Cuaderno #25 - Undergraduate Research Papers in Second Language Acquisition by Instituto de Investigaciones Interdisciplinarias - UPR

CUADERNOS DE INVESTIGACIÓN INSTITUTO DE INVESTIGACIONES INTERDISCIPLINARIAS UNIVERSIDAD DE PUERTO RICO EN CAYEY

UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH PAPERS IN SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION Edited by Sally J. Delgado, Ph.D.

Cuaderno 25 Año 2021

En la serie Cuadernos de Investigación del Instituto de Investigaciones Interdisciplinarias de la Universidad de Puerto Rico en Cayey se presentarán resultados parciales y preliminares de algunas de las investigaciones auspiciadas por el Instituto, versiones preliminares de artículos, informes técnicos emitidos por nuestras(os) investigadoras(es) así como versiones finales de publicaciones que, por su naturaleza, sean de difícil publicación por otros medios. Los objetivos de la serie Cuadernos de Investigación son: a. Permitir la comunicación ágil y eficiente de los progresos, resultados, hallazgos, metodologías, producciones artísticas y otros productos de los proyectos de investigación y de creación que auspicia el III. b. Facilitar que los(as) investigadores(as) apoyados por el III, así como otras personas interesadas, puedan hacer referencia a sus trabajos aún antes de que hayan sido publicados en revistas arbitradas, libros u otros formatos de publicación. c. Que los Cuadernos sirvan a sus autores para compartir su trabajo, aunque sea en forma preliminar, con otros(as) colegas, agencias financiadoras y un público más amplio. Los(as) autores(as) son responsables por el contenido y retienen los derechos de publicación sobre sus respectivos Cuadernos. Copias de los Cuadernos se pueden obtener solicitándolos por teléfono, por correo regular o por correo electrónico al Instituto. También se pueden descargar de nuestra página electrónica en formato pdf.

Instituto de Investigaciones Interdisciplinarias Universidad de Puerto Rico en Cayey PO Box 372230 Cayey, PR 00737-2230 Tel. 787-738-2161, exts. 2615, 2616 Fax 787-263-1625 Correo electrónico: instituto.investigacion@upr.edu Página web: http://www.upr.edu/iii-cayey/ Diseño de Portada: Prof. Harry Hernández Encargado de la serie de cuadernos: Dr. Errol L. Montes Pizarro Directora Interina del Instituto: Prof. Vionex M. Marti ©

UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH PAPERS IN SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION Edited by Sally J. Delgado, Ph.D. Contents 1. Introduction …………………………………………………………………… p.2 by Verónica M. Flores Hernández 2. Socio-Demographic Advantages Outweigh Education as a Factor for Success with Learning English as a Second Language……………………………………… p. 7 by Teddy I. Molina Roldán, Gustavo Franqui Hernandez & Alejandro A. Roig Nieves 3. The Use of Spanish in English Classes Negatively Impacts Second Language Acquisition in Puerto Rico ……………………………………………………. p.33 by Viviana M. Ortiz Reyes, Shalimar M. Pomales García & Isamar Cotto Rivera. 4. Competence with English as a Second Language Alters the Perceptions of General Competency of Elected Politicians …………………………………………… p.50 by Paulette A. Correa Rosario, Diangelis Rosa Gutierrez & Alexandra M. Torres Guillén 5. Factors Affecting American Sign Language Acquisition and Perceptions of Learner Competency …………………………………………………………………… p.67 by Lilliana B. Andino Peña, José R. Rivera Ramos & Fermarie Ruiz Vélez 6. Global Fandoms Motivate Foreign Language Acquisition ……………………. p.84 by Amaya Reyes Rodríguez & Ramón Vázquez Torres 7. Comparative Analysis of Students' Participation in Face-To-Face Classes and Online Classes ………………………………………………………………………… p.100 by Megan Alvelo, Paula De Jesús & Bianca Negrón

INTRODUCTION by Verónica M. Flores Hernández

This volume of Cuaderno consists of student research projects that were developed in the INGL 4335 course in “Second Language Acquisition” offered by the English Department of the UPR at Cayey during the second semester of the 2019-2020 academic year. This undergraduate course encourages students to explore the processes that people go through to acquire a second language, and the challenges and attitudes that accompany these processes. To best understand these second language acquisition processes, students study existing research investigations, theories on language acquisition, and the factors that can affect the process and types of behaviors within a classroom and/or the non-institutional settings of language learning. In addition, this course actively encourages and engages students with building their own research investigations throughout the semester to engage with the theoretical concepts presented in class. The original research project helps students further understand second language acquisition and apply the learning from theory and preexisting research investigations. In the second semester of the 2019-2020 academic year, under the guidance of Professor Sally J. Delgado, students worked collaboratively to develop a focal area of study, a guiding hypothesis, and a clear methodology to conduct their own research projects. Once the students developed their research plans early in the semester, they began their process of collecting data. Little did they know that they would face complications far greater than the collection and analysis of data their proposed research plans. Despite having a great start, the students of INGL 4335 in the second semester of the 2019-2020 academic year were faced with an unprecedented challenge mid-semester as COVID-

19 swept the globe. As we all know, this pandemic affected people in many ways and has made us reevaluate how we do things in our daily lives and our educational environments. The students working in this course were no exceptions to the many educational contexts that had to rapidly shift to a non-contact mode of teaching and learning. This posed unique challenges for the students who had planned to conduct interviews, hold focus groups, or participate in live classroom observations as part of their data collection methodologies. Much to the credit of all the students in the class, instead of giving up on their original research projects, they faced the challenge of their new contexts with positive attitudes and problem-solving strategies. They reenvisioned research design plans, they adapted methodologies, and they pushed forward with their coursework. While some only had to adjust the way they communicated with each other, others had to change core aspects of their research investigation. This included thinking of brand-new hypothesis and/or methodologies for them to be able to make their research successful and keep them and their participants safe from risk of exposure to the virus. With astounding perseverance and determination, each student managed to overcome this huge challenge and managed to collaborate and deliver impressive undergraduate research papers. Their achievements are celebrated in this volume. Due to the nature of this course, students were given the liberty of choosing any topic that is related to the acquisition of a second language for which they would use the data to write their undergraduate research papers. In the end, the research papers in this volume focus on two central themes that reflected the students’ areas of greatest interest: English as a second language in Puerto Rico, and methods and motivations of studying a foreign language. Each paper approached these central themes from diverse focal points which are detailed in a thorough

description as to how the students conducted their research and reached engaging and thoughtprovoking results grounded in theory and critical analysis of the data they gathered. Regarding the central theme of English as a Second Language, students were interested in investigating how the process of learning English as second language can be affected by context variables that impact the lives of Puerto Ricans. Students were also interested in Puerto Rican perceptions regarding their second language. For example, the research paper titled “Sociodemographic Advantages Outweigh Education as a Factor for Success with Learning English as a Second Language” by Teddy I. Molina Roldán, Gustavo Franqui Hernandezand Alejandro A. Roig Nieves investigates how certain variables such as private and public education and sociodemographic advantages can affect the process of learning English. It questions if the educational system is a core factor in the successful acquisition of the language. Focusing on the classroom specifically rather than the wider contexts of learning, the research paper entitled “The Use of Spanish in English Classes Negatively Impacts Second Language Acquisition in Puerto Rico” by Viviana M. Ortiz Reyes, Shalimar M. Pomales García and Isamar Cotto Rivera investigates if the use of Spanish while teaching English. The authors reflect on low proficiency scores demonstrated in one standardized test called META-PR to question how using Spanish in an English language class affects Puerto Rican students in their process of learning. Leaning more towards peoples’ perceptions, the research paper entitled “Competence with English as a Second Language Alters the Perceptions of General Competency of Elected Politicians” by Paulette A. Correa Rosario, Diangelis Rosa Gutierrez and Alexandra M. Torres Guillén focuses on how Puerto Ricans regard the competency of politicians based on whether they are fluent in English, considering the islands’ territorial status and economic ties with the United States.

Regarding the other central theme of methods and motivations of studying a foreign language, three papers focused on a range of learning contexts and outcomes. The research paper entitled “Factors Affecting American Sign Language Acquisition and Perceptions of Learner Competency” by Lilliana B. Andino Peña, José R. Rivera Ramos and Fermarie Ruiz Vélez focused on American Sign Language. Since there are a considerable amount of Puerto Ricans acquiring American Sign Language (ASL) as a second or foreign language, students leading this investigation questioned if the interference from Puerto Ricans’ native Spanish negatively affects peoples’ competency in ASL. In the small-scale study that they conducted with participation from the native signing community, results contradicted their original assumption that negative interference from Spanish would be a major factor among learners, and this unanticipated finding helped students reevaluate their own perceptions about learner competency. The two remaining papers in this volume were composed by students who were incredibly curious to understand the motivations affecting learning and practicing a foreign language. The research paper entitled “Global Fandoms Motivate Foreign Language Acquisition” by Amaya Reyes Rodríguez and Ramón Vázquez Torres aimed to investigate how the rapid growth of global fandom communities affects college students’ motivation to learn a foreign language so that they can more effectively communicate with members of that international community. Taking advantage of the unique situation that the semester presented, the research paper entitled “Comparative Analysis of Students Participation in Face-to-Face Classes and Online” by Megan Alvelo, Paula De Jesús and Bianca Negrón compares two different modalities with the same group of students in the same second language course. Authors drew conclusions from a comparative analysis of two types of learning environments: traditional face-to-face classes and synchronous online classes. The students conducting this investigation wanted to know which of these two types of

learning environments is most effective to motivate students to actively participate in a second language French course. Their conclusions and recommendations are not only insightful but also applicable to a much wider online context among educators and students. In short, each one of these research projects demonstrates originality and critical analysis in addition to the amount of excellent work that these students have done in very difficult circumstances. Despite the adversities that the COVID-19 pandemic has brought upon them, it did not stop these students from delivering the high-quality research investigations that are showcased in this volume. Furthermore, this research assignment not only helped the students gain more knowledge as to what second language acquisition means, but it also helped them realize what they were capable of and how their own positive attitude and professional collaboration skills could help them overcome unanticipated difficulties. It has proved to be a significant learning experience for them, their professor and for me; and undoubtedly each and every person who might have the pleasure on reading this amazing collection of original undergraduate research.

SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC ADVANTAGES OUTWEIGH EDUCATION AS A FACTOR FOR SUCCESS WITH LEARNING ENGLISH AS A SECOND LANGUAGE

Teddy I. Molina Roldán Gustavo Franqui Hernandez Alejandro A. Roig Nieves University of Puerto Rico at Cayey August 2020

Abstract This research examines and challenges the common presumption that the single variable of a private education when compared to that of public schools implies a higher level of academic achievement. We anticipate that learning English as a Second Language (ESL) may be more significantly affected by other socio-demographic advantages, such as parents that speak English, early exposure to the language, exposure to English-language media in the home environment, and Internet access. To gather data, we administered a survey focused on the participants’ views regarding the English programs at their schools, their accessibility to technology and online media, and basic demographic questions. The survey targeted students currently enrolled at the University of Puerto Rico at Cayey, and was also made available to the general public using the researcher’s personal accounts on social media such as Twitter and Facebook. A total of 125 participants completed the survey. Data shows that 63.2% of participants state that films and TV were the most significant factor in their English language learning, regardless of whether they came from public or private schools, and only 28% of our participants considered that formal instruction was the most significant factor in their English language learning. The data also show that 76% of participants who attended a private school credit the school program as an important factor in their acquisition of English, while only 54% of participants who attended public schools credit the school program as an important factor. Overall, socio-demographic advantages in a learner’s immediate environment seem to outweigh formal curricular programs as a factor for success with English language acquisition.

Keywords: English as a Second Language (ESL), Puerto Rico, Socioeconomic privilege, Public schools, Private schools, Media consumption

Introduction Given Puerto Rico’s colonial relationship with the U.S, English language acquisition has persisted as a controversial topic. Spanish remains the island's vernacular language, despite legislation dating back to 1898 to impose English as medium of instruction at all levels through the U.S. Department of Education, and by so doing, convert the vernacular of the island. Regardless, English is still commonly perceived as a second language in Puerto Rico, Pousada (1999) explains: English has long been viewed on the island as both a tool of liberation and an instrument of oppression. Children are told from the earliest grades that English will be vital for their educational and professional advancement, while they are also cautioned that learning it too well may endanger their Puerto Rican identity. (p.1-2) A consequently important issue is that of English instruction itself, often promoted in private schools that offer bilingual programs or use of English as the sole language of instruction. These schools assure parents that their children will reach fluency in English as a second language (ESL) as a result of the school’s academic program. Such promises implicitly index social status as private schools are not a viable financial option for all parents, and fluent English in Puerto Rico is typically associated with economic prosperity and status. According to Muñiz Argüelles, a Puerto Rican lawyer and professor from the University of Puerto Rico in Río Piedras: “For many years, most private schools taught in English, and many top schools still do. The fact that academic achievement in most private schools tends to be higher than in most public schools makes the use of English there, significant” (Muñiz Argüelles, 1989, p.463-464). Such observations seem to suggest a direct correlation between private schools and ESL attainment.

Across the island, the success of English learners in Puerto Rico ranges across various social and educational backgrounds, and higher achievement is notable among socioeconomically privileged households (Pousada, 2017 cited in Eisenstein, Ebsworth & Cai, 2018, p.69). However, this may not be a direct correlation to private education. In the research conducted by Eisenstein, Ebsworth and Cai in 2018, teachers in Puerto Rico attribute a lot of the success of ESL learners to the media they consume, such as TV and music, rather than the educational background or academic programs of the students. The fact that teachers would make such claims seems to challenge the common presumption that a private education alone necessarily implies a higher level of academic achievement when compared to that of public schools, therefore, this study proposes to question the veracity of such a presumption. We rationalize that the ESL preparation that private schools are characterized for providing may not be the only, or even the most formative, factor in the ESL attainment of its students. Our hypothesis is that high levels of ESL attainment may also, and more significantly, be due to other socio-demographic advantages, such as parents that speak English and have given their children early exposure to the language, exposure to English-language media in the home environment, internet access and engagement with others online (and in social media) in English, and use of English with friends in a social capacity outside of the school program. In this study, we ask: Does the presence or absence of these sociodemographic factors have a significant impact on a student’s ESL success? And if so, could these socio-demographic factors outweigh formal instruction in terms of helping students attain ESL competencies?

Methods A digital survey, created with Google Forms, was made available on April 9th 2020, and its link was shared with Hispanic B.A and M.A students currently enrolled in the University of Puerto Rico, using the cross-platform messaging service WhatsApp. The digital survey was also made available to the general public using the researcher’s personal accounts on social media apps such as Twitter and Facebook. The items of the survey were focused on the participants’ views of their school’s English programs, their accessibility to technology and online media, and basic demographic questions. The survey, which is presented in full as an appendix, included questions such as: “Would you say your school's/schools' English program(s) improved your English?”; “Growing up, did you have easy access to the internet?”; “As a child or teen, were you exposed to the English language at home?”; and “Do you live in a rural or urban area?”. The participants were also asked to assess their level of English proficiency at the time of their high school graduation on a Likert scale of 1-5, with 1 indicating low proficiency and 5 indicating native or near-native proficiency. At the end of the questionnaire, participants were given an open question about whether they felt they benefited from the English programs at their schools or not, and why. Participation was anonymous and 125 responses were received by April 12 2020, when the survey was closed. To process and analyze the data, participant responses were initially divided into two groups: students that positively and significantly attributed their ESL success to the institutional instruction they received, and students who did not consider the institutional instruction they were offered to have been significantly beneficial. These two groups were further sub-divided into two categories based on whether the participants received a private or a public-school education. This classification of the data allowed self-perceptions of ESL success

to be compared among the graduates of private and public education. The participant rating (on a scale of 0-5) for the significance of each socio-demographic factor that may have impacted their learning of English was compared as raw data for each participant and aggregated across the participant cohort to provide an aggregate total of that factor’s impact. After the division and comparison of the quantitative data that enabled us to identify relationships between the participant’s demographics and the level of ESL success they reported, we analyzed the qualitative data using exploratory and inferential analysis methods to identify significant trends in response to the open question about whether participants felt they benefited from the English programs at their schools or not, and why. These trends were then compared to the quantitative data for the purposes of confirming exploratory findings and establishing concurrence across the mixed methods research design.

