyofuswouldregardasheaven-abeautifulhome,anaircraftinahangar astone's-throwawayandrightnextdoortoithisalmost1kmlongprivategrassrunway.Heavenindeed forthoseofuswholovetofly.UponarrivingatCharlie'splace,Inoticedthebutcherbirdsthatnormally welcomedmeandwouldsitonmyfootorkneeandsingtheirheartsoutforCharliewereabsent(tums outthemagpieswerenowcockofthewalkandhavesentthempacking-sad)butIcouldnotmissthe smellonhisfrontporch-somethingdeliciouswasbeingbakedinside.

Charlie,afairbitshorterthanmewithhisneatlytrimmedbeardmetmeatthedoorwithabigsmileand awarmhandshake....andwithanapronon-hewasbusybakingwhenIarrived.Ofcourse,ANZACday waslooming,andCharliehadtodohisannualbake-ANZACcookiestobesoldonANZACdayafew daysaway.HardtobelievesprightlyCharliehadturned90recentlyandhisagilemindisasalertasever ithasbeenandbeforeweevenhadtimetotastehisfreshoutoftheovenANZACcookiesovercoffee hehadlaunchedintohisfavouritesubjects-politicsandthestateoftheworld,topicswhichthebugger knewIcouldnotresisteither.

AfterwehadcomeupwithsolutionsfortheillsplaguingtheworldtodaythetalkturnedtoANZACday andwhatitmeanttotheMollison-family.TofullyunderstandwhatANZACdaymeanstoatypical Australianandtheirfamily,onemustgobacktohisfather,StanleyMollisonwhoarrivedinAustraliain 1910asafreshlymintedgraduateofEdinburghUniversitytotakeupateachingpositionwithScotch CollegeinMelbourne.HardlyhadtheyoungStanleyMollisonsettledinwhenthefirstshotsofWW1 werefiredin1914andhedidnothesitateforonemomenttogotowar-hehadtodefend"theMother country'''.HemiraculouslysurvivedthedisastrousGallipolicampaignbutwasthensenttotheWestern FrontwherehewasawardedtheMilitaryMedalforoutstandingbraveryunderfireatthebattlefor Pozieres(whereAustralianforcessuffered22,000casualties).Hewasthensenttoanofficertraining collegeinEnglandand,aftergraduation,wassentbacktotheWesternFrontasaLieutenant.However, Stanleyandwasoneoftheluckyonestomakeithomelargelyunscathedafterthewarhadendedin 1918.

AsCharlietoldme,themilitarycouldgethimintobattleinjustonemonth,butafterthewarhadended ittookmorethanayeartogethimbackhometoMelbourneagain!Forwardnowto1934-theyearin whichCharliewasborn.Atthattimestormcloudswerealreadygatheringallovertheworld(notunlike now)andsoonitwouldbedecisiontimeagainfortheMollison-family.

Onceagain,thenow5O-year-oldStanleyMollisonansweredthecalltodohisdutyforhiscountryand joinedtheTerritorialForcein1938toassistwithtrainingnewyoungsoldierstopreparethemforawar whichwaslookingevermorelikelywitheverypassingday.

Backathome,Charliewasmeanwhileprogressingthroughschoolandactiveintheschoolcadet’s movementrisingtotherankofLieutenantbythetimehereachedyear12.Notlongafterheleftschool, aNationalServiceschemewasineffect.Every18-year-oldwascalleduptotrainintheArmy,Navyor AirForce,however,Charliewasrequiredtocompletethefirstthreeyearsofhisapprenticeshipsowas notcalleduptillhewas20yearsofagebeforestartingthenextphaseofhismilitaryservice.Beforelong Charlierosetowhatheregardsasthemostimportantrankinthearmy,LanceCorporal!Notbadafter beingalieutenantinthemightycadets.ThatNationalServiceschemerequiredthreemonthsfulltime andthen2yearsparttimetrainingintheCitizenMilitaryForces(CMF).

CharlieenjoyedtheCMFanddevotedmostofhissparetimetothatactivityrisingthroughtheranksto Captain.Meanwhile,incivvystreet,hewasprogressingintheprintingindustryandwasProduction Managerofaprintingcompanywiththepromisebyhis“partners"thatasthebusinessexpanded,he wouldbegrantedashareholding,butassooftenhappensthispromisewasnothonoured,andhe decidedtostrikeoutonhisown.Inhissparetime,Charliewasstillinvolvedwiththemilitaryandaftera whiledecidedthathemightaswellmakethemilitaryhiscareerandsohewentandsignedupforthe AustralianDefenceForce.Anditturnedoutitwaswhathewantedandenjoyeddoingtoo.Charlie progresseduptheranksandwasheavilyinvolvedintrainingafterwhichhewaspromotedtoleadership positionsintheyearsleadinguptotheVietnamwarandAustralia'sparticipationinthatwaraspartof the"allthewaywithLBJ"commitmenttoAmericabyAustralia'sprimeministeratthetime.

