Future citizens: 21 century challenges for young people st
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We would especially like to thank Professor Cathie Holden for her valuable input and devotion in conducting research described in this book The Authors
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Edited by Beata Krzywosz-Rynkiewicz, Anna Zalewska and Alistair Ross
Future citizens: 21st century challenges for young people
Krak贸w 2010
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© Copyright by Oficyna Wydawnicza „Impuls”, Kraków 2010 Reviewers: prof. Ian Menter, Glasgow University dr hab. Anna Kwiatkowska, prof. University of Management and Law in Warsaw Proofread: Editorial Staff Cover design: Magdalena Muszyńska Izabela Surdykowska-Jurek CZARTART Research presented in this book was supported by: Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education Grant ESF/84/2006 Spanish Ministry of Science and Technology, Research and Development Projects Grant SEJ2007-29191-E Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TŰBITAK) Grant 107KT66 British Academy Small Grants Award SG 49353 Publication was supported by: Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education Grant ESF/84/2006 and European Science Foundation ECRP programme 06 ECRP FP007
ISBN 978-83-7587-431-0
Oficyna Wydawnicza „Impuls” 30-619 Kraków, ul. Turniejowa 59/5 phone/fax (12) 422 41 80, (12) 422 59 47 www.impulsoficyna.com.pl, e-mail: impuls@impulsoficyna.com.pl First edition, Kraków 2010
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Contents Beata Krzywosz-Rynkiewicz, Anna Zalewska, Alistair Ross Introduction .......................................................................................................... 7 Part I Young people’s hopes and fears: personal, local and global perspectives Alistair Ross 1.1. Hopes and fears for the future: An introduction ........................................... 27 Kim Allen 1.2. Young people’s personal hopes and fears for their future .............................. 33 Sarah Minty 1.3. Young people’s hopes and fears for their global and local futures .................. 63 Sumi Hollingworth and Sarah Minty 1.4. Young people’s concerns about crime and violence ....................................... 89 Alistair Ross 1.5. Agendas of aspiration and apprehension: What we need to investigate next ....................................................................................... 105 Part II Young people’s optimism towards social issues Anna Zalewska 2.1. Young people’s optimism towards social issues and their sources of information: An introduction ................................................................. 111 Anna Zalewska and Beata Krzywosz-Rynkiewicz 2.2. Youth optimism towards social issues from the local and global perspectives according to country, age and location .................................... 119 Beata Krzywosz-Rynkiewicz and Anna Zalewska 2.3. Young people’s optimism and understanding of poverty and unemployment .................................................................................... 143
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6
Contents Agnieszka Bojanowska 2.4. Young people’s optimism towards the environment in the local and global perspectives ............................................................................... 167 Elena Briones Pérez and Claudia Vallejo 2.5. “Tolerance is a strange thing”. Exploring youth’s understanding and prosocial behaviour .............................................................................. 185 Agnieszka Bojanowska 2.6. Healthy future – young people’s optimism towards local and global health .... 207 Alistair Ross 2.7. Where do young people get information from on social issues? .................. 223 Elena Briones Pérez 2.8. European young people’ sources of information on social issues: Differences according to age, gender and locality ....................................... 237 Anna Zalewska 2.9. Young people’s optimism in the context of cultural and developmental differences .................................................................... 251 Part III Social and citizenship activity Beata Krzywosz-Rynkiewicz 3.1. Young people’s social and citizenship activity: An introduction ................... 259 Wojciech Siegień 3.2. Action for change at a personal level ........................................................... 265 Alistair Ross and Melinda Dooly 3.3. Political understanding, participation and action ........................................ 283 Anna Zalewska and Beata Krzywosz-Rynkiewicz 3.4. Optimism and readiness for citizenship activity .......................................... 313 Beata Krzywosz-Rynkiewicz 3.5. Improving social and citizenship activity: Chances and limitations ............. 339 Appendix ................................................................................................................... 343 Notes about Authors ................................................................................................. 353
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Beata Krzywosz-Rynkiewicz, Anna Zalewska, Alistair Ross
Introduction The phenomenon of citizenship, its meaning and practice, have changed through the ages. Its meaning has been shaped by language, history, literature, myths and social events (Melosik, 1998). Every social group and each historical time has had its own understanding of citizenship in terms of time and space (Harvey, 1989). The organization of feudal societies mirrored the duties and rights of the citizen in those times. Each society had its definitive meaning in legal, political and socio-economic terms, and individual members of that society had little knowledge of reality beyond a limited and fixed space. The renaissance significantly changed ideas of time and space, in part through geographical discoveries. The world became a place that it was possible to explore, and gave a sense of harmony through what were seen as natural laws. A belief in the objective representation of reality allowed for the creation of political maps, which asserted the