Results Socio-demographic profile of participants. The survey was mostly completed by people in their early twenties with a smaller number of participants in their late teens and in their late twenties to early thirties. There was one seventeen-year-old (0.8%), who was the youngest participant. 10 other participants stated they were eighteen years old while 18 other participants answered they were nineteen years old. 24 participants stated they were twenty years old and 28 participants wrote they were twenty-one years old, composing the largest age group that participated in the survey (22.4%). A total of 27 participants stated they were twenty-two years old, making them the second largest group in this study. 10 people reported being twenty-three years old while only one participant stated being twenty-four years old. 4 other participants answered they were twenty-five years old and one

stated that they were twenty-six years old. 1 participant stated that they were thirty-four years old, and this person was the oldest participant. Participants in the Social Sciences department comprised the biggest group in our survey at 29 people and 23.2% of the total participant group, whereas the smallest group of our participants (one person) was in the Hispanic Studies Department making up only 0.8%. 17 others stated they were from the Pedagogy department. 24 participants answered they studied Biology while 7 answered Business Administration. 10 English majors answered the survey while another 6 participants answered being from The Humanities and 14 stated they were from The Natural Sciences department. 15 students selected “Other (not studying in UPR Cayey)” and 2 others selected “Prefer not to say”. Participation between people living in urban and rural areas was fairly balanced but with a weighting towards rural participants, with 70 participants (56%) stating they live in a rural area and 55 others (44%) answered that they were from urban areas. In terms of the level of education among participants’ parents or legal guardians, most participants had parents with either a high school diploma or a bachelor’s degree as the highest level of schooling. The largest group was made up of 57 participants (45.6%) who stated that at least one of their parents hold a bachelor’s degree. The second largest group was made up of 38 participants who said their parents had obtained a high school diploma. 29 participants answered that their at least one of their parents had an associate degree; 17 participants answered master’s degree; 6 participants answered that their parents had obtained a doctoral degree; 5 answered vocational training, and 2 answered professional degree. Only one person (0.8%) answered that their parents had “no formal education”, see Figure 1. The majority of our participants (75.2%) lived in households with less than a $75,000 annual income. The largest demographic group of 31 people (24.8%) indicated

their estimated household income to be “$20,000 to $34,999” and 25 people (20%) indicated their estimated household income to be “less than $20,000” as seen in Figure 2. Figure 1: Participants’ responses about their parents’ highest level of education (n=125)

Figure 2: Participants’ estimates about their household income (n=125)

Participants were fairly equally divided among those who had a job and those who were full time students without paid employment. Just over half of the participants (51.2%) described themselves as full-time students. Of those participants who had paid employment, most were in part time employment although 3 participants reported being employed full-time (defined as working 40 hours or more per week) and one participant identified as self-employed. 34 participants described themselves as employed part-time (working less than 40 hours per week) and 21 participants answered that they were unemployed or looking for work whereas 2 participants stated they were unemployed but not looking for work.

Socio-demographic factors affecting ESL learning. Most of our participants reported having easy access to the internet while growing up. More specifically, 100 of the participants (80%) answered “yes”, while 25 participants (20%) answered “no”. A majority of the participants (34.4%) also reported being exposed to the English language at home while they were children or teenagers “A lot of the time”, while 29 others answered “sometimes”. 30 participants answered rarely and 23 (18.4%) stated “never”, composing the smallest answer group. Most participants (76.8%) answered that they had high levels of English proficiency at the time of their high school graduation, selecting 4 or 5 on a Likert scale of 1-5 (5 being highest level of proficiency), as seen in Figure 3. A notable 58 participants (46.4%) selected 5 on the scale, making this the largest group of responses. Only 1 participant (0.8%) selected 1 on the scale, while 9 participants selected 2 on the scale, 19 participants selected 3 on the scale and 38 participants selected 4 on the scale, respectively.

Figure 3: Participants’ self-evaluation of their English proficiency after the completion of compulsory education (n=125)

Low

High

Most of our participants (63.2%) stated that films and TV were the most significant factor that affected to their English learning (on a scale of 0 through 5, with 5 being a significant factor and 0 not being a factor at all); the aggregate score of this factor across the participant cohort was 530 (out of a possible 625) derived from the added total of raw data for each participant, making it the highest total score for any of the contributing factors, see Figure 4. This was also the only contributing factor for which no participant selected 0 on the scale of significance. 61 participants (48.8%) stated that radio and music were high-significance factors, indicated y 5 of the scale of significance, and the aggregate score for this factor was 498, falling slightly behind films and TV. When it came to formal instruction, 35 participants (28%) selected 5 on the scale of importance, 12 a selected 4, 32 selected 3, 23 selected 2, 15 selected 1, and 8 participants selected 0 on the 0-5 scale of significance for an aggregate score of 381, which was the lowest

amongst all the contributing factors. This was also the contributor category for which the most participants (6.4%) selected (meaning not significant at all).

Figure 4: Aggregate data regarding participants’ perceptions about the significance of contributing factors that affected their English language acquisition (n=125)

Of the 125 participants, 57 attended only private schools, 50 attended only public schools and 13 attended both school systems, while 5 participants did not identify if their school(s) were private or public. When asked if they believed their the English programs of their schools was of benefit to them, just under two thirds of the participants (61%) answered “Yes, moderately” or “Yes, absolutely” Of the total 76 “Yes” responses (adding both “Yes, moderately” and “Yes, absolutely”), the majority 44 responses came from participants who had attended only private schools, as seen in Figure 5. Comparatively, only 21 “Yes” responses came from only public-

school students, 10 “Yes” responses came from students who attended both public and private school, and 2 students who did not say which schools they attended. A significantly smaller number of participants answered that the English programs of their schools was not beneficial to them (39%). The majority of the 49 “No, not really” and “No, not at all” responses came from 29 students who attended public schools. Another 14 “No” responses were from students who attended private schools, 3 were from students who attended both public and private schools, and 3 students who did not say which schools they attended.

Figure 5: Participants’ perceptions about the extent that their schools’ academic programs were beneficial their English language acquisition (n=125)

In response to the open question about whether and why participants felt they benefited from the English programs at their schools or not, one of the reasons mentioned frequently as to why the participants’ formal English education was not beneficial to them was that teachers would give their English class in Spanish. An overwhelming majority of these responses came

from participants who attended public schools, although some private school students also mentioned their classes being in Spanish. Another common trend amongst participants who attended public schools was that the curriculum in use was too repetitive throughout their education. Contrastively, private school participants who felt that they did not benefit from their schools’ English programs stated with more frequency that their schools' curriculum catered to students who already had a background in the language and was essentially too hard for them to keep up with. A minority of the participants stated that they already had a background in English at home and, therefore, formal education did not have much of an impact on their English acquisition. Similar to the individuals that identified classes as too basic for them, this group also recognized that English instruction was not meeting their learner needs. The responses about having adequate English at home were balanced between public school and private school participants. The most common overlapping trends across the participant cohort attending both public school and private school was the perception that teachers were unprepared or implemented ineffective teaching strategies, or that the classes that were not suited to the learning needs of the students; they were either too basic or too difficult, see Table 1 for examples of comments from “No” responses to the open question. The most common trend amongst participants who believed that formal education was beneficial to their English language acquisition was the constant reinforcement of grammar, conversational skills and reading abilities in the school setting. The majority of the participants that answered “Yes” to the question about the benefits of the formal programs attended private schools and stated in their answers that their education was fully bilingual and that all classes (except Spanish) were in English.

20 Id # 34

Explanation why school program was not beneficial “Because the [English] class was a Spanish class . They always talk in Spanish and I don't learn anything there. I waist my time there.” “the teaching technique is bad”

“Kindergarten type class and not so hardworking teachers”

“Seeing it from one point of view, since you are in elementary school, they teach the same thing to high school, they only add one thing or another and they do not give it necessary importance.” “The program was not appropriately designed for students who did not have exposure to English. They did not consider the fact that people learn at different rates and in different ways, and that not everyone begins to learn english at the same age” “If I’m being honest, I learned English, because my mom was born and raised in the States, so it was kind of normal to talk in English in my household. I never learned or improved my English in my school’s English program.”

111

Trend Ineffective teaching strategies Ineffective Teaching strategies Ineffective Teaching strategies; Class not suited to learning needs Class not suited to learning needs Class not suited to learning needs

Class not suited to learning needs

Table 1: Examples of participants’ responses to the open question explaining why they felt that the English programs at their schools did not benefit them.

Responses from those who answered “Yes” and studied in public schools revealed common trend indicating that participants credited most of their English language acquisition to autodidactic strategies and individual interest, but acknowledged that the public school system helped compliment their knowledge by reinforcing grammar rules in their speech and writing, see Table 2 for examples of comments in response to the open question, see Table 2 for examples of comments from “Yes” responses to the open question. Id # 96

Explanation why school program was beneficial “My school’s English program include writing essays, reading novels, learning new vocabulary with “Vocabulary Workshop” textbook and performing oral presentations. In addition, my professor always made sure that all students participated in class. All these activities contributed to my learning process.”

Trend Effective teaching strategies

[name of school] “is a college-prep school with a very strong focus in the English language. All of my classes (except Spanish) were in English and required us students to answer in English”

Effective teaching strategies (language of instruction)

21 49

“My english program in High School involved many creative presentations (plays, poetry, games) which push me to confront the English language socially. My favorite, and at that time most hated activity, was going in group to Viejo San Juan to interview tourist and take tours to learn about the city. Confronting these strangers help me a lot. And in University classes I redacted a lot of essays and tests, the evaluation of both of these help to see my faults and improve my writing. I still have a lot to learn.”

Effective teaching strategies; Focus on speaking writing skills in real contexts

“My school’s English program was beneficial to me because by obligating my classmates and I to speak English at all times during class, it helped to improved my fluidity while speaking English and gave me a sense of security while doing so. It also gave me an opportunity to expand my vocabulary and put it to the test by writing numerous essays of different topics.”

Effective teaching strategies; Focus on speaking and writing skills

103

“It was beneficial, because the things I learn at home like watching tv, hearing music, social media, etc., my school program strengthen what I learn by myself.”

Reinforcing

“Though I already knew how to speak and write it properly, my teachers taught me how to apply certain rules to better my coherence”

Reinforcing

autodidactic strategies

autodidactic strategies; Focus on writing/grammar skills

Table 2: Examples of participants’ responses to the open question explaining why they felt that the English programs at their schools benefitted them.

Discussion and Conclusions An average of 76.8% of participants self-reported that they were highly proficient in English when they left high school, yet only 61% of participants believed that the English programs at their schools absolutely or moderately improved their English. If there are more people claiming to be strongly proficient in English than people attributing it to their schools’ English programs, this may suggest that students with strong English proficiency could have acquired and/or developed it elsewhere or by other language-learning strategies. Furthermore, 23% of participants answered that they had moderate or weak English proficiency whereas 39% argued that their schools’ English programs barely improved their English or simply did not

improve it at all. Fewer people claimed to have moderate or weak English proficiency (22%) than people stating that their schools’ English programs were not of benefit to them (38%). So, if some people can become highly proficient in English despite the claim that their schools’ English programs barely improved their English or simply did not improve it at all, this may once again suggest that students with strong English proficiency could have acquired and/or developed it by other means. Acknowledging that over two thirds of the participants (63.2%) stated that films and TV were the most significant contributors to their English learning, regardless of whether they came from public or private schools, and only 28% of the participants stated the same when it came to formal instruction, we reasoned that many Puerto Rican students are acquiring English in spaces other than school, to a degree that may outweigh the impact of formal instruction. This finding is, in part, corroborated with reference to one investigation conducted by Eisenstein, Ebsworth and Cai (2018) claiming that teachers in Puerto Rico strongly attribute a significant part of their learner’s ESL success to the media they consume, such as TV and music, rather than the educational background of the students. This makes an even stronger case when considered alongside the fact that most of the participants in our study felt the same way regarding their own ESL experience. Just under half of the participants (61 people or 48.8%) stated that radio and music were the most significant contributors to their English learning, more so than formal instruction. This could very well be due to its close ties with youth culture, its universal accessibility which can be acquired at low cost, and also its diversity of genres. This value of media over formal instruction could also be due to the lack of financial stability that the public education system has experienced for at least the last decade. Ladd & Rivera-Batiz explain that this is a particularly

critical issue in Puerto Rico; they explain: “[t]he consensus among policy makers, the education establishment itself, and the population in general is that the public education system on the island is currently in crisis” (2006, p.189). It is possible that the financial instability or the mismanagement of funding that the Department of Education has been criticized for may have become influential with regards to the ESL preparation programs that public schools offer. If this is the case, perhaps it has forced students to learn through other mediums that were once solely considered a source of entertainment. Another important attribute that ESL preparation through technology may be credited with is how it is widely accessible, and certainly in terms of public schooling, can be considered more economically accessible than formal education. The traditional spaces and mediums for formal education, such as private and public classroom instruction do provide a means to learn a language such as English, but for those who may have limited economic access, something as widely accessible as a radio show in the home could be enough to create a foundation for second language acquisition. For others, perhaps television could accomplish the same purpose, and this is particularly widespread as many children’s networks that are available in Puerto Rico have no Spanish language content; their shows are entirely in English. In other words, the present reality of local ESL education could be significantly composed of self-instruction through media available in the home. Since access to some technology and media in English is not always at low or no cost (for example, the subscription costs of cable networks) it would seem logical to assume that students that have more economic resources at their disposition would have an advantage when it comes to ESL resources in the home, and therefore ESL success. This could be specifically addressed in future research, since some tendencies seen in the results for this

research would seem to suggest that technology access and media consumption have become crucial for learning English in Puerto Rico. The results of this study found that out of 51 participants who only attended public schools, notably more than half (57%) answered that their schools’ English program was not beneficial to them, which is in stark contrast with the total 58 private school participants of whom 76% answered that their formal education was beneficial to their English language acquisition. Of the 13 participants who attended both public and private schools, 77% also believe their education was beneficial to their English language acquisition. Taking all these results into consideration, we can infer that 76% of participants who had private school education, at some point, positively associate their education with their English language acquisition. However, 60% of students who had public school education do not associate their acquisition of the language with their formal education. This might be due to the teaching strategies of the teachers in the public schools that the participants attended, specifically, teachers giving their English classes using Spanish as the language of instruction or allowing the students to communicate in Spanish in the English classroom with more frequency than the teachers in private schools. A majority of the participants who attended public-school and responded to the open question mentioned ineffective teaching strategies when explaining why they believe their formal education was not beneficial to their English language acquisition. A student who attended two public schools and one private school left this answer on our survey: The English teachers I passed through didn’t encourage their students to actually learn English, understand it or even try to speak it; it’s enough to say that in my entire academic life I only had 3 teachers that gave their class fully in English.

Another public-school student explained ““It was very basic, the teacher never speak us in English so i never Learn how to speak it and writed.” It is clear from the tone of these comments, in addition to their content, that the participants did not feel that English teachers were sufficiently focused on helping students to learn the language, and that this perception is notably associated with using Spanish as the language of instruction. If a teacher gives an English class in Spanish, the students may not be receiving the necessary input with accurate models of English syntax to acquire the language, nor are they motivated to use the target language if the teacher is not leading by example. The most important input a student can receive in the classroom is that of the teacher. When a teacher only speaks in English with ESL learners, they may risk a lack of comprehension with some (or all) of the content at first but repeating this practice and repeating target vocabulary and structures can create more opportunities for students to practice their listening comprehension and transfer this learning to their own output. Another important source of input is reading in the target language, but a notable trend in some participant responses indicates that even when textbooks or assignment instructions are in English, teachers have a habit of translating the content verbally to ensure comprehension of the task. One public-school student seems to confirm this trend, commenting that: “The teachers mostly talked in Spanish and the only way to learn English was with the assignments they gave”. Yet even if teachers do not translate the material and students are, indeed, reading in the target language, students may acquire syntax and vocabulary, but lack aural, oral and written competencies. This may be detrimental to learners who might become passive readers of the target language without the skills to express themselves in English or participate in conversations in the target language. Such students might be able to complete grammar and vocabulary tests with high levels of proficiency (particularly if the testing takes the form of multiple-choice

responses), but they may find themselves at a loss when faced with real spontaneous interaction in the target language or situations in which they need to write using the vocabulary and grammar skills they have demonstrated proficiency in. One student seems to verbalize the frustration that this causes when they are equipped to pass the English class, but do not feel like they have learned the target language: “It's the way they're teaching the language, is not dynamic, and most of my teachers didn't make an effort to really make sure that the students were learning, they just helped them pass the class.” In short, if the students are relying predominantly on what they read to learn (and possibly also oral instructions in English), they will become, at best, proficient in receptive competencies (listening and reading) but lack productive competencies (speaking and writing), and this is something that Delgado et al (2019) explain is a specific problem in the ESL education of Hispanic students in Puerto Rico. In conclusion, because of ineffective strategies to develop productive competencies and reliance on the students’ native Spanish as the language of instruction in English classes, our data indicate that many students (and particularly those in public schools) are not enabled to develop comprehensive language skills in English. When explaining why their formal education was beneficial to them, our private school participants seem to have overall positive experiences with their schools’ English program. Contrary to public school participants, most private school participants affirmed that English was the predominant language of instruction across the curriculum and not only in English class. Participant 83 stated: “My school’s English program was beneficial because by obligating my classmates and I to speak English at all times during class, it helped to improve my fluidity while speaking English and gave me a sense of security while doing so.” This was a common trend amongst private school participants and meant that many (if not most) of them received valuable

opportunities to practice and use English during their time at school leading to a more comprehensive learning. In addition to English being used as the language of instruction, participants benefitted from the use of English for fun activities such as play reenactments and debates, as well as public speaking through oral presentations and poetry reading. One privateschool participant explained: “I had an English teacher that was very profound of essays and reenacting plays. Through that experience, being able to interact with other students also helped me develop”. One trend shows that private school students were more regularly given opportunities to practice their conversational English or output in general through classroom activities and assignments. It may be that the financial stability that private schools have enables the strategies that students find beneficial for their learning: offering higher salaries and benefits than the public system may enable private schools to hire educators that are more proficient in English and thus more likely to use it in the classroom, school budgets can be earmarked to design programs of professional development with guest speakers that might promote effective learning strategies, and financial stability would permit the purchase of theater supplies and props that could be used in fun activities. No doubt, smaller class sizes and students’ capacities to purchase supplementary resources for class activities might also support more effective classroom management and teaching strategies for language acquisition in private schools. Various private-school participants referred to their access to media such as Internet, TV, and video games as a reason for their ESL proficiency, and, in certain cases, were even being encouraged to use these by their teachers as learning tools. Notably, teachers in public schools may rely on expectations that students have English-language reading material, Internet-capable technology, and unlimited access to subscription-based cable networks or software applications at home. One private-school participant explained: “throughout the years my teachers

encouraged me that English should not only be learned academically but also through hobbies (such as television, reading, playing video games, etc)”. They may also assume that students’ parents are bilingual, and the student’s family consume English-language content in the home. Such expectations are significantly less among public school students. However, some private school students said that they primarily learned conversational competencies through media consumption and that their formal education complimented this learning, such as the participant who explained “My conversational English is excellent thanks to reading and movies, my grammar is great thanks to my high school education.” Most public-school participants who answered that their schools’ English programs were beneficial seem to share this sentiment, attributing grammar acquisition to their formal education and conversational skills to outside sources, for example, the participant who explained: I had very few excellent English teachers. I did learn a lot from them. I think it was beneficial because I learned how to use the language with its rules and formalities. That’s something I couldn’t have done by myself through pop culture (from where I actually acquired the language). However, some participants appeared to place little value on the schools’ focus on technical accuracy, for example one participant explained: “It [the school program] helped with some of the technical things such as spelling and grammar. That's all.” The dismissive tone of the final comment “that’s all” conveys the value judgement of the learner and implies that their learning goals are more focused on oral/aural communicative competencies rather than the technical skills that many formal programs prioritize. The mismatch of learner expectations and the school programs’ learning objectives may also help explain why so many students felt dissatisfied with their ESL program at school.

