Vidas Mulatas - The illusion of post modernity

Vidas Mulatas: The Illusion of Modernity A Luanda Case-study part II

Technical, Professional and Cultural Studies AR7282 - Urban Theory Iara Silva u178869 Tutor: Christoph Hadrys January 2019

This essay is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except where specifically indicated in the text.

Student Name: Iara Silva Student Number: u1718869 Date: 21.01.2019 Signature:

Contents 00.Abstract

p. 6

01.Introduction

p.8

02.Colonial Era

p.12

Building Luanda

03.Rebirth of a Nation Independence Civil war Peace - Posst-Independence

04.The Triad of Space - Henri Lefebvre Bathore, KamĂŤz, Albania Zwelisha, North Durban, South Africa Kova da Mora, Lisbon, Portugal

p.20

p.34

05.Final

p.52

06.Bibliography

p.54

07.Image references

p.58

Abstract This essay is part of a 2-year study - the first part of this dissertation focused on the contextualisation of the glimpses of post-modernity within the city of Luanda. In which I explored how these changes were built to the detriment of the requalification of the city’s informal neighbourhoods.

This continuation will analyse the theoretical possibilities of the requalification of such neighbourhoods, in modern Luanda.

Through the analysis of three case-studies with different contexts both social, political and cultural, this essay will argue that the implementation of upgrade programs in Luanda is possible, dependent of the engagement and interaction of both the community and the governing force. In addition, through the examination of Henri Lefebvre’s theorisations about he city and the everyday, it will argue for the environmental social qualities that these informal settlements possess, over their formalised counterparts.

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Introduction The focus of this dissertation is based on Luanda - a city with strong family ties. The 2-year study explores Luanda’s desire to appeal to the global standard of progress in lieu of the requalification of its informal settlements. This desire has actively influenced the city urbanely, culturally and economically - by drawing on the essence of the concept of ‘vidas mulatas’. Vidas mulatas’ is a term commonly used in Angolan slang that revolves around Eurocentric ideals of beauty. The term, deeply ingrained in colourism, directly translates to ‘mulattos lives’. It is used to describe what is considered to be a ‘good’, flashy lifestyle mainly characterised by the illusion of material possessions – a spectacle.

In our modernised world of today, we can witness how different cultures, customs and societies have become increasingly homogeneous. It can be argued that a greater influence of capitalism, globalisation with the aid of technological advances, has accelerated the sporadic moments of modernity found in numerous cities around the world. As a result, such influences are easily identifiable in the agglomerations of infinitely high skyscrapers of glass and steel which are repeatedly displayed throughout in our “globalised” world. These alien edifications are used to display a country’s measure of progress in its society, and in its competition with the wider global community. Aubrey Alverson1 states that ‘’…our cities are nothing more than the canvas in which we inflict our desires…’’. This quote by Alverson describes how in this age of the ‘Capitalist Utopia’, we rely on a system of presumptions which leads the masses to believe in a false sense of wealth. It is clear and inevitable that the city transforms itself into a spectacle – the dramatic display of the coded messages which dictate and define our materialistic desires. In a capitalist society, these continuous superficial exchanges are detached from the physical and tangible ground level occurrences, where the city and the market are created, and society exists.

In Luanda, these glimpses of modernity become even more provoking due to the city’s contrasting urban fabric. In his book `All that is Solid Melts into Air´, Berman2 states that ‘’to be modern is to find ourselves in an environment that promises us adventure, power, joy, growth and transformation of ourselves in the world…” He continues with “…at the same time, it threatens to destroy everything we have, everything we know and everything that we are’’. Berman’s use of the word ‘promise’ encapsulates his critique of modernism. He does this by stating that

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1.

Alverson, A. (2010).

Contextual [mis] understanding. [Blog] Defy Rules. Available at: https:// defy-rules.com/ [Accessed 2 Feb. 2018].

2.

Berman, M. (1982). All that is Solid Melts into Air. New York: Simon and Schuster.

attaining these attributes is only a possibility, the potential, the hope of progress - but not is guaranteed. In his kaleidoscopic exploration of the concept of ‘development’ and ‘modernity’ in a capitalist system of constant renewal, Berman examines the self-destructive nature of modernization and the contradiction and ambiguities that a modern world encompasses, both socially and urbanely. It is in the tension between the will and the desire for both progress and stability that the city of Luanda finds itself, expressed and analysed in this study through its constant struggle between the formal and the informal of both its people and its spaces.

3.

Baudelaire, C. (1863). The Painter of Modern Life.

In contrast to Henri Lefebvre’s Critique of Everyday Life – an aspect regularly overlooked in grand developments schemes - this second part of the study will follow up the contextualisation of the city of Luanda, and theoretically analyse the current and future urban aspirations of the city.

In addition, this study will determine the possibilities and prospects of the requalification of Luanda’s own informal neighbourhoods, based on the analyses of a few examples of successful or half-successful informal settlements upgrading programs worldwide.

However, in order to speak on these moments of modernity, it is essential to understand the concept of modernity and its subsequent consequence of post-modernism. As a period, modernism can be characterised by the drastic social, cultural and economic changes led by industrialisation. It is a period defined by the rejection of tradition and the raise of capitalism and secularisation, as Baudelaire3 describes: ‘’Modernity is the transient, the fleeting, and the contingent: it is one half of art, the other being the eternal and immovable’’. Urbanely, it was marked by the rural exodus and the need to rapidly expand the city centres in order to accommodate the newcomers.

As an extension of modernism and following the end of WWII, Postmodernism, is thus defined by the internationalisation, also known as globalisation, which much due to the rise of the digital era, encompasses the international economic, social, political and cultural integration. It is argued that one of the most important distinctions between modernism and post-modernism, lies in the multiple possibilities of an individual’s life course. Present day society´s way of living is geared towards consumerism and the importance of leisure activities over work,

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whereby ‘’the image of post-modern society is thus one of a shopping mall, rather than a factory’’ (Thompson, 2016)4.

In this essay, the term ‘modernism’, will be used to refer to both elements of modernism and Post-modernism and be succinctly defined as the delivering to the masses – capitalism. Closely following the structure of its prequel, this dissertation will be structured around Angola’s three major historical moments: the colonial era, independence and civil war, and post-independence.

The first chapter will outline the origin of Angola as a country and more specifically, of Luanda as a city. Focusing on the Portuguese colonialization, it will briefly analyse the initial urban composition of Luanda and how its parameters set the tone for the city’s development throughout history, providing a better understanding of Luanda as an urban centre. The second chapter will concentrate on Angola´s struggle for independence, a civil war endured until 2002 to the country’s rebirth as an independent nation. The chapter will also discuss how the establishment of Angola´s political regime influenced the urban tissue of the city, as well as the government’s position in relation to informal settlements which from now on will be referred to as ´Mussekes´. The third chapter will use Henri Lefebvre’s Critique of Everyday life to set the paraments of the level of success of an upgrading informal settlement project, and analyse Kova Da Moura, in Lisbon, Portugal; Zwelisha, in north Durban, South Africa; and Bathore, in Kamëz, Albany as casesstudies of successful or semi-successful upgrading schemes.

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4.

Thompson, K (2016).

From Modernity to PostModernity. [online] Revise Sociology. Available at: www.revisesociology.com [Accessed 1 Mar. 2018]

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Colonial Era Located in West Central Africa, Luanda is the capital of the seventh largest country on the African continent, the Republic of Angola. It is bordered by the Republic of Congo, Namibia, Zambia and the Atlantic Ocean. Founded in 1576 by “a hundred settler families, four hundred soldiers, and twenty horses” (Headrick, 2012)5, Luanda, initially dubbed `São Paolo de Assunção de Loanda´, is thus one of the oldest urban agglomerates of Sub-Saharan Africa. The city which mainly served as the centre of the Portuguese slave trade, remained mostly under-developed, so much so that three centuries following its establishment, it was merely defined by “two costal settlements, three small forts, a tenuous hold on a hundred miles of river, and little else” (Headrick, 2012)5.

Luanda, which was made up by ‘’a small military, administrative and commercial outpost’’ (Jenkins, Robson and Cain, 2002)6, was only later developed in order to subside the Portuguese slave trade. Until Brazil’s independence in 1822 where it remained a fairly unimportant colony.