InMay1965thefirstAustraliantroopsweresenttoVietnamandCharliearrivedinVietnaminJune1966 leadingaCompanyofAustralianInfantrysoldiersinskirmishesashecalledthem,againsttheVietcong whoironicallywerealsoreferredtoas"Charlie"bytheAmericans(derivedfromVietCong-VCorVictor Charliehencethe"Charlies").Asignificanteventfromthattimethatisindeliblyetchedinhismindis whathappenedatLongTanonAugust18,1966andhowthroughsheergrit,guts,determinationand extremebraverytheANZACS(AustraliantroopssupportedbyAustralianandKiwiartillery)wereableto

fightoffanumericallysuperior,battlehardenedVietcongforceandeventuallyextricatetheembattled Companyfromaterrible,lifethreateningsituation(notunlikewhattookplaceatGallipoliahalfacentury previously)afterlosingalmosthalfofthe108troops(with18deadand24seriouslywounded)whohad stumbledintotheheavilyarmedVietconginatrociousweatherconditionswithmonsoonlikerainafter intelligencehadnotbeenproperlyacteduponbythecommandstructure.Charliewasincommandof theemergencyrescueoperationwithl0Ml13APC'sandaround110troopssentatshortnoticetosave hismateswhowouldhavefacedcertaindeathiftheyhadnotcometotherescueattheverylastmoment andthebattleofLongTanwouldhaveturnedintoanunmitigateddisasterfortheAustralianswereit notforthemateshipdisplayedthatday,fromthehelicopterpilotsignoringstandingrulesandflyingin desperatelyneededammunitioninhorriblemonsoonconditions,Charlie'srescuingtroopscrashing throughthestormdrenchedandmuddyrubberplantationintheirMl13armouredpersonnelcarriers underheavyfire,andtheartilleryboyssupportingthemfromtheirjointbase5kmbackbydropping nonstopexplosiveartilleryroundswithpinpointaccuracy(inmanycasesdangerclosetothebeleaguered Aussies!)onwaveafterwaveofattackingVietconghordesjustmetresawayfromthealmostencircled Aussies whose numbers were declining rapidlythrough deaths andserious wounds and with their ammunitionvirtuallyexhausted.Tosayitwastouchandgoistoputitmildly.WhilsttheVietCong reportedlylostaround245killed,accordingtoCharliewhentheymoppedupandconductedfollowup operationsoverthenextseveraldays,manymoredeadandinjuredwerediscoveredsobyhiscount, manymorethan245VietCongactuallyperishedinthebattleofLongTan.

Charlietoldmethatwhatreallydrovehimandhismenliterallyintothejawsofhellthatdaywaswhat being an ANZAC really was all about - MATESHIP and caring about those dear to you and not abandoningthemeveninthemostdangeroussituations.SadlywhenCharlie'stimeinVietnamcameto anend,whichalsoincludedashortstintasaliaisonofficerwithaSouthVietnamArmycontingentand heandhismenreturnedhome,theyweredisappointedandshockedatthewaytheyweretreatedby theirfellowAussiesandmanyVietnamveteranschosenottoevenadmittheyhadservedinVietnamfor fearofbeingsociallyostracized.Andconsequently,manyfeltmostunwelcomeintheannualANZAC paradesuntiltheymarchedatthededicationoftheAustralianVietnamForcesNationalMemorialon AnzacParadeinCanberraon3October1992.Itwasthefirstandlongoverdueopportunityforatruly nationalparadeofVietnamveteransinAustralia’scapitalcityandanopportunitytoassuagetheanger feltbyveteransattheirtreatment.TheVietnamWarhadbeendeeplydivisiveandhadonlyendedin withdrawalwhentheNorthVietnamforcesagreedtoatrucein1973andtheforcesonbothsides withdrew.Aspartofthosetrucenegotiations.theUSAagreedtoreplaceanyandeverypieceofmilitary

equipmentandammunitionexpendedbytheSouthVietnamesedefendingtheircountryagainstany futureincursionbytheNorth.Thatensuredthepeaceforseveralyears.Unfortunately,theUSCongress rescindedthatguarantee,andtheNorthVietnameseseizedtheopportunityandin1975,launcheda freshinvasionthatsuccessfullycrushedthewarwearySouthVietnamese.

Incredibly,falseandbiasedreportingandcommentaryhadcompletelydistortedthepublicperception intobelievingtheAlliesweredefeatedinVietnam.From1962until1973about60000Australianshad servedintheVietnamWar,521hadpaidwiththeirlivesandaround3000werewoundedandtheway theAustraliansoldiersweretreatedupontheirreturntoAustralialeftaverybittertasteinthemouths ofmanyAustralianVietnamVeteransincludingCharlie.

Exactly40yearsagotheADFcalledCharlieinonasunnymorningandtoldhimthatashehadreached theretirementageof50itwastimeto"hanguphisboots"soLt.Col.CharlieMollisonsalutedforthe lasttimeandwalkedoutandbadetheADFfarewellin1984.Butitissaidoldsoldiersneverdie-they simply.....ah,forgetit.AccordingtoCharlie, whenhereached50(itwasjustaboutmidlifeforhim apparently)withmanymoreadventurestofollowandinPart2tofollowIsharesomeofCharlie'spost strictlymilitary,butstillmilitaryinaway,adventureswheremateship,bravery,daring,,resilience,caring aboutotherpeople,standingupforsomethingyoubelievein,treatingotherswithrespectandbelieving inyourself,allpartofbeingatrueANZAC,cameintoplay.AndtoclosethebookontheLongTan chapter.