ownership of land. The enlightenment further put space into order, giving each culture a fixed location in an order that was perceived of as absolute and immutable. Thanks to the enlightenment categories of time and space, the idea of citizenship became integrated and homogenous, excluded controversy, internal oppositions and inconsistencies. Time and space defined ‘who one was’ and became the basis for inclusion or exclusion from a civic group. Such a conception of citizenship was based on the individual’s duties towards that time and space. Time-related duties were, among others, maintaining tradition and culture in a geographically determined location, defending a given territory (Harvey in: Melosik, 1989). The post-modern era challenges the enlightenment conceptions of time and space, and thus the citizenship model that stem from these. Post-modern theory suggests that human beings simultaneously live in different times and spaces. They are concurrently citizens of national, local, state, ethnic, global and continental communities. The idea of citizenship became internally inconsistent and fragmentised (Melosik, 1998; Ross, 2008). This provokes questions on how young people find themselves in this context – future citizens, who will soon assume civic roles, will shape the modern understandings of this idea and the
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attitudes stemming from it. Currently, in many European and non-European countries, there is discussion among academicians and politicians about social anomie, the deterioration of social bonds and a lack of interest in politics (Beck & Beck-Gernsheim, 2002; Bauman, 2001). In this context, concerns about attitudes towards social and political engagement become even more significant. It is especially important to identify factors that may enhance attitudes of engagement. One such factor is the educational system. How can it attempt to change young people’s manifest a lack of interest in social and political issues, a phenomenon that is part of the so-called ‘democratic deficit’ (Moravcsik, 2002)? Young people are now growing up in a complex and fast changing world, in which local and national issues are only comprehensible if set in a wider global context: yet we know little about their interest in such issues or about how prepared they are to engage in democratic processes to bring about change. Across Europe there are common concerns about the declining interest of young people in political and social affairs and the effectiveness of citizenship education (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2002, Bauman, 2001). But, in contrast to this, there is evidence that young people are interested in a wide range of local and global issues but may sometimes feel unprepared or unwilling to act for change (Holden, 2006). By seeking to understand young people’s perspectives in this study, we seek to contribute to understanding the extent to which specific European countries have successfully motivated and prepared young people as citizens on national, European and global level (Osler & Starkey, 2005). Surveys such as Eurobarometer (http://europa.eu.int/comm/public_opinion/index_en.htm) rack the views of young adults, but there is little empirical research about the concerns of pupils and their motivation to act for change. Previous research on young people’s hopes and fears for the future has been spasmodic, reflecting the interests of individual researchers (e.g. Oscarsson in Sweden, 1996, Hutchinson in Australia, 1996 and Rubin in Finland, 2002). In this book we include a significant part of the data gathered in the research program: Citizens of the future: the concerns and actions of young people around current European and global issues. This project addressed questions about the concerns of young Europeans about their personal, local and global futures, focussing on issues such as democratic processes, poverty, unemployment, human rights, the environment and conflict. It was aimed at investigating whether they are optimistic or pessimistic, and whether they are willing to work for change or are uncommitted to social participation. The young Europeans at the heart of this study are members of diverse societies, each of which has a different history of relationships to the European Union, but aspires to participate fully in this community. Part of the original conception of the project was built on the work of Cathie Holden and her colleague, David Hicks, on young people’s conceptions of the future – their personal future, the future of the local area with which they have direct experience, and the future of the world. Cathie
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Holden was originally to be one of the editors of this work, but was unable to participate because of unforeseen pressures and events: we are grateful to her for her contribution to the planning and execution of the project. The study sought to elicit the understanding of young people from these societies of issues central to social and civic participation, such as democratic processes, poverty, unemployment, human rights, the protection of the environment and global conflict. This unique data set should inform national and European policy in the fields of civic participation and citizenship education, thereby assisting the process of EU integration and addressing the ‘democratic deficit’ (Moravcsik, 2002). We especially wished to understand: • young people’s hopes and fears concerning their personal, local and global futures in a range of European contexts, including age related differences; • their attitudes towards ‘glocalisation’ (Robertson, 1994), including current European and global issues, such as democratic processes, poverty, unemployment, human rights, the protection of the environment and global conflict; • the extent to which their home and school experiences have helped them understand and engage in these issues, and their identification of further needs; and • the extent to which they feel motivated and committed to act for change and the factors influencing it, at local, national and global levels.