Divided into two, Luanda was organised between the hill top, Cidade Alta (High City) where the religious, military and administrative buildings were located, and the commercial centre which had developed around the port at the bottom of the hill, known as Cidade Baixa (Low City).

The capital was inhabited by 400 people until 1810, where the number rose to 4,500 following the economic boost of the colony, which mainly revolved around the slave trade. The inlands, by contrast, remained unexplored and solely populated by indigenous groups until the 19th century. Following the Berlin Conference, which saw the reluctant decrease, instead of the total abolishment of the slave trade, Portugal was required to be able to demonstrate its control over the territories it claimed, both economically as well as spatially. This resulted in the exploration and expansion into the inlands, and the subsequent development of the city, in response to the mass migration of Portuguese natives into the colony. Although the influx was intended to be directed towards the interior, the newly arrived Europeans congregated in the urban centre which saw its population sharply rise in the subsequent years, generating the first wave of ‘gentrification’ as “the expelled

12

Hendricks, D. (2012). Power over peoples. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.

5

Jenkins, P., Robson, P. and Cain, A. (2002). Local Responses to Globalisation and peripheralization in Luanda, Angola.

Environment & Urbanization.

6

A.

[Top]: Merian, M. (1646).

Antique town view of Sao Paulo de Luanda, Angola.

Available at: https://www. vintage-maps.com/ [Accessed 8 Mar. 2018].

B.

[Bottom]: Bellin, J. (1749).

Karte Von Der KĂźste Von Angola Von Dem Flusse Bengo Bis An Den Fluss Quanza.

Available at: https://www. vintage-maps.com [Accessed 9 Mar. 2018].

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Africans built their precarious housing on the slopes and uplands behind the central downtown Baixa, in Mussekes”(Jenkins, Robson, Cain, 2002)7.

From the Kimbundu language, Musseke (Mu-seke), directly translates to ‘red earth’, describing the sandy soil of the interior of Luanda where the settlements were built, later becoming the designation for the informal neighbourhoods, which built on the periphery of the city, marked the beginning of the spatial segregation between the African population and the dominant classes. In 1933, Portugal fell under a military dictatorship which sought to enhance its international image by flaunting its colonies as a territorial extension of the metropolis, and like many other authoritarian regimes, sought to demonstrate its power and progress urbanely.

However, instead of the historicist and revivalist models the regime had envisioned, most architects drew inspiration from a ‘’Brazil-influenced, tropically inspired, free creative model which followed the International Style used by many European cities after WWII’’ (Viegas, 2016)8.

The city of Luanda, whose duality between the formal and informal, was now undeniable, became divided between Cidade de Cimento (Cement City) and the self-made constructions of the Mussekes, which surrounding the urban centre drastically contrasted with the ‘’permanent buildings aligned along leafy boulevards’’(Jenkins,2012)9.

Nonetheless, the city continued to reflect its colonial society, expressed through the institutional racial and discriminatory systems in place, such as the Indigenato system. This system categorised the population as either the indígenea (native or uncivilised) or the não indígena (non-native or civilised). This categorisation led to other detrimental policies, such as the ‘Administrative Needs for Differentiation’ which formalised the slow cultural assimilation of the natives and their possible transformation into a `civilised Portuguese individual´. Similar to this, the creation of the ‘Stature of Portuguese Natives from Guinea, Angola and Mozambique’ also ensured that all black individuals and their descendants were ranked as second-class citizens, depriving them of any legal rights, such as the right to citizenship, property, and access to basic infrastructures.

14

Jenkins, P., Robson, P. and Cain, A. (2002). Local Responses to Globalisation and peripheralization in Luanda, Angola.

Environment & Urbanization.

7

Viegas, S. (2016).

Urbanisation and PeriUrbanisation in Luanda: A geographical and SocioSpatial Perspective from the Late Colonial Period to the Present. Journal of Southern African Studies, 42(4), pp.595-618.

8

Jenkins, P., 2012. Maputo and Luanda, in: Bekker, S., Therborn, G. (Eds.), Power and Powerless: Capital Cities in Africa. HSRC Press, Cape Town, pp. 142–166.

9

Moreira, P. (2011). [image] Available at: http://www. chicala. org/urbanidade/etona/ mapaangolanao-e-um-pais-pequeno/ [Accessed 8 Mar. 2018].

C.

C .Translates to “Portugal is not a small country” and illustrates Portugal’s colonies c. 1933”

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The end of the Second World War brought an economic boost to the trade of coffee, cotton, diamonds and petroleum - and as the economy grew so did the city. By 1940, Luanda’s population had reached 61,000 and continued to grow, as indigenous people, continued to flock towards the urban centre in search of a better life than that of the inland, which revolved around the plantations, the diamond and petroleum exploration, and forced labour10.

Building Luanda Following the first wave of expansion of the city, the need to plan and cater to the ever-growing population of Luanda became a concern. Around this time, several masterplans were devised in order to address those issues, and ‘’Angola became the site of several important architectural experiments in the 50s and 60s which contributed to a new paradigm of modernity in Lusophone Africa (Viegas, 2016)11. Viegas draws attention to a masterplan developed by Etienne de Göer and D.Moreira da Silva, in her study of the Urbanisation and Peri-Urbanisation in Luanda.

The masterplan proposed the edification of five satellite cities, each capable to house 50,000 people around the Luanda Bay. Although the scheme was ‘’rendered obsolete by rapid urban growth’’, it was later used in 1948, as a basis by Viera da Costa for his ‘Satellite City no.3: Draft for a Satellite City in Luanda’ study. The scheme implemented the urban principals of the aforementioned masterplan and proposed urban nodules between the city of Luanda and Malange, both schemes incorporated formalised means of social segregation and ignored the existence of the Mussekes which surrounded the formal city (Viegas, 2016)11.

As the Cidade de Cimento saw its population nearly double with each passing decade, it continued to attempt to quickly adapt by expanding horizontally. As a consequence, some of its original Mussekes became swallowed by the rapid urban development, resulting in the creation of little islands of informality within the urban tissue (Jenkins, Robson and Cain, 2002)12. Although some Mussekes survived the continuous

16

Jenkins, P., 2012. Maputo and Luanda, in: Bekker, S., Therborn, G. (Eds.), Power and Powerless: Capital Cities in Africa. HSRC Press, Cape Town, pp. 142–166.

10

Viegas, S. (2016).

Urbanisation and PeriUrbanisation in Luanda: A geographical and SocioSpatial Perspective from the Late Colonial Period to the Present. Journal of Southern African Studies, 42(4), pp.595-618.

11

Jenkins, P., Robson, P. and Cain, A. (2002). Local Responses to Globalization and peripheralization in Luanda, Angola.

Environment & Urbanization, [online] 14(1), pp.115127. Available at: www. bibliotecaterra.angonet.org [Accessed 27 Feb. 2018].

12

expansion of the city, many were destroyed and its displaced inhabitants would relocate and reinforced other informal neighbourhoods, either situated within the urban centre or at its periphery, meaning that the destruction of the Mussekes never relieved the city of its population and urban density, as it was desired.

D.

Viegas, S. (2016). Urbanisation and Peri-Urbanisation in Luanda: A geographical and Socio-Spatial Perspective from the Late Colonial Period to the Present. Journal of Southern African Studies, 42(4), pp.595-618.

By 1950, with a population of 142,000 (Viegas, 2016)13, Luanda underwent through a major infrastructural development which oversaw the construction of a new port, airport and a new water system (Jenkins, 2012)14.

This horizontal urban expansion of the city proved to be increasingly more difficult due to the ring of informality. In an attempt to solve this problem, the city began to vertically expand by building three to four storeys buildings, further stressing the contrast between the formalised centre and its informal borders. In the decades that followed, as the Mussekes continued to firmly establish themselves in the periphery of the urban centre, the drastic contrast in urban language continued to increase, exposing Luanda’s growing social and racial divide.

The ad hoc manner in which the fabric of the city had been developed, continued to be further emphasized by the quick urban development that followed. This laissez faire attitude, illustrated the lack of control the Portuguese regime had over its colonial population and territories, as well as the inability to cater to the ever-growing urban population of the city of Luanda – which since its inception was characterised by spatial segregation.