AsIwaspreparingthispostitwasannouncedthatoneoftheactualhelicopters,A2–1022,thathad beenusedinflyinginammunitionunderheavyfirefortheembattledAussiesandhadbeenmounted onapoleattheCaloundra,wasnowbeingmovedtotheQueenslandAirMuseumforrepairand preservationandoneofthe(heroic)pilotsonthatlandmarkdayBobGrandin,waspresentwhenthe helicopterwasmoved.Koos

Note:InsomeofthepicturestakensomeyearsagoCharlieappearsinjeansandinthemostrecentones wearebothinshorts.

ANGLO-AMERICAN SPIES TRYING TO DESTABILIZE CENTRAL ASIA –MOSCOW

The US and UK essentially created Al-Qaeda and ISIS, and still use them to achieve their goals, says Russia’s intelligence chief.

US and UK intelligence services are attempting to leverage their long-standing ties with various terrorist groups to sow chaos in Central Asia, the head of Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR), Sergey Naryshkin, has said.

Speaking to reporters on Friday, Naryshkin said the West, led by the US, was seeking to maintain its grip on global hegemony. To achieve this goal, Western countries are trying to contain the development of other nations by fomenting strife and exploiting international and sectarian tensions, he claimed.

Naryshkin noted that, despite Washington’s “humiliating” withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, British and American intelligence services still cooperate with underground terrorist cells “to destabilize the situation not only in [this country], but also in Central Asia and Eurasia as a whole.”

US and UK spy agencies, he continued, essentially created such notorious terrorist organizations as Al-Qaeda and Islamic State (IS, formerly ISIS). Washington and London are still operating in countries like Syria, which has been the scene of a multi-sided civil war since 2011, and Afghanistan, the intelligence chief alleged.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has said the West is trying to manipulate existing conflicts, including the one raging in the Middle East, to undermine Russia and inflict a “strategic defeat” on the country. In February, Nikolai Patrushev, the former secretary of Russia’s Security Council who was recently appointed as an adviser to Putin, warned that the US could use any regional conflict to target countries that refuse to follow Washington’s lead in foreign policy.

(Bron: Russia Today)

NONGQAI-ARGIEF

Naam weerhou

H

Look, without your help, there is no new history to be written about the South African Police force in any of its divisions. By preservation of these invaluable sources, you are enabling all those interested to write factually based history about, arguably, the most important period of the South African state in the 20th century. In a proper society your work should already have been officially recognised and funded but, alas, this is a dying state which, while claiming to be interested in history, actually has contempt for the past and its records.

So, nogmaals, dankie,

LETTER FROM HARTENBOS

Maj-Gen Chris Botha

Dear John*

There was a time when you and I laughed and dreamed together. I, quite a few years your senior, met you and her during those heady days after 2 February 1990. You did not expect that speech, you told me. It hit you between the eyes, you could not believe what you had heard, you said.

You were the most liberal of liberals, you had a way of thinking that did not come naturally in my ethnic background. I was conservative, as was the culture that I grew up in, the church that I was born in, and the police that I joined. You had no problem with my Afrikaans roots, you said. In fact, you found my police-based non-partisan political stance insightful – you did not know there

were even some of us like that, you told me. You concluded that Afrikaans people were special people, not all of them the same, some of them difficult to live with, but so many of them so big hearted that one could build a whole new nation with them as part of the team. You gave me a version of my cultural background that I have never heard in exactly the same way before. As a policeman I was used to be ridiculed, to be seen as the visible representative of a government that was the pariah of the world. You, one of a special group of people, helped me escape from that prison.

So, we could build together on this new South Africa. You, the liberal, and me, the conservative who quickly started to understand other worlds.

We were looking forward to a future together, a real unity in diversity, forgiveness of all by all. We enjoyed the childlike joy of the Arch speaking about our rainbow nation, a dancing Madiba in a colourful shirt, the first National Commissioner of Police, an Afrikaans man, wanting to make a clean break with the past. In our shared world, in spite of divergent backgrounds, we worked for a South Africa where all people would be people, not black people, brown or coloured people, Indian people, or white people – just people. In old terms you and I were both white of skin, but it did not matter to us, or to any other people that we worked with. All of us were chasing a dream. Never again, we agreed, will the political context reign supreme over all contexts making up our new land. All of us, we agreed, have “mos” learned from our past.

Caritas and integritas in action, no falsitas.

Do you remember when you told me about you helping your mother hanging ANC placards in your hometown? Openly, the two of you were showing your support to the political party of your choice. You would thereafter work for this organisation only. Totally committed. It became your world … But now my brother, I also have to remind you of my phone call to you a few years ago. You knew that your ANC was failing our people. You said so to me over the phone. You knew, my brother, that a whole chapter in the Zondo Commission report explained the role of the ANC in state capture. You were uncomfortable when we talked about the primary evidence offered by countless (liberal) investigative journalists in many books still not challenged in open court. By the time we got to international research about our crime situation, and other findings blaming contestation within the ANC for many of our ills, you were audibly distressed.