Research perspective – international context The collaborative nature of this work was essential to access comparable data across four countries: Poland, Spain, Turkey and United Kingdom. Each of these countries presents a different social, cultural, educational, economic and political context. This study illuminates the extent to which these countries have successfully prepared young people for their role in a rapidly changing Europe. Poland (PL) is a mid-sized country in the centre of Europe. After 40 years of totalitarian government, it has, since 1989, become a democratic country with free market economy. It can be described as a relatively mono-cultural country. From among almost 40 million people, 95.6% are of Polish nationality and 89% are catholic (Wikipedia, 2010a). Since 2004 Poland has been a member of the European Union. The democratic processes and economic changes have led to a significant increase in the standards of living on the one hand, and caused social problems on the other, one of which is growing pessimism and (possibly stemming from this) a decrease in civic activity, as evidenced by phenomena such as lower electoral turnout and the decreasing numbers of members and volunteers of associations and social organizations (Krzemiński, 2005). Those tendencies are strong at the national level, though in rural areas there has been an increase in
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social activity and self-government (Marody & Wilkin, 2002). Studies conducted in 1994 and 2001 indicate an increase in the sensitivity towards the common good, and a growth in social and economic activity. Nevertheless, most of young Poles demonstrate social passiveness and detachment (Grzelak, 2005). Spain (ES) is a member country of the European Union (EU) located in South Western Europe. In terms of area, it is the second largest EU member country. The Spanish political structure is a parliamentary monarchy. The Spanish constitution, which reintroduced democratic institutions to the country, was adopted in 1978, following the death of the Spanish dictator, General Francisco Franco in 1975. Several autonomous communities have wide legislative and executive autonomy within the central democratic rule. Spanish is the principal language of the country, however, there are other co-official languages in the Autonomous communities (Basque, Catalan and Galician; to a lesser degree Asturian, Leonese and Aranese). Approximately 11% of the Spanish population is of recent immigrant origin. This is reflected in the diversity that can be found in the classrooms (and can be seen in the Spanish data in our study). Until the 2008/2009 the credit crunch and world recession, construction and tourism were two of the main pillars of Spanish industry in Spain. The recession, along with high inflation and a large underground economy have influenced the leap in unemployment in Spain; a significant focus of attention for the children and young people in the Spanish survey. Turkey (TR) is a country principally in Asia but partly in the European continent. From among 70 million citizens, 65% are of Turkish nationality, 99% are Muslims (Wikipedia, 2010b). Turkey is a secular democracy with different levels of participation in social and religious activities, differentiated by locality and gender. Changes in recent decades demonstrate the speed of change in education systems and policies in response both to international integration processes and to methodological and technological developments. The United Kingdom (UK) is a large off-shore European country, composed of the four nations of England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Our study took place in England, which has educational structures different in other parts of the UK. The UK has been a member of the European Union since 1972, but many UK citizens remain ambivalent about the extent that they see themselves as European, The UK, for example, has not sought to join the Euro zone, or to participate in the Schengen agreement. The population of the UK has, over the past sixty years, become increasingly ethnically diverse, as migrants (initially from former colonies in south Asia, Africa and the Caribbean, subsequently from many other countries) have settled in the UK. About 10% of the population is of relatively recent migrant origin, and many of these are now UK born and citizens. The number of young people who have parents of both migrant and English origin is rising quite sharply. The nature of the economy has changed over the same period, with a dramatic shift from heavy manufacturing
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and mining towards financial services, biotechnology, pharmaceuticals and the service and entertainment industries. Summing up, the four countries in this study represent different geographical, economic, political and social perspectives. From a geographical point of view they represent west (ES, UK) and east (PL, TR), north (UK, PL) and south (ES, TR) locations. There are also differences in demography – PL and ES are middle-sized, but the UK and TR are large countries. From economic point of view they represent different experiences of capitalist free markets (high in the UK, medium in ES, and small but fast expanding in TR and PL) and per capita income (from high in the UK, middle in ES, and low in – PL and TR). In political terms, we find countries with longer (UK), medium term (ES, TR) and short (PL) traditions of democratic institutions. Because of European Union membership they represent old (UK, ES), young (PL) and non (TR) EU members. There are also religious differences – PL is largely practicing Christian Roman Catholic, while ES and UK, though historically Christian, and now largely only nominally so. TR is predominantly Muslim (but has both Sunni and Alevi adherents). ES and PL are traditionally Roman Catholic, and the UK Protestant, but there are significant numbers of atheists and agnostics in the UK and PL. And finally social and economic costs of 2008–09 crises are different – from low (PL) via medium (UK, TR) up to high (ES) (see Table 1). Table 1. Comparison between research country members