1

2 3 5

4

D. Etienne de GrĂśer and D.Moreira da Silva urban proposal - 1942

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expansion of the city, many were destroyed and its displaced inhabitants would relocate and reinforced other informal neighbourhoods, either situated within the urban centre or at its periphery, meaning that the destruction of the Mussekes never relieved the city of its population and urban density, as it was desired.

By 1950, with a population of 142,000 (Viegas, 2016)13, Luanda underwent through a major infrastructural development which oversaw the construction of a new port, airport and a new water system (Jenkins, 2012)14.

This horizontal urban expansion of the city proved to be increasingly more difficult due to the ring of informality. In an attempt to solve this problem, the city began to vertically expand by building three to four storeys buildings, further stressing the contrast between the formalised centre and its informal borders. In the decades that followed, as the Mussekes continued to firmly establish themselves in the periphery of the urban centre, the drastic contrast in urban language continued to increase, exposing Luanda’s growing social and racial divide.

The ad hoc manner in which the fabric of the city had been developed, continued to be further emphasized by the quick urban development that followed. This laissez faire attitude, illustrated the lack of control the Portuguese regime had over its colonial population and territories, as well as the inability to cater to the ever-growing urban population of the city of Luanda – which since its inception was characterised by spatial segregation.

18

Viegas, S. (2016).

Urbanisation and PeriUrbanisation in Luanda: A geographical and SocioSpatial Perspective from the Late Colonial Period to the Present. Journal of Southern African Studies, 42(4), pp.595-618.

13

Jenkins, P., 2012. Maputo and Luanda, in: Bekker, S., Therborn, G. (Eds.), Power and Powerless: Capital Cities in Africa. HSRC Press, Cape Town, pp. 142–166.

14

Jones, M. (1950). Luanda, 1950. [image] Available at: http://4.bp.blogspot.com/ [Accessed 10 Jan. 2019].

E.

Jones, M. (1965). Aerial views of Luanda, 195560. [image] Available at: http://2.bp.blogspot.com/ [Accessed 13 Jan. 2019].

F.

E. Postcard Luanda 1950 F. Postcard Luanda 1955-65

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Rebirth of a Nation Independence As evidenced in the previous chapter, during the Portuguese colonialization, any attempts at an implementation of a formal urban planning strategy were frustrated by the rapid and uncontrollable population growth, and the subsequent continuous expansion of the city which both formally and informally was developed in an ad hoc manner, without any proper planning or building control (Jenkins, Robson and Cain, 2002)15. The housing and local urban planning policies in place were deeply rooted in social and racial segregation, implemented with the intent of the continuous alienation of the indigenous people from the urban centre.

The spatial fragmentation of the city reflected the continuous neglect of the ever increasing Musseke population and its ever growing spatial presence. As illustrated by Viegas16 ‘’Lefebvre’s thinking that amid the implosion of the old morphologies of the urbanised city and the persistent islands of rurality lies a socio-spatial conflict, latent or overt’’.

The formation of policies such as the indigenato categorisation system and its derivates were created with the total disregard of the human rights of the indigenous people and limited their access to an already restricted education system. The lack of upward social mobility, in addition to the scarce employment opportunities, and the non-existent access to formal housing conditions, fuelled the existing resentment against the colonial power. This was aggravated by the physical violence carried out by the Portuguese, and resulted in anti-colonial revolutionary groups being assemble, such as the MPLA – Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola).

In attempts to join the UN17, and being recognised by the international community, Portugal made enormous efforts to appear as a “mild colonial power”, and as so, in 1960 the racial discriminatory systems were abolished and the colonial regime began to implement urban planning policies, which recognised for the first time, the existence of the Mussekes and aimed at their requalification. These attempts can be

G. Luanda’s population growth over the years

20

Jenkins, P., Robson, P. and Cain, A. (2002). Local Responses to Globalization and peripheralization in Luanda, Angola.

Environment & Urbanization, [online] 14(1), pp.115127. Available at: www. bibliotecaterra.angonet.org [Accessed 27 Feb. 2018].

15

Viegas, S. (2016).

Urbanisation and PeriUrbanisation in Luanda: A geographical and SocioSpatial Perspective from the Late Colonial Period to the Present. Journal of Southern African Studies, 42(4), pp.595-618.

16, G.

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Achieved in 1955.

witnessed between 1961-64, Simões de Carvalho who begun working in Luanda following his brief experience in Le Corbusier’s Atelier, devised the 6th urban planification proposal of the city since 194318. Despite it never being concluded, ‘’the ideas behind it became a reference point for the allegedly more inclusive ideas of the Portuguese colonial power for the production and transformation of space in the capital” (Viegas, 2012)18.

Carvalho’s strategy included the re-organisation of the historical centre, the construction of collective infrastructure, residential neighbourhood areas and the eradication of satellite cities which according to Carvalho promoted racial and social segregation, encouraging people to move back and forward from the centre in pendular movements. In addition, Simões also proposed the Unidade de Vizinhança (Neighbourhood Unit) no.1, later known as Bairro Prenda which ‘’although not meant for residents of the Mussekes, it allocated plots for self-produced housing, seeing it as an opportunity to integrate the indigenous population’’ which according to Carvalho had to be taught how to live (Viegas, 2016)19.

Despite the colonial regime’s efforts to appease the indigenous people’s resentment by allowing limited access to basic infrastructures and education, the anti-colonial revolutionary groups continued to strengthen and proliferate. Following the independence of the Belgian Congo in 196020, MPLA initiated the long and brutal liberation war from the Portuguese in February of ’6121. The beginning of the fight for independence set the tone for the armed conflicts that followed.

All the main confrontations took place in the interior of the country, resulting in the death and displacement of millions of people. As well as the destruction of the inlands which were left unusable due to the placement of millions of landmines22 that prevented the cultivation of crops, expansion of villages or development of land.

Viegas, S. (2012).

Urbanization in Luanda: Geopolitical Framework. A Socio-Territorial Analysis. [ebook] São Paulo. Available at: http://www. fau.usp.br/ [Accessed 26 Feb. 2018].

18

Viegas, S. (2012).

Urbanization in Luanda: Geopolitical Framework. A Socio-Territorial Analysis. [ebook] São Paulo. Available at: http://www. fau.usp.br/ [Accessed 26 Feb. 2018].

19

As part of the UN’s decolonisation resolution disregarded by Portugal.

20

Following an urban uprising to free political prisoners from a Luanda prison, in junction to a revolt against forced cotton planting in the east of the Malange province.

21

The HALO Trust. (2017).

20 Years after Diana’s visit, landmines are still killing children. [online] Available at: https://www.halotrust. org/ [Accessed 6 Mar. 2018].

22

Omniumm Technique d’Arménagement.

23

By 1970, Luanda’s population had grown to 480,613 of which 74% lived in Mussekes. The colonial regime, still in power, hired the French firm OTAM to design a new urban strategy scheme which could tackle the city’s continuous growth. OTAM23 proposed three urbanisation

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centers – Viana, Cacuaco and Camama covering 170,000 hectares.

Although it continued to promote segregation, for the first time the scheme acknowledged the need for the upgrade of Mussekes over their eradication which resulted in the complete dismissal of the proposal by the government (Viegas, 2016)24.

Civil War In 1974, following the fall of the Portuguese dictatorship25, a transitional government was introduced and on November of 1975, Angola declared its independence. However, due to Portugal’s immediate withdrawal and the lack of a clear leader, an internal dispute between the independence movements arose for the control of the new State, and “the country became a battleground of the Cold War as the USA supported UNITA26, and the USSR and Cuba supported the MPLA government” (Jenking, Robson and Cain, 2002)27. Luanda experienced a mass, nearly immediate abandonment of the city, resulting from the flight28 of most of the white population from the country (Jenkins, 2011)29 and at the same time, the city experienced yet another rural exodus, which in addition to the return of some Angolans emigrants, resulted in a population of 1,822,407 by 1990 (Viegas, 2016)24. The new Angolan government, constituted by the MPLA, saw to the confiscation of most abandoned property, and allocated it to indigenous Angolan citizens, often “returning refugees and rural migrants to the city, rather than existing Musseke dwellers” (Jenkins, Robson and Cain, 2002)27. Nevertheless, the existing Mussekes continued to grow and expand further away from the urban centre, and towards the nearest adjacent urban agglomerate – Viana.