I asked you to please break with this monster – this was not you, not closely even the caring, bright eyed, law abiding (“because that is what true liberals do”, you said) transparent young man that I met more than three decades ago.

But this was where our conversation dried up. It just stopped happening ... You did not become defensive, argumentative, or abusive. You did not start looking for enemies out there. You were not blaming anyone for the ANC’s downward spiral of performance. You did not once work back to my Afrikaans background.

You just faded away.

Now, some years later, I find it difficult to explain, even to myself, exactly how disappointed I am with you. You see, you have dropped all of the qualities that once attracted me to you. Your ideals, your love for the people of this country, the integrity of your logic …

Gone is the person who would fight for what is right, just because wrong is always wrong. Reduced you now are, to being a servant of an organisation who should hang its collective head in shame for what it has done to our country. Who does wrong.

You do the pre-election tours, kissing the babies so to speak, just like all the other false ones. And I battle with ‘forgive him, he knows not what he is doing’. I am angry at you for the company you keep.

All that remains is to tell you that this relationship is over. Do not ever talk to me again. Do not attempt to contact me, even when your chosen organisation spits you out – as it will, mark my words.

In Afrikaans idiomatic speech we say ‘varke skuur hul modder teen pilare af’. The English version, I am told, is ‘If you lie down with dogs, you will get up with fleas’ Stay away, I refuse to have fleas on me.

*Of course, this is not his real name. This is perhaps not even a single person that I am sacking. On the other hand, perhaps it is. Of course, the title is indicative of a broken relationship. Just like a real ‘Dear John ...’ would be. However, ‘we can still be friends’ is not part of this letter. In fact, this is an irreparably broken relationship … (Hartenbos, 29 April 2024)

DIE KETTINGMAKER

Baie jare gelede, ek was waarskynlik so om en by sewe jaar oud, lees ek eendag ‘n storie in ‘n Christelike boekie. Oom Niek, die kolporteur op ons dorp, was net die vorige dag by ons huis en my Pa het ‘n paar storieboekies en traktaatjies aangeskaf. Een boekie het my oog dadelik gevang. Dit was vol kort stories, kort genoeg om vinnig te lees, elk met ‘n lewensles daarin.

Van kleins af lees ek al baie. Op laerskool het ek elke dag drie boeke gelees en daagliks omruilings by ons dorpsbiblioteek gedoen. Naweke was ‘n nagmerrie – want die biblioteek was dan toe. Boeke uit die skool

Chris Botha

se biblioteek, spesiaal op bystand geplaas vir ‘n noodgeval, moes dan die ding doen. Om weer Maandag omgeruil te raak by die skool se biblioteek, terwyl die dorp se omruiling direk na skool gedoen sou word. Elke boek, elke storie, was ‘n fantastiese reis na ‘n wêreld waarvan ek eenvoudig net meer moes weet.

In die Christelike boekie wat Oom Niek aangebring het, lees ek ‘n storie van ‘n kettingmaker van ‘n vreemde land. Hy is daardie land se beste kettingmaker. Sy kettings breek eenvoudig nooit nie. Elke skakel is met sy eie hand gesmee. Die staal is deur homself uitgesoek. Iets, of iemand, wat deur daardie kettings vasgehou was, kon nooit daaruit kom nie.

Die kettingmaker het al die jare vir sy verskaffers gelieg oor die sterkte van die staal wat hy by hulle gekoop het. Daardeur het hy heelwat minder vir die staal betaal. Sy staalkettings was egter baie duur en die kettingmaker het skatryk geword. Laat in die nag, wanneer hy die dag se inkomste tel en wegsteek in die spesiale plekkie waarvan die belastinggaarder tog nooit sou weet nie, het hy luidkeels gelag. Hy het die mark ordentlik gekaap. Uit sy bevoorregte posisie kon hy rustig voortbedrieg, sonder teenspraak, sonder gevolge, altyd aan die wenkant. Eendag vang iemand toe die kettingmaker uit. En skielik oes hy wat hy al die jare gesaai het. Die koning van die vreemde land laat hom in sy maksimum gevangenis gooi, daar waar al die groot skelms sit. Uitgeworpe, en alleen, word hy die bespotting van die lelikes van hart, die gebrekkiges van inbors, daar saam met hom in die tronk. Maar, dink die kettingmaker, hulle weet nie wat hy weet nie. Daar is geen ketting in die land wat hom kan hou nie. Hy is immers die meester-kettingmaker wat uit die omhelsing van enige ketting kan kom. En hy begin sy tronkketting bestudeer, hy soek die swak plek.

Die skok was groot, baie groot. Hy was vasgemaak met een van sy eie kettings. Hy sou nooit uit daardie omhelsing kon ontsnap nie.

In hierdie verkiesingsjaar moet hulle wat Suid-Afrika se mense belieg en bedrieg, die dominante magsbeheptes wat dink hulle is onaantasbaar en die staat vir eie gewin kan kaap, tog maar oppas vir die kettings wat hulle self gemaak het, met die staal wat hulle op bedrieglike wyse verkry het.