In sum, ESL education in a private or public school does not seem to significantly impact on how students perceive their English proficiency, since both groups, more often than not, attribute their acquisition to factors outside of the classroom such as TV/films, music, reading, self-instruction, social media and interaction with friends. As such, socio-demographic factors such as the language proficiency of a student’s parents and their household income are likely to outweigh education as a factor for success with learning English as a second language given that with increased household income and education levels among parents, access to and exposure to English-language media content and conversation in the home is significantly increased.

Acknowledgements We would like to thank all the participants of our survey. This research would have not been possible without them. We also want to acknowledge our peers in the INGL 4335 Second Language Acquisition course who kept us motivated during the entire process of conducting this research. We would specifically like to thank Amaya G. Reyes who proofread the drafts of this research paper and Dr Sally J. Delgado who edited the final content.

References Delgado, S. J., Collazo Reyes, J. J., Gómez Dopazo, S. I., Rodríguez Díaz, E. A., & Torres Arroyo K. M. (2019). Hispanic ESL science majors need more practice using English for scientific purposes. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 1-27. https://doi.org/10.1177/1538192719852025 Pousada, A. (1999). The singularly strange story of the English language in Puerto Rico. Milenio, 3, 33-60.

Muñiz Argüelles, L. (1989). The status of languages in Puerto Rico. Langue et Droit, 4(2), 457-472. Eisenstein, M., Ebsworth, T. J., & Cai, C. (2018). English acquisition in Puerto Rico: Teachers’ insights. Bilingual Research Journal, 41(1), 69–88. Ladd, H. F., & Rivera-Batiz, F. L. (2006). Education and economic development. In Collins, S. M., Bosworth, B. P., & Soto-Class, M. A., (Eds.), The Puerto Rican Economy: Restoring Growth (pp. 189-238). Brookings Institution Press

Appendix: Survey Questions

THE USE OF SPANISH IN ENGLISH CLASSES NEGATIVELY IMPACTS SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION IN PUERTO RICO

Viviana M. Ortiz Reyes Shalimar M. Pomales García Isamar Cotto Rivera. University of Puerto Rico at Cayey August 2020

Abstract

Based on the latest results of the META-PR (Medición y Evaluación para la Transformación Académica de Puerto Rico) standardized test, the majority of Puerto Rican students have low English proficiency. We hypothesized that this low proficiency may be due to the widespread practice of using Spanish as the language of instruction in the English classroom. To test this hypothesis, we visited three different English classrooms, and made notes regarding the use of Spanish within those classrooms, both by the teacher and amongst students. We also conducted a survey in which 23 students who were taking basic English courses at the University of Puerto Rico in Cayey responded to eight premises regarding the use of their Spanish L1 in the L2 English classroom based on their high school experience. These survey participants were also asked to answer whether or not they thought that the use of L1 in the L2 classroom negatively affected their language acquisition process. Comparing data trends in both observation and survey data indicates that Puerto Rican students and educators consider the use of Spanish in the English classroom as a tool to facilitate their learning process and access to the target language. However, statistical data suggest that use of Spanish in the English classroom negatively affects the second language acquisition process among Puerto Rican students, and that this may be particularly prevalent in the public school system.

Keywords: English as a Second Language (ESL), Language of Instruction, Second language acquisition, English proficiency, Target language, Code-switching

Introduction: Many Puerto Rican students lack basic English skills when they graduate high school. Considering that, for many, their access to and development of English as a Second Language (ESL) is predominantly taking place in the formal educational environment, it is reasonable to consider that some of the strategies to teach English in these environments are not very effective. According to the public policy document from the Department of Education of Puerto Rico, “Serie A-400 Currículo”, an English course is a requirement in Puerto Rican public schools’ curriculum from primary level (kindergarten-8th grade) and through secondary level (9th grade12th grade) (DE, 2018). Once a year, the Department of Education provides a standardized test island-wide to measure the students´ proficiency levels on all subjects. One of these standardized tests is the META-PR, its acronym derived from the Spanish-language title “Medición y evaluación para la transformación académica de Puerto Rico”. The 2018-2019 META-PR test results across all grade levels tested showed that 26.1% of students had only “pre-basic” proficiency on the English section of the test and 35.1% demonstrated “basic” proficiency (Torres, 2020). This shows that significantly more than half of Puerto Rican school-age students (61.2%) have low English proficiency in English despite the language being taught as a mandatory subject K-12. Consequently, if they apply to and are accepted at universities, many of these students with low proficiency levels must take remedial or basic English courses. Our study focuses on students who graduated from the public school system and are now taking basic English courses at the University of Puerto Rico (UPR) at Cayey. Although the authors accept that students who graduate from private schools are also represented among the students who lack proficiency in English after high school graduation, it is not the scope of this study to compare ESL education in the private and public sectors. The focus on public school

graduates is justified by the fact that the META-PR test is mandatory in all public schools, but private school are not obligated to administer it. Therefore, this study focuses on those students who attended public school and were thus proportionately represented by the META-PR statistics that prompted the research design. Considering the variables that might have affected student ESL proficiency levels during their formal education, the main variable we investigated was access to the target language in the ESL classroom. Schweers explains that “language learners need as much exposure as possible to L2 input during limited class time” (1999, p. 37) and for students who may not have bilingual family members or much exposure to English in the home or community environment, this is a critical element of language acquisition. In Puerto Rico, the use of Spanish in the English language classroom may therefore be detrimental to the ESL learning process. The scope of this study focuses on the pedagogical implications of using Spanish and also code-switching in ESL classrooms, which Milroy and Muysken describe as “the use of two or more languages during the same utterance or conversation” (1995, p. 7). According to Milroy & Muysken: “Researchers investigating code-switching in bilingual community context have become increasingly aware of the need to take account of code-switching related to the language proficiencies and preferences of the heares(s)” (Milroy & Muysken, 1995, p. 98). In her 2013 study of code-switching in ESL classrooms at the University of Colombo, Sri Lanka, Makulloluwa concluded that although students may find the use of L1 as a useful strategy that enhances their acquisition of the target language, in order to use L1 as a pedagogical tool, “it is important that principles be established for the use of it in the classroom” (Makulloluwa, 2013, p. 595). Given that the Department of Education of Puerto Rico has no policy or published principles on the use of L1 (Spanish) as a pedagogical tool in the ESL classroom (DEPR, 2018), we considered that code-switching

between English and Spanish in the ESL classroom might have a negative impact on learners of English which results in low proficiency scores in the META-PR test. Our hypothesis is that students who graduated from public schools and are now taking basic English courses at the UPR in Cayey have low English proficiency levels due to the frequent use of Spanish in the English classroom during their high school experience.

Methods The mixed-methods research design incorporated observations of three different English classrooms, and the administration of a survey among students taking basic English courses at the University of Puerto Rico at Cayey. After the data collection process, both qualitative and quantitative data from each investigation method were analyzed for trends which were then validated by cross-referencing between the data sets. Classroom Observations. Observations were made from visiting three different Puerto Rican high school English classrooms. Notes were taken retrospectively in order to minimize any impact that the observation process may have on the behavior of students or instructor. The English classrooms observed were the following. On September 12, 2019, Gonzalez’s 10th grade classroom at Juan J. Osuna high school in Caguas was observed; the group was composed of 20 students with the majority being males. On March 11, 2020, Ortega’s 9th grade classroom at Miguel Meléndez Muñoz high school in Cayey was observed; 20 students were part of the group and it was mainly composed by females. On March 13, 2020, Colon’s 9th grade classroom at Miguel A. Julio Collazo high school in Cayey was observed; 25 students were part of this group and most of

them were females. Each of the observed classes had a length of 50 minutes and the observation lasted for the duration of that class time. Researchers generated qualitative data in response to five open questions that were used to guide their observation regarding the environment observed and the use of Spanish within the classrooms visited (See Appendix 1 for complete question list). This qualitative data was then processed using trend analysis to determine commonalities across the classrooms which was then used to corroborate and interpret the data from the student survey. Student Survey. A survey was sent via Google Forms to a professor from the English Department at the University of Puerto Rico in Cayey, who forwarded it to 194 students from basic English courses in the University. A total of 28 students answered the survey. The purpose of the research was stated in the survey, and the fact that the participants’ answers would be confidential. The survey consisted of ten questions (see Appendix 2 for a list of all the questions in the survey). The first two questions were designed to determine eligibility: a closed (Yes/No) question, which asked the participants if they graduated from a public school; and a short-answer question, which asked the participants the code of the English class they were currently taking in order to corroborate that it was a basic or pre-basic class. Seven subsequent questions asked about the participant’s experience during their high school English classes, and specifically focused on the language practices and types of communication between the teacher and the students and among the students during classes. These seven questions were answered using a 5-point Likert scale with the following options: 1 = strongly disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = neither agree nor disagree, 4= agree, 5 = strongly agree. The final question was an open question that asked participants: How do you feel about English teachers using Spanish during English classes? The data collected was

analyzed on spreadsheets using a Microsoft Excel software program that helped to organize data with integrated formulas and functions that enabled comparative analysis and trend analysis.

Results Classroom Observations. Of the three classroom observations, Spanish was the language most commonly used by students and by the teachers to motivate students and to clarify doubts (see Table 1). In the classroom observations made, it was found that the amount of teacher-student interaction was minimal in 2 of the 3 classes observed. In the Juan J. Osuna 10th grade class, the small amount of teacher student interaction occurred when the teacher gave the students the day’s instructions and clarified emerging doubts to the whole group. In the Miguel Meléndez Muñoz 9th grade class, such interaction occurred when the teacher welcomed the students, when the instructions of the class were given, and when the teacher gave the students individual feedback. The students’ verbal participation was minimal in 2 out of the 3 observed classes. In Juan J. Osuna’s 10th grade class 16 out of 20 students did not verbally participate in class; and in Miguel Julio Collazo’s 9th grade class 20 out of 25 students did not participate. In all 3 classes, the teachers used Spanish or code-switched between English and Spanish in informal contexts and to clarify questions. In 2 out of the 3 classes it was observed that English was always used the most by the teacher to give instructions. Only in the Miguel Meléndez Muñoz 9th grade class did the teacher always use English to give instructions and to clarify doubts and used Spanish only for casual conversation with the students. Spanish was the language used the most by the students to address each other and to address the teacher in all 3 classes observed. Specifically, it was noted that the students defaulted to using Spanish for those purposes in the classes visited at Juan J.

Osuna and Miguel Julio Collazo high schools. This is because, in the class at Juan J. Osuna, the students talked in Spanish amongst themselves, and every time the teacher gave them feedback or asked a question, they responded in Spanish. In the class at Miguel Julio Collazo, the students had some limited interaction in English but used predominantly Spanish with each other, and they used predominantly Spanish when verbally engaging in the class with the teacher.

Table 1: Summary of class observation notes from three participating schools in 50 mins observation time School: Juan J. Osuna High School

Miguel Meléndez Muñoz High School

Miguel A. Julia Collazo High School

Area of focus: Amount of teacher-student verbal interaction

Minimal

Extensive

Nature of teacher-student verbal interaction

For giving instructions and clarifying doubts to the group

Welcoming students, giving instructions, giving individual feedback

One on one clarification of doubts

Student verbal participation

Minimal

Extensive among students in collaborative work

Minimal

Language used the most by teacher to address students

English for instructions, Spanish to clarify doubts, code-switching evident

English for class communication, Spanish for casual conversation, some code-switching evident

English for instructions, Spanish to clarify doubts, code-switching evident

Language used the most by students to address each other

Spanish

Language used the most by Spanish students to address the teacher

Spanish

Student survey. In the student perception survey, we identified a trend that students believe Spanish is necessary to clarify doubts and to understand what the teacher is saying (See Table 2). Although some students recognized that this was not an ideal learning strategy, acknowledging that Spanish use should be kept to a minimum or that it was something “incorrect” or ineffective. Table 2: Examples of participant perceptions of English teachers using Spanish in English classrooms at high school. Question: How do you feel about English teachers using Spanish during English classes?

Trend Indicator

I felt that is necessary to clarify the question of some word or any thing.

Need for clarification

It is necessary because some students will not understand. However, Spanish should be used to a minimum.

Need for comprehension, Strategy not ideal

It is not that it is always used but if there is any doubt it could be clarified in Spanish when there is no other choice

Need for clarification

It is something important for those people that are starting to understand it.

Need for access/ comprehension

I think that on certain occasions it is necessary in order to help those students who do not understand anything

Need for comprehension

I think is necessary that they speak Spanish from time to time in case something is not understood, but speaking the whole class in Spanish that is wrong

Need for comprehension, Strategy not ideal

With regards to their teachers’ language choices, students were asked if they remembered their English teachers using Spanish in class, to which 39% of the participants neither agree nor disagreed and 34% strongly disagreed or disagreed (see Figure 1). With reference to teacher’s choices of language, 39% of student participants reported that their teachers did not use Spanish often and 60% reported that their teachers did not use English often. With reference to students’

choice of language, 60% of participants agreed that they used Spanish very often during English classes and 47% agreed that they used English very little during English classes (see Figure 2). When asked about the use of Spanish during English classes, 56% of participating students agreed or strongly agreed that Spanish is needed during English learning. When we asked participants if they believed that use of Spanish during English language classes negatively affected their proficiency in the target language, 39% disagreed or strongly disagreed, 34%

Participants

agreed or disagreed, and only 26% neither agreed nor disagreed (see Figure 3).