Viegas, S. (2016).

Urbanisation and PeriUrbanisation in Luanda: A geographical and SocioSpatial Perspective from the Late Colonial Period to the Present. Journal of Southern African Studies, 42(4), pp.595-618.

24

25

UNITA - União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola) - Established in 1966.

26

Jenkins, P., Robson, P. and Cain, A. (2002). Local Responses to Globalization and peripheralization in Luanda, Angola.

Environment & Urbanization, [online] 14(1), pp.115127. Available at: http:// bibliotecaterra.angonet.org [Accessed 27 Feb. 2018].

27

Nearly 350,000 Portuguese and 80,000 Angolans left the country.

28

Jenkins, P. (2011). Maputo and Luanda. In: S. Bekker and G. Therborn, ed., Capital Cities in Africa - Power and Powerlessness. [online] Cape Town: Codesria, pp.142-166.

Available at: https://www. codesria. org/ [Accessed 28 Feb. 2018].

29

Adopting a Marxist socialist model, Angola embraced the bureaucratic allocation of resources, in alignment with the Cuban and the Soviet Bloc’s regimes, which consolidated ‘’the autocratic and bureaucratic model of government inherited from Portuguese colonialism’’ focusing on the exportation profits of diamonds and oils over agricultural development (Viegas, 2016)24.

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Which lasted 38 years.

H, I, J.

Viegas, S. (2012). Urbanization in Luanda: Geopolitical Framework.

A Socio-Territorial Analysis. [ebook] SĂŁo Paulo. Available at: http://www. fau.usp.br/ [Accessed 26 Feb. 2018].

H. Musseke of Cazenga

I. Old musseke of Sambizanga

J. Peripheral musseke of Cacuaco

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In efforts to reduce the drastic contrast between the Cidade de Cimento and the Mussekes, the government began to focus on the requalification of Luanda’s urban tissue, by implementing urban regenerative policies during this recent post-colonial period. The policies approved involved the allocation of plots to low-income families, for the construction of their own houses in exchange for work; the production of four to six storeys collective housing buildings; and the publishing of the Lei da AutoConstrução (Self-Construction Law). In partnership with several nongovernmental organisations, such as the Development Workshop, the Gabinete para Reabilitação dos Mussekes (GARM – Office for Musseke Upgrading) was established and proposed ‘’the development of a social mobilisation strategy to provide basic urban services and to facilitate community management of water distribution” (Viegas, 2016)30.

During the mid-80s, due to the rise of clientelism31 and the continuous brutal civil war, Angola´s international image became tarnished. The increasing foreign debts led the government to open Angola’s economy to national and international markets, as well as encouraging private investments and enterprises in exchange for financial assistance (Viegas, 2016)30. As a result, major international agreements were made with several nations, including China32. Subsequently, the “inequalities of income and concentration of individual wealth skyrocketed. A huge gap emerged between, on the one hand, a wealthy elite and a well-endowed state, and, on the other, an impoverished urban population, whose needs continued to grow” (Viegas, 2016)30.

Simultaneously, during this period Luanda experienced yet another populational increase, as people continued to flee Angola’s countryside due to the ongoing civil war. The new migration wave came to reinforce the population in the existing Mussekes, weaved between the urban space, as well as the newly formed peripheral ones, such as Cacuaco and Viana. This movement meant that populations invaded rural land which mainly consisted of zinc-plated houses and depended on illegal connections to access formal urban infrastructures in order to gain access to water, sewage and electricity. The existing Mussekes, such as Catambor, Operário and Chicala, started to grow vertically from ground floor houses to two-storey buildings, semi-formalising themselves and beginning to attract the attention of developers due to their advantageous location within the capital.

24

Viegas, S. (2016).

Urbanisation and PeriUrbanisation in Luanda: A geographical and SocioSpatial Perspective from the Late Colonial Period to the Present. Journal of Southern African Studies, 42(4), pp.595-618.

30

A social order which depends on relations of patronage 31

Africa confidential (2006).

New Luanda’s Gleaming Towers. [online] Available at: http://bibliotecaterra. angonet.org/ [Accessed 1 Mar. 2018].

32

K, L.

Viegas, S. (2016). Urbanisation and Peri-Urbanisation in Luanda: A geographical and Socio-Spatial Perspective from the Late Colonial Period to the Present. Journal of Southern African Studies, 42(4), pp.595-618.

K. Location of the musskes and housing areas mentioned in text - Chicala, Operรกrio, Catambor, Caucao and Viana

L. Expansion of the city towards Viana - the image exemplifies how mussekes affect the city and its growth

25

Once again, the city illustrated the country’s political and economic occurrences, as following the end of the cold War in 1991, the State began to replace the bottom-up urban and housing policies, with topdown legislation, which directly benefited the government and allowed private investors more freedom and guaranteed returns on their investments, as well as satisfying the needs of the elite. For example, in partnership with two Brazilian companies33 and by granting provincial governments the ability to transfer urban state land to other states, the Programa Auto-financiado de infrastuturas de Luanda Sul (Self-financed programme for providing South Luanda with Infrastructures) led to the creation and construction of infrastructure and private condominiums, mainly along the southern coast.

There was also the implementation of the first Lei de Terras (Land Law) policy of 1992, which granted the state the ownership over agricultural land, and resulted in the attribution of the stature of illegality to most of the newly formed Mussekes which were located in the agricultural land between Luanda and Viana.

Peace – Post-Independence Between 2000 and 2002, the government attempted to produce two urban plans. However, the schemes were once again rendered obsolete, one by Luanda’s rapid urban growth, and the other as it challenged the strategies of the Gabinete de Obras Especiais (Cabinet for Special Works), which was directly connected with the Angolan Presidency, expressed the government’s desire for progress but only if beneficial to the consolidation of the State’s power. Coming to an end in 2002, the civil war lasted for 27 years with intermittent moments of relative peace. The State which had chosen to mimic the colonial governmental structure of autocracy and had turned to international and private investors for economic support, viewed the displacement of Mussekes more financially advantageous than their requalification, and as such, implemented laws that saw to their eradication.

M. Luanda’s population growth over the years

26

Odebrecht and Prado Valladares 33

Viegas, S. (2016).

Urbanisation and PeriUrbanisation in Luanda: A geographical and SocioSpatial Perspective from the Late Colonial Period to the Present. Journal of Southern African Studies, 42(4), pp.595-618.

M.

Moradoras em meio às demolições no bairro da Chicala. (n.d.). [image] Available at: http:// envolverde.cartacapital.com. br/ [Accessed 7 Mar. 2018].

N.

Musseke. (2015). [image] Available at: https://jornalf8. net/ [Accessed 7 Mar. 2018].

O.

N. Chicala’s residents in the middle of its demolition.

O. Musseke - Unidentified location.

27

Policies such as the second Lei de Terras 2004 (Land Law) and the Lei do Fomento Habitacional 2007 (Law of Housing Development), demanded a land owner to be defined, and as all unclaimed land had been nationalised, the Mussekes’ territory now legally belonged to the state. The new laws also determined what conditions the rights to the land could be nullified and introduced principals of which the urban fabric of the city was allowed to develop. These principals specified that all buildings had to follow the state’s perception of ‘appropriate’, thus providing the government with the power to destroy any constructions deemed unappropriated!.

In addition to other top-down policies and programs aimed to “transform irregular occupants into regularised citizens integrated in urban society” (Viegas, 2016)34, the government continued to allude to colonial spatial segregation policies, as it began to categorise Musseke population as inappropriate citizens due to their low economic class. Currently, the State continues to have the same posture of neglect towards these urban spaces, reflecting the government’s complete lack of knowledge and understanding regarding the social and spatial make-up of Mussekes.

As stated by Viegas24, ‘’even though the Angolan government states that one of its goals is the abolition of urban poverty, recent actions by authorities to reshape the use of Luanda’s territory reflect the force of capitalism in determining the way the space is occupied and geared to the creation of short-term profit”.