Iemand omhels hulle dalk net met hul eie kettings …

(Hartenbos, 1 Maart 2024)

BRIEF UIT OOSTENRYK

Martin de Lange

Goeienaand Brigadier

Ek het (kaptein?) Barry se artikels voorheen gelees en hulle baie interessant gevind.

Ek het hier iets geskryf oor die agtergrond van hoe en hoekom ons die land verlaat het. Hopelik voldoen dit aan Brigadier se verwagtinge.

As dit in orde is, sal ek binnekort nog 'n brief, met meer oor Oostenryk en die Oostenrykers, skryf. Hopelik is dit nie te lank of vervelig nie. Ek wil nie Brigadier se tyd mors nie. My lewe is nie naastenby so interessant soos baie ander nie.

Iets anders: Vir die laaste jaar (Aangesien rolprentwapenmeesters in die nuus was) het ek dit oorweeg om te skryf oor die Soweto-onluste-eenheid en die filmsessie wat ek hieronder genoem het. Ek was nie seker of dit 'n gepaste onderwerp is nie. As Brigadier belangstel laat my weet en ek sal daaroor skryf. Miskien is van die betrokke persone nou Nongqai-lesers en hulle sal moontlik daarin belangstel.

Groete

Martin

SUID-AFRIKANER IN OOSTENRYK

Hoe het dit gebeur dat 'n Suid-Afrikaner, gebore in die Transvaal, in Oostenryk woon?

My storie is soos volg: Ek kom uit 'n spoorweg familie. My ouers het al twee vir die SAS gewerk en daar mekaar, in die laat vyftigerjare, ontmoet. My ma het toe bedank omdat getroude paartjies nie vir dieselfde staatsdepartement mag werk nie.

Ek was hulle enigste kind.

As kind was ek min of meer 'n "nerd", iemand wat baie gelees het, goed op skool maar nie so good met ander kinders nie.

Een van my ooms, aan moederskant, was 'n SAP-adjudant en ek het altyd van sy stories gehou. Hy was a Bisley-skut en hy, en my pa, het vir my as kind (mense sou vandag sê dat dit veels te vroeg was ) leer skiet. Tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het my pa diens gedoen by die South African Railways and Harbours Brigade. Hy en my oom was albei uitstekende skuts. Dit het tot gevolg gehad dat ek 'n liefde vir skiet en vuurwapens ontwikkel het wat tot vandag toe voortduur.

Ek was in my hoërskool se skietspan en in plaas van gereelde spansport het ek 'n belangstelling in Asiatiese gevegskuns ontwikkel. Karate (Ek het provinsiaal meegeding) en later Jujitsu.

Ek wou oorspronklik altyd veearts word. Na my pa se dood het dinge verander. My ma was toe, 'n paar jaar later, baie siek met veelvuldige melanoom kanker. As gevolg daarvan moes ek toe vir haar sorg en hulp, wat my skoolpunte beïnvloed het. Ek het toe besef dat my veearts droom nie gaan gebeur nie. My ma is toe ook oorlede en ek het besluit om SAP (Ek wou eintlik spoorweg polisie toe maar dit het kort voor my tyd geëindig) toe te gaan.

My tyd in die polisie was lekker en ek het baie goeie herinneringe daaraan . Ek het 'n paar van die stories oor my tyd in Soweto hier in die Nongqai vertel. Ek dink dat elke SAP-lid wat in die swart townships gedien het hulle nooit sal kan vergeet nie.

Terwyl ek in Soweto gestasioneer was was ek verlief op 'n Duitse dame en met haar verloof. Sy kon my werk in Soweto nie hanteer nie. As gevolg daaraan het ek 'n ruilverplasing geneem toe een aangebied is.

Maar die noodlot het anders besluit.

Die 1992-referendum het plaasgevind en ek het besef dat dinge in Suid-Afrika drasties gaan verander Ek was in 'n staatsongeluk betrokke waar ek my rug beseer het. En, laastens, die Staat het besluit om alle verplasings vir 'n tydperk van 'n paar maande uit te stel. My verloofde kon die stres nie meer vat nie en sy het die verhouding beëindig.

En net daar het my lewe verander! Ek het iets werklik dom gedoen. Desember 1992, kort voor my ruilverplasing deur was, het iemand wat ek van IPSC-pistool skiet-kompetisies geken het, vir my 'n "goeie werk" in die vuurwapenbedryf aangebied. As gevolg daarvan het ek my ontslag gevat. Ai tog, soms dink 'n man nie rasioneel nie.

Ek onthou nog hoe ek my ou luitenant vir Kersfees in 1993 besoek het. Hy het na my gekyk en gesê "Jy is nie gelukkig nie. Ek kan dit sien. Jy moes nooit die SAP verlaat het nie." Dit was die waarheid. Ek was glad nie gelukkig nie, daardie werk was glad nie waarvoor ek gehoop het nie!

Maar ondanks hierdie skynbaar hopelose storie: Ek het die liefde van my lewe ontmoet as gevolg van daardie werk!