Country Poland (PL)
North east 313
39
14.4
12% (22%)
2004
89% Catholic
Spain (ES)
South west 505
46
26.7
19% (120%)
1986
73% Catholic
South east 771
71
10.9
16% (58%)
Candidate country
99% Muslim
29.5
7% (40%)
1973
52% Protestant 30% Atheist
Turkey (TR) United Kingdom (UK) a b
Income GDP per head (‘000 €)a
Location Population Area (‘000 km2)a (million)
North west 244
61
Unemployment in EU 2009 (increase bemembership tween 2007–2009)a
Religionb
Data from Eurostat. Data from Wikipedia 2010c (data about level of UK Atheists from 2001).
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Method The research project was coordinated by the European Science Foundation. Poland, Spain and Turkey were official members of the project. The United Kingdom was not a member of the ESF team, but was supported in the project by the British Academy. Within each of the four countries we examined different socio-demographic contexts. The schools in which our research was done were chosen at random. Three criteria were employed in the selection. Firstly was the location (schools in city and schools in town in each country). Secondly was the students’ age (10, 14 and 17 years old). Thirdly was the availability and agreement of school management. Below, we describe the characteristics of each of the environments that were researched. In Poland, there are three levels of education: primary school (starting at age 7 and continuing for six years), secondary school (lasting three years) and the final level, usually ending when people are 18–19 years old (also lasting three years). There is a variety of schools after the secondary school level (technical school, professional preparation and high schools). For our research we chose high schools, which usually attract the more apt pupils. Graduating from high schools gives young people the opportunity to go to university, but since it is focused on general knowledge (in contrast to the technical schools) it does not teach towards any particular profession. Schools participating in the study were public schools (in Poland there are also fee-based private schools, but these are usually only for people who are quite well off). The Polish research was carried out in the capital city of Warszawa and in two small towns in the north-east part of Poland. Warszawa is the biggest city in Poland, with almost two million inhabitants. The schools in Warszawa were in the Mokotow district, which is a relatively good, safe neighbourhood, close to the city centre – it is an ‘average’ district – not the most expensive, not the cheapest, with very few immigrants living there: 1. Primary schools – both in year one and in year two there was an average of three classes per level (every class between 15–20 pupils). In year two there was one Asian girl and one boy with an Arabic name, but both spoke fluent Polish, with no foreign accent (in year one most had Polish roots). Most of the children were from the middle class. 2. Secondary schools and high schools – mostly middle class, no ethnic diversity, with an average of 3 classes per level (20–25 pupils per class). The second location was two similar towns in Warmia and Mazury voivodship, each situated a short distance from Olsztyn: Olsztynek and Lidzbark Warminski (with populations of 8,000 and 17,000 inhabitants respectively). 1. In the smaller town – Olsztynek – there is only one primary school, and one junior high school. Both are typical, large scale institutions with about 800 students, in huge buildings built before 1989. The High school is
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Introduction
smaller, situated in an old Teutonic castle, and is one of two high schools in Olsztynek. 2. The research in Lidzbark Warminski was carried out in one of the three primary schools, which was neighbour to a junior high school (one of the outcomes of educational reform had been the division of primary schools and the creation of junior high schools). There are three high schools in Lidzbark, and the one chosen for research was considered as representative for this town. In general, there is not much of an educational choice in each towns. This also determines the way in which the social and economic composition of the student group reflects the composition of each town’s society. In Spain the end of the dictatorship and the establishment of a democratic system was an important factor leading to change and modernisation of the Spanish education system, largely due to the fact that since 1975 the different parties that have governed Spain have endeavoured to fill perceived gaps between the Spanish education system and other democratic European countries that had developed modern education systems following the end of World War II. The universalisation of basic rights to education was the major aim of the first legal texts of the democratic period (1980s LOECE and 1985s LODE) and strongly reinforced by the socialist government’s 1990 reform (LOGSE), which included raising the age for compulsory education