The complete governmental rejection of Museekes, mostly stems from the State’s desire to squash any forms of informal economy - which the Mussekes’ inhabitants depend on for their survival - as well as the misconception that most of these informal neighbourhood’s population are deslocados (displaced) from the civil war conflict, and as refugees, will soon abandon these ‘temporary settlements’ and return to their homes in the inlands (Jenkins, Robson and Cain, 2002)35. Examples of such, include the new urbanisation centres of Cacuaco, Zango, Km44 and Kapari, as well as the highly publicised Cidade do Kilamba built by a Chinese firm as a result of intercountry agreements between Angola

28

Viegas, S. (2016).

Urbanisation and PeriUrbanisation in Luanda: A geographical and SocioSpatial Perspective from the Late Colonial Period to the Present. Journal of Southern African Studies, 42(4), pp.595-618.

34, P,

Like the partial destruction of the Chicala Musseke, under the pretext of flooding danger. The demolished area the continuous equalification of Luanda’s Bay. !

Kilamba. (n.d.). [image] Available at: https:// angola-online.net/noticias/ [Accessed 7 Mar. 2018].

Q.

P. Location of housing projects mentioned in text - Panguila, Kilamba, Zango, Iraque-Bagdad

Q. Cidade do Kilamba, also known as, Ghost City.

29

and China in the 1980s. However, Cidade do Kilamba was dubbed ‘Ghost City’ due to its lack of social activity and odd appearance. Once again, alienating the ‘poor’ from the city, these centralities are located miles from Luanda’s urban centre, where most of family’s subsistence derived from, resulting in their inability to finance the new houses. These apartments which are usually destined and occupied by low income families, severely lacks in urban, social and transport infrastructures.

The new housing projects which became prototypes of the government’s ‘’ideal’’ urban topology, were mainly built next to main connection roads, and allude to the 1942 proposal of the five satellite cities which had been completely rejected by 1961, as it encouraged people to move back and forward from the urban centre in pendular movements, and was deemed to be promote racial and social segregation. In contrast, the peripheral areas close to the urban centre, are now occupied by the new ostentatious housing projects of the upper class, such as Talatona and Nova Vida, built in 1996 and 2002, respectively. In contrast with the aforementioned new residential urban centralities, these projects provide luxurious gated communities, with a network of social and urban infrastructures, such as the Belas Shopping centre, and supermarkets like Kero. The gated communities are a literal illustration of the sociospatial devise between the elite and the rest of the Angolan population.

These gated communities and the new high-rise developments within the centre of Luanda, come at the cost of the existing or newly formed Musseke communities which tend to be attracted to the area for its urban infrastructures. As pointed out by Viegas36 in her study, ‘’ profit-making urban expansion – namely ‘mercantilist’ urban expansion – is often linked to coercive evictions and the forced resettlement or rehousing of the poor”. The Iraque-Bagdad Musseke and others around the Nova Vida compound, resulted in the forced eviction of approximately 30,000 people in 2009 which denounced the continuous abuses of power and violent modus operandi utilise by the government in these situations.

30

Jenkins, P., Robson, P. and Cain, A. (2002). Local Responses to Globalization and peripheralization in Luanda, Angola.

Environment & Urbanization, [online] 14(1), pp.115127. Available at: http:// bibliotecaterra.angonet.org [Accessed 27 Feb. 2018].

35

Viegas, S. (2016).

Urbanisation and PeriUrbanisation in Luanda: A geographical and SocioSpatial Perspective from the Late Colonial Period to the Present. Journal of Southern African Studies, 42(4), pp.595-618 36

These urban strategies and interventions are part of the 2013 approved Plano Director de Reconversão de Cazenga, Sambizanga e Rangel (Masterplan for Urban Conversion for Cazenga, Sambizanga and Rangel).

The scheme which illustrates a total urban reconversion, “will establish the framework for the following 20 years of all peri-urban areas to the north of Luanda which house 3 million people and 5,400 hectares of land” (Viegas, 2016)37. With the destruction and rehousing of some of Cazenga inhabitants to Zango IV, the masterplan which is already underway encompasses the complete eradication of existing urban fabric, as explained by Beto Soito38, 39.

A good example of how the city of Luanda has been perceived by their own government can be viewed in Rem Koolhaas’ study of Lagos.

Koolhaus describes the city as ‘’becoming more normal, more like other cities, much less dramatic’. In agreement, Godlewski40 in his review of Koolhaas study, states that ‘’Lagos is constantly referred to not by what it is but what it is not”. This preconceived negative idea of spaces and people in developing nations, much like colourism and the

Viegas, S. (2016).

Urbanisation and PeriUrbanisation in Luanda: A geographical and Socio-Spatial Perspective from the Late Colonial Period to the Present.

Journal of Southern African Studies, 42(4), pp.595-618 37

Director of the Technical Office of the Masterplan for Urban Reconversion of Cazenga, Rangel and Sambizanga 38

Angop (2013). Reconversão Urbana do Cazenga, Rangel e Sambizanga levará entre 15 a 20 anos [online] Available at: http://m.portalangop.co.ao/ [Accessed 3 Mar.2018] 39

GTRURS. (n.d.). [image] Available at: https:// www.facebook.com/pg/ GTRUCS[Accessed 7Mar.2018].

R.

R. Masterplan for Urban Conversion for Cazenga, Sambizanga and Rangel

31

concept of vidas mulatas, dictate how people or a space are ought to perform in other to be considered normal – developed. The same can be found in the perception and acknowledgement (or lack of) of the Mussekes. These informal neighbourhoods without any formal support are repeatedly expected to comply and maintain standards of progress and development in order to be salvaged. As a result, the future of these settlements are thus always depended on their initial perception as ‘failed’ urban spaces, which hinder the acknowledgement of their qualities in the production of a community through space.

Luanda, which already struggles to preserve its historical heritage, such as the Quintalões and the Sobrados from colonial times, is committed to continue the progressive de-characterisation of the city in favour of and for economic development, only beneficial to the elite. The capital of the seventh largest country in Africa, will soon become a series of “images detached from every aspect of life merging into a common stream’’, having its ‘’former unity of life is lost forever” (Debord, 1994)41. As exemplified in Berman’s testimony of Brasilia, whereby he describes it as dynamic and exciting from the air, but bleak from a ground level experience due to the “deliberate absence of public space in which people can meet and talk”. This is reflective of a design which Berman argues ‘’…might have made perfect sense for the capital of a military dictatorship, ruled by generals who wanted the people kept at a distance, kept apart and kept down… but as the capital of a democracy, however - it is a scandal”.

32

Godlewski, J. (2010). Alien and Distant: Rem Koolhaas on Film in Lagos, Nigeria.

Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review.

40

Debord, G. (1994). The Society of Spectacle. New York: Zone Books.

41

Portal de Angola (2012). Fogo posto afecta parcialmente emblemรกtico Elinga Teatro na baixa de Luanda. [image] Available at: https://www.portaldeangola. com/ [Accessed 21 Jan. 2019].

S.

T. Angola 24horas (2018).

Fogo posto afecta parcialmente emblemรกtico Elinga Teatro na baixa de Luanda. [image] Available at: http://www.angola24horas. com/ [Accessed 14 Jan. 2019].

S. Elinga theatre, built in 1988, classified as an historical monument in 1981 and declassified in 2012.

T. Elinga theatre which has been under threat of demolition since its desclassification. 2018 Arson.

33

The Triad of Space - Henri Lefebvre Luanda has always reflected the State’s ideologies and aspirations. This was initially achieved through segregation based on racial motivation and led to the creation of the two conflicting urban languages which now characterise the city - the formal and the informal. More recently, this has been achieved through the alienation of people and spaces from the urban based on economic values. Lefebvre (1977)42 encapsulates this when he states that ‘’Space has been shaped and moulded from historical and natural elements, but this has been a political process.’’

Ultimately, space is political and ideological, as illustrated in the previous chapters.

The implementation of legislations was part of the process of regularisation of the urban fabric of Luanda. These policies armed the State with the power to dominate, manipulate and control the movement and activities of masses in the spaces allowed within the urban centre, in favour of economic benefit. Due to the informal and the unmanageable nature of Mussekes, the government saw to the approval of polices by identifying them as illegal. This ensured their eradication and by extension, labelled its inhabitants as undesirable.

It is important to emphasize that most of the economic power which support the inhabitants of these neighbourhoods, originate within the informal market, which the government cannot control nor profit from.