'n Lieflike Oostenrykse dame, wat 'n Glock9mm-pistool wou koop en 'n vuurwapen-opleidingskursus wou doen. Ons het vriende geword en ons vriendskap het in liefde ontwikkel. Na 'n paar jare trou ons in Mauritius. As mense vra hoe ons ontmoet het, sê ek altyd: "Ek het 'n Glock aan haar verkoop"

Baie Romanties Ha-ha. Die soort ding wat net in Suid-Afrika kan gebeur!

My vrou, Isabella, het as tiener in die laat 1970's, saam met haar ma en stiefpa, na Suid-Afrika geëmigreer. Nadat sy skool voltooi het, wou sy 'n lugwaardin word. Sy het vir Luxavia gewerk, tot 1994 toe die lugredery deure gesluit het. Sy het daarna probeer om vir die SAL te werk, maar nie een van die dames wat vir Luxavia gewerk het, is regtig goed daar aanvaar nie. Vir 'n kort rukkie daarna het sy vir 'n ander nuwe, Suid-Afrikaanse lugdiens gewerk, wat ongelukkig ook die deure baie vinnig gesluit het. Sy moes toe klaarkom met verskeie kliëntediens werke, al het sy altyd vlieg en reis gemis

Nadat ek die vuurwapenbedryf verlaat het, moes ek, op een of ander manier, geld maak.

Ek en 'n Britse vriend het toe 'n klein sekuriteitsmaatskappy begin wat opleiding en BBPbeskermingsdienste aangebied het.

Ek het ook vir 'n kort tydjie as 'n rolprentwapenmeester gewerk. Dit het 'n baie interessante filmsessie in Soweto ingesluit met die Soweto-onluste-eenheid as "ekstras". En ’n filmsessie met ’n

Zoeloe-impie wat anti-polisieliedjies begin sing het. In 'n rolprent wat in die 1800's afspeel! In die filmindustrie het ek baie bekende buitelandse en Suid-Afrikaanse (voormalige polisieman Ken Gampu, en Oom Danie Smuts ingesluit) akteurs ontmoet. Die werk was baie interessant en nogal goed betaal, maar sommige van die filmmense was 'n bietjie "anders".

Saam met wyle Joe Grant-Grierson (Joe was 'n goeie vriend vir my en Isabella) het ek Jujitsu onderrig en ek het hom bygestaan met die onderrig van vuurwapenopleidingskursusse. Alles van reserviste tot bank sekuriteitswagte en die ANC. Ek sal nooit vergeet hoe ek gehoor het dat, van die ANC wagte wat ons opgelei het, by die skietery by Shell-huis betrokke was nie. Hulle het so openlik daaroor gepraat. Dit en van die stories oor hul tye in die struggle. Dit was natuurlik 'n bietjie vreemd vir 'n voormalige Soweto-polisieman!

Later het ek in privaat-sekuriteit, beide binne en buite SA gewerk. Hoofsaaklik as 'n lyfwag, soms as 'n instrukteur en soms 'n bietjie meer. In hierdie tyd het ek deeltyds gestudeer (Ek wou iets anders op my CV hê behalwe "skop en skiet") en uiteindelik het ek 'n Ingenieurskwalifikasie voltooi. Deur dit alles was Isabella vir my daar. Vir 'n beter vrou en metgesel kan 'n mens nie vra nie!

Maar hoe het dit gebeur dat ons besluit het om te emigreer?

Kersfees 1995 het ons na Oostenryk gegaan om vir Isabella se pa te gaan kuier. Ons was albei baie beïndruk met dinge in Oostenryk in vergelyking met Suid-Afrika. Ons het toe, kortliks, gepraat oor emigreer. Destyds was dit net 'n gedagte. Die lewe in Suid-Afrika het toe nog goed gelyk

Ons het na Suid-Afrika teruggekeer en met ons lewe aangegaan. Dinge het op hierdie stadium drasties in Suid-Afrika verander. Misdaad het toegeneem en meer as 'n paar mense wat ons geken het, is direk geraak. En nie net klein misdaad nie, maar gewapende roof, huisinval, moord en verkragting. Dit het gelyk of almal 'n misdaadverhaal het, hetsy hulleself of hul geliefdes. Na 'n lang vakansiereis na Oostenryk in 1997 het ek besef dat die situasie in Suid-Afrika nie gaan verbeter nie.

As 'n mens vir langer tydperke oorsee was, en gesien het hoe mense daar woon, begin mens vinnig agterkom dat dinge in Suid-Afrika nie meer normaal is nie. Ons as Suid-Afrikaners het blykbaar net afgestomp geraak en daaraan gewoond geraak.

Ons het toe ernstiger begin kyk hoe om SA te verlaat. Isabella was steeds 'n Oostenrykse burger en ek sou wettiglik toegelaat word om by haar in Oostenryk aan te sluit as haar gade. Lekker, maar dit kos alles geld!

Ek het, sedert die laat 1980's, 'n huis in die Wesrand besit en gehoop dat as ons dit verkoop sou ons te minste genoeg geld hê om die land te verlaat. Nou Ja dit was 1997 en die huismark was nie so goed nie. Ek kon die plek uiteindelik verkoop maar die geld (As ek nou dink oor wat dit in Euro’s is, wil ek huil!) wat ons gekry het was nie veel nie. Die SA Rand het toe elke dag waarde verloor, dit het gelyk of dinge nie beter sou word nie.