from 14 to 16 years of age (a decision taken earlier, despite not having been enforced in a consistent way). Under this legislative text, the following education levels were established: 1. Early Childhood Education (0–6 years) – not compulsory; 2. Primary education (6–12 years) – compulsory; 3. Lower Secondary Education “ESO” (12–16 years) – compulsory; 4. The two final years of secondary education contained several options; none of which are compulsory (Academic Upper Secondary Education “Bachillerato” (16–18 years) – an academic tract preparing for University studies and Vocational Upper Secondary Education “Ciclo formativo de nivel medio” (16, 17, 18 years) – a specialised degree in professional and artistic areas (e.g. electrician, hairdressing, etc.); 5. Higher Education. Spanish research was done in two locations: Barcelona and Cordoba. Barcelona is the capital city of Catalonia province. Four schools were involved in the research there: 1. A public primary school located in the metropolitan area of Barcelona, with direct links to the Faculty of Education of the Autonomous University of Barcelona. The centre has a strong academic tradition and one of the most innovative of the area. The pupils’ socioeconomic profile is middle and high class, mostly Catalans (immigrant population is less than 1%). 2. The primary school (CEIP Fontetes), also located in the outskirts of the Barcelona metropolitan area, in a largely immigrant neighbourhood. The student profile reflects the diversity of its community. 3. The secondary school in Barcelona (IES Arraona) is a public school in a largely working class neighbourhood in the outskirts of the Barcelona
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metropolitan area. The student profile is largely multicultural, with approximately 10% of newly arrived immigrants. The school promotes an integrated approach to learning, based on collaborative work and close cooperation with the students’ families. An important axis to the pedagogical approach is a focus on ‘student mediators’ for intraschool conflicts. 4. A public Secondary school located in an industrial location from the metropolitan area of Barcelona. The socio-economic profile is working class families, and about 25% of the school population is of foreign origin. The centre is actively involved in international projects and cultural trips to other European countries, and has won prizes in several subjects including theatre and new Technologies. Cordoba is a town located in the south of the Iberian Peninsula, in the center of Andalusia and two schools were involved in the research there: 1. The primary school in Cordoba (CEIP Colon) is also a large education centre, with a diverse student profile. This school is involved in several projects as well, including a Comenius project and a trilingual programme (English, Spanish and sign language). 2. The public secondary school in Cordoba (IES Luis de Gongora) is one of the oldest and largest education centres in the city. The students are from different social and cultural backgrounds. The school is actively involved in several projects ranging from environmental projects to international Comenius projects. An Educational Gender Equality Plan is also being another developed in this centre, in collaboration with other high schools. In the United Kingdom schools and the educational system have been subject to a long series of political changes over the past twenty years. A National Curriculum was introduced in 1988, and has subsequently been modified several times, becoming rather less prescriptive than it was in its original form. The subject of Citizenship was added in 2000, as a compulsory subject for secondary schools, and as part of Personal and Social Education for primary schools. Pupils are regularly tested in national tests, and the results published in various forms of league tables: it is argued that this will raise standards generally, and increase parental information about schools’ performance, as part of the marketisation of education. Schools are also regularly inspected and graded by the Office for Standards in Education (OFTED). About 92% of pupils attend state schools, the remained private schools. State schools are largely divided into Primary schools (5 to 11) and Secondary schools (11 to 16 or 18). Secondary schools were largely comprehensive in most areas, but recently new forms of school have been introduced, notably ‘Academies’, which may have links with businesses or foundations. The primary schools selected for this study were all conventional state schools, while the secondary schools were three comprehensives and one Academy. London is the capital and largest city in the UK, with a very diverse population of 7.5 million. It is also the largest city of the European Union. About 60%