Space thus becomes the driver for capitalism, as Viegas43 states, ‘’the current trends in the reshaping of the Luanda territory show the irrational drive of the capitalist production of space, relying on interventions liable to generate more capital in the short term’’. Aligning with Lefebvre’s belief that capitalism is only able to survive through space, the urban becomes an edification of coded messages demonstrative of the State’s power. It reflects the State’s ability to demand order, control our consumption, circulation and how social relations are organised and structured within the urban centre. ‘’Capitalist and neo-capitalist space is a space of quantification and growing homogeneity, a commodified space where all the elements

34

Lefebvre, H. (1977).

Reflections of the politics of space. In R. Peet (Ed.), Radical geography. London: Methuen and Co. 42

Viegas, S. (2012).

Urbanization in Luanda: Geopolitical Framework. A Socio-Territorial Analysis. [ebook] São Paulo. Available at: http://www. fau.usp.br/ [Accessed 26 Feb. 2018].

43

are exchangeable and thus interchangeable; a police space in which the state tolerates no resistance and no obstacles. Economic space and political space this converge toward the elimination of all differences’’ (Lefebvre 2009)44. Henri Lefebvre’s body of work addressed themes and issues pertinent to urbanism and architecture. The French philosopher introduced the notion of the ‘Right to the city’, the production of social space and the Critique of Everyday Life - all concepts surrounding the importance that the understanding of social relations and interactions have for the transformation of the urban space, and in turn the experiencing and practice of social life, or lack thereof. He stated that his ‘’analysis is concerned with the whole of practico-social activities, as they are entangled in a complex space, urban and every day, ensuring up to a point the reproduction of relations of productions45’’ (Lefebvre, 1991)46.

Lefebvre, H. (2009). State, space, wprld: selected essays. Minneapolis, MN; London: University of Minnesota Press.

44

45

Social relations.

Lefebvre, H. (1991).

The production of space.

Blackwell: Oxford.

46

Lefebvre continuously reiterated the importance of understanding how space is produced: by whom, for what purpose and what functions, as space defines, determines and delimits the experience within the urban. He believed and provided a critique of a reformed approach to the planning and design of cities, in which he stressed the importance of creating more humane and inclusive environments in the face of capitalist-lead segregation and alienation. Later he drew attention to the rise of media, advertising and the increase role of consumption in the everyday, suggesting that the art of living, ‘’as with every genuine art… will not be reduced to a few cheap formulas, a few gadgets, to help us organise our time, our comfort, or our pleasure more efficiently… The genuine art of living implies a human reality, both individual and social, incomparably broader than this’’ (Lefebvre, 1991)46.

He argued that the increased rationalisation of capitalism, brought increased fragmentation, best expressed urbanely through the continuous homogenisation of the urban space. Using Lacq-Mourenx 1957-60, a modern urban centre built near his hometown in Southern France, as an example, Lefebvre drew attention to the lack of the possibility of urban spontaneity or play within the new neighbourhood.

Epitomising the future of urban reality, he emphasised the bleakness

35

of the space which was non- interactive, and dominated by the sterile, repetitive urban peripheries. Lefebvre described this as ‘’hundreds of dead chickens in an immense shop window’’47, lacking life or the potential for the expressing of everydayness in the public urban realm.

In his manifesto Le Droit à La Ville (the right to the city), Lefebvre described the lack of sense of community in the recent peripheral French developments which were characterised by anonymity. Instead he suggests the need for spontaneity in the urban environment, allowing the existence of street life and residential participation, stating that ‘’the right to the city stipulates the right to meeting and gathering… the need for social life’’ (Lefebvre, 2004)48. These new urban realities, built in response to the need for mass housing, and design as having the car as the primary means of transportation, result in social segregation amplified by spatial alienation of the urban centre. As contextualised in the previous chapters, these factors lead to the exclusion of people from the urban centre, slowly resulting in the de-characterisation of the city and its renunciation as a cultural and social hub, in order to become a consumerist and economical beneficial space.

Lefebvre pointed out the contradictions of the urban expression of capitalism, by emphasizing the conflict between the over-rationalisation of the urban and the intense fragmentation caused by private property, highlighting this inconsistency as an opportunity to revitalised urban life based on spatial triad. Based on observations of real-life expressions within the urban, specifically within self-created spaces.

Lefebvre’s theorised about the creation of a social urban space and the reproduction of social relations and interactions within urban spaces, in order to ensure the recreation of a space which allows the possibility of expression of the everyday publicly – the spatial triad.

Centred around three main moments, Lefebvre’s triad of reproduction of space, identified the moments in which the space is conceived, perceived and lived, being designated as spaces for people, with people and by people, respectively, as the moments which when intertwined,

36

Lefebvre, H. (2014).

Critique of everyday life.

London: Verso.

47

Lefebvre, H. (2004).

Rhythmanalysis; Space, time and everyday life. London: Continuum.

48

De Maya, M. (2016).

Luanda - several 3600. [image] Available at: https:// www.theguardian.com/ cities/gallery/2017/jul/07/ luanda-angola-expensivecity-divided-oil-in-pictures [Accessed 18 Jan. 2019].

U, V.

U. Luanda's Bay V. A Musseke

37

create the perfect conditions for the art of living. Stating that space is ‘’not only supported by social relations but is also producing and produced by social relations’’ (Lefebvre, 1991)49.

Lefebvre, H. (1991).

The production of space.

Blackwell: Oxford.

49

Lefebvre, H. (1996).

Writing on cities. London: Blackwell.

50

However, under a Capitalist ideology, Lefebvre states that the element of the perception of space dominates the others. Thus, in a capitalist urban reality, it is the perception of space, that is, spaces with people, which gain priority over spaces for people and by people (conceived and lived), contradicting the fundamentals of space production. The prioritisation of the perception of space, results in the functionalisation and rationalisation of the urban, which in turn leads to an increased limitation of the usage of space, resulting in the segregation of groups, activities and industries. ‘’Itself the outcome of past actions, social space is what permits fresh actions to occur, some serve production others consumption… social space implies a great diversity of knowledge’’ (Lefebvre, 1991)49. Through his work, Lefebvre, accentuates the necessity and possibility to reintegrate everyday life into the urban, in order to guarantee the accommodation of individual and collective wellbeing opportunities within social and public spaces. ‘’Urban life suggests meanings, the confrontation of difference, reciprocal knowledge and acknowledgement, (including ideological and political confrontation) ways of living, ‘patterns’ which coexist in the city’’ (Lefebvre, 1996)50, he draws attention to spaces made-by-living which allow the urban context to act as contained of the spatial triad.

Allowing the immediate expression and channelling of human action in the space, these self-made spaces address and revolve the user’s needs, and incorporate the conception, perception and living of the space by the people which inhabit it, fully incorporation and illustrating the three components of spatialization. Mussekes, by being themselves, self-made and self-sustained urban spaces - made by people, for people and with people - embody the intertwinement of all three components of the Lefebvre’s triad of space. However, as Lefebvre51 explains, ‘’to change life, to change society, these phrases mean nothing if there is

38

Lefebvre, H. (2009). State, space, wprld: selected essays. Minneapolis, MN; London: University of Minnesota Press.

52

no production of an appropriate space’’, thus although these ‘informal’ spaces possess the social conditions for the ideal expression of the ‘art of living’, but they lack the infrastructures which allow them to be suitable urban spaces.

In order to understand the possibilities of requalification of these urban realities, this chapter will analyse three different upgrading projects from different locations, in order to showcase a diversity of contextual elements, ranging from the economic class to the ethnicity of its inhabitant, as well as their locations within and around the urban centralities they surround, the case-studies will provide an understanding regarding the embodiment of Lefebvre’s triad space, in a formalised made-by-living urban reality.

The Bathore squatter settlement, located in Kamëz, Albania was selected for its European location and the ethnic composition of its residents which although from various backgrounds, are mainly white. In addition, the settlement was built during a major political turmoil, allowing for the quick construction of the settlement without great scrutiny from the neighbouring populations nor the State. Lastly for the characteristics of the settlement’s houses which although informal, presented themselves as being well-built and semi-formal, even though they lacked basic infrastructures.

The Zwelisha settlement, in North Durban, South Africa. Selected for the political and cultural context of South Africa, mainly the apartheid era which legally and forceful segregate its population, presenting a similar historical context with the informal settlements in Luanda.