Figure 1: Participant perceptions of teachers’ language choice during English classes at high school (n=28)

Figure 2: Participant perceptions of their own language choices during English classes at high school (n=28)

Figure 3: Participant opinions on the necessity of Spanish in English classrooms at high school (n=28)

Discussion and Conclusions Our data from observations of English lessons in three Puerto Rican high schools and a survey among students enrolled in basic English classes at the University of Puerto Rico’s Cayey campus regarding their memories about high school English classes indicate that Spanish was frequently used in those ESL classrooms. Overall, observation data and perception data suggest that the use of L1 in the L2 classroom appears to be perceived as a tool to enable students to comprehend the target language and clarify their questions about the language or a specific task in the classroom. These findings are similar to findings in Schweer’s research on using L1 in the L2 classroom (1999), which showed, among Hispanic students, that: A notable percentage of students would like Spanish to be used in English class either between 10 and 39 percent of the time. A sizeable number of students like the use of Spanish because it helps them when they feel lost. About 87 percent of students feel Spanish facilitates their learning of English between “a little” and “a lot,” and about 57 percent think it helps from “fairly much” to “a lot.” (p. 35) However, Schweers goes onto say that learners need as much exposure as possible to English during limited ESL class time as it might be the only time in their daily lives when they can listen to and produce the language (1999, p. 37). He explains to teachers that immersion in the target language (although it may be uncomfortable for some students) is the best way to motivate acquisition: “if you only use English, you force your students to try to communicate with you in that language, giving them the opportunity to produce comprehensible output and negotiate meaning” (1999, p. 37). It appears that both teachers are students involved in our study rely on Spanish for comprehension, and consider it necessary, yet the negotiation of meaning that

students engage in when trying to decipher a target language may be exactly the factor that helps them acquire meaningful acquisition, no matter how uncomfortable it may feel or how much longer the process may take than seeking clarifications and translations in their L1. In all three classrooms we observed in this study, code-switching was present, perhaps as a “softened” version of switching to the students’ native language rather than categorically using Spanish in the English classroom as the language of instruction. It may be that code-switching in the ESL classroom has to do with the student’s receptiveness to the language; students with low proficiency might feel that they need Spanish to access their L2. Thus, teachers may potentially use Spanish in the classroom as scaffolding technique to enable students with low proficiency to access the target language. Yet, the fact that all three teachers gave instructions in English (at least principally) and that some students recognized that “Spanish should be used to a minimum” and “speaking the whole class in Spanish […] is wrong” suggests that both teachers and students recognize the value of exposure to the target language. However, without the type of institutional policy that Makulloluwa (2013, p. 595) explains is necessary to the use of code-switching as a pedagogical strategy (and which the Department of Education of Puerto Rico does not have) it may be that this teaching strategy is, at best, ineffective, and at worst, detrimental to language learning. Indeed, Makulloluwa’s research on code-switching by teachers in the second language classroom found that in classes that had higher proficiency levels, the use of L1 was either nonexistent or minimal (2013, p. 593). It appears that the findings and implications of such research have not been transferred to teachers’ programs of professional development or disseminated among students. Our observation data showed that Spanish is more common (and for many, the only language used) when students interact amongst themselves, rather than when the teachers

interact with the students. The survey corroborated these results, indicating that most participants preferred to use Spanish when interacting with peers. Although different activities (such as group work and individual work) affected the students’ participation and interaction with peers in general terms, during the classes observed, student participation with peers in ESL classes was minimal. This could be because students chose to be quiet rather than using their L1 Spanish as opposed to the target language in the English classroom, that they recognized on some level was either unacceptable and/or ineffective as a learning strategy. However, for those few students who observation and survey data found to communicate freely in Spanish among peers to clarify questions and for translation purposes; they may rationalize Spanish as a tool to access their L2. Although we anticipated that undergraduate survey participants would retrospectively favor the exclusive use of only English in the ESL high-school classroom in recognition of their low proficiency scores in English on the META-PR tests, the data from our survey showed that undergraduate students still favor the use of the L1 in the L2 classroom, and this may be because of their anxiety associated with immediate comprehension of the target language and its implicit association with evaluation and grades. Although some students seemed to recognize that it was not an ideal strategy, there didn’t seem to be any consensus among participants about whether or not the use of Spanish in the English classroom negatively affects the SLA process. This appears to be true among researchers too. For example, the results of Ramos’ research in California confirmed the beneficial effects of native-language instruction in second language acquisition (Ramos, 2005, p.429), yet a study on Malaysian students showed they had low L2 proficiency levels due to their phobia of the English language (Noor, Embong & Aigbogun, 2015, p. 83). Perhaps this issue is a very personal one and specifically related to each learners’ study habits and cognitive processes. However, with this caveat in mind, we believe that the low proficiency

levels evidenced on the META-PR may be significantly related to the predominant use of Spanish in the English classrooms of public schools among both teachers and students as there is enough evidence to suggest that engaging with the target language in meaningful ways for comprehension promotes language learning. In future investigations, we would like to extend the survey component of the research design to teachers to measure how consciously they are using the L1 and L2 in the classroom. Their responses many also be used to compare with students’ perceptions about the effectiveness of L1 as an ESL acquisition strategy. It would also be beneficial to build into the observation questions and survey instrument aspects relating to the psychological and social variables that play important roles in the language acquisition process, especially with ESL in Puerto Rico.

Acknowledgements We would like to thank Prof. Ingried Rodríguez Pagán for taking time to help us distribute our student survey via email to many University students in her basic English classes. Our gratitude also extends to the students who kindly took the time to complete our survey. Without their time and collaboration, this research project would not have been possible. We would also like to give special thanks to our professor, Sally Delgado, for providing us with thorough instructions, constant guidance and feedback during the stages of the research process.

References DEPR. [Departamento de Educación de Puerto Rico]. (2018). Compendio de políticas públicas del Departamento de educación. Departamento de Educación. Retrieved 15 April, 2019 from https://de.pr.gov/politicas/ Makulloluwa, E. (2013). Code switching by teachers in the second language classroom. International Journal of Arts & Sciences, 6(3), 581-598. Milroy, M., Muysken, P. (1995). One speaker, two languages: Cross disciplinary perspectives on code switching. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Noor, A. M., Embong, A. M., & Aigbogun, O. (2015). Using L1 in L2 classrooms: A case study among secondary school students of mixed English language proficiencies. International Journal of Arts & Sciences, 8(2), 75-86. Ramos, F. (2005). Spanish teachers’ opinions about the use of Spanish in mainstream English classrooms before and after their first year in California. Bilingual Research Journal, 29(2), 411-433. Schweers, C. W. (1999). Using L1 in the L2 classroom. English Teaching Forum, 32(2), 34-37. Torres, L. Departamento de educación de Puerto Rico. (2020). Resultados META-PR 2018-2019: medición y evaluación para la transformación académica de Puerto Rico. Academia. Retrieved 19 April, 2019 from file:///C:/Users/sally/Downloads/RESULTADOS_META_PR_2018_2019_MEDICION_ Y.pdf

Sources of Funding This article was completed as part of the INGL 4335 Second Language Acquisition course in the second semester of the 2019-2020 academic year. It was edited by the professor of that course, Sally J. Delgado, and received no financial support. Appendices Appendix 1: Classroom observation questions. 1. Describe the teacher-student interaction in class. 2. How much did the students participate in class? 3. What language did the teacher use the most when addressing the students? 4. What language did the students use the most when they addressed the teacher? 5. What language did the students use when talking to each other? Appendix 2: Student survey questions. Yes/No question: 1. Did you graduate from a public school? Short response question: 2. Write the class code for the English class that you are currently taking at the University of Puerto Rico at Cayey. Likert scale of agreement 1-5 with the following options: 1 = strongly disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = neither agree nor disagree, 4= agree, 5 = strongly agree: 3. I remember my English teacher using Spanish during the English class. 4. English teachers used Spanish very often. 5. English teachers used English very little. 6. Me and my classmates used Spanish very often during the English class. 7. Me and my classmates used English very little during the class. 8. Spanish is needed for learning English. 9. Using Spanish during English class negatively affects English proficiency levels. Open question: 10. How do you feel about English teachers using Spanish during English classes?

COMPETENCE WITH ENGLISH AS A SECOND LANGUAGE ALTERS THE PERCEPTIONS OF GENERAL COMPETENCY OF ELECTED POLITICIANS

Paulette A. Correa Rosario Diangelis Rosa Gutierrez Alexandra M. Torres Guillén University of Puerto Rico at Cayey August 2020

Abstract Given that Puerto Rico is an associated territory of the United States of America and that English is one of the official languages of the island in addition to the vernacular Spanish of the island, political representatives are often called upon to use English as a second language in professional contexts. This study compares Puerto Ricans’ perception of elected politicians when they have fluent competency in English as a Second Language compared to when they lack competency. Our hypothesis was that politicians’ use of Standard English in public forums affects citizens’ perceptions of their political competence in more general terms, although there is no explicit connection between these two competencies in Puerto Rico where Spanish is the vernacular and the language of all governmental offices. The study was conducted using a Spanish-language survey that was distributed using online communication platforms. This survey measured participants’ general perspectives on the competency of four elected politicians in positions of high-status in the government of Puerto Rico. It also asked about the participants’ perception of the politicians’ use of Standard English, and whether this affected their perspective, positively or negatively, about acquiring the English language themselves. Findings show that most of the participants consider that politicians who could not effectively or accurately communicate in English lacked competency in more general terms and those politicians who could effectively communicate in English as their second language were more competent overall. Participant perceptions of acquiring the English language was also positively affected by seeing or hearing fluent use of Standard English by elected Hispanic politicians.

Keywords: Politics, Puerto Rico, English as a Second Language (ESL), Competency, Standard English, Language Attitudes

Introduction Language has always been a way to connect different cultures, societies, and countries. More specifically, the English language today is used globally as a lingua franca to manage or handle important issues between countries by politicians around the world (Seidlhofer, 2005). However, English as a second language can also become a threat to multilingual communication and an impediment to the maintenance of regional vernaculars (House, 2014). It can also become a barrier that segregates social classes and serves as a marker of social status (Roberts, 2013). In Puerto Rico, citizens have been formally exposed to and oriented towards English as a Second Language (ESL) since the U.S. invasion in 1898, but even after years of compulsory English education, the population of the island is not completely bilingual. Even after 13 years of compulsory English starting in Kindergarten and extending until 12th grade, the 2000 US Census found that 71.9% of people in Puerto Rico did not speak English “very well” (Shin & Bruno, 2003). Puerto Ricans elected to public office are no different from the rest of the population with regards to ESL attainment in the sense that many experience difficulties and lack competency when communicating in Standard English. Previous studies about English formal education in Puerto Rico have looked at the status of ESL on the island and compared students’ English proficiency in regular public schools with student’s English proficiency in bilingual schools in the island (for example, MartinezRodríguez, 2014; Hermina, 2014; Eisenstein, Ebsworth & Cai, 2018). Findings of such studies indicate that although education in public schools of the country has changed considerably in the last 20 years, the overall trend remains that many students that have been educated in the private school system have higher expectations of ESL education and attain higher levels of bilingual competency compared to those who graduate from public schools and are less likely to perceive

English as a priority for professional or academic success in higher education (Hermina, 2014, p. 141). Regardless, many Puerto Ricans recognize the importance of English for future employment, business, and continued education and often associate professional capacity with language attainment (Martínez-Rodríguez, 2014, p. 4). This study draws on such scholarship and the first-hand cultural knowledge of its research team to test the hypothesis that politicians’ use of Standard English in public forums positively affects citizens’ perceptions of their political competence. Elected politicians, and specifically the person elected to the position of governor of Puerto Rico, are the most visible high-status professionals on the island among all population demographics, and as such, this study focuses on that group with respect to people’s perceptions of their general professional competency as it relates to their perceived language competencies in English. It is important to note that participants of this study are assumed to know the high-status politicians it focuses on along with their reputations as either competent or inadequate communicators in English. For example, in November 2015, EFE News interviewed former governor of Puerto Rico Alejandro García Padilla to speak on matters of Puerto Rico's government issues, by a U.S. journalist to whom he repeatedly asked to “talk slower” (Latin American Herald Tribune, n.d.). Later, he was mocked and ridiculed by citizens of Puerto Rico for not being able to effectively communicate in English, and this mockery extended to stand up skits in popular Puerto Rican shows. The current governor at the time of this study, Wanda Vázquez Garced, consistently employs a translator for communication in English any time she needs to face an English-speaking audience, and as such, rarely uses English for professional purposes in public. In contrast, two other politicians: Ricardo Roselló, another former governor of Puerto Rico, and the Puerto Rican Commissioner in Washington at the time of publication,

Jennifer González, have both frequently demonstrated English fluency in public forums and live discourse. This study focuses on these four politicians: Alejandro García Padilla, Wanda Vázquez Garced, Ricardo Roselló, and Jennifer González to determine if Puerto Ricans judge the professional competency of these individuals based on their competency in English as a Second Language. It also aims to determine to what extent Puerto Ricans are oriented towards English as a second language or motivated to learn it based on the relative perceptions of politicians’ competency. Methods The central research instrument in this study was a Spanish-language survey that was divided in two components, a general component about unnamed politicians that was administered first and a specific component about named politicians that was administered second. The general survey component was organized in two sections; the first section collected the socio-demographic information of participants, with regards to their age (determined by categories of age range), their sex (male or female) where they grew up (either urban or rural locations) and if they can communicate in 2 or more languages (yes or no). For each of the demographic questions, participants were given the option of “prefer not to answer”. The second section presented four statements that participants indicated their agreement or disagreement with, using a five-point Likert scale: 1 (strongly disagree), 2 (disagree), 3 (neutral - neither agree nor disagree), 4 (agree) and 5 (strongly agree). The four statements were as follows: 1. Nowadays, it is necessary to learn a second language 2. Politicians should have fluent competency in at least one second language 3. When politicians communicate in ESL, it positively alters my perception about them 4. Hearing politicians speak in English motivates me to learn ESL

The second component of the survey named the four specific politicians central to this study: Alejandro García Padilla, Wanda Vázquez Garced, Ricardo Roselló, and Jennifer González. Participants watched four short videos corresponding to each politician that provided a sample of how each has used or managed English communication in public forums. After watching the video samples, participants were asked if the politicians’ handing of English-language communication in public forums altered their perspective of that politician positively with respect to their professional competency, if it altered their perspective of that politician negatively, or if it did not alter their perspective. Each of these three options was given on a Likert scale that participants selected from. Responses to all parts of the survey was not compulsory, and so participants might skip parts that they chose not to respond to. The survey was composed using Google Forms and administered online using the social media platforms: Twitter, Facebook and WhatsApp. It was promoted via the social networks of the research team and was made publicly available for a period of three weeks with no restrictions on eligibility. However, given the dissemination methods, the language of the questions and the cultural content of the material, it is assumed that all participants were either Puerto Rican or competent Spanish speakers who live in Puerto Rico. After the survey was closed, data was processed by categorization of sociolinguistic data relating to participants’ age group and region (urban or rural). The quantitative data collected from both the general and the specific components of the survey were processed by tabulation of the results according to the participants’ selections and rendered into graphics using the embedded features of the Google Forms program that was used to administer the survey. The visual representation of data enabled trend analysis, and this was cross-referenced to sociodemographic data to determine any notable correlations.

Results Sociodemographic data. The socio demographic questions revealed that most of the participants were between 21 years old and 45 years old. Fewer participants were younger than 21 or older than 46. None of the participants were over 50 years of age. With regards to sex, most of the participants were female, representing 85% of the participant group, and only 15% of the participant group was male. Just over two thirds of the participants (67%) were from urban areas and the remaining 33% were from rural areas. Regarding the self-reported language skills of the participants, 58 of the 82 participants (68%) stated that they can communicate with two or more languages.

Language and competency perceptions in general. The overwhelming majority of the participants who submitted a response strongly agreed with all four statements, indicating a positive attitude towards the competent and fluent use of English as a second language in general terms and specifically among Hispanic politicians (see Figure 1). The strongest agreement was indicated in response to the general statement “Nowadays, it is necessary to learn a second language” for which 72 participants out of a total of 82 (88%) indicated “strongly agree” and 4 participants indicating that they “agree” making a total of 76 participants (or 93%) that indicated agreement with this statement, and of those mostly strongly agreeing. Only one person disagreed. The subsequent three questions that referred to politicians still demonstrated majority agreement, but to a progressively lesser extent. The second statement that “Politicians should have fluent competency in at least one second language” elicited strong agreement from 71 participants (87%) and agreement from 5 participants making a total of 76 participants (or 93%) that indicated agreement with this

statement, and of those mostly strongly agreeing. None of the participants disagreed. The third statement, “When politicians communicate in ESL, it positively alters my perception about them” elicited strong agreement from 50 participants (61%) and agreement from 5 participants making a total of 55 participants (or 67%) that indicated agreement with this statement, and of those mostly strongly agreeing. A notable 11 participants did not agree nor disagree with this statement and 12 participants (15%) disagreed, of those, most indicated strong disagreement. The last statement, “Hearing politicians speak in English motivates me to learn ESL” elicited strong agreement from 42 participants (51%) and agreement from 8 participants making a total of 50 participants (or 61%) that indicated agreement with this statement, and of those mostly strongly agreeing. A notable 11 participants did not agree nor disagree with this statement and 10 participants (12%) disagreed, of those, most indicated strong disagreement.

Figure 1: Participants’ positive perceptions of language and competency in general and in reference to unnamed politicians (non-responses not included, n= 82).

Language and competency perceptions of named politicians. The last questions of the survey that followed video samples of four named Puerto Rican politicians using ESL in live public forums indicated that high levels of competency in English positively correlate with more general perceptions of professional competency. Specifically, for the two politicians who were unable to effectively communicate in English (Alejandro García Padilla and Wanda Vázquez Garced) most of the survey participants answered that their perspective of their professional competency was affected negatively when the politicians were unable to communicate effectively in English. Responses regarding Alejandro García Padilla indicated that 59 of the 82 participants (72%) were negatively affected with only 3 participants (4%) positively affected. For Wanda Vázquez Garced, 43 of the 82 participants (52%) were negatively affected and 11 participants (13%) positively affected. Regarding the two politicians who were able to effectively communicate in English (Jennifer González and Ricardo Roselló) most of the survey participants answered that the perspective of the politicians’ professional competency was affected positively by their communication skills in English. Responses regarding Jennifer González indicated that 51 of the 82 participants (50%) were positively affected and 11 participants (13%) negatively affected. For Ricardo Roselló 40 of the 82 participants (49%) were positively affected and 8 participants (10%) were negatively affected.