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of the population is identified as ‘White British’. In London we used a large primary school, with about 400 pupils, graded as satisfactory in the last Ofsted inspection. It is located in an urban area in outer London. Pupils come from a diverse range of cultural backgrounds, and two-thirds are of White British heritage. About one in six pupils has English as an additional language. The proportion of pupils with learning difficulties and/ or disabilities is average. Two London secondary schools were used. Secondary 1 is an improving school graded satisfactory in its last Ofsted inspection. It is a mixed community school located in Greater London serving pupils aged 11–18, with about 1,500 pupils. This is larger than average for a secondary school and as specialist status as a technology college. More than half of the students are from minority ethnic groups, and a high proportion of pupils speak English as an additional language. The number of pupils eligible for free school meals is higher than average, as is the proportion of students with learning difficulties and/or disabilities. In recent years, there have been more boys than girls. Secondary 2 is located in central London serving about 1,250 pupils aged 11–19. In 2006 the school was judged by Ofsted not to be performing well, and was categorised as being in “Special Measures”. It was re-opened as an Academy in 2008, with a charitable foundation as its sponsor. It specialises in the Arts and History and is currently undergoing redevelopment as part of the Building Schools for the Future Programme. The school is larger than average, and pupils come from a very diverse range of ethnic backgrounds. Exeter is a town of about 115,000 inhabitants, in south-west England, the central town in a largely agricultural and tourist area. In the Exeter area, we worked in small towns in the area around Exeter, not in the city itself. These towns are quite small – generally of less than 12,000 people, but with schools serving a larger rural area. We used two primary schools and two secondary schools. Primary School 1 is a large school of over 250 pupils in a small market town near Exeter. The majority of pupils are from white British backgrounds with few pupils who speak English as an additional language. The proportion of pupils with learning difficulties is slightly above average. The school has modern buildings and open green spaces. A recent Ofsted inspection rated it as ‘good’, with a curriculum which was ‘imaginative and stimulating’ and where relationships between children and adults were ‘very strong’. Primary School 2 is a similar sized school in another small market town. The majority of pupils are from white British backgrounds with few pupils who speak English as an additional language. The school serves the local area of the town and many of the pupils are from socio-economically disadvantaged homes. It is housed in older buildings near the centre of the town. Attainment on entry is ‘significantly below that expected of children of this age’ according to Ofsted and the proportion of children with learning difficulties is twice the national
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average. It was rated as ‘good’ by Ofsted, with a rich and diverse curriculum and ‘outstanding care, guidance and support’. Secondary 1 is one of the largest single-site comprehensive schools in England, with over 2000 pupils aged 11–18. It is situated in a small town in rural Devon and takes pupils from mixed rural and urban communities over an extensive geographical area. The majority of pupils are from white British backgrounds and almost all use English as their mother tongue. The proportion of pupils with learning difficulties is average. It is a High Performance Specialist college with three areas of specialism and was deemed by Ofsted (2009) to be ‘outstanding’ in all aspects of its provision. Secondary 2 is a large comprehensive school on a split site in a small market town near Exeter, with 1600 pupils aged 11–18. Pupils come from a wide geographical area from surrounding small towns and villages. The majority of pupils are from white British backgrounds with few pupils who speak English as an additional language. The school has specialist status for technology and the humanities. A recent (2009) Ofsted report said standards throughout were ‘good’, with pastoral care and provision for 17–18 year olds being ‘outstanding’. In Turkish education system ‘Civil Rights and Citizenship’ is one of the compulsory major courses for the elementary school students between 4th grade and 11th grade. In these courses many topics were discussed from human rights to women rights and children rights, democracy, tolerance, peace, culture, heritage, social networks and sharing. The Turkish schools were situated in two cities Istanbul and Eskişehir. Istanbul is a metropolitan city with a population of about 17 million people. Compared with this, Eskişehir is a much smaller city with a population of 620,000, but it is one of the largest cities in Turkey. The population of Eskişehir and of Istanbul has been enriched in recent years with internal migration from more rural areas of Turkey. Eskişehir children, with fewer ‘big city’ syndromes, have more time to play outside the streets and have more friendly conversations with their friends and neighbours. Their level of awareness was a bit higher than that of the Istanbul young people. The schools situated in both cities represented firstly a well-off school situated in the wealthier part of the city, mainly accepting the children of educated and socio-economically above average families. The second school in each city was situated in more disadvantaged areas, which included children of migrant families coming from other area, and living in average conditions. Both type of schools had children with a range of academic abilities, reflecting their hopes and pessimism in their replies for the questionnaires. We selected three age groups, 10, 14 and 17, in order to include young people who were at the threshold of taking on full political rights, in order to track the development of understanding and engagement. The students studied thus represent different periods of development – respectively, late childhood, early and late adolescence.
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