The final case-study is Kova da Moura, located in Lisbon, Portugal, was chosen for its close ethnic and historical proximity with Angola.

Although currently, most of its residents are Cape Verdean or descent, in its creation the neighbourhood had a mixture of poor white Portuguese people, and the newly arrived migrants from Cape Verde, Angola, and other former Portuguese colonies. The settlement which is semiformalised, encapsulates several similarities with Angola’s government position towards Mussekes.

39

Pojani, D., (2012). From squatter settlement to suburb: The transformation of Bathore in Albania [online]. Europe Housing Forum. Available at: http:// ecahousingforum.eu/ [Accessed: 17 Jan.2019].

53

Bathore, Kamëz, Albania Formed in the early 1990s, Bathore was one of the largest informal settlements in Albania, inhabited by migrants from the one of the most impoverished rural regions in the North of the country. Bathore is currently ‘’starting to resemble a middle class-style suburb. It has paved road, young street trees and a public transportation line that connects the area to the capital’’ (Pojani, 2012)53.

Lacking electric, water, sewer and transportation infrastructure, the informal neighbourhood began being formalised in mid-2000s, as part of government action to legalise informal settlements throughout the country by providing them with the necessary infrastructure. Although an exemplar case-study of the upgrade of an informal settlement, Bathore has a set of unique factors which greatly contributed to the program’s success. The first, being its location, in the outskirts of Tirana the capital city. Secondly by occupying mostly public, rather than private government land, in fact, most of it was acquired from the farmers through ‘’verbal and informal contracts... hastily drawn for pockets of land’’(Henslop, 2014)54.

Heslop, J., (2014). First Impressions of Bathore, Albania. [online]. Unofficial Culture. Available at: https:// unofficialculture.wordpress. com/ [Accessed: 17 Jan.2019] 54

Driscoll, J. (2014). Bathore in 2007. [image] Available at: Driscoll, J. (2014). Bathore in 1994. [image] Available at: https://unofficialculture. wordpress.com/[Accessed 13 Jan. 2019]. [Accessed 21 Jan. 2019].

W.

Driscoll, J. (2014). Bathore in 1994. [image] Available at: https://unofficialculture. wordpress.com/[Accessed 13 Jan. 2019].

X.

Built in between the collapse of the communist government and Albania’s new State, most of the new residents when accused of obtaining the settlement illegally, explained that due to the political turmoil, there was no effective government and no laws. Julia Henslop54, who researched and studied the settlement and its requalification process, describes it as a ‘’lawlessness of a most polite and desperate kind’’. Henslop continued and stated that the settlement was, ‘’A multi-faceted place, but my first impressions are of a working, living community that is sitting on the edge between the formal city and the informal city… a beautiful location, part rural, part urban’’.

Its residents, although poor, and from diverse backgrounds, were not from different ethnic groups. Many possessing a background in the construction sector, and through community collaboration, were able

40

W. Bathore in 1994 X. Bathore in 2017

41

to help each other build sturdy, well-made, often multi-story structures.

Initially under the constant threat of eviction and although in some cases, demolition, the settlement persevered and following the upgrading project, its house provided immediate commercialisation opportunities.

In addition, the settlement was ‘’large and homogenous enough to attain community cohesion and political leverage at both the local and national levels’’ (Pojani, 2012)55. Unlike the Angolan State, the Albanian government did not present themselves as overly hostile towards these neighbourhood, aiding general population perceptions of the space and its inhabitants which do not completely reject the space, as it occurs in Luanda.

Pojani does draw attention to the fact that the economic circumstances of the residents did remain quite poor. Reasons for this included the perception of the residents by those in the capital who viewed these residents as inferior and thus hindering their employment opportunities.

As a result, this reflected the weak employment mark in the capital and illustrates the next step as the economic a full social integration of the residents with Tirana’s community. Furthermore, Henslop56, describes the settlement, as a spider-web city, ‘’a site of entwined connections; where people of the community have stretched invisible threads... creating networks of strings and concealed relationships between old villagers, relatives and strangers’’ emphasizing that the ‘’residents of Bathore forged a new community, but also a new way of thinking about how a community might be constructed’’.

Bathore is thus a space for people, by people and with people which although with some resistance, is spreading its community ‘web’ into the neighbouring capital of Tirana. It presents itself as successful upgrading project. In regard to becoming a precedent for the Mussekes of Luanda, the conditions in which it was created and formalised, provide more of an example of how the State’s position towards these spaces, deeply affects how the settlements are perceived by the rest of the population, how they are developed by its residents and how it could possibly be integrated within or as part of the formal city.

42

Pojani, D., (2012). From squatter settlement to suburb: The transformation of Bathore in Albania [online]. Europe Housing Forum. Available at: http:// ecahousingforum.eu/ [Accessed: 17 Jan.2019].

55

Heslop, J., (2014). First Impressions of Bathore, Albania. [online]. Unofficial Culture. Available at: https:// unofficialculture.wordpress. com/ [Accessed: 17 Jan.2019] 56

Heslop, J. (2014). BAthore. [image] Available at: https:// unofficialculture.wordpress. com/ [Accessed 14 Jan. 2019].

Y.

Heslop, J. (2014). construction. [image] Available at: https:// unofficialculture.wordpress. com/[Accessed 14 Jan. 2019].

Z.

Y. Bathore in 2014 Z. Under construction

43

Zwelisha, North Durban, South Africa Zwelisha, ‘new land’ in the isiZuly language, is located 35km North of Durban, within the eThekwini municipality. Its earliest settlers arrived from the old Transkei (current East Cape city) in the mid-1980s whereby many arrived without documents or the correct apartheid permits to live in the area.

In 1997s, there was a mix attitude towards the settlement which generated a general tension and several disagreements between its population.

Part of the inhabitants campaigned for the upgrade of the settlements, whereas others fought for the survival of the shacks, the second group was widely believed to have ‘’vested interest in the status quo’’ (Patel, 2013)57. It is also worth to mention that Zwelisha’s population is of mixed ethnic backgrounds and the fact that there was a disproportionate ownership in regard to the size of the plots. According to many of the Zulu residents, most of ‘’Xhosa-speakers staked claims to the largest plots of land when the settlement was first founded and were dominant shack-lords with much to lose by settlement upgrade’’ (Patel, 2013)57.

A year later, in 1998, the CDC58 gained the support and approval of the local councillor. The CDC which showed interested in the requalification of the neighbourhood due to the minimal political activity within the settlement, as well as the small and manageable size of only 513 households, and the continuous political leadership which had not changed since the mid-1990s . The project began in 2005 and followed South Africa’s housing policies which stated that in situ approach to the requalification of informal settlement is the preferred approach, and described the municipality’s role in the projects as one of a developers, ‘’that is the municipality undertakes all planning and project activities’’ (Patel, 2013) 57.

By 2009, most of the work was completed, ‘’other than a few remaining shacks at the edges of the settlement… Zwelisha appears as neat rows of pastel shaded houses with blue mail boxes lined up alongside tarred roads’’ (Patel, 2013)59. The upgrading project could be described as a

44

Patel, K. (2013). A successful slum upgrade in Durban: A case of formal change and informal continuity. [Online] Available at: https://doi.org/ [accessed on 15.Jan.2019] 57

Community Development Committee.

58

Smith, T. (2002). nd. [image] Available at: https:// www.ucl.ac.uk/ [Accessed 16 Jan. 2019].

Aa, Bb,

Aa, North Durban, South Africa Bb. Zwelisha settlement

45

reconstruction of the area and the reallocation of the newly built houses to the existing residents of the settlement. However, it was noted in Kamna Patel’s study and through the conducted interviews that some houses although brand-new, presented better conditions than others but the random allocation process did not seem to favour any individual, and allowed the existing residents to officially and formally own a home.

The successful upgrade of Zwelisha is much attributed to the existence of the CDC and its continuous involvement in the process, both at a local governmental level as well as among the residents. According to Patel’s study, they showed persistence in the involvement of all residents of Zwelisha even those who felt marginalised due to the linguistic differences and had initially withdrew themselves from the process. It is also important to underline that due to the size of the site, none of the resident had to be relocated outside of Zwelisha, strengthening the popular belief in the CDC and the project itself.