Figure 2: Participants’ responses on if/how named politicians’ effective or ineffective use of ESL in public forums affects perceptions of their professional competence (n= 82).

Discussion and Conclusions Language and competency perceptions in general. Findings very convincingly support the hypothesis that politicians’ use of Standard English in public forums positively affects citizens’ perceptions of their political competence. Furthermore, these findings do not significantly vary between age, sex or regional background of those making the evaluations of competency. They also do not significantly vary depending on the language skills of the evaluators. Most of our participants: 58 of the 82 participants (68%) reported that they could communicate with two or more languages, and it may be that participants’ expectations of politicians are equal to their own language skills among this group. Among participants who did not identify that they could communicate with two or more

languages, it may be that they hold politicians to a higher standard of language competency given their governmental position in a country that has both Spanish and English as official languages and functions as a territory of an English-speaking country. Participants may also generally hold politicians to higher expectations and consider that they are not subject to the same challenges that that the 71.9% of people in Puerto Rico experience, who reported on the 2000 US Census that they did not speak English “very well” (Shin & Bruno, 2003). This aligns with more general perceptions of “politicians or government education officials who are removed from the realities and needs of the common Puerto Rican population” (Hermina, 2014, p.213) and thus not excused from the same struggle to acquire fluent English that affects most of the island’s population. It may also be that participants assume that politicians come from affluent backgrounds, had the opportunities to attend private schools and were raised in bilingual families or families that are highly oriented towards bilingualism, all of which increase the likelihood that Puerto Rican children will acquire high levels of competency in English as a second language (Pousada, 2000, p. 112-113). Results must be interpreted with awareness of the colonial mentality of associating power and prestige with the language of U.S. domination and education that has been a part of Puerto Rican history since the Treaty of Paris ceded the island to the USA in 1898. Pousada explains that “at the time of the Spanish American War, Puerto Rico was just beginning to establish a school system, and illiteracy was high” (1999, p. 5). When the education system emerged in Puerto Rico, colonial Spanish was the original medium of instruction at all levels (Cebollero, 1945). However, in 1899, the military government and specifically the aims of General John Eaton, previous Commissioner of Education in the US, aimed to establish universal, obligatory, and free education on the island, which would promote American ideologies using English as the

only language of instruction (Pousada, 1999, p. 39). Although later policy reinstated Spanish as a co-official language in the government, and the main language of compulsory schooling, a range of exclusionary and suppressive policies relating to teacher preparation and compulsory testing maintained perceptions that proficiency in English was not only critical to academic (and hence professional) success but also to hold any position of political power. Although the scope of this study is not intended to present a comprehensive review of all the complexities of Puerto Rico’s history with the US nor evaluate Puerto Ricans’ current orientation or resistance towards English, it is clear that most participants still expect Hispanic Puerto Rican politicians to have high levels of proficiency in English. Furthermore, perhaps participants’ responses regarding their own increased motivation to learn English as a result of hearing politicians speak in English is explained by the current political trend towards favoring statehood over a continuation of the island’s territorial status or a movement towards the independence. In sum, findings seem to overwhelmingly indicate that English language skills are an asset to modern-day politicians, and this may indicate a wider political context in which the English language has long been associated with power and opportunity in Puerto Rico. Language and competency perceptions of named politicians. Confirming the trends we observed in the findings related to language and competency perceptions in general, participants associated greater levels of professional competence with politicians who had more confidence and competence in English as a second language. Notably, the two politicians who were favorably evaluated in terms of professional competence were Jennifer González and Ricardo Roselló. It is interesting that Ricardo Roselló was positively evaluated despite the political uprising in the summer of 2019 that resulted in his removal from office. When Ricardo Roselló (popularly known by the Anglicized form of his name “Ricky”)

was ejected from office, we might associate this with a more general rejection of the Partido Nuevo Progresista (New Progressive Party) and its advocacy for statehood and American ideology. Indeed, Cabán (2019; 2020) explicitly associates Roselló’s removal from office as an indicator that the political ideologies of the island are shifting in a way that “may cause Congress to rethink the terms of Puerto Rico’s colonial subordination” (Cabán, 2019). It might also be assumed, therefore, that a rejection of American ideology is accompanied by a more general rejection or devaluation of English as a status symbol among ruling classes. Yet, perceptions of Roselló’s professional competency as it relates to his competency in English are positively aligned, despite the scandals of corruption and general political inadequacy that were recognized as the reasons leading to his removal. This indicates that, although this particular politician incurred a massive public uprising as a result of his behavior in office, his competency in English still serves as an asset that prompts a more positive evaluation of his competency in general terms. Results of neutral responses, indicating that English competency did not affect a participant’s perspective either positively or negatively, are highest for these same two politicians who were most positively evaluated in general terms: Ricardo Roselló and Jennifer González. Overall, Roselló received most neutral responses (34 out of 82 participants or 41%), and it may be that this result was prompted by people’s dissatisfaction with this politician after his removal from office, so they were uncomfortable favorably evaluating his professional competency. Jennifer González, who was the other positively evaluated politician based on her use of ESL, also received a significant number of neutral responses (30 out of 82 participants or 37%). The higher incidence of participants that perceived no correlation between ESL competency and political competency, specifically for those politicians who demonstrate the

highest levels of English competency, may indicate an emergent shift in perceptions among Puerto Ricans who are beginning to disassociate ESL competency with political competency. However, in opposition to the finding that participants may be starting to disassociate ESL competency with political competency, participants overwhelmingly associated lower levels of professional competence with those politicians who had less confidence and competence in English as a second language. Notably, the two politicians who were unfavorably evaluated in terms of professional competence were Alejandro García Padilla and Wanda Vázquez Garced. Alejandro Garcia Padilla’s belittling and humiliating experience in the EFE News interview of November 2015 in which he could not understand nor effectively respond to the interviewer’s questions, and the subsequent mockery that he was subjected to in the media, certainly impacted his reputation at the time. They may also have been a major motivator in Wanda Vázquez Garced’s decision to use translation services rather than be subjected to the same ridicule, particularly given that she has stated on multiple occasions that she does not know how to speak English fluently. Most participants negatively associated the political competency of these two politicians with their ineffective use of ESL in public forums, and this may be explained by participants’ own complex feelings as English language learners that subject them to feelings of shame, fear, guilt, distress, and surprise (Cook, 2006; Galmiche, 2018). The psychological impacts of language learning a language, and specifically the language of the dominating country in the neo-colonial context of Puerto Rico, is something associated with fear, rejection and mockery in general. Although it might be interpreted as a sign of political savvy to avoid such emotive issues by using professional translation services, Wanda Vázquez Garced’s decision not to speak for herself in English was perceived among most of our participants, and potentially the population in general, as a professional disadvantage. This begs the question for those politicians

who arguably represent the majority of the Puerto Rican population—in that they are not fluent in English as a second language—is it better to try and fail at ESL communication and be subject to universal mockery (like Alejandro García Padilla) or evade any attempt to use a second language that might reflect negatively on your professional capacity (like Wanda Vázquez Garced); either way, they suffer from negative evaluation among Puerto Ricans. Such findings seem to suggest that the only way a Puerto Rican politician can “win” is by dedicating the time and resources necessary to learning fluent English. In conclusion, results seem to corroborate preferential evaluation of those politicians who, as a result of sociodemographic privilege or other personal factors, already come to office with a high level of competency in the language that is implicitly associated with American ideology and political orientation of the island towards statehood.

Acknowledgements

We give thanks to the classmates of the English course INGL 4335, who were among the participants in this study and who offered support during the investigation. We acknowledge the support that was given by our families that helped with the process of disseminating the survey and helping us to gain more participants. We would like to express our deep gratitude to Professor Sally J. Delgado for her patience, guidance, and useful critiques that encouraged us to achieve our best work in a difficult semester.

References Caban, P. (2019). “The summer 2019 uprising: Building a new Puerto Rico” (2019). Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies Faculty Scholarship. 37. Retrieved from https://scholarsarchive.library.albany.edu/lacs_fac_scholar/37 Cabán, P. (2020). Puerto Rico’s summer 2019 uprising and the crisis of colonialism. Latin American Perspectives, 47(3), 103-116. Cebollero, P. A. (1945). A school language policy for Puerto Rico. San Juan, Puerto Rico: Imprenta Baldrich. Cook, T. (2006). An investigation of shame and anxiety in learning English as a second language. [Unpublished Dissertation]. University of Southern California. Retrieved from https://search.proquest.com/docview/305275211?pqorigsite=gscholar&fromopenview=true Eisenstein, M., Ebsworth, T. J., & Cai, C. (2018). English acquisition in Puerto Rico: Teachers’ insights. Bilingual Research Journal, 41(1), 69–88. Galmiche, D. (2018). The Role of Shame in Language Learning. Journal of Languages, Texts, and Society, 2, 99-129. Hermina, J. (2014). Two different speech communities in Puerto Rico: A qualitative study about social class and children learning English in public and private schools of the island. [Unpublished Dissertation] The University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, New Mexico House, J. (2014). English as a global lingua franca: A threat to multilingual communication and translation? Language Teaching, 47(3), 363.

Latin American Herald Tribune (n.d.). Puerto Rico’s next governor jokes about his command of English: Retrieved from http://www.laht.com/article.asp?ArticleId=637591&CategoryId=14092 Martinez-Rodríguez, J. (2014). Factors that increase proficiency in English language learners enrolled in bilingual public schools in Puerto Rico. [Unpublished Dissertation] Universidad del Turabo, School of Education. Retrieved from https://gurabo.uagm.edu/sites/default/files/uploads/Centro-Estudios Doctorales/Tesis_Doctorales/2014/JMartinezRuiz.pdf Pousada, A. (1999). The singularly strange story of the English language in Puerto Rico. Milenio, 3, 33-60. Pousada, A. (2000). The competent bilingual in Puerto Rico. International journal of the sociology of language, 103-118. Roberts, G. (2013). Perspectives on language as a source of social markers. Language and Linguistics Compass, 7(12), 619-632. Seidlhofer, B. (2005). English as a lingua franca. ELT journal, 59(4), 339-341. Shin, H. B., & Bruno, R. R. (2003). Language use and English-speaking ability, 2000. Washington, DC: US Department of Commerce, Economics and Statistics Administration, US Census Bureau.

FACTORS AFFECTING AMERICAN SIGN LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND PERCEPTIONS OF LEARNER COMPETENCY

Lilliana B. Andino Peña José R. Rivera Ramos Fermarie Ruiz Vélez University of Puerto Rico at Cayey August 2020

Abstract This study focuses on American Sign Language (ASL) as a second language in Puerto Rico and its basic to intermediate use among Spanish L1 speakers. We hypothesized that perceptions of competency relating to ASL acquisition among Hispanic learners in Puerto Rico relate predominantly to negative interference from their native spoken language structures in Spanish. We tested this hypothesis with a small-scale study among four Hispanic participants who are learning Sign Language as a second language. The four participants were recruited from the CUDAS organization at the University of Puerto Rico at Cayey, whose members organize and participate in activities related to the deaf or hearing-impaired community. The participants received five questions and recorded videos of their responses first in American Sign Language and then in Spanish. The ASL and Spanish videos were compared to identify negative transfer and then evaluated for L2 competency by the research group, an ASL interpreter, and an L1 signer using a Likert scale from 1 to 5 (1 indicating an incomprehensible response and 5 indicating native-like signer’s competency). Results indicate that a range of factors affect perceptions of competency in ASL acquisition. All participants showed communicative competence with ASL despite some evidence of transfer from Spanish. Moreover, negative transfer did not appear to be a predominant determining factor in the perceptions of competency. One unanticipated finding was that there were notable differences that emerged between evaluations of competency by the L1 signer compared to the research group and the ASL interpreter. We reasoned that this divergence is most likely due to psychological factors impacting the evaluators in addition to L1 community engagement with learners of ASL.

Keywords: American Sign Language (ASL), Second Language (L2), Interference, Competence

Introduction American Sign Language is the natural language of the deaf community in the United States, with its own grammatical rules that differ from other languages (Stokoe, 2001, p. 375). In Puerto Rico, an associated territory of the United States, there is no study of any regional dialect of American Sign Language (Matos, 1990, p. 18). However, it is reasonable to assume that, just like vernacular Puerto Rican Spanish, there is an adapted version of the language used on the island in which signs vary depending on the region, most notably between the north and south of the country. Just as English as a second language in Puerto Rico is affected by the vernacular Spanish of the island (Nickels, 2005), it is reasonable to assume that ASL as a second language is also impacted by its contact with Spanish. This is likely to be most prevalent among first language signers who are hearing and/or who also speak Spanish, and native speakers of Spanish that are learning ASL as a second language. Among learner communities, a simplified version of American Sign Language called Pidgin Sign English (PSE) is the main variety that most second language learners are familiar with since it does not impose signed grammar but permits users to transfer the grammar of their spoken language(s). PSE is an intermediate learner variety during ASL acquisition that is very common in Puerto Rico and could be considered as the system that prevails in the learner community since it includes ASL characteristics that translate signs in American English to Spanish (Matos, 1990, p. 16). It is therefore likely that the effects of language contact and negative transfer are most prevalent in this intermediate variety. Therefore, this study will focus on ASL as a second language (L2) in Puerto Rico and its basic to intermediate use among Spanish first language (L1) speakers who are most likely scaffolding their acquisition of ASL with a PSE contact variety. Our hypothesis is that ASL learners in Puerto Rico have negative

interference from their native spoken Spanish and that affects their ASL competency. This study aims to identify the scope and types of interference that learners face during their acquisition of ASL. The two central research questions that frame the research design are: 1) Do second language signers demonstrate negative interference from spoken Spanish? 2) To what extent does this negative interference affect perceptions of ASL competency?

Methods Recruitment and instructions. Given that this research was conducted in the second semester of the 2019-2020 academic year that was impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic, all communication with and submission of data from participants was managed using technology and at distance, in accordance with government ordinances and safety protocols. An invitation to participate in the study was sent to students that were active members of the Comunidad Universitaria Dando Apoyo al Sordo (CUDAS), an organization in the University of Puerto Rico at Cayey whose members organize and participate in activities related to the deaf or hearing-impaired community. An additional request was sent to members of this community seeking an L1 signer who would provide a native speaker’s perspective in the analysis of data. The only eligibility criterion for the native signer was that ASL was their first language. The eligibility criteria for participation in the study were that volunteers were learning ASL and spoke Spanish as a first language. Once recruited, four volunteers were informed through email about the purpose of this research and received instructions in three documents that were to be completed in sequence. First, an agreement of informed consent was sent via Google Form template, which provided participants information about the objectives of the research design, its methods, and the anticipated risks, benefits of their participation. Once this form was signed and any questions

were addressed by the research team, the second document that participants completed was a sociodemographic survey, sent via Google Form template, which was used to determine the age and gender of the participant and the language(s) that they speak or know. Lastly, a survey with five questions was presented to participants with instructions about how and when they should submit their responses to the research team via email.

Survey prompt questions. These following five questions were composed and presented in written Spanish, the native language of the participants: 1) What was your inspiration for learning sign language? 2) What were the strategies or tools that you used to learn sign language? 3) How has sign language helped you during the COVID-19 pandemic? 4) How have you managed yourself during the COVID-19 pandemic? 5) What do you recommend to/for other people that are learning or want to learn sign language? The participants were instructed to answer the questions firstly in American Sign Language and to video-record their responses. Then, they were instructed to answer the questions again in their native spoken Spanish and video-record their responses again. The participants were not given a word limit or time limit regarding how long their answers should be, they were only instructed to answer the questions based on their knowledge and opinions. The design of the open questions was intended to prompt elaboration in which participants might demonstrate more of their natural speech and signing patterns.

Data analysis. When all the video recordings were submitted, the first observed recordings were the participants’ responses in American Sign Language. Analysis of language competency in ASL was conducted using a Likert scale from 1-5 in which 1 indicated an incomprehensible response, 2 was slightly understandable, 3 was satisfactory, 4 was good, and 5 was native-like of excellent for a learner variety. This scale was applied to the appropriate use of language across eight categories (see Table 1) that were derived from scholarship in the journal of Sign Language Studies, including Stokoe’s (2001) “The study and use of sign language”.