Ons het probeer aangaan en ons het ook probeer om soveel geld as moontlik te spaar

2001 het ek werk gedoen met die ontwerp van elektroniese toerusting. Ons het daarom na Londen gereis. Daarvoor het ons groot verwagtinge gehad. Sommige baie ryk beleggers was betrokke. Ongelukkig het die sakeplan nie uitgewerk nie. Ek is nie goed met bemarking nie en ek is 'n hardnekkige bliksem (’n Israeliese vriend het toe vir my gesê "Why are you Boers so difficult?") wat nie geskik is vir die korporatiewe wêreld nie. Ons het geld daardeur gemaak, maar nie waarvoor ons gehoop het nie. Ontnugter het ons na Suid-Afrika teruggekeer.

In 2003 moes Isabella haar pa dringend in Oostenryk besoek. Die EU die toelatingsvereistes verander en dit was nie vir my moontlik om 'n visum op kort kennisgewing te kry nie. Terwyl sy weg was, het ek 'n interessante ingenieurspos gesien wat in die koerant geadverteer was en ek hé gedink ek sal dalk nog 'n keer probeer.

As een ding in my kop bly, is dit daardie laaste werksonderhoud wat ek in Suid-Afrika gehad het! Die werk het die ontwerp en konstruksie van alarm- en sekuriteitstelsels behels met 'n paar interessante kliënte, insluitend die regering. Die tegniese kant van die onderhoud het baie goed verloop, die ontwerpspan was van mening dat hulle my graag as deel van hul span sou hê.

Maar toe kom, ongelukkig, die onderhoud met die personeelafdeling. ’n Meneer M*** het na my CV gekyk. Hy was eers baie vriendelik maar toe sien ek hoe sy oë verander terwyl hy lees. "It says here you were in the South African Police" het hy gesê. Op my "Yes" antwoord verdwyn sy glimlag. Toe sê hy: "There is no job for you here".

Ok dan totsiens.

Blykbaar loop die dinge nou so.

Isabella het teruggekom en ons het toe besluit ons sal moet klaarkom oorsee met die geld wat ons het. Ons het toe ons townhouse op die mark gesit (hierdie keer het ons 'n ordentlike prys gekry) en begin plan maak om na Wene te trek.

Dit het alles tyd gevat en na die huis verkoop in 2004 moes ons vir 'n kort tyd by 'n vriend bly. In die tyd het hy huis toe gekom nadat sy motor gekaap is. Die kapers het hom met 'n pistool in die gesig geslaan. Die kneusplek was in die vorm van die pistole se magasyn vloerplaat. Man kon sien dit was 'n Z88. Elke polisieman ken daardie vorm! Ek het vir hom 'n foto van die vuurwapen gewys en hy het my vermoede bevestig.

Die week wat ons vertrek het was ons by 'n winkelsentrum. Ek het opgemerk dat een van die wagte op die parkeerterrein bekend lyk. Toe herken ek hom. Hy was een van die twee spesiale konstabels wat die hek by Protea bewaak het. Hulle het, op die ou end, saam met ons by die Blitspatrollie gewerk. En ek onthou dat ek vir hom moes wys hoe 'n R5-geweer werk voordat die luitenant hom saam met ons laat ry het. Hy was baie bly om my te sien en toe ek hom vra hoekom hy nie meer in die polisie is nie antwoord hy: "It's not the same anymore". Hy het gevra wat ek vir werk doen en ek het vir hom gesê ons gaan die land verlaat. Hy het toe gesê: "That is sad. I wish that I could also live somewhere safe".

Die Oostenrykse ambassade het ons toe ingelig dat ek vir 'n verblyfpermit in Oostenryk kan aansoek doen en dat hulle 'n toeristevisum sal toestaan vir my om in te reis. Hulle sê toe vir my dat ek 'n polisieklaring nodig het vir die verblyfpermit. Ek wou dit nie uit Oostenryk probeer doen nie, ek het dit toe in SA gedoen. Toe ek in die polisiestasie navraag doen, is vir my gesê dat die persoon wat die klarings doen nie daar was nie en hulle het my verwys na 'n kaptein wat dit gedoen het. Ek was verbaas dat 'n offisier nou hierdie werk sou doen.

Dit was 'n wit kaptein met 'n swart student. Albei was baie vriendelik en bekwaam.

Toe die student my vingerafdrukke neem, het ek 'n opmerking gemaak oor die vingerafdruk-ink en vingerafdruk-proses. Die kaptein het gevra hoe ek daarvan geweet het. Toe ek hom vertel het dat ek was ook voorheen 'n polisieman was, en genoeg vingerafdrukke geneem het, het hy dadelik na Afrikaans oorgeskakel en gevra waar ek vroeër gestasioneer was.

En so het ons begin gesels! Mense wat ons ken, ou offisiere, Maleoskop, Kollege, onluste, al die normale polisie dinge en oor hoe dinge in die polisie in die laaste paar jaar verander het. Die arme student is toe gevra om vir ons koffie te maak. Ek wou regtig nie hê dat 'n polisieman vir my as "haasman" koffie moes bring nie, maar hulle het albei aangedring.