The project which improved and implemented basic infrastructures, ensuring security and well-being in the neighbourhood, did seem to lack an active involvement of the community in its requalification process, and thus not incorporating all three components of Lefebvre’s triad.

However, as it was described by Patel, the neighbourhood itself seem to present an overall lacking sense of unity due to its mixture of ethnic background. Regarding the Mussekes, Zwelisha presents itself as an exemplar opportunity for the requalification of smaller settlements, if an appropriate governmental body is established to accompany the project which directed towards the existing residents, delivers on its promises.

46

Patel, K. (2013). A successful slum upgrade in Durban: A case of formal change and informal continuity. [Online] Available at: https://doi.org/ [accessed on 15.Jan.2019] 59

Smith, T. (2002). nd. [image] Available at: https:// www.ucl.ac.uk/ [Accessed 16 Jan. 2019].

Cc, Dd,

Cc, Zwelisha settlement Dd. Zwelisha settlement

47

Kova da Moura, Lisboa, Portugal Kova da Moura, as it is most commonly known, is the Creole denomination for Alto da Cova da Moura, the ‘formal’, Portuguese name of the settlement.

Located in the periphery of Lisbon, Portugal’s capital. Kova da Moura, is situated between two different administrative localities which lead to a few complications in regards to the responsibilities and the general reorganisation of the neighbourhood (Benttencourt, 2011)60.

Although mainly populated by Cape Verdeans, the neighbourhood which experience a constant arrival of emigrants from the PALOP61, has a mixed ethnic background of residents. In 1990s, the settlement was made up of 3346 people, of which more than 50% were of African descent.

Much like most informal neighbourhoods, Kova da Moura, lacked basic infrastructures such as water, electricity and a sewage system. The lack of these conditions led the residents to organise themselves under the Cultural Association Youth Mill and elect representatives in order to be able to speak at city councils in regards to the neighbourhood needs, the improvement of the neighbourhood and its legalisation, as well as the legalisation of its residents .

The neighbourhood is in a crucial location, overlooking the urban centre of Lisbon, and near a train station – a significant transport link. Its ‘’complex configuration with several arteries which intersect, encouraging, with time, strategical areas which gave place to meeting places” (Moinho da Juventude, 2015)62 and resulted in organised tours through the neighbourhood.

Much like the Angolan Mussekes, Kova da Moura ‘’came to acquire a similar reputation of crime, drugs, poverty and violence’’ (Silva, 2015)63.

Regardless of its reputation, Kova da Moura’s residents succeeded the legalisation of their neighbourhood and in 1980 formed the resident’s

48

Bettencourt, A. (2011) Qualification and Rehabilitation of Critic Urban Areas. [online] Available at: https://www.repository. utl. pt [Accessed 10 Jan 2019].

60

Países Africanos de Lingua Portuguesa (Portuguese Speaking African-countries).

61

Moinho Da Juventude (2015) Quem Somos // Who are we. [Online] Available at: http://www. moinhodajuventude.pt/ [Acessed 2 January 2015].

62

Silva, Iara, (2015).

The Shanty Awe [online].

Issuu. Available at https:// issuu.com/iarasilva-silva// [Accessed 13 Jan 2019).

63, Ff.

Sintra Noticias (2016). KM. [image] Available at: https:// sintranoticias.pt/[Accessed 13 Jan. 2019].

Ee.

54

JINDANDU, RIEMBU E NZUNGA

they go to school, learn Portuguese and grow up in a bilingual environment� (Silva, 2014). However in the last few years, creole became a popular language within the younger generations of most peripheral neighbourhoods, not only shanty-towns.

In the musseque, the Angolan national language - kimbundu - as the urban centres developed, remained only within the villages in the interior of Angola.

Ee, Kova da Moura aereal view Ff. Kova da Moura Batukada *perfect analogy of the assimilation of Cape Verde. It is the mixture of the native Cape Verdean language with the Portuguese language.

Fig,14

49

union which gradually managed to improve the neighbourhood’s infrastructures. Currently, most of it has well built houses which possess a minimum level of quality and even incorporate typical architectural elements, such as azuleijos (Silva, 2015)64.

64, Hh.

The uniqueness of the upgrade of Kova da Moura derives from the fact that it was due to the actions of its residents that it was able to become semi-formalised. It is important to emphasise the weight that the mix of ethnic background had on this achievement, as its large white Portuguese population, prevented the complete demolishment of the settlement. In junction to it being built in public lands and due to it being a very old settlement, Kova da Moura was able to formalise itself.

Gg.

Kova da Moura, is thus the perfect illustration of Lefebvre’s triad of space, as it was made by people, for people and with people, in addition to it being formalised through the action of its own residents. It proves to be a difficult challenge regarding it being a suitable precedent for the requalification of Mussekes, due to the political context of both countries. It was due to the ability to organise themselves politically in order to represent the neighbourhood and its residents at a council level, that Kova da Moure successfully became legally. In contrast, the Mussekes existing under an authoritarian State, reflective of the old colonial regime aimed at the control of the society. As a consequence, due to the state’s dictatorship, people are unable to congregate or organise themselves in order represent their neighbour at a council level.

50

Silva, Iara, (2015).

The Shanty Awe [online].

Issuu. Available at https:// issuu.com/iarasilva-silva// [Accessed 13 Jan 2019).

Manifesto74 (2017).

Continuous Police brutality. [image] Available at: http:// manifesto74.blogspot.com/ [Accessed 18 Jan. 2019].

ographic location of the shantyo see elements found in the that city or country, for example of azuleijos (tiles) is an extremely l characteristic which also mal cooling of houses, its usage th century and is commonly used d ceilings from the north to the can also be found in Portuguese ova da Moura.

Gg, Kova da Moura Main entrance Hh. Kova da Moura Batukada

51

Final Following a critical and reflection analysis of the city of Luanda, through a close examination and contextualisation its creation, development and current urban reality.

The study of Luanda’s past, present and future urban realities and aspirations express a continuous desire to plan the city in accordance to the capitalist ideology, which moulds, transforms and creates an urban space detached from its history, context and surrounding, in order to incite consumption and provide guaranteed financial benefits.

Through this analysis, I came to the conclusion that the city is not attempting to portray an urban showcase of vidas mulatas but rather is using the pretext it to partially cover of what is to come – a brand new urban fabric which will prioritise the State’s continuous consolidation of power, and economic investments and developments over all else – an Armageddon, as described by Koolhaas, “the violent birth of a new architecture (…) aimed at a montage of maximum possibility collected from any point, lifted from any context, pilfered from any ideology”, a complete and total eradication of North Luanda’s urban history.

Luanda, which as demonstrated, has since its inception been affected by globalisation and dictated by economic aspirations, has opted to exclude the population who, even if informally, create alternative physical, economic, cultural and social spaces in which marginalised people are accepted and allowed to interact. However, through this 2-year study, and through the analysis of Henri Lefebvre’s theorisation on the creation of the ‘art of living’, in addition to the examination of three case-studies of upgrade projects of informal neighbourhoods, the urban and social value of these spaces becomes evident.

Regardless of their irregularity and informality, it is clear that these spaces represent a coherent social structure, resulting in a superior environmental quality to those of planned and formal urban areas.

Scattered through and around the formal city, Mussekes provide and encapsulate the urban forms, design principles of unique socio-spatial urban realities which maintain and reproduce social interactions

52

and relations. In line with Lefebvre’s theorisations, and illustrating an urban space capable of contained the ‘art of living’, if the required infrastructures are included.

Lefebvre, H. (1996).

Writing on cities. London: Blackwell.

65

Dependent on the participation and engagement of both the general population, the neighbourhood’s residents and the government, both local and at a national level, the requalification of these spaces is possible.

Based on the examination of the case-studies, a co-operation between all elements involved is necessary for a successful requalification of these space without losing any of Lefebvre’s spatial triad components.

In addition, the formalisation of these space provides a possibility of restructuring the new capitalist urban centre, in order to accommodate the social structure of the Mussekes and provide a less drastic relation between Luanda’s urban languages, as well as encouraging the return of the alienated to the urban.

‘’The right to the city is like a cry and a demand… it cannot be conceived of as a simple visiting right or as a return to traditional cities. It can only be formulated as transformed and renewed right to the urban life’’ – Henri Lefebvre, 199665

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