Category

1 Gestures 2 ASL Structure 3 Personification 4 Spelling 5 Space and place 6 Competent signs for expressions 7 Sign adaptation 8 Transmission of the message

Indicator Appropriate facial expressions for signs In accordance with ASL (not PSE or Spanish) syntactic norms Use of handshapes/body language to distinguish different conversations and/or describe different objects and situations Accurate signs for finger spelling, maintained in one position Extended area from the waist to the forehead used to articulate signs, distinct locations in necessary signs ASL signs uses for common phrases Signs are competently interpreted to be understood Recipient understood the signed message

Table 1: Eight categories and their indicators that were used in data analysis of ASL competency

The ASL participant videos were evaluated three times using the same scale and categories: once by the three members of the research group as a collective, again by an individual sign-language interpreter, and lastly by an L1 signer and member of CUDAS. After analyzing the sign language video recordings, the videos of the participants answering the questions in their native spoken Spanish were transcribed, evaluated and compared with what they said in ASL for the purposes or error analysis with regards to syntax, lexical choices and discourse markers. Data was

evaluated in comparison and in aggregate to determine trends. Language transfer features were determined from knowledge about the participants’ first (and second) language(s), as applicable. Results The four participants (three female and one male) each corresponded to a different age range: 18-20, 21-22, 23-24, and 25 or older. All four participants spoke or knew Spanish (natively) in addition to second language English, and Sign Language. Only one participant stated that they knew another language which was unspecified.

Evaluation of ASL competency per category. The data that we collected from the ASL video recordings showed that, overall, learners were most competent in gestures, finger spelling, and transmission of message; less competent in ASL structure, space and place, and using competent signs for expressions; and least competent in personification and sign adaptation (See Figure 1). The gestures made by every participant were appropriate signs for meaning and this was the strongest category overall, even for the participant with the most basic level of acquisition. In terms of finger spelling, Participant 4 had native-like finger spelling, while two of the participants had highly competent spelling and one had incomprehensible spelling. Participant 4’s transmission of the message was very effective, but Participant 2 had only satisfactory transmission; Participant 1 had slightly understandable transmission and Participant 3’s transmission of the message was incomprehensible. Regarding ASL structure, three out of four participants had significant syntactic interference from Spanish when communicating in sign language. Participants 2 and 4 demonstrated competencies in utterance formation according to ASL norms, while the other two participants had satisfactory or incomprehensible structures with respect to ASL standards. Concerning the signing space of the

Figure 1: Group, interpreter and L1 signer evaluations of the four sign language videos analyzed in each category.

participants, two of the participants used the space in a satisfactory manner but the two other participants did not have understandable or adequate space to express signs. In terms of competent signs for expressions, Participant 4 used mostly satisfactory signs, Participant 2 used slightly understandable signs, and Participants 1 and 3 used incomprehensible signs. Regarding personification, Participant 4 made satisfactory choices, Participants 2 and 3 had slightly understandable variation and Participant 1 lacked comprehensible evidence of personification. In regard to participants’ sign adaptations, one participant’s adaptations were satisfactory, two participants’ adaptations were slightly understandable, and one participant’s adaptations were incomprehensible.

Evaluation of ASL competency per participant. Participant 4 had the highest competency and Participant 3 had the weakest; Participants 1 and 2 had comparable intermediate competency levels. There appeared to be little statistical difference in age or gender across the small-scale data set. The overall ASL competency score for each participant showed that Participant 1 scored 49% (59 out of a possible 120 points across all three evaluations); Participant 2 scored 59% (71 out of a possible 120); Participant 3 scored 28% (34 out of a possible 120); and Participant 4 scored 90% (108 out of a possible 120), see Figure 2. The interpreter recognized that Participant 1 had the skills to produce a short conversation in sign language, possessed limited vocabulary, had an effective execution of their signs, yet there was not any personification nor sign adaptation evident in their ASL communication. The L1 signer considered that even though Participant 1 had a basic vocabulary and some problematic utterance structures in sign language, they were able to produce effective

signs that coincided with their oral responses. The L1 signer’s evaluation was the lowest for this participant and the interpreter’s evaluation was the highest with a 10% differential.

Figure 2: Participants’ overall competency scores across the eight categories according to the evaluations of the research group, the interpreter and the L1 signer.

Both the interpreter and the L1 signer found that Participant 2 had a notable and satisfactory use of space and place, specifically concerning comments involving time. The interpreter commented that this participant should continue to work on the space of their signs and fluency, while the L1 signer considered that the space was managed well and did not specify any areas for improvement. The interpreter considered that Participant 2 had a good execution of

signs, but the L1 signer considered them as no more than satisfactory. The L1 signer’s evaluation was the highest for this participant and the interpreter’s evaluation and the group evaluation was the same in aggregate with a 5% differential. Concerning Participant 3, the interpreter found that, in their signed communication, they omitted several statements that were included in the Spanish version of the responses. For the three participants with the greatest competency, the responses were comparable across the ASL and Spanish responses, but Participant 3 tended to respond with a one-word answer/sign and elaborated more in Spanish. The L1 signer explicitly commented that every statement in sign language was very short and hardly elaborated. All evaluators recognized that this participant had limited vocabulary, few facial expressions and an inadequate signing space. The interpreter considered the participant’s execution of signs as satisfactory, while the L1 signer considered it as only slightly understandable. This participant had insufficient facial expressions to communicate emotion and tone. This participant’s group evaluation was the highest, followed by the interpreter’s evaluation and then the L1 signer’s evaluation with a 10% differential. All of the evaluators recognized that participant 4 was the most competent by a significant margin across all of the categories of analysis and in general fluency. Of the few criticisms that this participant received, the L1 signer commented that Participant 4 had stiff facial expressions, especially when they did not articulate many morphemes with the lips. The L1 signer also specified that the sign for “house” used by this participant was not very clear and that they could have used the sign for “home” to greater effect. However, this participant’s execution of signs was rated as appropriate to very good in general terms. The L1 signer’s evaluation and interpreter’s evaluation was the same in aggregate and was the highest for this

participant, and the group evaluation was the lowest. This participant’s evaluation was the most divergent with a 23% differential.

Discussion and Conclusions Although in this study, sign language learners did demonstrate negative interference from their native spoken language structures in Spanish regarding ASL competency, it did not seem to be a determining factor in their second language competency bur rather a natural integration of ASL’s intermediate variety as a learning strategy and/or a result of the local effects of contact with Spanish. Such interference did not prevent communicative competence with others, including an L1 native signer, who understood the intended content of signed speech. Results related to the evaluation of ASL competency per category indicated that learners, who were most competent in finger spelling and the articulation of distinct gestures, were also successful in the transmission of messages. This one participant who received the lowest competency score in terms of transmission of the message and the lowest overall competency in ASL did not demonstrate a greater level of negative transfer from Spanish, instead this participant used some signs that were incomprehensible and failed to elaborated responses in meaningful ways beyond single signs, a feature indicating lack of vocabulary in ASL rather than a transfer issue. Although all learners struggled with ASL structure, managing the space and place of their signs, and using competent signs for expressions, and most lacked adequate competency in personification and sign adaptation, their evaluations of competency were not disproportionately affected by transfer errors, and these errors were not significantly noted by any of the evaluators in their feedback comments on learner competency in ASL.

Results show that in the evaluations based on competent signs for expressions, there was some stylistic variation that might be attributed to interference from the native language. SavilleTroike explains that negative transfer of L1 features can often be inferred from forms in the second language which are unlike any that are likely to be produced by a native speaker of the L2 (2012, p. 19). This negative transfer may not necessarily be apparent in the form of errors but rather as stylistic variation that is unlikely in native speech. For example, in the evaluation of Participant 4’s responses, the L1 signer identified that the sign for “house” was not appropriate for the context of the desired message although in the participant’s L1, the word “casa” (meaning “house”) would be the non-marked or anticipated vocabulary choice in an equivalent utterance. It appears that the participant isolated and translated the Spanish word “casa” that was literally transferred to sign language although it was not an adequate use in the unit of meaning that the participant was trying to sign. Contrastively, in ASL, the L1 signer indicated that the sign for “home” would have been a better option in the context of the response. This type of stylistic interference related to lexical choices and their signed equivalents was only observed by the L1 signer; the interpreter and the research group did not catch that interference, potentially because they were also L1 Spanish speakers. Moreover, although the L1 signer did identify this type of transfer, it was not an impediment to effective communication but rather a variation that might be considered the equivalent of a learner accent or a regional dialect. With regards to the categories of evaluation and the overall ASL competency score for each participant, it was notable that the research group often had significantly different perspectives compared with the L1 signer. For example, in the overall competency evaluation for Participant 2, the evaluation from the research group was 58% competency, but the L1 signer determined a competency score of 63%. For Participant 4, the evaluation from the research group

was 75% competency, but the L1 signer determined a competency score of 98% (see Figure 2). It is notable that these two participants demonstrated the highest competency and fluency of the four participants overall, and this may have been a factor that affected a more positive evaluation by the L1 signer. Comparatively, the two weakest participants in terms of language acquisition and fluency (Participant 1 and Participant 3) were evaluated much lower by the L1 signer than by the research group. For Participant 1, the evaluation from the research group was 48% competency, but the L1 signer determined a competency score of 42%, and for Participant 3, the evaluation from the research group was 33% competency, but the L1 signer determined a competency score of 23%. The percentage differential in these scores, and the more positive evaluation of advanced learners, may indicate a psychological factor affecting the evaluation of learner ASL competency by the L1 community. The psychological profile of the signer community, despite its many members, is often characterized as silent and (by implication) lacking in agency and value. Koss explains the perspective of many hearing people who may dismiss the value of signed languages in general: “because of the silence the language is spoken in, it can go unnoticed. So, if we go through our lives without hearing it, why should we learn it?” (Koss, 2017). It may be that the more favorable evaluations from the L1 signer for advanced learners may have been a type of implied encouragement for the participants stemming from a desire to motivate learners to continue and gain greater fluency in ASL for the greater benefits of community engagement and recognition. According to Gallaudet University (2015), members of the deaf community appreciate and encourage L2 sign language learners, because it further helps them get access to information, communicate with others and assert their own independence. The L1 signer who collaborated on this study, like many in the deaf and hearing-impaired

community, may show a tendency to encourage people who have shown an interest beyond beginner stages of sign language acquisition. The ASL interpreter, unlike the L1 signer, did not show any clear trend towards the positive evaluation of advanced learners. This may be explained by the stated aims of ASL interpreters; according to “Registro de Intérpretes para Sordos de Puerto Rico” [Registry of Interpreters for the Deaf of Puerto Rico] (2020), signers “support other members and encourage the growth of the interpreter profession by advocating for uniformity of standards and for the best practices in interpreting.” Hence, although ASL interpreters aim to support the deaf and hearing-impaired community, they also have a responsibility to uphold standards of language proficiency. Interpreters themselves are required to pass certifications in competency and so they may be more aware of errors and more likely to let that awareness impact their evaluation of learners than L1 signers or the research group, none of whom had been obliged to take any type of certification in ASL proficiency. In sum, results indicate that sign language learners face difficulties using appropriate signs to communicate and with advanced features of signing such as personification and sign adaptation, but they are generally successful in the communication of meaning. Factors that affect perception of their competency are not significantly impacted by negative transfer from Spanish, but more by the extent of their signed vocabulary and efforts to continue learning to a level that they are able to maintain fluent communication with L1 signers. Although interferences that L2 learners face can lead to potential miscommunication with the deaf community, such miscommunication was not evident in this study, and the only impact of transfer was stylistic rather that an impediment to the transfer of meaning.

Acknowledgements We would like to thank Yenitza Rivera, the interpreter that helped us evaluate the videos of the participants and provided us with valuable ideas for conducting the evaluations. We could have not done this without her help and guidance. We would also like to recognize Marco A. Ramos Daza, a first language signer that gave us feedback on the participant’s videos and helped us understand the evaluation process from an L1 signer’s perspective. Additionally, we would like to recognize the members of the organization CUDAS, without their help and cooperation, this research would not have been possible. Finally, we would like to thank Prof. Sally Delgado who motivated the study, gave feedback on the research design and edited the final paper.

References Gallaudet University. (2015, November). American Deaf Culture. https://www3.gallaudet.edu/clerc-center/info-to-go/deaf-culture/ american-deafculture.html Koss, J. (2017, November 4). Five important reasons for learning sign language. eLearning Industry. https://elearningindustry.com/learning-sign-language-5-important-reasons Matos, A. L. (1990). Aprende señas conmigo: Lenguaje de señas en español-inglés (2nd ed.). San Juan, P.R.: Editorial Raíces. Nickels, Edelmira L. (2005). English in Puerto Rico. World Englishes, 24(2), 227-238. Registro de Intérpretes para Sordos de Puerto Rico, Inc. [Registry of Interpreters for the Deaf of Puerto Rico] (RISPRI). (2000). About us. https://rispri.org/about Stokoe, W. C. (2001). The study and use of sign language. Sign Language Studies, 1(4), 369–406. https://doi.org/10.1353/sls.2001.0016

GLOBAL FANDOMS MOTIVATE FOREIGN LANGUAGE ACQUISITION

Amaya Reyes Rodríguez Ramón Vázquez Torres University of Puerto Rico at Cayey August 2020

Abstract With the rapid growth of global fandom communities, people are becoming interested in the acquisition of a foreign language as a means to understand the media they consume. In this research, we examine the impact that fandom communities have on college students wanting to acquire a foreign language. We reasoned that these communities promote social interaction among their members which affects participants’ motivation to learn a dominant or identifying language of the group. To gather data for a polit study, we conducted interviews in which we asked a total of 8 participants about their respective fandom communities that intersect with a foreign language community. The interview consisted of four questions focused on: the participant’s foreign language learning experience, the motivational influence of the language community, and the extent of the motivational influence of the fandom culture community in the sense that it served as either a sole motivator or as an additional inspiration to learn a foreign language. Our two central research questions were: 1) Does being part of a fandom community impact a participant’s interest in learning a foreign language? 2) Are there any emotional aspects of belonging to a fandom community that affects a participant’s motivation to acquire a foreign language? Results found that out of 8 participants, the majority were motivated to learn a foreign language because of their participation in the community, and only one said they did not start learning the foreign language because of belonging to a fandom community. All participants seemed to enjoy the interactions amongst their fandom communities and emphasized their positive experiences. This motivation that their fandom communities provided, along with the need to understand each other were the principal motivators for the participants to acquire a foreign language.

Keywords: Second language acquisition, Fandom communities, Foreign languages, K-pop, Anime

Introduction Throughout the years, groups of people have gathered in communities as a way to connect through mutual interest or admiration for certain artists and creators. There is some debate over when the first fandom community emerged with some suggesting that the first modern fandom community comprised fans of the Sherlock Holmes series. However, others counter that “fandom has existed for as long as stories have been told” (Lantagne, 2015). Regardless as to their dates and contexts of origin, fandom communities play a significant role in influencing modern consumer behavior; they also prompt their members to invest their time and efforts into not only consuming the media but also becoming creators of their own media content, for example by creating fanart, fanfiction, fan-vlogs and fandom-oriented memes. In addition to creating online content, fandom community members may also orient themselves towards a dominant or identifying dialect, sociolect or language of the group and create learning environments among the community members to support their efforts to learn a new mode of communication. An example of such engagement is evident among members of the Star Trek fandom community that has acquired the fictional language of Klingon from that movie/TV series franchise and even developed learning resources such as a bilingual English/Klingon dictionary (Okrand, 1992). More recently, a fandom community that evolved around the movie Avatar has prompted many to learn the fictional language of Na'vi (Schreyer, 2015). Yet not all language learning connects complete beginners through their acquisition of a

fictional language. Fandom communities that evolve in specific countries or around specific cultures, no doubt, appeal to native speakers of the dominant language in that group, yet they can also reach a global audience and appeal to second language speakers and emergent language learners of the community. In recent decades, as global fandom communities span the World Wide Web, there has been an increase in the number of people becoming members of fandom communities which either necessarily require or promote language acquisition to engage with all the media content. For example, since the 2012 release of “Gangnam Style” by South Korean singer Psy and the consequent rise in the popularity of K-pop in western culture, there has been a notable increase in people wanting to learn Korean as a second language. According to a report of the Modern Language Association (MLA) “Between fall 2013 and fall 2016, enrollments in languages other than English fell 9.2% in colleges and universities in the United States; of the fifteen most commonly taught languages, only Japanese and Korean showed gains in enrollments” (Looney & Lusin, 2018, p. 1). It is not surprising, perhaps, that these two languages overlap with the genres of anime and K-Pop that have a significant appeal among teens and young adults. Naturally, interest in a culture promotes interest in its language, and language acquisition not only enables a greater comprehension of the media content, but it also serves as a marker of commitment among the fandom community. One recent study explains that participants of Korean fandom communities “are likely to experience [...] Korean culture in order to fully understand the context of films, dramas, and K-pop” (Jang & Song 2017, p. 30). Consequently, with the rise of Korean-oriented K-pop fandom communities and Japanese-oriented Anime fandom communities in Western cultures, there has been a concurrent rise in the number of people learning a second language (L2), and specifically a foreign language, defined as a

language “not widely used in the learners’ immediate social context” (Saville-Troike, 2012) that in most cases does not constitute a necessity for the daily lives of these learners. In this study, we interview participants to examine the impact that fandom communities have on college students’ motivation to acquire a foreign language. We reasoned that fandom communities associated with foreign languages promote social interaction among their members which affects participants’ motivation to learn a dominant or identifying language of the group. The hypothesis of the investigation is that active participation in fandoms have a motivational effect on foreign language learning. Our two central research questions were: 1) Does being part of a fandom community impact a participant’s interest in learning a foreign language? 2) Are there any emotional aspects of belonging to a fandom community that affects a participant’s motivation to acquire a foreign language?