Dit was alles baie lekker. Ek het vir die kaptein dankie gesê en die student alle sterkte toegewens met kollege en sy toekomstige loopbaan.

Die kaptein het my aansoek en dié van 'n paar ander mense dieselfde middag Pretoria toe geneem. Ek kon toe die klaring baie vinniger haal as wat ek verwag het

Ek sal vir altyd dankbaar wees teenoor daardie twee mense wat my gehelp het.

Dinge het van toe af baie vinnig gegaan.

Die vervoermaatskappy het ons besittings opgepak en hulle voorberei om verskeep te word Kort voor ons vertrek het 'n Oostenrykse polisieman, en IPA-lid, wat die buurman van een van Isabella se familielede was, ons gekontak en vertel dat hy vir ons 'n woonstel in Wene georganiseer het.

Ons het, met baie trane, afskeid geneem van ons vriende en gesê hulle moet vir ons kom kuier.

Ons het ons motor een dag voor vertrek verkoop

Ons vriend het ons lughawe toe gery. Ons het by die motorvensters uitgekyk en gewonder of dit die laaste keer was dat ons die plek sou sien. En ons het gedink aan al die mense en dinge wat ons wat ons agtergelaat het.

Ek onthou nog goed hoe dit gevoel het om in die vliegtuig te sit toe dit opgestyg het. Ek en Isabella het hande vasgehou. Ons het deur die venster na die ligte van Suid-Afrika gekyk, met die wete dat ons hierdie keer regtig die land verlaat

Ons is, na 7 jaar se beplanning en probeer, weg!

In my volgende brief sal ek praat oor my aankoms in Oostenryk, die mense en die ervarings van 'n "Auslander" in 'n nuwe land.

WANOPVATTING: DIE BURO VIR STAATSVEILIGHEID: DEPARTEMENT

NASIONALE VEILIGHEID

Mnr Johan Mostert

Beste Hennie,

In die artikel THE "QUIET COUP D'ÉTAT" AGAINST PM JOHN VORSTER wat in die April uitgawe (vol. 15 no. 4) verskyn het, verwys Dr. Willem Steenkamp na ‘n artikel wat deur ene John Fullerton geskryf is en haal die volgende aan:

“Today BOSS is no more. Within weeks of P.W. Botha’s election as Prime Minister in September last year, the spy organisation was stripped to a skeleton of its former self and renamed the Department of National Security, DONS...”

Hoewel Fullerton se artikel lank gelede geskryf is, bevat hierdie stelling ‘n wanopvatting wat vandag nog dikwels aangetref word. Die Buro is nooit afgeskaal of afgeskaf nie. Die waarheid is dat met genl. Van den Bergh se vertrek, bitter min in die Buro verander het. Mnr. Alec van Wyk is as die nuwe hoof aangestel terwyl die hoofbestuur onveranderd gelaat is. Die organisatoriese opset het ook nie verander nie. Die Departement van Nasionale Veiligheid (DNV), soos die Buro in 1978 herdoop is, was dus ‘n soomlose voortsetting van die Buro. In 1979 is die naam van die DNV verander na die Nasionale Intelligensiediens (NI). Dit was eers nadat Dr. Niël Barnard in 1980 hoof van NI geword het, dat die organisasie ingrypende verandering ondergaan het.

Groete.

Johan

BRIEF UIT THAILAND

Barry Taylor

What groceries cost in the 1960s?

Baie interessante gewoontes en kostes van die sestigs. Een USD was 70 SA sente.

Ek het in 1967 2000 USD geneem vir ‘n ses maande trip oorsee en het meer as genoeg geld gehad Dit was R1,400 gewees wat ek gespaar het.

My kaartjie het my R600 gekos na die VSA en terug via Ysland en Europa en die vliegtuig het orals geland vir brandstof Angola, Spanje, Luxembourg, Ysland, ens

Alles met propellers.

Dit het twee dae geneem om in Luxembourg te kom van Johannesburg.

Geen deursoeking op die lughawe, geen X-strale niks. Jy het net op die vliegtuig geklim en geen walkways nie. Trappe was al gewees

Die Constellation was van Johannesburg tot in Luxembourg en die Bristol Britannia van Luxembourg tot in New York en die goed het geskud en laag gevlieg en mense het lugsiek geword en jy moes met ‘n pak klere aan vlieg met ‘n das.

Die seats was soos besigheidsklas en die kos was op borde met messe en vurke en dit het alles verander met Leila Khaled se nonsens

Sy het meer vliegtuie opgeblaas as enige ander persoon op aarde tot vandag toe.

Sy was ‘n ruk terug die eregas van die SA regering vir een of ander funksie.

Snaaks die Israeli’s het nooit probeer om haar dood te maak nie.

Ek het een aand sit en gesels met ‘n Jood wat die neef was van Ariel Sharon en in SA gewoon het en baie by Ariel Sharon gebly het, in Israel, as hy daar was vir besigheid en hom dit gevra en hy het gesê hulle beskou haar nie as belangrik en wou nie ‘n martelaar van haar maak nie.

Sol Kersner was ook familie van Sharon. Sy ma was Sharon se suster.

Genoeg vir vandag

Barry

Prachin Buri

Thailand