Methods For this small-scale investigation, we conducted interviews with college students, over the age of 18, in which we asked a total of eight (8) participants about their respective fandom communities that intersect with a foreign language community. The participants were preselected based on knowledge about or their interest in a foreign-language fandom community and their status as a foreign language learner in addition to their availability for interview. For the purposes of eligibility for the study, “foreign language” was defined as a language that is not native to the participant nor is spoken as the vernacular in the participant’s home country or region. Specifically, for Puerto Rican participants, English was not considered as a “foreign language” for the purposes of the study. However, we do accept that there is some debate and no clear consensus among linguists about whether English in Puerto Rico is a second or a foreign

language, and some argue that particularly for people living in economically underprivileged communities in rural areas of the island, English might be considered a “foreign” language despite its status as one of the two official languages and widespread use among bilingual populations on the island (see Nickels, 2005, p. 233-235).

No.

Eligibility Questions

Focus

Are you interested in, or are you a member of, a fandom community that uses a foreign-language?

Fandom group membership, L2 language

Are you learning, or do you want to learn that foreign language, and what are your language learning goals?

Status/engagement as L2 learner within comminuty

No.

Interview Questions

Focus

What fandom are you an active participant of and why?

Community orientation and engagement

How do you feel about your respective fandom and how long have you been part of it?

Emotional and social motivation in L2 learning

What in the fandom motivated you to learn the language and for how many years have you been learning it?

Psychological factors and constancy

Will you keep with your L2 learning experience and maybe learn more languages along the way?

Effects beyond the fandom

Table 1: Open questions used in the pre-selection process and the interview component of the research design.

Interviews were conducted via phone call using the social media application, WhatsApp; the length of the interviews was not predetermined but depended on the time that the participants took to answer the questions which were all open-ended and intended to give interviewees an opportunity to elaborate. After the process of informed consent and a short series of questions to establish demographic data were completed, the interview consisted of four questions that focused on: the participant’s foreign language learning experience, the motivational influence of the language community, and the extent of the motivational influence of the fandom culture

community in the sense that it served as either a sole motivator or as an additional inspiration to learn a foreign language (see Table 1). Qualitative data were analyzed by preparing the transcription of all responses to the questions from each participant and then using exploratory and inferential analysis methods to identify significant trends.

Results All participants (100%) stated that their main motivator for learning their respective foreign languages was to understand and appreciate more fully the content being created and consumed in their fandom communities. All participants were native Spanish language speakers; six of our participants were Puerto Rican, one one was Argentinian and the other one was Mexican. Of these eight (8) participants, five participants were members of K-pop communities, two were members of anime communities and one was in manga communities. All the participants of the K-pop fandom communities were learning Korean, while one of the two participants in anime communities was learning Japanese. The two remaining participants (one in amine communities and the other in manga communities) were learning English. The two participants learning English both explained that, although they had exposure to English via other mediums and in a range of other online contexts beyond their fandom community, both were predominantly motivated to learn the language so that they might participate in online discussions and written forums using a common lingua franca of the fandom community rather than aiming to consume content in Japanese. All of the participants in K-pop fandom communities mentioned being heavily exposed to Korean through social media interaction, and they wanted to be able to better understand the content they were consuming. Many explained that they downloaded language-learning software applications as a direct result of their involvement in the fandom community, for example, participant 5 expressed the following:

The thing that mostly pushed me to learn Korean was the fact that I had to wait for someone else to translate everything and it got really infuriating so I made myself Duolingo and a Talk to me in Korean accounts and went to town. The participant who was learning Japanese expressed a similar sentiment of frustration learning to language learning: To be honest it was very annoying to not be able to read the new chapters and we were instructed to join a Japanese subreddit where we could get a better idea of what the chapters said in their original language. As illustrated in the comment from the Japanese language learner, language learning was not only personally motivated, in response to feelings of frustration, but also socially motivated, in response to others in the community that “instructed” members to join a Japanese language learning community that would enable them to consume content in its original language. Trend analysis across the transcripts of participants confirmed these two key motivational factors. Of the eight participants, most (seven participants or 87.5%) began learning the foreign language through their participation in the fandom communities; only one (12.5%) said they did not start learning the foreign language because of fandom influence, but rather that they became involved in the fandom community as a strategy to practice using and continue learning the language through frequent exposure to native speakers. Furthermore, most (seven participants or 87.5%) also said they were learning their foreign language with the end goal of becoming fluent, while only one (12.5%) was learning it casually, or as they described: “for fun”. The average time that participants spent learning their respective languages was 4.25 years (equivalent to four years and three months) as shown in Figure 1. Among the Korean language learners, one participant had been learning for eight years, one for four years, one for three year and two for

less than a year. The one participant learning Japanese had been learning for six years. Of the two English language learners, one had been learning for seven years and the other for four years. Figure 1: Participants’ time learning the foreign language associated with their fandom (n=8)

K – Korean J – Japanese E – English Mean: 4.25

K K

E K

When describing their social experiences and emotional responses associated with fandom communities, all eight participants (100%) used positive language to describe their experiences and repeated words such as such as “happy”, “supportive”, “cool”, “nice” indicated positive social and emotional connections with the fandom communities. One participant described how their membership in the fandom community made them feel “lighter” and less worried in general terms, and similar sentiments of clam and relaxation were also implicit in the responses of others, although they did not use these exact terms to describe their feelings. Participants also expressed incidents of positive reinforcement from the fandom community in response to their language learning efforts and capabilities in addition to sentiments of personal satisfaction and achievement. For example, one participant who was learning Japanese explained “you wouldn't

imagine how many mistranslations there are, you should experience artwork in its original form, it’s truly something amazing.” In addition to positive descriptions of the social interaction and their own positive feelings about the language learning experience in their fandom communities, three of the participants (37.5%) also mentioned that there were toxic aspects to their fandoms communities but said that these aspects were not too much of a deterrent when it came to learning the language. Most participants (six participants or 75%) were interested or actively involved in learning more languages in addition to the one they had been exposed to through the fandom communities. Half of the participants (four participants or 50%) expressed that they were interested in learning more languages beyond the foreign language learning, and two others (two participants or 25%) were already learning either one or more additional languages beyond the one that was associated with their fandom communities. Two participants (25%) expressed that they were “not sure” if they were interested in learning more languages. None of the participants said that they were categorically not interested in learning additional languages.

Discussion and Conclusions The data presented in this study generally supports the hypothesis that fandom communities promote social interaction among their members which affects participants’ motivation to learn a dominant or identifying language of the group. Consequently, the popularity of specific fandom communities can shift the popularity of a specific target language in the demographics of language education. The K-pop fandom community is undeniably the most popular global fandom community at the time of publication, and its popularity is still on the rise (Pickles, 2018). The demographic data presented in our results appears to support this

general trend, as most of the participants (five participants or 62.5%) were K-pop fans learning Korean. The three other participants were members of anime and manga fandom communities associated with Japanese language content, and although these animation forms are still very popular among young people, their popularity appears to have peaked and is now in steady decline. Contrastively, the popularity of K-pop has made the Korean language a lot more accessible through online discussions and consumption of media in said language. The role of fandom communities, and specifically K-pop fandom community as a major motivating factor in foreign language acquisition is corroborated by larger studies such as Kim, Mayasari and Ingyu (2013) who conducted surveys of 155 students and interviews with 30 students enrolled in the beginners` level Korean language course at The University of Queensland and found that students are motivated mostly by ‘K-pop’ and learning about ‘Korean popular culture’ followed by the possibility of future job prospects. The data presented in our own smaller study furthermore indicates that personal frustration with the understanding of online content using a foreign language is one of the critical motivating factors for language acquisition, and this is often resolved as the consumer seeks mobile apps to help them learn in addition to seeking and accepting recommendations from others in the fandom communities that will help them consume and discuss media content in its original language. These findings speak to the two central questions of the research study insomuch that they indicate that being part of a fandom community does impact a participant’s interest in learning a foreign language, and that the emotional aspects of frustration in addition to the support provided by networks of native speakers and co-learners in the fandom community positively affect a participant’s motivation to acquire a foreign language.

Not only does the consumption of online content and the social engagement in the fandom community play a critical role in motivation for foreign language acquisition, but it also appears to be the primary (and often only) means by which learners are promoted to start language learning and establish proficiency goals. Our findings show that large fandom communities that interact using the Korean and Japanese languages was the primary reason why our participants wanted to learn those languages. Somewhat surprisingly, this was also the case for the two participants who were learning English as a foreign language, a language that was presumably available to them, and potentially encouraged as a second language in compulsory schooling. Yet, both participants learning English explicitly stated that their original motivation to learn English was driven by the desire to participate in fandom community discussions that happened almost exclusively in that language. One participant recognized the wider implications of using English as an international language of communication online by expressing that “learning [English] opens my mind to new experiences and people”. Perhaps in recognition of the global scope of English as an online language, that participant was highly motivated to achieve fluency. Although investigations into motivational factors for learning English as an international lingua franca was outside the scope of our study, it is notable that online engagement in fandom communities appears to have been a greater motivational factor than traditional educational factors, and this may reflect wider trends as traditional schooling proves ineffective for modern day language learners. Indeed, a study published as recently as 2011 explains how English language teachers face challenges as they recognize that current practices are inadequate in preparing learners for using English in international contexts, they still have no clear blueprint for where to start implementing changes to the long-established curriculums (Matsuda & Friedrich, 2011). In future studies, it would be interesting to evaluate the impact of

extrinsic motivation provided by fandom communities in the learning process compared to traditional classroom-based modalities of learning, not just for English but for all foreign or second language acquisition. Research questions might focus on comparing the strength of motivational factors and evaluating how fandom communities compare to classroom teaching in terms of the ultimate proficiency of its learners. Our data suggest that the emotional aspects of belonging to a fandom community positively affect a participant’s motivation and persistence with the acquisition of a foreign language. Given the overreaching budget cuts that public schools are facing in addition to the perceptions that many humanities and language programs are not essential to a student’s general preparation, online communities may be filling a gap in student education. This may be particularly applicable to education systems affected by the U.S. Department of Education’s “No Child Left Behind” Act that has had a significant detrimental effect on high school foreign language programs (Mohler, 2005). Contrastively, the positive experiences that participants in our study experience as part of an online fandom community has played a major role in motivating their foreign language learning experiences and helping them stick with the learning. The average four years and three months that participants had spent learning their language with the support of the online fandom community is notably longer than most students are required to engage with foreign language learning in a traditional curriculum, if at all. Outside of the constraints of evaluation and grading that traditional curriculums impose, foreign language learners may also feel more motivated to persist at their own pace in fandom communities with the support of the group they have identified with and therefore orient towards. When participants in our study spoke about their fandom communities, they predominantly elaborated about their positive experiences of community support rather than any negative feedback. The

way that they spoke about their fandom communities using positive adjectives and descriptions of sentiments indicating calm and relaxation suggests that the learning environment was comfortable and enabled them to lower any affective filter that would be an impediment to language acquisition. Our data make clear that their fandoms left a good impression on them emotionally, and according to a study, “Emotional experiences [...] have an important impact on foreign language learners' motivation, since they can activate or deactivate motivational behaviour” (Méndez López & Peña Aguilar, 2012). Furthermore, their positive experiences have left all our participants with positive (or at worst, indifferent) attitudes towards potential future language acquisition. In sum, the positive environment and feedback that learners experience in the foreign language community of the fandom not only encourage language learning, but they enable learners to persist at their own pace in ways that traditional educational programs have not been able to achieve.

Acknowledgments We would like to thank our eight participants for their cooperation on this project. We would also like to thank our families for being supportive as most of this research was produced during a quarantine caused by the global pandemic COVID-19 in the first academic semester of 2020. We want to specially thank our friends that motivated us to keep writing and those who helped with the project proofreading or by giving an outside perspective. Among these: Professor Sally Delgado, and class peers Teddy Molina, Fermarie Ruiz, Paula De Jesús, Lilliana Andino, Saadia Jiménez and Karina Vázquez.

References Jang, J., & Song, J. E. (2017). The Influences of K-pop Fandom on Increasing Cultural Contact.

Korean Regional Sociology (지역사회학), 18(2), 29-56. Retrieved May 20, 2020 from http://www.kci.go.kr/kciportal/ci/sereArticleSearch/ciSereArtiView.kci?sereArticleSearc hBean.artiId=ART002254993 Kim, A. E., Mayasari, F., & Ingyu, O. H. (2013). When tourist audiences encounter each other: Diverging learning behaviors of K-pop fans from Japan and Indonesia. Korea Journal, 53(4), 59-82. Lantagne, S. M. (2015). Sherlock Holmes and the case of the lucrative fandom: Recognizing the economic power of fanworks and reimagining. Michigan Telecommunications and Technology Law Review, 21(2) Retrieved May 6, 2020, from http://repository.law.umich.edu/mttlr/vol21/iss2/2 Looney, D. & Lusin, N. (2018). Enrollments in Languages Other Than English in United States Institutions of Higher Education, Summer 2016 and Fall 2016: Preliminary Report. Modern Language Association of America, Web Publication Retrieved May 19 from https://www.mla.org/content/download/83540/2197676/2016-Enrollments-ShortReport.pdf Matsuda, A., & Friedrich, P. (2011). English as an international language: A curriculum blueprint. World Englishes, 30(3), 332-344. Méndez López, M. G. & Peña Aguilar, A. (2012) Emotions as learning enhancers of foreign

language learning motivation. SciElo, 15(1) Retrieved May 21 from http://www.scielo. org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1657-07902013000100008 Mohler, S. M. (2005). No Child Left Behind (NCLB) and its Effect on High School Foreign Language Programs [Doctoral dissertation]. Kalamazoo College, Michigan Retrieved from https://cache.kzoo.edu/handle/10920/6368 Nickels, E. L. (2005). English in Puerto Rico. World Englishes, 24(2), 227-238. Okrand, M. (1992). The Klingon Dictionary: The Official Guide to Klingon Words and Phrases. Simon and Schuster. Pickles, M. (2018, July 11). K-pop drives boom in Korean language lessons. BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/business-44770777 Saville-Troike, M. (2012). Introducing second language acquisition. (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press. Schreyer, C. (2015). The digital fandom of Na'vi speakers. Performance and Performativity in Fandom. Transformative Works and Cultures, 18.

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COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF STUDENTS' PARTICIPATION IN FACE-TO-FACE CLASSES AND ONLINE CLASSES

Megan Alvelo Paula De Jesús Bianca Negrón University of Puerto Rico at Cayey August 2020

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Abstract Student participation and their motivation to participate in classes was affected significantly in 2020 due to the conditions created by the global pandemic, COVID-19. The use of technology for online classes suddenly replaced many traditional teaching and learning environments that had been established and operated for decades in face-to-face modality. Furthermore, the move to online education necessitated rapid transformation in teaching and learning styles to adapt to measures taken to protect public safety, given that many students and educators had to abruptly transition from face-to-face classes to online classes when national and state lockdowns were imposed. Research at the University of Puerto Rico at Cayey aimed to determine which learning environment (online or face-to-face) provided a context in which students feel more encouraged to participate. Based on our own experience and observations, we hypothesized that face-to-face classes encourage students to participate more than online modalities, and that this participation is likely to impact their academic performance. A series of observations were conducted in both face-to-face and online classes in one undergraduate course in French as a foreign language. These observations were corroborated with a survey that was administered among participants of the class to measure and compare how satisfied students feel about their participation in online classes compared to the face-to-face classes. Findings show that not only students participated more in face-to-face classes, but they were encouraged to participate more in face-to-face classes compared to online classes. This suggests that face-to-face classes serve as a more effective environment to encourage the students’ participation in a second language class, which, theory has shown, also increases their potential to learn and chances of higher academic grades. However, findings also indicate that lack of experience and preparation in online modalities among both students and faculty alike may have contributed to lower levels of participation.

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Keywords: Online classes, Face-to-face classes, Student participation, Higher education, Learning methods.

Introduction Advances in technology over recent decades and more widespread availability of such technology has promoted the education system to make adjustments to include Internet resources for the benefit of the instruction of students. According to Barrett (2010):

In 2006 there were 3.2 million postsecondary students in the United States of America that took at least one online class and in 2008, 4 million college students had enrolled fully to online classes, indicating that in the period of 2 years 25% increased the usage of online resources for educational purposes (p.17).

However, there are studies that suggest online classes are less effective when compared to more traditional (face-to-face) classes, and specifically among certain groups of students. Barshay’s research in community colleges and among low-income minority students concludes that “students are 11% less successful in an online class compared to the same faceto-face course” (2015, p.26). Yet, regardless of such concerns, the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 left many institutes of higher education no choice than to continue their academic programs at distance, and that included many underfunded institutions serving students of disadvantaged socio-economic backgrounds such as the University of Puerto Rico at Cayey, a four-year public institution where the majority of students receive financial aid and lack access to the computers and high-speed internet that online courses demand.

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The University of Puerto Rico at Cayey and many other institutes of higher education serving low-income populations have been heavily impacted by the pandemic because most courses have traditionally been taught face-to-face; meaning that there were few plans and little infrastructure already in place for how to manage a complete shift from face-to-face classes to online classes. Furthermore, because face-to-face modality has been the longestablished context of such institutions, there has been little to no large-scale interest or investment in training faculty or students to manage online learning environments. As a result, low-income student populations may have been disproportionately impacted by online modalities in which neither they nor the institutions that serve them are equipped to manage the learning environment in which their participation (or lack of participation) impacts their academic progress. In such a context, the purpose of this study was to determine which learning environment helps motivate students’ participation: online classes or traditional faceto-face classes, and this was tested using observation and a satisfaction survey among students participating in a second-language French course. The hypothesis is that the strategies employed in traditional (face-to-face) classes are more effective at encouraging students to participate in class resulting in a better understanding of the class material which may lead to better performance in a class dedicated to language acquisition. Therefore, this study asks: has the abrupt shift to online classes reduced student participation? If so, how might this affect the students’ comprehension of the class material, and how might any negative impacts be mitigated?

Methods The class that underwent observation for this investigation was the second part of a one-

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year-long basic French course (French II) in the Spring semester of the 2019-2020 academic year at the University of Puerto Rico at Cayey. The class was composed of twelve (12) students and was initially a traditional face-to-face class that was transitioned into an online format by the institution after March 13th, 2020 in response to social distancing regulations imposed because of the COVID-19 pandemic. A comparison of student participation was made between face-toface classes of the course in the first part of the semester versus the online classes in the second part of the semester. No other variables were affected by the online modality; the professor, syllabus and student group were the same. The authors accept that “participation” may be measured and defined in different ways, but in this study “participation” was understood as meaning student contributions to class discourse in speech or writing, in addition to the more passive engagement of listening to and responding to the professor in non-verbal ways. To evaluate the online classes and face-to-face classes, observation notes on the frequency and quality of student participation were gathered by the investigators who were participants in the class. After collecting extensive observation notes on both face-to-face and online classes, a survey was sent to all twelve students in the class in the format of a Google Form survey. In this anonymous survey, students were asked about their participation in class and if there had been a change in their participation behaviors since the classes transitioned to an online format. In the survey, questions were grouped in three sections. The first section was a consent form with a summary of what the research was about and the risks and benefits of participation in addition to an explanation of the participants’ rights and expectations. The second section was composed of a total of thirteen (13) statements which focused on the efficiency of online classes as a method of learning that motivates and maintains student participation. The third section was composed of a total of nine (9) statements which focused on the efficiency of face-to-face classes as a

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method of learning that motivates and maintains student participation. For the statements in the second and third sections of the survey, participants responded on a Likert scale ranging from 15, to rate their agreement or disagreement with statements (5 indicating strong agreement and 1 indicating strong disagreement). After gathering the information of the observations made in both the online classes and face-to-face classes, trends in the observation data were evaluated alongside survey data to determine findings that could be supported by both the qualitative and quantitative data. Findings that were indicated in both sets of data were consolidated to determine the overall perceptions of participation in both face-to-face classes and online learning environments. Hence, all the statistical results presented in the following section corroborate and reflect the trends that were also identified in observation data, which is integrated in the discussion section.

Results Classroom observations. The observations made in online classes and face-to-face classes revealed that the students in the French course tended to participate more in face-to-face classes than in online classes. Students that were in face-to-face classes voluntarily raised their hands to answer questions and consulted with each other before answering, always using the target language, French. There were occasions where students provided personal examples related to the concepts discussed in class, making the class discussion more relatable for the group. The observation of face-to-face classes showed that all students were obliged to participate in speaking and listening tasks because the professor would assign each student to either read or answer questions out loud. Therefore, the class could not proceed effectively with only a small number of students

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participating; all students participated verbally in some way during the lessons. In contrast to the face-to-face classes, in the online classes the same three students regularly participated in the class discussion, but other students did not make any verbal contributions in class. There were occasions where the professor called on specific students to answer because they did not respond to the questions, an action that was not observed at the face-to-face classes. It is worth mentioning that, during face-to-face classes, after the professor assigned a student to participate and they had contributed, that same student would not be permitted to participate again immediately and repeatedly if it meant that other students would or could not also participate. However, in the online classes, the professor would allow the same few students to participate repeatedly as much as they wanted, even to the detriment of other students’ participation. Student perception survey.

Most of the participants indicated that they understood the class material better when they participated in class. Out of a class composed of 12 students, 7 students, or 58.3% of the class, strongly agreed that participating in class helped them understand the class material better. Meanwhile, 3 students (or 25% of the class) agreed, 8.3% of the students had a neutral (more or less) opinion, and the remaining 8.3% of the students disagreed that participating in class improves their understanding of the class material (see Figure 1).

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Figure 1: Participants’ perceptions about how participation influences their understanding of the class material (n=12)

Survey data also indicated that student perceptions about their own motivation to participate was lower in online classes, and that this was linked to the choice of teaching strategies in each modality. The results in Figure 2 showed that 33.3% of the students strongly agreed about feeling encouraged to answer questions during face-to-face classes compared to the 25% of students that strongly agreed about feeling encouraged to answer questions in online classes. Meaning that by 8.3%, the results indicate that online classes are less effective to encourage students to participate in class. It is important to point out that another 25% of the students chose the “more or less” option, which is more of a neutral option, to describe how much encouragement they felt during class (in both, face-to-face classes and online classes) when it comes to responding to class questions. For the statement that asked if faceto-face classes encouraged the students to answer questions, the results revealed that none of the students strongly disagreed with the statement; in contrast, the results that focused on the online classes revealed that 33.3% of the students strongly disagreed. Overall, results indicate

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a preference for face-to-face classes in the participants’ perceptions for being a more encouraging learning environment to help them participate in class (see Figure 2). Figure 2: Participants’ perceptions about which learning environment encourages their participation (n=12)

45% 40% 35%

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25%

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In the statements that measured the participants’ perceptions about language learning environments in both face-to-face classes and online classes, the data collected revealed that 83.3% of the students strongly disagreed with a statement describing a better experience with online classes compared to face-to-face classes for learning a new language, and not a single student indicated that they strongly agreed with the statement. In a comparative statement about face-to-face classes, 12 or 100% of the class strongly agreed that learning a new language is better through face-to-face modality. In general, students felt that face-to-face classes were a better learning environment than online classes for language acquisition (see

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Figure 3) and, based on their personal experience taking the basic French course, 75% of the students strongly disagreed about preferring online classes as a learning environment to learn a new language. Contrastively, every participant, 100% of responses, indicated a personal preference for face-to-face classes to learn a new language (see Figure 4).

Figure 3: Participants’ general perceptions about which learning environment is better to learn a new language (n=12)

100% 90%

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60%

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50%

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Figure 4: Participants’ personal preferences regarding which learning environment is better for them to learn a new language (n=12)

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70% 60%

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50%

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40%

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20% 10% 0% Online Classes

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Most of the participants indicated a preference for face-to-face classes indicating that their participation in the physical learning environment helps them understand the class material better. Only 16.7% of the students strongly disagreed about fully understanding the class material when they took online classes. Survey findings show that 41.7% of the students claimed that online classes for them are “more or less”, a neutral option, in terms of understanding the class material and 8.3% of the students strongly agreed with understanding the class material through the online classes. For face-to-face classes, 58.3% of the students strongly agreed that this learning environment is helpful to understand the material, and 41.7% of the students agreed with the statement that face-toface classes are a helpful learning environment (see Figure 5).

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Figure 5: Participants’ understanding of the class material through the learning environments (n=12)

60% 50%

Strongly Disagree 40%

Disagree 30%

More or less

20%

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10%

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Online classes

Face to Face classes

Discussion and Conclusions The classroom observations and perception survey that were administered to students in the online and face-to-face classes of a French course supported our hypothesis that face-to-face classes encourage students to participate more than online modalities. Furthermore, results indicate that students’ participation may have an influence on their comprehension of the materials, and thus the modality of the class and its impact on participation is likely to affect students’ academic performance. Results show that most students agree, and more than half of the students strongly agree that class participation helps them understand the material better. This may occur because of the Interaction Hypothesis. According to Saville-Troike’s overview of the Interaction Hypothesis,

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“the modifications and collaborative efforts that take place in social interaction facilitate SLA [Second Language Acquisition] because they contribute to the accessibility of input for mental processing” (2012, p.118). This theory claims that interaction facilitates the second-language learning process and may explain why participants in our study felt that they had a better learning experience when they participated in a face-to-face class that had opportunities for peer-to peer-social interactions when they were called upon to discuss questions asked by the professor. Although theorists and researchers continue to debate whether interaction causes or merely promotes language acquisition, the vast majority agree that interaction is a significant facilitating factor in second language acquisition and may explain why participants prefer faceto-face classes, where opportunities for interaction and immediate feedback allow learners to acquire concepts and practice language forms without the complexities of managing technologymediated communication. Students reported that interaction among peers in the French class was easier in face-to-face classes than in online classes because, in face-to-face classes, they could consult with each other directly and build confidence to answer in class. Furthermore, and even if students did not confer with peers before answering, supportive non-verbal communication from others may have helped to build confidence. In sum, even though online classes may present a comfortable learning environment, as students are typically “attending” from home, they may not be as effective in encouraging student interactions and thus participation.

The results of the survey pointed out that 100% of the students strongly agree that learning a new language is better in face-to-face classes. In contrast, 80% of the students strongly disagreed that online classes are better for learning a new language. Although the students’ responses suggest that they feel face-to-face classes are better for learning a new language in

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general terms, this result is almost certainly affected by the technological infrastructure and capacities of each student; it therefore may not be a commentary on teaching but more a commentary on individual study skills and/or socioeconomic demographics. According to a study by Salcedo (2010), "students have reported that online classes require extensive word processing skills, extensive interactions, difficult computer programs, strenuous homework requirements, delayed responses and even additional technology fee costs" (p. 50). Findings related to less frequent participation on online classes in this study suggest that the transition from a face-to-face setting to a new online format makes students anxious or uncomfortable. This is because these students may not have been exposed to this class format prior to this experience and may not know how to study effectively in this manner. Many may also lack the financial security to secure the equipment and bandwidth necessary to take full advantage of online environments. Perhaps a future study accounting for variables related to the extent of students’ prior online class experience and financial security, would generate different results regarding their opinions of language learning through online courses. Results are almost certainly affected by the learning styles and preferences of the twelve students in the class in addition to their own competencies for managing online learning platforms. One student (8.3% of the total) disagreed with the statement that class participation helps them understand the class material probably, and this might be explained by rationalizing that this student either has a more auditory or visual learning style, has more advanced competencies in computer-mediated communication than others in the class, or has a more introverted personality when it comes to interacting in class and thus would not be as impacted by the loss of such interaction opportunities. Referencing the results that indicate participants’ perceptions about which learning environment encourages their participation, and specifically

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the 25% of the students that selected the “more or less” (neutral) option regarding online classes (see Figure 2), these students may feel encouraged to participate depending on the topic of the specific class. The results gathered from the “more or less” option imply that students may be unsure about the efficacy of online classes and this may potentially be because they are aware of their own limitations (or the limitations of their hardware and/or connection strength) in a modality they do not feel sufficiently equipped to manage. They may also be aware that the professor giving the class in this unanticipated modality may also not be sufficiently equipped to manage the new learning environment. Yet, the quality of the professor's preparation and instructions can make a significant difference in students’ engagement. According to Plas (2016), who asserts that “teachers must be able to provide instruction that connects the content and the students through collaboration” (p.27). Collaborative work, like talking between peers, allows students to acquire and reinforce knowledge; if a professor's classroom management and instructions cannot provide this collaborative outcome, students become less engaged with the class material that may lead to feelings of anxiety, frustration, and ultimately dissatisfaction with the course. In order to motivate and manage online engagement from students, the professor must have high quality training in managing the learning environment, and in the context of an online class, this means competencies in managing computer-mediated learning spaces and using online resources. Indeed, the results that show that a third of students strongly agreed that they feel more encouraged to participate in face-to-face classes rather than in online classes may be interpreted as an indicator that the instruction methods in online classes are inferior to those that have long been tested and refined in traditional face-to-face classes. The results related to the students’ preference regarding the learning environment, 100% of the students strongly agreed that the best learning environment is through face-to-face classes. In

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alignment, results presented in Figure 4 shows that 75% of the students strongly disagreed that online classes are the best learning environment. In addition to their own learning styles and issues of access and competencies related to technology-mediated learning platforms, students’ preference for face-to-face classes over online classes may also be due to how the classes are taught. According to Pope (2013), “when readiness of students is not met, there could be a decrease in popularity or success rates in online instruction, when compared to traditional instruction” (p.13). This implies that if the professor is not equipped with training in the platforms used when it comes to teaching in an online format, even if students are, there is more probability that students will lose motivation and engagement in class. Thus, if the professor’s own skill set to work with online resources is not sufficient, this can result in the students preferring traditional face-to-face classes over online classes. Yet, the formative education in pedagogy that professors typically have is certainly more focused on traditional face-to-face instruction rather than online instruction, particularly for older faculty members. Few or no obligatory faculty workshops in online platforms had been offered by the institution prior to the context in which classes were forced into an online environment, and so capacity building in online learning environments has traditionally depended on the interest and engagement of faculty members themselves. One recommendation of this study is that, just as classroom management is a requisite for any instructor, universities should require preparation in onlineplatform management. For example, universities might provide a more updated and an obligatory online training program not only because online courses are more in demand, but also to mitigate the negative effects of disruptions to traditional classroom modalities, as happened due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Institutions of Higher Education also need to regularly add and update online workshops into the ongoing professional development of all professors. If the

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universities provided training and evaluated professors on online instruction the same way they focused on the face-to-face classes, professors might be more oriented towards and better equipped to teach in both, face to face and online modality, in any circumstance. Data show that, in general, students have a neutral opinion about understanding the class material through online learning environments. The results portrayed in Figure 5 present that out of twelve (12) students, 58.3% of the students strongly agree that face-to-face classes help them understand the class material better in comparison with online classes. Whereas 41.7% of the students had a more neutral opinion and 16.7% of the students strongly disagreed with the statement (suggesting that they understand material better in face-to-face classes). This could be interpreted as an indicator that many students are unsure about online classes given that they have little experience in a fully online modality, and many are facing uncertainty in these circumstances. We interpret that a similar scenario of uncertainty is happening to prompt the data shown in Figures 3 and Figure 4; in that the uncertainty regarding the professor’s capacity to manage the online learning space is affecting the students’ understanding of the class material. Due to the small amount of time the professor and students had to gain skills to work online, doubts and questions about the learning space may not have been entirely clarified and explanations may have been brief and/or unclear as the professor (understandably) chose to focus class time on the subject material rather than building online capacities among the students. However, inability to navigate the online learning space effectively negatively affects the student's understanding of the class material. Overall, perception data presented in this study suggests that for a French second language acquisition class at the University of Puerto Rico in Cayey, face-to-face classes seem to be more beneficial for the students to understand the class material better. Although this conclusion is

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relative to the specific learning environment under study, the conclusions are potentially applicable to other contexts of second language acquisition, particularly in minority-serving institutions of higher education and/or among socioeconomically underprivileged populations. This small-scale study might be replicated with a larger number of student participants who are taking or that have taken a variety of different courses in language acquisition to evaluate whether these trends are evident across multiple language learning contexts and across different population demographics.

Acknowledgements We thank Professor Leticia Franqui who gave the French II course in the University of Puerto Rico at Cayey and kindly allowed us to observe her classes. We would like to thank the students who voluntarily participated in the survey for the time they dedicated to answering the questions. Without their support and willingness to participate, this research would not have been possible. We would also like to thank Professor Sally Delgado who helped us develop the study and edited the research paper.

References Barrett, B. (2010). Virtual teaching and strategies: Transitioning from teaching traditional classes to online classes. Contemporary Issues in Education Research, 3(12), 17-20. Barshay, J. (2012). Studies: Online courses unsuccessful at community colleges. US News & World Report. Plas, A. (2016). High school student perceptions of online classes compared to traditional face-

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to-face classes [Unpublished doctoral dissertation]. University of South Dakota. Pope, H. (2013). Student success rate in online learning support classes compared to traditional classes [Unpublished doctoral dissertation]. Walden University. Salcedo, C. S. (2010). Comparative analysis of learning outcomes in face-t o-face foreign language classes vs. language lab and online. Journal of College Teaching and Learning, 7(2), 43-54. Saville-Troike, M. (2012). Social contexts of Second Language Acquisition. M. Saville-Troike, Introducing Second Language Acquisition (p.105-136). Cambridge University Press.

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Acquisition in Puerto Rico